thenation--2020-04-14--Newly Blue Virginia Leaves Workers Behind

After winning a trifecta—taking House of Delegates and Senate in 2019 , after nabbing the governor ’ s mansion in 2017—Virginia Democrats prepared for a kick-ass 2020 legislative session .
And they got it , delivering on a wish list of progressive legislation that makes Virginians ’ lives better while also telling Americans : Elections have consequences , potentially great ones , if enough voters turn out .
But there was one major area of disappointment for progressives .
When it came to action on the economy , moderate Democratic Governor Ralph Northam used the threat of Covid-19 to “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Most notably , on Saturday he instructed the legislature to delay the implementation of bills granting certain city and county employees collective-bargaining rights , and increasing the minimum wage , over the next three years , from $ 7.25 an hour to $ 12 an hour .
The collective-bargaining law was supposed to go into effect in June of 2020 , with the first minimum wage-hike starting January 2021 ; now , both will take effect May 1 , 2021 , a full year from now .
The governor ’ s decision @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strides on social and civil rights issues , some in the party lag behind when it comes to helping workers .
Northam ’ s disappointing moves on labor-rights bills shouldn ’ t obscure the legislature ’ s progressive achievements , however .
They are truly astonishing for one session , especially in a state that was long a GOP stronghold .
The Democrat-controlled General Assembly ratified the Equal Rights Amendment and repealed the state ’ s 24-hour-waiting period to get an abortion , as well as its offensive ultrasound requirement .
It passed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a state holiday , implemented no-excuse absentee balloting , and repealed parts of the state ’ s strict voter ID law .
It banned discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity in both housing and employment .
The legislature moved on criminal justice , decriminalizing marijuana , increasing the threshold where a theft becomes a felony ( rather than a misdemeanor ) from $ 500 to $ 1,000 , requiring court approval to try 14- and 15-year-olds as adults , and ending the practice of suspending the driver ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It made strides on environmental justice , passing a clean-energy act that commits the state to transition to 100 percent renewable energy by 2050 .
There were smaller but important victories , including a bill that capped insulin co-pays at $ 50 .
And in the very home of the NRA , the legislature passed a roster of gun-safety laws that Republicans bottled up last year , imposing background checks , purchase limits ( one handgun a month , which seems like a lot but… ) , penalties for those who don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 24 hours , and a red-flag measure letting police confiscate firearms if an owner is dangerous—to himself ( sorry , it ’ s almost always a him ) , or others .
The moderate Northam signed all those bills , and more .
Yet he asked the legislature to “ postpone ” implementation of both the first minimum-wage hike as well as the public workers ’ collective-bargaining bill from January 2021 to May 2021 .
“ This will ensure workers get the support they need while allowing greater economic certainty in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Northam said , in a statement of questionable logic .
Unions and workers ’ rights groups have likewise used the pandemic—to fight Northam ’ s moves .
“ Virginia ’ s minimum-wage and public-sector workers alike are serving on the front lines of this pandemic , ” the state ’ s AFL-CIO president Doris Crouse-Mays said in a statement .
“ United we bargain , divided we beg—and begging is exactly what delaying this legislation will ensure.
” Delegate Lee Carter agreed .
“ It ’ s downright shameful that he ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them are deemed the most ‘ essential ’ workers during the pandemic ” —grocery store clerks , health aides , transit system custodians .
The sponsor of the collective bargaining bill , Del .
Elizabeth Guzman , was surprised by Northam ’ s decision .
“ We knew the deadline to sign was Saturday , and I hadn ’ t heard from him all day .
I assumed no news is good news , ” she said .
“ Then at 6 pm a staffer called ” and told her the governor was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I was disappointed , ” she said , since the bill already represented a compromise with conservative factions in the state senate .
There ’ s reason to doubt Northam ’ s Covid-19 excuse as the sole reason behind his moves .
Despite his transition to comparatively progressive after a blackface scandal almost brought him down last year , he has remained conservative on certain labor issues .
One high priority for progressives early this year was repealing the state ’ s 72-year-old “ right to work ” law ; and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after Democrats won their trifecta , Northam signaled his opposition to the move , in remarks to his pro-business “ revenue advisory council.
” “ I can ’ t foresee Virginia taking actions [ to ] repeal right to work , ” he said in November , according to the Richmond Times Dispatch .
Progressives lamented the governor ’ s timidity : “ What ’ s the Point of Ralph Northam Anymore ?
” New York magazine ’ s Zak Cheney Rice declared .
Northam ’ s words reverberated with other pro-business “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up Lee Carter ’ s bill repealing “ right to work ” in the appropriations committee .
Three senior Democratic senators also helped block or water down other labor priorities : Majority leader Dick Saslaw ( D-35 ) blocked collective bargaining for state workers , leaving the bill that got out of the Senate a weakened shell that merely allowed local governments to “ opt in ” to permitting city and county workers to collectively bargain ( Northam postponed it anyway ) .
Senator Dave Marsden weakened the minimum-wage law , pushing its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , passed by the House of Delegates , down to $ 12 by 2023 .
And Senator Chap Petersen ( D-35 ) blocked guaranteed paid sick days .
Nominally , Northam bowed to a consortium of 27 industry groups , the Coalition for a Strong Virginia Economy , that has been lobbying against the laws the governor put on hold .
But he also bowed to the state ’ s strong history of promoting business interests at the expense of labor , a bipartisan priority .
Democrats originally imposed the state ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its repeal ever since .
While Virginia leaders boast of the state ’ s AAA bond rating and studies finding it the number-one place to do business in the country , last year Oxfam rated it the worst place for workers .
Even as Northam brags about signing strong civil rights measures this session , he ignores the civil rights element to the pro-labor bills he ’ s “ postponed ” : that women and people of color are most likely to be public employees , and most likely to be minimum-wage workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that public-sector employees in Virginia are mostly female ( 57.5 percent ) , and that the share of black workers ( 20.9 percent ) is higher than in the private sector ( 17.9 percent ) .
“ Women and people of color make up the majority of our workforce generally , and are most likely to be our ‘ essential ’ personnel ” [ in the pandemic ] , says Delegate Jennifer Carroll Foy .
The state ’ s Legislative Black Caucus also asked Northam to sign the pro-labor bills , but despite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his political career after his blackface scandal , he didn ’ t listen .
The Democratic Wins in Virginia Are What Happens When You Have a Smart Ground Game—and Fair Elections It may be that in the long run , the pandemic strengthens labor ’ s hand nationally .
( Of course , as John Maynard Keynes famously said , “ In the long run we are all dead , ” particularly ominous in the shadow of this deadly virus . )
There ’ s no doubt unions have been essential—if not always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ EPI also recently published an article by a former Occupational Safety and Health official arguing that “ workers exposed to the coronavirus need to be able to protect themselves from illness or death without risking their employment , ” and detailing the ways unions have done so .
But Virginia is not going to be a leader in strengthening labor ’ s ability to fight the virus any time soon .
It ’ s also worth noting that women and people of color , the constituencies hurt most by Northam ’ s actions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrats to their trifecta victories in 2017 and ’ 19 .
Will the governor ’ s anti-labor moves lead to voter disaffection in 2020 , and in the next Virginia legislative elections in 2021 ?
“ We got more than anyone anticipated in this session , in terms of access to the ballot , abortion rights , and gun safety , ” Carroll Foy said , and Democrats will make sure their voters know that .
But Northam ’ s blocking pro-labor bills , she admits , “ is definitely not the message @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Guzman likewise sees a lot of progress during the session , despite Northam ’ s disappointing moves .
“ Look , Virginia was a conservative state .
Even three years ago , when I was first elected , there was no room for a discussion like this .
“ So the fight continues .
I ’ m coming back next year .
We ’ re not going to leave one worker behind .
”

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After winning a trifecta—taking House of Delegates and Senate in 2019, after nabbing the governor’s mansion in 2017—Virginia Democrats prepared for a kick-ass 2020 legislative session. And they got it, delivering on a wish list of progressive legislation that makes Virginians’ lives better while also telling Americans: Elections have consequences, potentially great ones, if enough voters turn out.
But there was one major area of disappointment for progressives. When it came to action on the economy, moderate Democratic Governor Ralph Northam used the threat of Covid-19 to “postpone” legislation advancing workers’ rights. Most notably, on Saturday he instructed the legislature to delay the implementation of bills granting certain city and county employees collective-bargaining rights, and increasing the minimum wage, over the next three years, from $7.25 an hour to $12 an hour. The collective-bargaining law was supposed to go into effect in June of 2020, with the first minimum wage-hike starting January 2021; now, both will take effect May 1, 2021, a full year from now. The governor’s decision showed that while Democrats have made great strides on social and civil rights issues, some in the party lag behind when it comes to helping workers.
Northam’s disappointing moves on labor-rights bills shouldn’t obscure the legislature’s progressive achievements, however. They are truly astonishing for one session, especially in a state that was long a GOP stronghold. The Democrat-controlled General Assembly ratified the Equal Rights Amendment and repealed the state’s 24-hour-waiting period to get an abortion, as well as its offensive ultrasound requirement. It passed automatic voter registration, made Election Day a state holiday, implemented no-excuse absentee balloting, and repealed parts of the state’s strict voter ID law. It banned discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation or gender identity in both housing and employment.
The legislature moved on criminal justice, decriminalizing marijuana, increasing the threshold where a theft becomes a felony (rather than a misdemeanor) from $500 to $1,000, requiring court approval to try 14- and 15-year-olds as adults, and ending the practice of suspending the driver’s license of anyone with unpaid court fees. It made strides on environmental justice, passing a clean-energy act that commits the state to transition to 100 percent renewable energy by 2050. There were smaller but important victories, including a bill that capped insulin co-pays at $50.
And in the very home of the NRA, the legislature passed a roster of gun-safety laws that Republicans bottled up last year, imposing background checks, purchase limits (one handgun a month, which seems like a lot but…), penalties for those who don’t report lost or stolen guns in 24 hours, and a red-flag measure letting police confiscate firearms if an owner is dangerous—to himself (sorry, it’s almost always a him), or others. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
The moderate Northam signed all those bills, and more. Yet he asked the legislature to “postpone” implementation of both the first minimum-wage hike as well as the public workers’ collective-bargaining bill from January 2021 to May 2021.
“This will ensure workers get the support they need while allowing greater economic certainty in the wake of the Covid-19 pandemic,” Northam said, in a statement of questionable logic. Current Issue View our current issue
Unions and workers’ rights groups have likewise used the pandemic—to fight Northam’s moves.
“Virginia’s minimum-wage and public-sector workers alike are serving on the front lines of this pandemic,” the state’s AFL-CIO president Doris Crouse-Mays said in a statement. “United we bargain, divided we beg—and begging is exactly what delaying this legislation will ensure.” Delegate Lee Carter agreed. “It’s downright shameful that he’s delaying the minimum wage because many of them are deemed the most ‘essential’ workers during the pandemic”—grocery store clerks, health aides, transit system custodians.
The sponsor of the collective bargaining bill, Del. Elizabeth Guzman, was surprised by Northam’s decision. “We knew the deadline to sign was Saturday, and I hadn’t heard from him all day. I assumed no news is good news,” she said. “Then at 6 pm a staffer called” and told her the governor was going to move to delay the bill. “I was disappointed,” she said, since the bill already represented a compromise with conservative factions in the state senate.
There’s reason to doubt Northam’s Covid-19 excuse as the sole reason behind his moves. Despite his transition to comparatively progressive after a blackface scandal almost brought him down last year, he has remained conservative on certain labor issues. One high priority for progressives early this year was repealing the state’s 72-year-old “right to work” law; and almost straight out of the gate, after Democrats won their trifecta, Northam signaled his opposition to the move, in remarks to his pro-business “revenue advisory council.”
“I can’t foresee Virginia taking actions [to] repeal right to work,” he said in November, according to the Richmond Times Dispatch. Progressives lamented the governor’s timidity: “What’s the Point of Ralph Northam Anymore?” New York magazine’s Zak Cheney Rice declared.
Northam’s words reverberated with other pro-business “moderate” Democrats, and they held up Lee Carter’s bill repealing “right to work” in the appropriations committee. Three senior Democratic senators also helped block or water down other labor priorities: Majority leader Dick Saslaw (D-35) blocked collective bargaining for state workers, leaving the bill that got out of the Senate a weakened shell that merely allowed local governments to “opt in” to permitting city and county workers to collectively bargain (Northam postponed it anyway). Senator Dave Marsden weakened the minimum-wage law, pushing its upper limit of $15 by 2026, passed by the House of Delegates, down to $12 by 2023. And Senator Chap Petersen (D-35) blocked guaranteed paid sick days.
Nominally, Northam bowed to a consortium of 27 industry groups, the Coalition for a Strong Virginia Economy, that has been lobbying against the laws the governor put on hold. But he also bowed to the state’s strong history of promoting business interests at the expense of labor, a bipartisan priority. Democrats originally imposed the state’s right-to-work law, and Democrats have blocked its repeal ever since. While Virginia leaders boast of the state’s AAA bond rating and studies finding it the number-one place to do business in the country, last year Oxfam rated it the worst place for workers.
Even as Northam brags about signing strong civil rights measures this session, he ignores the civil rights element to the pro-labor bills he’s “postponed”: that women and people of color are most likely to be public employees, and most likely to be minimum-wage workers. The Economic Policy Institute recently reported that public-sector employees in Virginia are mostly female (57.5 percent), and that the share of black workers (20.9 percent) is higher than in the private sector (17.9 percent). “Women and people of color make up the majority of our workforce generally, and are most likely to be our ‘essential’ personnel” [in the pandemic], says Delegate Jennifer Carroll Foy. The state’s Legislative Black Caucus also asked Northam to sign the pro-labor bills, but despite the fact that the group essentially saved his political career after his blackface scandal, he didn’t listen. Joan Walsh on Virginia Republican Attacks on Abortion Don’t Send Democrats Running Scared Anymore Joan Walsh The Democratic Wins in Virginia Are What Happens When You Have a Smart Ground Game—and Fair Elections Joan Walsh
It may be that in the long run, the pandemic strengthens labor’s hand nationally. (Of course, as John Maynard Keynes famously said, “In the long run we are all dead,” particularly ominous in the shadow of this deadly virus.) There’s no doubt unions have been essential—if not always successful—in helping workers attain more protection. EPI also recently published an article by a former Occupational Safety and Health official arguing that “workers exposed to the coronavirus need to be able to protect themselves from illness or death without risking their employment,” and detailing the ways unions have done so.
But Virginia is not going to be a leader in strengthening labor’s ability to fight the virus any time soon.
It’s also worth noting that women and people of color, the constituencies hurt most by Northam’s actions, are also the voters who powered Democrats to their trifecta victories in 2017 and ’19. Will the governor’s anti-labor moves lead to voter disaffection in 2020, and in the next Virginia legislative elections in 2021?
“We got more than anyone anticipated in this session, in terms of access to the ballot, abortion rights, and gun safety,” Carroll Foy said, and Democrats will make sure their voters know that. But Northam’s blocking pro-labor bills, she admits, “is definitely not the message we want to send to working-class Virginians.”
Guzman likewise sees a lot of progress during the session, despite Northam’s disappointing moves. “Look, Virginia was a conservative state. Even three years ago, when I was first elected, there was no room for a discussion like this.
“So the fight continues. I’m coming back next year. We’re not going to leave one worker behind.”


thenation--2020-04-14--This Crisis Has Created a New and Profound Sense of Solidarity

EDITOR ’ S NOTE : The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service .
For that reason , this article , and all of our coronavirus coverage , is now free .
Please subscribe to support our writers and staff , and stay healthy .
Each week we cross-post an excerpt from Katrina vanden Heuvel ’ s column at the WashingtonPost.com .
Read the full text of Katrina ’ s column here .
In the 1960s , organizers from the United Farm Workers needed a way to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the “ unity clap ” —a tradition that ’ s used by activists , community organizers , and labor movements to this day .
It starts out slow , like a heartbeat , and picks up speed as more and more people join in , until everyone is clapping together .
Most of the farm workers decades ago were Latinx and Filipino ; many didn ’ t speak English—let alone each other ’ s languages .
But all of them understood the meaning of the clap .
Every night recently , from my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Yorkers join in a unity clap of our own : a standing ovation for the doctors , nurses , first responders , custodians , cooks , and other health care workers who are risking their lives to save ours .
This crisis has exposed many cruel weaknesses in our medical , political , and economic systems .
At the same time , it has generated a new and profound sense of solidarity .
In the past few weeks , people around our city , our country and our world have gone to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Read the full text of Katrina ’ s column here .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy. Each week we cross-post an excerpt from Katrina vanden Heuvel’s column at the WashingtonPost.com. Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.
Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Get The Nation’s Weekly Newsletter Fridays. The best of the week. Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Fridays. The best of the week.
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Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
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In the 1960s, organizers from the United Farm Workers needed a way to communicate across language barriers. They created the “unity clap”—a tradition that’s used by activists, community organizers, and labor movements to this day. It starts out slow, like a heartbeat, and picks up speed as more and more people join in, until everyone is clapping together. Most of the farm workers decades ago were Latinx and Filipino; many didn’t speak English—let alone each other’s languages. But all of them understood the meaning of the clap.
Every night recently, from my apartment in Manhattan, I can hear New Yorkers join in a unity clap of our own: a standing ovation for the doctors, nurses, first responders, custodians, cooks, and other health care workers who are risking their lives to save ours.
This crisis has exposed many cruel weaknesses in our medical, political, and economic systems. At the same time, it has generated a new and profound sense of solidarity. In the past few weeks, people around our city, our country and our world have gone to great lengths to support those around them.
Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.


thenation--2020-04-14--The Workers on the Front Lines of the Philippines’ Fight Against Coronavirus

To understand the worst case scenario , think of Italy but with a weaker health care system , says Karl Henson , the Director of the Hospital Infection Control and Epidemiology Center of The Medical City , in Manila in the Philippines .
So far , this nation of 100 million spread out over more than 7,000 islands has not faced the kind of infection rate that hobbled Italy and now has half the global population on lockdown .
But the number of cases is quickly growing , and threatens to undue an already fragile healthcare system .
So far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ good that the pandemic is hitting urban areas , ” because , “ it will be difficult for rural areas to handle critically ill Covid patients.
” 1 This story is supported by the Pulitzer Center .
On March 17 , President Rodrigo Duterte , put Luzon , the most populous island in the Philippines archipelago with a population of more than 50 million people , in Enhanced Community Quarantine , restricting movements , mass gatherings , and enforcing a web of checkpoints across island .
Hourly workers lost their incomes , schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scrambling to cope with the lockdown .
Outside the big cities , smaller communities are struggling to nip the pandemic in the bud , with precious few resources from the government2 On paper , the Philippines has a universal , single-payer healthcare system , with a law passed just last year enrolling all Filipinos into the national health insurance program .
But in practice , the system remains a messy patchwork of public and private hospitals , clinics and doctor ’ s offices , with a yawning gap in care depending a patient @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Even before the COVID-19 crisis , the country ’ s healthcare system needed years of investment in infrastructure and medical personnel to allow it to provide adequate and equitable treatment for all who need it .
Now , the pandemic is straining these already limited resources.3 In the rural town of Bambang in Nueva Vizcaya , a province in North Luzon , as soon as the lockdown was announced , the understaffed and under-supplied local government units mobilized their health department to develop a plan to minimize the spread of Covid-19 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of the country ’ s health care system ; they serve as the first line of care for all health needs , and serve as a buffer to avoid overcrowding the already overworked hospitals .
In Bambang , a team of a doctor , 40 nurses , and an army of underpaid health workers with no medical degrees make up the unit at the forefront of the fight against coronavirus.4 Every barrio is assigned a nurse or midwife to oversee the community , assisted by volunteer health care workers .
On regular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ BHW ) primary duties are to disseminate information in the village , help in nutrition drives and immunization programs , and organize health events .
They undergo training from the Department of Health and are considered volunteers ; the 1,300 Philippine pesos ( $ 25.48 ) they receive each month are only honorariums .
With the pandemic , their duties have become that much more vital and dangerous , and they now help educate the community on infection prevention , monitor people under quarantine , and are expected to take care of people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this is my last battle , then I will die serving my community , ” says Reggie Renen , a volunteer health worker for almost 40 years .
Reggie has volunteered since she was 21 , and now , at 60 , she is in a high-risk group if she were to contract the virus .
“ I dreamed of becoming a midwife , but we were poor , ” she says ; instead , she became a volunteer health worker starting with 50 pesos ( $ 1 ) as honorarium in 1981 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immunization , and primary health care issues in the village , but this is her scariest assignment yet .
All she can do is stick to her faith and hope that she will reach retirement age.6 For Analyn Martinez , being a volunteer health worker at this time is essential not only because she is helping the community .
“ My salary is the only income of our family now , ” she said .
Her husband , a tricycle driver , stopped working because of the lockdown .
With two children , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ four possible Covid-19 patients to be able to feed her family .
Before the pandemic , Analyn would only report when needed to the health center , but now she goes every day.7 The volunteer health workers also help in packing and delivering relief goods house to house , working for almost 16 hours each day .
They are in constant contact with the population , not knowing who is infected , not knowing how much danger they are putting themselves in with just their cloth masks.8 Trained nurses are also on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ midwife , has been under a three-month renewable contract with the rural health unit since 2018 , which means that if she doesn ’ t work , she doesn ’ t get paid , and her contract can be ended at any time.9 But beyond the instability and lack of job security , her primary concern right now is the virus .
“ I ’ m worried about going home because my mother and uncle are immunosuppressed , ” Lady told me .
She reuses her cloth mask by stuffing it with tissue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at night she sleeps at the birthing facility in the clinic to avoid bringing the virus home.10 Workers like Lady are putting themselves in harms way to stop the spread of the virus but they ’ re not being taken care of in turn .
“ I ’ m not even sure if I still have Phil Health insurance .
What will happen to my family and me if I get the virus ?
” 11

To understand the worst-case scenario, think of Italy but with a weaker health care system, says Karl Henson, the director of the Hospital Infection Control and Epidemiology Center of The Medical City, a health care network in Manila. So far, the Philippines, a nation of 100 million spread out over more than 7,000 islands, has not faced the kind of infection rate that hobbled Italy and now has half the global population on lockdown. But the number of cases is quickly growing, and threatens to undo an already fragile health care system. “It is good that the pandemic is hitting urban areas,” says Henson, because “it will be difficult for rural areas to handle critically ill Covid patients.”1 This story is supported by the Pulitzer Center.
On March 17, President Rodrigo Duterte put Luzon—the most populous island in the archipelago, with a population of more than 50 million people—under “enhanced community quarantine,” restricting movement and mass gatherings and enforcing a web of checkpoints across the island. Hourly workers lost their incomes, schools shuttered, and local government units have been scrambling to cope with the lockdown. Outside the big cities, smaller communities are struggling to nip the pandemic in the bud, with precious few resources from the government.2
On paper, the Philippines has a universal, single-payer health care system, with a law passed just last year enrolling all Filipinos into the national health insurance program. But in practice, the system remains a messy patchwork of public and private hospitals, clinics, and doctor’s offices, with a yawning gap in care depending on a patient’s ability to pay for treatment. Even before the Covid-19 crisis, the country’s health care system needed years of investment in infrastructure and medical personnel to allow it to provide adequate and equitable treatment for all who need it. Now, the pandemic is straining these already limited resources.3
In the rural town of Bambang in Nueva Vizcaya, a province in North Luzon, as soon as the lockdown was announced, the understaffed and under-supplied local government units mobilized their health department to develop a plan to minimize the spread of the coronavirus. These rural health units are an essential part of the country’s health care system; they serve as the first line of care for all health needs and serve as a buffer to avoid overcrowding the already overworked hospitals. In Bambang, a team of one doctor and 40 nurses and an army of underpaid health workers with no medical degrees make up the unit at the forefront of the fight against Covid-19.4
Every barrio is assigned a nurse or midwife to oversee the community, assisted by volunteer health care workers. On regular days, the primary of duties of a Barangay Health Worker (BHW) are to disseminate information in the village, help in nutrition drives and immunization programs, and organize health events. They undergo training from the Department of Health and are considered volunteers; the 1,300 Philippine pesos ($25.48) they receive each month are only honorariums. With the pandemic, their duties have become that much more vital and dangerous, and they now help educate the community on infection prevention, monitor people under quarantine, and are expected to take care of people who are in isolation units.5
“If this is my last battle, then I will die serving my community,” says Reggie Renen, a volunteer health worker for almost 40 years. Renen has volunteered since she was 21, and now, at 60, she is in a high-risk group if she were to contract the virus. “I dreamed of becoming a midwife, but we were poor,” she says; instead, she became a volunteer health worker, starting with a 50-peso ($1) honorarium in 1981. Renen has assisted in childbirth, immunization, and primary health care services in the village, but this is her scariest assignment yet. All she can do is stick to her faith and hope that she will reach retirement age.6
For Analyn Martinez, being a volunteer health worker at this time is essential not only because she is helping the community. “My salary is the only income of our family now,” she says. Her husband, a tricycle driver, stopped working because of the lockdown. A mother of two children, Martinez is risking her life, monitoring four possible Covid-19 patients to be able to feed her family. Before the pandemic, she would only report when needed to the health center, but now she goes every day.7
The volunteer health workers also help in packing and delivering relief goods house-to-house, working for almost 16 hours each day. They are in constant contact with the population, not knowing who is infected, not knowing how much danger they are putting themselves in with just their cloth masks.8
Trained nurses are also on the front lines. Lady Eleponga, a midwife, has been under a three-month renewable contract with the rural health unit since 2018, which means that if she doesn’t work, she doesn’t get paid, and her contract can be ended at any time.9
But beyond the instability and lack of job security, her primary concern right now is the virus. “I’m worried about going home because my mother and uncle are immunosuppressed,” Eleponga told me. She reuses her cloth mask by stuffing it with tissue paper, and instead of going home at night she sleeps at the birthing facility in the clinic to avoid bringing the virus home.10
Workers like Eleponga are putting themselves in harm’s way to stop the spread of the virus, but they’re not being taken care of in turn. “I’m not even sure if I still have Phil Health insurance,” she says. “What will happen to my family and me if I get the virus?”11


thenation--2020-04-14--Wisconsin Voters Defy Suppression to Oust a Trump-Backed Jurist

Madison , Wisconsin—In the face of the cruelest voter suppression in modern American history—a Republican scheme that literally forced tens of thousands of Wisconsinites to risk their health and safety in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic in order to cast their ballots—the voters have ousted a right-wing Supreme Court justice who was backed by President Trump ; passed school-funding referendums ; and elected progressives to local posts across the state .
Celebrating a surprise victory in the state ’ s premier contest , Democratic Party of Wisconsin chair Ben Wikler declared after votes from the chaotic April 7 election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , despite the GOP ’ s savage and shameful attempt to suppress votes and steal Wisconsin ’ s Supreme Court election , Judge Jill Karofsky prevailed .
It ’ s a victory for justice and democracy in an election that should never have taken place in person.
” Karofsky , a judge on the Dane County Circuit Court bench , had challenged incumbent Supreme Court Justice Dan Kelly , an appointee of former Republican governor Scott Walker and a favorite of conservative Republicans .
As the April 7 election approached , Democratic Governor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so that Wisconsinites who had been ordered to stay at home would not be forced to go to the polls .
The plan Evers advanced , which mirrored those embraced by Democratic and Republican governors in other states , would have extended absentee voting so ballots could be cast safely at a time when the virus has infected thousands and taken more than 150 lives in Wisconsin .
The Evers proposal would have addressed two challenges .
The first was that hundreds of voting stations had closed because not enough poll workers were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the state ’ s largest city , the number of polling places was cut from 180 to five .
The second was that because so many people had requested absentee ballots—almost 1.3 million—local election administrators were overwhelmed and needed more time to process the requests , just as postal workers needed more time to get ballots delivered and returned .
A ‘ Jubilee ’ Cancellation of Debt Is Vital to Fighting the Coronavirus Wisconsin ’ s Pandemic Election Is a Red Alert for Democracy in America But Wisconsin Assembly Speaker Robin Vos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ refused to cooperate with the governor .
Cheered on by President Trump and national Republicans , the GOP legislative leaders obstructed Evers at every turn—going to such extremes that Wikler objected that “ the GOP remorselessly weaponizes courts , election laws , and coronavirus itself to disenfranchise the voters who stand in its way.
” The Republican intentions were blatantly obvious .
“ [ The ] battle over the court is the reason that the GOP defied pleas to postpone the vote , ” explained Charlie Sykes , a veteran conservative commentator from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the election in the midst of the pandemic gave incumbent conservative justice Dan Kelly a better chance of holding his seat.
” A Kelly win was such a high GOP priority that Trump personally campaigned for the justice and was still tweeting encouragement for the candidate and the suppression schemes through last Tuesday .
Evers kept offering to work with the Republicans to find a compromise that would respect public safety and democracy .
But they openly mocked him .
Finally , on Monday , April 6 , Evers announced that in-person voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public safety , Republicans sued , and the conservative majority on the state Supreme Court ordered the election to go forward .
Hours later , conservatives on the US Supreme Court intervened to constrict absentee voting .
In a stinging dissent , US Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg wrote that while a lower court had acted amid the virus outbreak “ to safeguard the availability of absentee voting in Wisconsin ’ s spring election , ” the high court “ now intervenes at the eleventh hour to prevent voters who have timely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” For many immunocompromised voters , that was precisely the case .
They were disenfranchised .
For others , election day brought a brutal choice .
Voters who had applied for absentee ballots but not yet received them were forced to choose between obeying orders to stay at home or making difficult treks to the polls .
It was an especially hard choice in Milwaukee , where coronavirus cases spiked in the African American community as the day approached .
“ People died fighting for the right to vote , and now people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Lieutenant Governor Mandela Barnes .
“ Politicians are silencing the voices of black and brown people by putting us in harm ’ s way for their own partisan gain.
” But thousands refused to be silenced .
In Milwaukee , many waited in lines ( spaced at a safe distance ) for more than two hours .
Some braved thunderstorms and hail .
They were angry and determined to deliver a message .
Gretchen Fennema , a 46-year-old Milwaukeean , applied for an absentee ballot for herself , as did her 70-year-old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The ballots never came .
“ So we decided Monday night that we were going to have to go , ” said the laid-off worker .
“ There was no other option .
We were not going to miss voting .
I can not remember when I ever missed an election.
” Fennema and her dad headed to Riverside High School in Milwaukee , waited in a line of cars , and finally cast a curbside ballot .
As they drove away , Gretchen attached an “ I Voted ” sticker to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ posted a selfie with a message for the legislators and the courts : “ Fuck you , Wisconsin GOP.
” Fennema told me on election day that she voted for Judge Karofsky , a candidate backed by unions and progressive groups in the technically nonpartisan court race .
Because of all the court interventions , the final count was delayed until six days after in-person balloting was finished .
When clerks began to report the numbers , jaws dropped .
Thanks to a surge of last-minute absentee ballots and courageous in-person voting on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the candidate admitted was “ in many , many ways improbable.
” She beat Kelly by more than 160,000 votes—for a 55-45 advantage statewide .
In Milwaukee County , the margin was 67-33 .
Wisconsin ’ s Pandemic Election Is a Red Alert for Democracy in America How to Win in Wisconsin That wasn ’ t the only win .
Despite economic turbulence associated with the pandemic , voters in school districts across the state backed referendums to support public education .
In Milwaukee , an $ 87 million referendum was approved by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were that big ; in the historic industrial center of Racine , a plan to increase school spending by $ 1 billion over the next 30 years prevailed by five votes .
Referendums , which many had thought were doomed because of the economic downturn , succeeded everywhere .
So , too , did progressive candidates ; the Working Families Party hailed victories for local posts in Milwaukee , Racine , and Dane County ( Madison ) .
The WFP acknowledged that the fight over voter suppression was far from finished , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her part , Judge Karofsky was circumspect .
“ Although we were successful in this race , the circumstances under which this election was conducted were simply unacceptable , and raise serious concerns for the future of our democracy , ” she said on Monday night .
“ Nobody in this state or in this country should have been forced to choose between their safety and participating in an election .
Too many were unable to have their voices heard because they didn ’ t feel safe leaving their home or their absentee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ showed their resiliency by overcoming many of the barriers created by the legislature and the courts to try and silence voters in this state , but nobody should ever be denied their right to vote.
” Gretchen Fennema has one more thing to say .
Reflecting on Karofsky ’ s victory , the woman who had worn a homemade mask and , with her 70-year-old father , braved a pandemic to vote , tweeted , “ Worth it .
”

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M adison, W isconsin—In the face of the cruelest voter suppression in modern American history—a Republican scheme that literally forced tens of thousands of Wisconsinites to risk their health and safety in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic in order to cast their ballots—the voters have ousted a right-wing Supreme Court justice who was backed by President Trump; passed school-funding referendums; and elected progressives to local posts across the state.
Celebrating a surprise victory in the state’s premier contest, Democratic Party of Wisconsin chair Ben Wikler declared after votes from the chaotic April 7 election were finally counted Monday, “Tonight, despite the GOP’s savage and shameful attempt to suppress votes and steal Wisconsin’s Supreme Court election, Judge Jill Karofsky prevailed. It’s a victory for justice and democracy in an election that should never have taken place in person.”
Karofsky, a judge on the Dane County Circuit Court bench, had challenged incumbent Supreme Court Justice Dan Kelly, an appointee of former Republican governor Scott Walker and a favorite of conservative Republicans. As the April 7 election approached, Democratic Governor Tony Evers sought to postpone in-person voting so that Wisconsinites who had been ordered to stay at home would not be forced to go to the polls.
The plan Evers advanced, which mirrored those embraced by Democratic and Republican governors in other states, would have extended absentee voting so ballots could be cast safely at a time when the virus has infected thousands and taken more than 150 lives in Wisconsin. The Evers proposal would have addressed two challenges. The first was that hundreds of voting stations had closed because not enough poll workers were willing to operate them; in Milwaukee, the state’s largest city, the number of polling places was cut from 180 to five. The second was that because so many people had requested absentee ballots—almost 1.3 million—local election administrators were overwhelmed and needed more time to process the requests, just as postal workers needed more time to get ballots delivered and returned. More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
But Wisconsin Assembly Speaker Robin Vos and state Senate majority leader Scott Fitzgerald refused to cooperate with the governor. Cheered on by President Trump and national Republicans, the GOP legislative leaders obstructed Evers at every turn—going to such extremes that Wikler objected that “the GOP remorselessly weaponizes courts, election laws, and coronavirus itself to disenfranchise the voters who stand in its way.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
The Republican intentions were blatantly obvious. “[The] battle over the court is the reason that the GOP defied pleas to postpone the vote,” explained Charlie Sykes, a veteran conservative commentator from Wisconsin. “Republicans calculated that holding the election in the midst of the pandemic gave incumbent conservative justice Dan Kelly a better chance of holding his seat.” A Kelly win was such a high GOP priority that Trump personally campaigned for the justice and was still tweeting encouragement for the candidate and the suppression schemes through last Tuesday.
Evers kept offering to work with the Republicans to find a compromise that would respect public safety and democracy. But they openly mocked him. Finally, on Monday, April 6, Evers announced that in-person voting had to be postponed for reasons of public safety, Republicans sued, and the conservative majority on the state Supreme Court ordered the election to go forward. Current Issue View our current issue
Hours later, conservatives on the US Supreme Court intervened to constrict absentee voting. In a stinging dissent, US Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsberg wrote that while a lower court had acted amid the virus outbreak “to safeguard the availability of absentee voting in Wisconsin’s spring election,” the high court “now intervenes at the eleventh hour to prevent voters who have timely requested absentee ballots from casting their votes.”
For many immunocompromised voters, that was precisely the case. They were disenfranchised.
For others, election day brought a brutal choice. Voters who had applied for absentee ballots but not yet received them were forced to choose between obeying orders to stay at home or making difficult treks to the polls. It was an especially hard choice in Milwaukee, where coronavirus cases spiked in the African American community as the day approached. “People died fighting for the right to vote, and now people might die if they vote,” said Lieutenant Governor Mandela Barnes. “Politicians are silencing the voices of black and brown people by putting us in harm’s way for their own partisan gain.”
But thousands refused to be silenced. In Milwaukee, many waited in lines (spaced at a safe distance) for more than two hours. Some braved thunderstorms and hail. They were angry and determined to deliver a message. Gretchen Fennema, a 46-year-old Milwaukeean, applied for an absentee ballot for herself, as did her 70-year-old father, who suffers from bronchitis. The ballots never came. “So we decided Monday night that we were going to have to go,” said the laid-off worker. “There was no other option. We were not going to miss voting. I cannot remember when I ever missed an election.” Fennema and her dad headed to Riverside High School in Milwaukee, waited in a line of cars, and finally cast a curbside ballot. As they drove away, Gretchen attached an “I Voted” sticker to the bandana that served as her mask and posted a selfie with a message for the legislators and the courts: “Fuck you, Wisconsin GOP.”
Fennema told me on election day that she voted for Judge Karofsky, a candidate backed by unions and progressive groups in the technically nonpartisan court race. Because of all the court interventions, the final count was delayed until six days after in-person balloting was finished. When clerks began to report the numbers, jaws dropped. Thanks to a surge of last-minute absentee ballots and courageous in-person voting on April 7, Karofsky won a victory the candidate admitted was “in many, many ways improbable.” She beat Kelly by more than 160,000 votes—for a 55-45 advantage statewide. In Milwaukee County, the margin was 67-33. Wisconsin Votes Wisconsin’s Pandemic Election Is a Red Alert for Democracy in America John Nichols Wisconsin’s In-Person Voting Threatens Health and Democracy John Nichols How to Win in Wisconsin John Nichols
That wasn’t the only win. Despite economic turbulence associated with the pandemic, voters in school districts across the state backed referendums to support public education. In Milwaukee, an $87 million referendum was approved by a 78-22 margin. Not all victories were that big; in the historic industrial center of Racine, a plan to increase school spending by $1 billion over the next 30 years prevailed by five votes. Referendums, which many had thought were doomed because of the economic downturn, succeeded everywhere. So, too, did progressive candidates; the Working Families Party hailed victories for local posts in Milwaukee, Racine, and Dane County (Madison).
The WFP acknowledged that the fight over voter suppression was far from finished, as did Democratic Party chair Wikler. For her part, Judge Karofsky was circumspect. “Although we were successful in this race, the circumstances under which this election was conducted were simply unacceptable, and raise serious concerns for the future of our democracy,” she said on Monday night. “Nobody in this state or in this country should have been forced to choose between their safety and participating in an election. Too many were unable to have their voices heard because they didn’t feel safe leaving their home or their absentee ballots weren’t counted. Wisconsinites showed their resiliency by overcoming many of the barriers created by the legislature and the courts to try and silence voters in this state, but nobody should ever be denied their right to vote.”
Gretchen Fennema has one more thing to say. Reflecting on Karofsky’s victory, the woman who had worn a homemade mask and, with her 70-year-old father, braved a pandemic to vote, tweeted, “Worth it.”


thenation--2020-04-14--Take Action Now: Fight For A Just Recovery

17 million workers filed for unemployment in the last three weeks .
A third of U.S. renters couldn ’ t pay rent for April .
More than 10,000 families lined up last Thursday to wait hours for bags of beans , produce , and canned goods from the San Antonio Food Bank .
People across the country are struggling and it ’ s crucial that we get organized to fight for a just recovery .
This week ’ s Take Action Now gives you ways to support a stimulus that prioritizes workers , demand housing justice , and get involved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moment of crisis and beyond .
Take Action Now gives you three meaningful actions you can take each week whatever your schedule .
You can sign up here to get these actions and more in your inbox every Tuesday .
The government ’ s first stimulus package dedicated $ 500 billion to bailing out airlines and other big companies impacted by the coronavirus pandemic .
As lawmakers consider further stimulus measures , we need to pressure them to focus on the needs of workers .
Check out the People ’ s Bailout principles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and tell Congress to prioritize health , save workers , and protect the democratic process as part of any further stimulus plans .
Temporary eviction moratoriums and rental assistance programs across the country are set to expire long before most Americans will be able to return to work .
Check out the Homes Guarantee campaign ’ s demands for federal housing assistance , from cancelling rent , to cash assistance , to banning utility shutoffs .
Then , join the organization for organizing meetings every Thursday to learn how you can join @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and permanently affordable housing during the coronavirus crisis and beyond .
The current crisis has highlighted inequalities that have existed long before the first case of coronavirus was diagnosed .
Now ’ s the time to get involved with and support organizations that have long been fighting for equality .
Sign onto The Poor People ’ s Campaign ’ s demands for a moral response to the COVID-19 pandemic .
Then register to join the organization ’ s online Moral March on Washington on June 20th .
Connect with a local branch of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how you can fight back against racism , poverty , and the war economy during this moment of crisis .

Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Sign up for Take Action Now and get three actions in your inbox every Tuesday.
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Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Sign up for Take Action Now and get three actions in your inbox every Tuesday.
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Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Sign up for Take Action Now and get three actions in your inbox every Tuesday.
Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Sign up for Take Action Now and get three actions in your inbox every Tuesday.
Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Sign up for Take Action Now and get three actions in your inbox every Tuesday.
Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Sign up for Take Action Now and get three actions in your inbox every Tuesday.
Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
17 million workers filed for unemployment in the last three weeks. A third of U.S. renters couldn’t pay rent for April. More than 10,000 families lined up last Thursday to wait hours for bags of beans, produce, and canned goods from the San Antonio Food Bank. People across the country are struggling and it’s crucial that we get organized to fight for a just recovery.
This week’s Take Action Now gives you ways to support a stimulus that prioritizes workers, demand housing justice, and get involved in the fight for equity in this moment of crisis and beyond.
Take Action Now gives you three meaningful actions you can take each week whatever your schedule. You can sign up here to get these actions and more in your inbox every Tuesday.
NO TIME TO SPARE?
The government’s first stimulus package dedicated $500 billion to bailing out airlines and other big companies impacted by the coronavirus pandemic. As lawmakers consider further stimulus measures, we need to pressure them to focus on the needs of workers. Check out the People’s Bailout principles for a just COVID-19 relief and stimulus, and tell Congress to prioritize health, save workers, and protect the democratic process as part of any further stimulus plans.
GOT SOME TIME?
Temporary eviction moratoriums and rental assistance programs across the country are set to expire long before most Americans will be able to return to work. Check out the Homes Guarantee campaign’s demands for federal housing assistance, from cancelling rent, to cash assistance, to banning utility shutoffs. Then, join the organization for organizing meetings every Thursday to learn how you can join the fight for safe, sustainable, and permanently affordable housing during the coronavirus crisis and beyond.
READY TO DIG IN?
The current crisis has highlighted inequalities that have existed long before the first case of coronavirus was diagnosed. Now’s the time to get involved with and support organizations that have long been fighting for equality. Sign onto The Poor People’s Campaign’s demands for a moral response to the COVID-19 pandemic. Then register to join the organization’s online Moral March on Washington on June 20th. Connect with a local branch of the organization in your state to see how you can fight back against racism, poverty, and the war economy during this moment of crisis.