thenation--2020-06-01--Gregg Popovich: ‘The System Has to Change’

People from across the sports world have spoken out , raised money , and taken part in demonstrations following the police murder of George Floyd .
The one voice that we haven ’ t heard yet has been perhaps President Donald Trump ’ s most outspoken critic in the wide world of sports , as well as someone who has never shied away from speaking about institutionalized racism or police brutality , San Antonio Spurs head coach Gregg Popovich.1 Late last night my phone rang , and it was Coach Pop .
He was ready to say something.2 “ The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all see this police violence and racism , and we ’ ve seen it all before , but nothing changes .
That ’ s why these protests have been so explosive .
But without leadership and an understanding of what the problem is , there will never be change .
And white Americans have avoided reckoning with this problem forever , because it ’ s been our privilege to be able to avoid it .
That also has to change.
” 3 The question of leadership clearly is weighing heavily on Popovich ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he is feeling despair over what he sees as a leadership void in the White House.4 “ It ’ s unbelievable .
If Trump had a brain , even if it was 99 percent cynical , he would come out and say something to unify people .
But he doesn ’ t care about bringing people together .
Even now .
That ’ s how deranged he is .
It ’ s all about him .
It ’ s all about what benefits him personally .
It ’ s never about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all he ’ s ever been.
” 5 The Only Solution Is to Defund the Police Bill de Blasio Has Failed the Test of This Moment Exclusive : The US Military Is Monitoring Protests in 7 States More in this series Popovich then took a moment to imagine a different kind of leadership.6 “ It ’ s so clear what needs to be done .
We need a president to come out and say simply that ‘ black lives matter.
’ Just say those three words .
But he won ’ t and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t because it ’ s more important to him to mollify the small group of followers who validate his insanity .
But it ’ s more than just Trump .
The system has to change .
I ’ ll do whatever I can do to help , because that ’ s what leaders do .
But he can ’ t do anything to put us on a positive path , because he ’ s not a leader.7 “ It ’ s like what Lindsay Graham and Ted Cruz used to say when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : He ’ s unfit .
But they have chosen instead to be invisible and obsequious in the face of this carnage .
In the end , what we have is a fool in place of a president , while the person who really runs the country , Senator Mitch McConnell , destroys the United States for generations to come .
McConnell has destroyed and degraded our judicial system .
He has tried to destroy health care .
He ’ s destroyed the environment .
He ’ s the master and Trump ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s funny is that Trump doesn ’ t even know it .
Trump ’ s always wanted to be part of the in-group , but McConnell is an in-group of one and Trump plays the fool.
” 8 Pop then makes clear his opinion that we have a uniquely malignant presence in the White House.9 “ He ’ s not just divisive .
He ’ s a destroyer .
To be in his presence makes you die .
He will eat you alive for his own purposes .
I ’ m appalled that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t say ‘ black lives matter.
’ That ’ s why he hides in the White House basement .
He is a coward .
He creates a situation and runs away like a grade-schooler .
Actually , I think it ’ s best to ignore him .
There is nothing he can do to make this better because of who he is : a deranged idiot.
” 10 I asked Coach Pop about the protests , about the raw anger that ’ s been produced by police violence , disease , and mass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fighting White Blindness “ They are very necessary , but they need to be organized better .
It ’ s frustrating .
When Dr. King did a protest , you knew when to show , when to come back the next day .
But if you ’ re just organizing protests and everyone is coming and going in every direction , it doesn ’ t work that way .
If it was nonviolent , they knew to be nonviolent , but this is muddled .
More leadership would be very welcome so these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used by people for other means .
We can limit the bad , but only if things are organized better.
” 12 I wanted to ask how they could “ limit the bad ” if the police were instigating violence , as reported , in so many locales .
But before I could , Pop sighed deeply and said , “ Again , we need change .
The system has to change .
I ’ m willing to do my part .
That ’ s all I got .
Bye , Dave.
” @

People from across the sports world have spoken out, raised money, and taken part in demonstrations after the police murder of George Floyd. One voice that we hadn’t heard yet has been perhaps President Donald Trump’s most outspoken critic in the wide world of sports, as well as someone who has never shied away from speaking about institutionalized racism or police brutality, San Antonio Spurs head coach Gregg Popovich.1
Late last night my phone rang, and it was Coach Pop. He was ready to say something.2
“The thing that strikes me is that we all see this police violence and racism, and we’ve seen it all before, but nothing changes. That’s why these protests have been so explosive,” he said. “But without leadership and an understanding of what the problem is, there will never be change. And white Americans have avoided reckoning with this problem forever, because it’s been our privilege to be able to avoid it. That also has to change.”3
The question of leadership clearly was weighing heavily on Popovich’s mind. At this critical moment, he was feeling despair over what he saw as a leadership void in the White House.4
“It’s unbelievable. If Trump had a brain, even if it was 99 percent cynical, he would come out and say something to unify people. But he doesn’t care about bringing people together. Even now. That’s how deranged he is. It’s all about him. It’s all about what benefits him personally. It’s never about the greater good. And that’s all he’s ever been.”5 George Floyd Protests The Only Solution Is to Defund the Police Alex S. Vitale Bill de Blasio Has Failed the Test of This Moment Elie Mystal Exclusive: The US Military Is Monitoring Protests in 7 States Ken Klippenstein
Popovich then took a moment to imagine a different kind of leadership.6
“It’s so clear what needs to be done. We need a president to come out and say simply that black lives matter. Just say those three words. But he won’t, and he can’t. He can’t because it’s more important to him to mollify the small group of followers who validate his insanity. But it’s more than just Trump. The system has to change. I’ll do whatever I can do to help, because that’s what leaders do. But he can’t do anything to put us on a positive path, because he’s not a leader.7
“It’s like what Lindsay Graham and Ted Cruz used to say when they had the courage to say it: He’s unfit. But they have chosen instead to be invisible and obsequious in the face of this carnage. In the end, what we have is a fool in place of a president, while the person who really runs the country, Senator Mitch McConnell, destroys the United States for generations to come. McConnell has destroyed and degraded our judicial system. He has tried to destroy health care. He’s destroyed the environment. He’s the master, and Trump’s the stooge, and what’s funny is that Trump doesn’t even know it. Trump’s always wanted to be part of the in-group, but McConnell is an in-group of one, and Trump plays the fool.”8
Pop then makes clear his opinion that we have a uniquely malignant presence in the White House.9
“He’s not just divisive. He’s a destroyer. To be in his presence makes you die. He will eat you alive for his own purposes. I’m appalled that we have a leader who can’t say, ‘Black lives matter.’ That’s why he hides in the White House basement. He is a coward. He creates a situation and runs away like a grade-schooler. Actually, I think it’s best to ignore him. There is nothing he can do to make this better because of who he is: a deranged idiot.”10
I asked Coach Pop about the protests, about the raw anger that’s been produced by police violence, disease, and mass unemployment.11 Related Article The Critical Role of Athletes in Fighting White Blindness Dave Zirin
“They are very necessary, but they need to be organized better. It’s frustrating. When [Martin Luther] King did a protest, you knew when to show, when to come back the next day. But if you’re just organizing protests and everyone is coming and going in every direction, it doesn’t work that way. If it was nonviolent, they knew to be nonviolent, but this is muddled. More leadership would be very welcome so these incredible mass demonstrations can’t be used by people for other means. We can limit the bad, but only if things are organized better.”12
I wanted to ask how they could “limit the bad” if the police were instigating violence, as reported, in many locales. But before I could, Pop sighed deeply and said, “Again, we need change. The system has to change. I’m willing to do my part. That’s all I got. Bye, Dave.”13


thenation--2020-06-01--The Fire This Time

The Fire This Time

In times of crisis , historical knowledge at least offers the small consolation of perspective .
America ’ s current time of troubles , with the stress of the pandemic and economic meltdown now being intensified by nationwide protests and riots against police violence , inevitably calls to mind the last time the country was coming apart .
The BBC described the protests ignited by the police killing of George Floyd as the “ biggest racial clashes since the 1960s.
” Walter Shapiro of The New Republic echoed this comparison , writing , “ The parallel on everyone ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , riot , racism , war , and the breakdown of the bonds that hold us together as a people.
” James Fallows in The Atlantic made the same connection , arguing , “ The most traumatic year in modern American history was 1968 .
But what is now the second-most traumatic year , 2020 , still has seven months to run.
” Princeton historian Kevin M. Kruse tweeted , “ This past week has felt like a replay of Chicago 1968 all across the nation.
” But as these writers are quick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be made carefully , with an awareness of differences as well as similarities .
As in ’ 68 , America is at war , but the conflict in Afghanistan is at a low ebb compared with the Vietnam War at that time .
Further , America ’ s current wars are being fought with a volunteer army , so the issue of a draft incites no protests .
Nor is America experiencing anything like the political violence that led to the assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert Kennedy .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against police violence and systematic racism .
As Kruse rightly observed , the issue has long been embedded in American history .
There are records of protests over police brutality against African Americans going back to the 19th century .
After the great migration of African Americans to the North in the early 20th century , protests against police violence flared up regularly , as with the 1919 riot in Chicago and the 1943 uprising in Detroit .
More recent examples include the 1992 riots in Los Angeles over the beating of Rodney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Mo.
, that spurred the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement .
How the CIA Learned to Rock Mitch McConnell Is Even Worse Than Trump For Biden to Unite the Party , He Needs Warren as His Running Mate The frequency of these protests attests not only to the persistence of police racism but also to the underlying alienation of black Americans from their nation ’ s social contract .
As historians like E.P .
Thompson and Natalie Zemon Davis have taught us , riots are not outbursts of chaos but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the unwritten social contract has been violated , when expected norms are not being obeyed by the powers that be .
Race riots in America follow a clear pattern of reaction to police demonstrations of basic contempt for black citizenship .
As in the uprisings of the 1960s , the current protests are being met not just by police repression but also by a counter-riot .
While police in some jurisdictions like Camden , N.J. , are de-escalating , there are many cases of cops ’ going on a rampage and initiating violence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 1960s—not just the famous police riot in Chicago during the Democratic National Convention but also the police vigilantism in Newark in 1967 after the riot there subsided .
As Rick Perlstein notes in his 2008 book Nixonland , the police and National Guard in Newark engaged in “ the cold-blooded killing of innocents and the systematic trashing of black-owned businesses.
” Some worry that if 2020 is a reprise of 1968 , we could witness Donald Trump winning on the same law-and-order backlash that brought Nixon into the White House .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a crucial difference : In 1968 , Nixon ran as a challenger who could bring order to a disintegrating country .
Trump , by contrast , is presiding over the fraying of America and can thus be plausibly blamed for it , all the more so since he ’ s been an agent of chaos from the start .
Nixon was devious and unscrupulous , but he made a plausible law-and-order candidate , particularly before the facts of the Watergate scandal were known .
He was a man of the system , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understood the norms of governance .
Trump , after four years , still has not mastered those rules and in power remains as much a troublemaker as he was when he was an insurgent candidate .
Republican campaign strategist Steve Schmidt accurately described Trump ’ s limits by noting , “ Trump lacks the intellectual ability to process what is happening and why .
He lacks the mental composition and fortitude to make smart decisions in a crisis .
He lacks the moral authority to speak to the nation at a moment of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without a President.
” There is another way in which 2020 is different from 1968 that might make the political outcome of the two years different .
In 1968 , white America didn ’ t stand with African American protests over police violence and racism .
This year , things are different .
As New York University historian Thomas Sugrue observed , “ The crowds on big city streets today are far more racially diverse today than in 60s .
Yes , there were white looters during the long hot summers , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more mixed racially than could be imagined fifty years ago.
” These two crucial differences—the fact that a Republican is presiding over the chaos and that the opposition to police violence is racially diverse—open the possibility for a better outcome than in 1968 .
As in the ’ 60s , America remains trapped in its legacy of racism .
But the emergence of a broader anti-racist coalition during a legitimacy crisis creates a path forward not just to defeat Trump but also to finally overcome the racism that created Trump .

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In times of crisis, historical knowledge at least offers the small consolation of perspective. America’s current time of troubles, with the stress of the pandemic and economic meltdown now being intensified by nationwide protests and riots against police violence, inevitably calls to mind the last time the country was coming apart. The BBC described the protests ignited by the police killing of George Floyd as the “biggest racial clashes since the 1960s.”
Walter Shapiro of The New Republic echoed this comparison, writing, “The parallel on everyone’s lips is 1968—that wrenching year of assassination, riot, racism, war, and the breakdown of the bonds that hold us together as a people.” James Fallows in The Atlantic made the same connection, arguing, “The most traumatic year in modern American history was 1968. But what is now the second-most traumatic year, 2020, still has seven months to run.” Princeton historian Kevin M. Kruse tweeted, “This past week has felt like a replay of Chicago 1968 all across the nation.”
But as these writers are quick to note, comparisons to 1968 have to be made carefully, with an awareness of differences as well as similarities. As in ’68, America is at war, but the conflict in Afghanistan is at a low ebb compared with the Vietnam War at that time. Further, America’s current wars are being fought with a volunteer army, so the issue of a draft incites no protests. Nor is America experiencing anything like the political violence that led to the assassinations of Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert Kennedy.
The real areas of similarity are the protests against police violence and systematic racism. As Kruse rightly observed, the issue has long been embedded in American history. There are records of protests over police brutality against African Americans going back to the 19th century. After the great migration of African Americans to the North in the early 20th century, protests against police violence flared up regularly, as with the 1919 riot in Chicago and the 1943 uprising in Detroit. More recent examples include the 1992 riots in Los Angeles over the beating of Rodney King and the 2014 uprising in Ferguson, Mo., that spurred the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
The frequency of these protests attests not only to the persistence of police racism but also to the underlying alienation of black Americans from their nation’s social contract. As historians like E.P. Thompson and Natalie Zemon Davis have taught us, riots are not outbursts of chaos but highly ritualistic events. Riots occur when the unwritten social contract has been violated, when expected norms are not being obeyed by the powers that be. Race riots in America follow a clear pattern of reaction to police demonstrations of basic contempt for black citizenship. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
As in the uprisings of the 1960s, the current protests are being met not just by police repression but also by a counter-riot. While police in some jurisdictions like Camden, N.J., are de-escalating, there are many cases of cops’ going on a rampage and initiating violence. Again, this calls to mind the 1960s—not just the famous police riot in Chicago during the Democratic National Convention but also the police vigilantism in Newark in 1967 after the riot there subsided. As Rick Perlstein notes in his 2008 book Nixonland, the police and National Guard in Newark engaged in “the cold-blooded killing of innocents and the systematic trashing of black-owned businesses.”
Some worry that if 2020 is a reprise of 1968, we could witness Donald Trump winning on the same law-and-order backlash that brought Nixon into the White House. But Shapiro and Fallows rightly call attention to a crucial difference: In 1968, Nixon ran as a challenger who could bring order to a disintegrating country. Trump, by contrast, is presiding over the fraying of America and can thus be plausibly blamed for it, all the more so since he’s been an agent of chaos from the start. Related Article A Report From Occupied Territory James Baldwin and Carrie Mae Weems
Nixon was devious and unscrupulous, but he made a plausible law-and-order candidate, particularly before the facts of the Watergate scandal were known. He was a man of the system, a former vice president, someone who clearly understood the norms of governance.
Trump, after four years, still has not mastered those rules and in power remains as much a troublemaker as he was when he was an insurgent candidate. Republican campaign strategist Steve Schmidt accurately described Trump’s limits by noting, “Trump lacks the intellectual ability to process what is happening and why. He lacks the mental composition and fortitude to make smart decisions in a crisis. He lacks the moral authority to speak to the nation at a moment of crisis. America is in chaos and without a President.”
There is another way in which 2020 is different from 1968 that might make the political outcome of the two years different. In 1968, white America didn’t stand with African American protests over police violence and racism. This year, things are different.
As New York University historian Thomas Sugrue observed, “The crowds on big city streets today are far more racially diverse today than in 60s. Yes, there were white looters during the long hot summers, but this weekend’s crowds are far more mixed racially than could be imagined fifty years ago.”
These two crucial differences—the fact that a Republican is presiding over the chaos and that the opposition to police violence is racially diverse—open the possibility for a better outcome than in 1968. As in the ’60s, America remains trapped in its legacy of racism. But the emergence of a broader anti-racist coalition during a legitimacy crisis creates a path forward not just to defeat Trump but also to finally overcome the racism that created Trump.


thenation--2020-06-01--Biden’s Disability Policy Plan Is Surprisingly Good

Former vice president Joe Biden released his much-anticipated disability policy plan last Thursday .
In fact , he released two plans : one for general policy and one addressing how the Covid-19 pandemic affects disabled Americans .
Disability rights advocates have been deeply concerned for months about the lack of attention Biden has shown to disability policy priorities—most recently using the hashtag AccessToJoe on social media to try to push the campaign .
Biden and his staff have been tight-lipped on the contents of the plan .
Many disability rights advocates who contributed to other primary candidates ’ plans felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ secrecy , the disability community did not know what to expect from Biden ’ s plan or if he would even release a plan at all .
To their surprise , Biden ’ s disability policy plan is good .
While his plan isn ’ t as ambitious as those put forward by former rivals Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren , it addresses many of the major policy goals of the disability community .
It would end subminimum wages for disabled workers , review state guardianship laws , and tackle racial disparities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the director of the Center for American Progress ’ s Disability Justice Initiative , praised the plan , saying it “ shows a steadfast commitment to the values laid out in the ADA [ Americans with Disabilities Act ] .
While there has been so much damage perpetrated by the Trump administration that needs critical attention , it ’ s also exciting to see attention to new ideas like accessible childcare and entrepreneurship .
We look forward to further details and dialogue about the vice president ’ s agenda to improve the lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ released his plan , many activists were concerned that he might embrace the worst parts of Senators Kamala Harris ’ s and Amy Klobuchar ’ s mental health plans : forced medication and more money for involuntary , long-term hospitalization .
Instead , Biden ’ s plan supports increased access to voluntary psychiatric treatment .
Victoria Rodriguez-Roldan , a mental health advocate who helped shape Sanders ’ s plan , commended the move .
“ The Biden disability plan on mental health and in general when we apply other parts to it , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she told The Nation .
The plan also calls for Housing First , a strategy based on the idea that homeless people need a safe and stable living situation before they can deal with more complex issues like addiction and mental illness .
Biden ’ s embrace of Housing First is refreshing .
In contrast , President Donald Trump has said on multiple occasions that the solution to homelessness is the construction of “ mental institutions ” —a chilling call to return to a practice disability rights activists fought hard to end .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ activist and lawyer who worked closely with Warren ’ s primary campaign , lauded Biden ’ s general disability plan .
He was especially enthused about proposed changes to Social Security ; one reform he highlighted would grant marriage equality to the disability community .
Currently , disabled people , including Cortland , lose Medicaid , which they rely on to survive , if they legally marry .
“ I want to thank you for promising to work to tear down the barriers that keep us from enjoying the same legal recognition of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden ] enjoy and celebrate , ” he declared on social media .
But Cortland said Biden ’ s “ Covid-19 disability response plan is roughly equivalent to your car being on fire and your mechanic suggesting a plan to replace the brakes , rotate the tires , and change the oil.
” In a statement to The Nation , Cortland pointed out a glaring problem : The plan would guarantee personal protective equipment ( PPE ) to care workers but not to the disabled people they support .
Evidence indicates that widespread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic , so why guarantee PPE only for providers ?
Cortland also said that Biden ’ s plan overlooks the need for specialized PPE for some disabilities and the fact that some disabled people may not be able to wear masks at all .
“ It is my sincere and fervent hope that Joe Biden will partner with disability policy experts to avoid any further such oversights going forward.
” Biden made a surprise appearance during a Zoom briefing rolling out the disability policy plan on Thursday .
Unfortunately , he immediately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He claimed , bafflingly , “ Everyone has some form of disability , some more severe than others.
” Actually , most people do not have a disability .
At another point , he stressed that disabled people “ should not be defined by [ our ] disabilities.
” These are sentiments that people within the contemporary disability rights community find trite or even insulting .
Stephanie Woodward , an icon of the 2017 protests to save Medicaid , tweeted , “ WHO THE FUCK IS ADVISING HIM ?
” in response to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after the briefing , half a dozen disability rights leaders , who asked not to be named , pointed out to one another his unforced errors in calls and messages .
Had Biden consulted community leaders about his speech , he would have learned that such statements would be poorly received .
That said , despite the awkwardness of his remarks , Biden ’ s unannounced appearance on the call was a sign of respect .
Maria Town , the president of the American Association of People With Disabilities and a former Obama @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ I was extremely thrilled to see that the vice president was actually on the call .
It wasn ’ t announced he would be .
When I was working at the White House , the most valuable resource we had as staffers was the president ’ s time .
I think the same is true for Vice President Biden ’ s campaign .
The most valuable thing a campaign has is the president ’ s time .
So to see him on the call for 15 minutes was a really big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reflected a lack of awareness and would have easily been addressed had Biden ’ s campaign engaged with the disability community while planning the event .
Senator Tammy Duckworth made perfect sense ; she consistently champions disability rights legislation in the Senate .
Violinist Itzhak Perlman and America ’ s Next Top Model champion Nyle DiMarco , however , made less sense .
They are celebrities with disabilities , not policy experts .
The Biden campaign did not answer whether Perlman or DiMarco had worked on the plan as of press time .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ said they were eager to work for the Biden campaign if given the opportunity .
But the campaign has been slow to act .
It only recently began assembling a disability policy working group .
There was none to advise on the disability plan as it was formed , according to multiple sources .
Biden does yet not have a disability policy expert or disability liaison on staff .
One disability rights leader , who asked not to be named , told The Nation , “ The process of [ Biden ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaigns , who were more forthcoming with their plans and ideas .
There were a lot of disability leaders who would have been honored to be a part of that plan and the rollout.
” Multiple leaders The Nation spoke with emphasized that Biden has a lot of catching up to do on authentic community engagement .
The lack of outreach to the disability community is particularly frustrating because the Biden disability plan calls for greater disabled representation in government .
His campaign is not yet consistent with the goals of his own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to work with and advise the Biden campaign .
Town told The Nation , “ I view the policy rollout as the beginning .
I do not view it as the sum of the Biden campaign ’ s engagement with the disability community .
I ’ m looking forward to the campaign doing more and hiring more staff with disabilities for his campaign to mirror the call for more government employees and contractors with disabilities in the plan.
” Biden still has some way to go to win over the disability rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ promising start .
“ What we want to see , ” Town said , “ is genuine , earnest engagement with [ disability ] community advocates across the country .
”

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Former vice president Joe Biden released his much-anticipated disability policy plan last Thursday. In fact, he released two plans: one for general policy and one addressing how the Covid-19 pandemic affects disabled Americans. Disability rights advocates have been deeply concerned for months about the lack of attention Biden has shown to disability policy priorities—most recently using the hashtag AccessToJoe on social media to try to push the campaign. Biden and his staff have been tight-lipped on the contents of the plan. Many disability rights advocates who contributed to other primary candidates’ plans felt boxed out. Given the uncertainty and secrecy, the disability community did not know what to expect from Biden’s plan or if he would even release a plan at all.
To their surprise, Biden’s disability policy plan is good.
While his plan isn’t as ambitious as those put forward by former rivals Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, it addresses many of the major policy goals of the disability community. It would end subminimum wages for disabled workers, review state guardianship laws, and tackle racial disparities in special education. Rebecca Cokley, the director of the Center for American Progress’s Disability Justice Initiative, praised the plan, saying it “shows a steadfast commitment to the values laid out in the ADA [Americans with Disabilities Act]. While there has been so much damage perpetrated by the Trump administration that needs critical attention, it’s also exciting to see attention to new ideas like accessible childcare and entrepreneurship. We look forward to further details and dialogue about the vice president’s agenda to improve the lives of 61 million Americans.”
Before Biden released his plan, many activists were concerned that he might embrace the worst parts of Senators Kamala Harris’s and Amy Klobuchar’s mental health plans: forced medication and more money for involuntary, long-term hospitalization. Instead, Biden’s plan supports increased access to voluntary psychiatric treatment. Victoria Rodriguez-Roldan, a mental health advocate who helped shape Sanders’s plan, commended the move. “The Biden disability plan on mental health and in general when we apply other parts to it, emphasizes voluntary treatment and autonomy,” she told The Nation.
The plan also calls for Housing First, a strategy based on the idea that homeless people need a safe and stable living situation before they can deal with more complex issues like addiction and mental illness. Biden’s embrace of Housing First is refreshing. In contrast, President Donald Trump has said on multiple occasions that the solution to homelessness is the construction of “mental institutions”—a chilling call to return to a practice disability rights activists fought hard to end. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Matthew Cortland, a grassroots disability rights activist and lawyer who worked closely with Warren’s primary campaign, lauded Biden’s general disability plan. He was especially enthused about proposed changes to Social Security; one reform he highlighted would grant marriage equality to the disability community. Currently, disabled people, including Cortland, lose Medicaid, which they rely on to survive, if they legally marry. “I want to thank you for promising to work to tear down the barriers that keep us from enjoying the same legal recognition of our love that you & [Jill Biden] enjoy and celebrate,” he declared on social media.
But Cortland said Biden’s “Covid-19 disability response plan is roughly equivalent to your car being on fire and your mechanic suggesting a plan to replace the brakes, rotate the tires, and change the oil.” In a statement to The Nation, Cortland pointed out a glaring problem: The plan would guarantee personal protective equipment (PPE) to care workers but not to the disabled people they support. Evidence indicates that widespread mask adoption is vital to slowing down the pandemic, so why guarantee PPE only for providers? Cortland also said that Biden’s plan overlooks the need for specialized PPE for some disabilities and the fact that some disabled people may not be able to wear masks at all. “It is my sincere and fervent hope that Joe Biden will partner with disability policy experts to avoid any further such oversights going forward.” Current Issue View our current issue
Biden made a surprise appearance during a Zoom briefing rolling out the disability policy plan on Thursday. Unfortunately, he immediately shoved his foot into his mouth. He claimed, bafflingly, “Everyone has some form of disability, some more severe than others.” Actually, most people do not have a disability. At another point, he stressed that disabled people “should not be defined by [our] disabilities.” These are sentiments that people within the contemporary disability rights community find trite or even insulting. Stephanie Woodward, an icon of the 2017 protests to save Medicaid, tweeted, “WHO THE FUCK IS ADVISING HIM?” in response to Biden’s comments. During and after the briefing, half a dozen disability rights leaders, who asked not to be named, pointed out to one another his unforced errors in calls and messages. Had Biden consulted community leaders about his speech, he would have learned that such statements would be poorly received.
That said, despite the awkwardness of his remarks, Biden’s unannounced appearance on the call was a sign of respect. Maria Town, the president of the American Association of People With Disabilities and a former Obama White House staffer, told The Nation, “I was extremely thrilled to see that the vice president was actually on the call. It wasn’t announced he would be. When I was working at the White House, the most valuable resource we had as staffers was the president’s time. I think the same is true for Vice President Biden’s campaign. The most valuable thing a campaign has is the president’s time. So to see him on the call for 15 minutes was a really big deal.” Related Article Free Comrade Britney! Sara Luterman
The choice of speakers also reflected a lack of awareness and would have easily been addressed had Biden’s campaign engaged with the disability community while planning the event. Senator Tammy Duckworth made perfect sense; she consistently champions disability rights legislation in the Senate. Violinist Itzhak Perlman and America’s Next Top Model champion Nyle DiMarco, however, made less sense. They are celebrities with disabilities, not policy experts. The Biden campaign did not answer whether Perlman or DiMarco had worked on the plan as of press time.
Many community leaders, including Cortland, said they were eager to work for the Biden campaign if given the opportunity. But the campaign has been slow to act. It only recently began assembling a disability policy working group. There was none to advise on the disability plan as it was formed, according to multiple sources. Biden does yet not have a disability policy expert or disability liaison on staff. One disability rights leader, who asked not to be named, told The Nation, “The process of [Biden’s disability plan] worked differently than other campaigns, who were more forthcoming with their plans and ideas. There were a lot of disability leaders who would have been honored to be a part of that plan and the rollout.” Multiple leaders The Nation spoke with emphasized that Biden has a lot of catching up to do on authentic community engagement.
The lack of outreach to the disability community is particularly frustrating because the Biden disability plan calls for greater disabled representation in government. His campaign is not yet consistent with the goals of his own disability plan.
Community members and leaders want to work with and advise the Biden campaign. Town told The Nation, “I view the policy rollout as the beginning. I do not view it as the sum of the Biden campaign’s engagement with the disability community. I’m looking forward to the campaign doing more and hiring more staff with disabilities for his campaign to mirror the call for more government employees and contractors with disabilities in the plan.”
Biden still has some way to go to win over the disability rights community, but his plan is a promising start. “What we want to see,” Town said, “is genuine, earnest engagement with [disability] community advocates across the country.”


thenation--2020-05-31--Keith Ellison on Police Brutality: ‘We Need a Vision That Says There’s Going to Be Accountability’

Since the death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd , Minnesota has been at the center of an intense debate about police brutality—and progressive state Attorney General Keith Ellison has been speaking bluntly about the urgent need to open up the debate about policing .
Speaking out for fundamental change is nothing new for Ellison , a former cochair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus who has a record of working on economic , social , and racial justice issues .
He is not in charge of prosecuting fired Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin , who has been arrested and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Floyd ’ s killing .
But members of the Minneapolis City Council have supported a call from Floyd ’ s family for the attorney general to take over the prosecution .
For now , Ellison continues to advocate for accountability and for the right of Minnesotans to demand it with mass protests .
As violence has flared , he has expressed concern , along with many others in Minnesota , that provocateurs are “ trying to tarnish the reputation of the noble protest for justice.
” Ellison and I spoke on Friday and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done to achieve police accountability and police transparency .
Here are highlights from our discussions .
John Nichols : You have been outspoken over the years about police brutality .
Let ’ s start by putting what ’ s happening now in context .
Keith Ellison : Well , you know that the police are now and have always been in place to maintain the legal/social order .
If that ’ s a just social order , that ’ s one thing .
If it ’ s one based on slavery , Jim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Business abusing labor , then the police have always played this role where they are the ones who sort of maintain that social hierarchy .
I grew up in Michigan , and people there have a strong memory about how it was police and policelike forces that put down strikes , how police and parapolice forces were the ones who maintained the racial hierarchy .
When John Lewis , who ’ s a member of Congress , got arrested for challenging segregation , he was arrested by a police officer , right ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a social/cultural order and always have .
It ’ s important to understand you can ’ t look at the police in isolation .
A lot of times we do that because what they do is so flagrant .
I mean , the knee on the neck , right ?
Or the shooting of [ African American youth ] Laquan McDonald , where [ Chicago Police Officer Jason Van Dyke ] wrote in his report that [ McDonald ] attacked him with a knife , when he was so clearly assassinated on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Scott [ an unarmed African American man killed by a police officer in South Carolina ] , who was running away and was shot .
The question is , why do these cases so often result in either no charge , no grand jury bill of indictment like in the Mike Brown case [ in Ferguson , Mo . ]
, no conviction , hung juries ?
I mean , we all saw what happened to Philando Castile—live on Facebook—who was shot down by Officer Jeronimo Yanez [ in Anthony , Minn. ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in that case .
It ’ s just almost impossible to imagine it wouldn ’ t have resulted in a conviction , but it didn ’ t .
Or what about Freddie Gray ?
Perfectly healthy , they throw him in that [ Baltimore police ] van , and he comes out dead , and next thing you know , all these officers are charged , and yet no one is held accountable for the death of Freddie Gray .
There ’ s got to be some element of complicity and culpability on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officers out there .
KE : Impunity is one of the benchmarks of how police engage with , clearly , communities of color , but also low-income white communities , working-class white communities .
You look at the history of it , it ’ s very much there .
There ’ s no doubt that there ’ s a disproportionate number of people of color impacted negatively by police-community engagements , but the fact that we don ’ t talk about the white victims means that we racialize this thing to the point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t think that it ’ s a prevailing American problem .
It is !
What we found in our study , where we did a working group on preventing deadly force encounters with the police—it was a joint working group between the Minnesota attorney general ’ s office and the Minnesota Commission of Public Safety , just finished it in February 2020—is that most of the officer-involved shootings and officer-involved deadly force encounters were actually among white individuals and in greater Minnesota .
But people of color were definitely overrepresented based on population @ @ @ @ @ @ @ JN : You describe this as “ a prevailing American problem.
” Let ’ s talk about that .
KE : Martin Luther King and Malcolm X both spoke extensively about police brutality .
Whether you ’ re talking about the NAACP or the Nation of Islam—you span the ideological spectrum—police brutality has always been a major issue .
So this has been a clear feature of black life in America , and everybody knows it .
Every parent knows it .
And yet it is this problem that seems to be ever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ People think over time this will stop .
No .
No , it won ’ t .
JN : We ’ ve seen mass protests , in Minneapolis and around the country .
There is clearly a lot of passion and attention right now .
Can this be a turning point ?
KE : Yes , I really do think it can be .
But that , by no means , is a foregone conclusion .
It all depends on the leadership we can exercise now .
And what that means is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ideas and mobilize around them at a time when hearts and minds are open for systemic reform .
I think that the Ro Khanna and Lacy Clay bill in Congress [ a proposal by Democratic members of the House to require that federal officers use force only when necessary to prevent imminent death or serious bodily injury ] is an excellent example that could perhaps get some traction .
The ideas we have in our working group on deadly force encounters , we have a whole group of recommendations .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so that we can have meaningful change .
Milton Friedman—not a person I ’ m a fan of—said , you know , only in times of crisis can true reform ever move forward .
It ’ s one of the reasons why Dr. King , through his marching , literally tried to create crisis , because that ’ s when people will do some reform .
He did it nonviolently , but still , people sitting in , occupying , and marching was disruptive to the normal flow of a Southern segregated town @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ create an opening for reform ] .
The fact that this crisis took a deadly and dangerous and sad turn , the fact that it was sparked by the death of a man who had everything to live for , is so tragic .
But I think we ’ re not going to honor his memory unless we do use this point as an inflection point for meaningful reform and change .
Even The Washington Post had an editorial saying , You want to stop riots ?
You ’ ve got to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what , John ?
Here ’ s an interesting thought .
The Kerner Commission said the same thing in 1968 .
There was a whole string of urban unrest sparked by police brutality that occurred in the 1960s , and the Kerner Commission report came back and said , Look , the spark is police .
But the kindling that made the house burn down was joblessness , unemployment , poor housing , concentrated poverty , people without opportunity who were just done with that and needed to do something , anything , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to say , “ This must change.
” So that ’ s the deal .
I will caution , however , that civil unrest and social disruption don ’ t always lead to change .
There ’ s no guarantee that we ’ re going to get the change we ’ re seeking .
That too is an organizing challenge , and you need great ideas , and you need sustained energy around an agenda .
But it can happen , and I ’ m working for it .
JN : That brings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earlier this week , you were emphatic about the need for [ presumptive Democratic presidential nominee ] Joe Biden and other leading political figures to speak out on this .
All of this is happening in an election year .
How do those things intersect ?
KE : We know that there is a vision being offered already , and that vision put out a tweet that said , “ When the looting starts , the shooting starts.
” That vision is referring to protesters as “ thugs.
” People Can Only Bear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we have somebody who is running for president [ Donald Trump ] who has a vision of what policing should look like in America .
We have that .
Do we have anything else ?
This is why it ’ s critical for the Democratic nominee to project a vision around policing that is positive , that is constructive , that really converts policing into a guardian relationship rather than a warrior sort of model of policing .
We need a vision that says there ’ s going to be accountability .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how to be smart on crime , not just tough .
We ’ ve got plenty of tough .
We are in no short supply of tough .
We need Biden talking about it , but we also need senators who are running to talk about it .
We need representatives who are running to talk about it .
We need state legislators to talk about it .
You know , it ’ s got to be a political issue .
How are we going to police ?
And as I said before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policing .
You ’ ve got to change the structural inequalities which make military-style policing necessary in the minds of people who want to preserve that status quo .
KE : Yeah .
Now , there are some who will say , “ Well , until we change society , we can ’ t change policing.
” Absolutely untrue .
We ’ ve got to start with police .
Right now we can say that when it comes to discipline , a collective bargaining agreement from some right-wing police federation can ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officer who abuses citizens .
We can say that , you know , when it comes to wages and working conditions , that can be a collective bargaining issue .
But when you ’ re in a position to deliver death or life to people and you abuse people , we need a clear line of authority , and that needs to be something that we lay at the feet of the chief and the mayor .
In Minneapolis , one of our primary problems is that we have a police federation where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alternative chief .
He ’ s unelected .
He ’ s only accountable to the members of the federation , [ a great many of whom do not ] live in Minneapolis , yet he kind of directs police behavior in Minneapolis , to the detriment of the people of Minneapolis .
The [ police ] chief , working on reforms , saying the right things , showing up at the right meetings , is frustrated because of this guy .
That can not continue to exist .
I mean , this guy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and spoke at the Trump rally , and wanted to wear his uniform .
The chief said , You can not do that .
And he says , Fine , I ’ m going to wear a T-shirt that says , “ Cops for Trump.
” So we ’ ve got this sort of really problematic situation .
This is a political matter , and it needs to become a political issue .
Biden needs to come up with a very clear set of ideas based on [ Barack ] Obama ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a good document .
Let ’ s build on that .
He has it within his ability to do and needs to take that leadership .
JN : Attorneys general across the country , certainly enlightened attorneys general , can play a real role in this , as well .
You ’ ve got some ideas about what they can do to reform things .
KE : One of the things is the bully pulpit .
You ’ re a statewide officeholder .
You have to speak about just and humane policing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You can do that even before you think about representing any state agency , before you file a single lawsuit , before you prosecute a single case .
Think about your role as just a moral voice in the state that elected you .
There ’ s Only One Possible Conclusion : White America Likes Its Killer Cops Then we move on from there .
You can convene the Department of Public Safety .
You can convene the police and the prosecutors and the sheriffs and talk about how we are going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a lot of people who are in law enforcement who are like , “ You know what ?
I actually did join the force because I thought I could help people , and I don ’ t really see that happening , and I want to reform.
” I met so many who were there , officers who said , “ I will not tolerate an officer being inhumane , but if I do complain , is that person going to be right back there on the force ?
And if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any difference if I do complain ?
I ’ ve got to get along with this guy .
But if I knew this person was going to be fired if I complained , then I would complain.
” That is clear .
In terms of attorneys general , some of them do have jurisdiction to prosecute official misconduct .
I don ’ t have that authority yet .
It might be something that legislators are looking at as a reform .
So there are a lot of things that state attorneys general can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ middle of a criminal justice reform movement as well .
[ Philadelphia District Attorney ] Larry Krasner is not an outlier .
He may be the leading voice for reform from prosecutors , but he ’ s not the only one , and more people running for prosecutor are looking at a model where they can bring an enlightened , inclusive spirit to the work that they ’ re doing .
So this is a moment of opportunity at multiple levels .
JN : Finally , one of the striking things in this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to an unarmed African American man in Minneapolis versus these images of heavily armed white men in state capitals [ protesting Covid-19 restrictions ] .
KE : You know what ?
I think that people really are watching that .
Armed militia members , almost all of whom are white guys , many of them carrying AR-15s , in fatigues , nothing happens to them when they ’ re threatening the governor of Michigan , when they ’ re threatening the governor of Minnesota , when the president is saying , “ Liberate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” There ’ s no response .
Nobody says , “ You can ’ t bring that gun in here and menace the governor.
” And yet at the same time , there ’ s a very , very harsh response to people who really aren ’ t doing anything other than exercising their First Amendment rights .
So this is a very , very stunning contrast , and it helps everybody kind of frame the issue .

This article appears in the June 29/July 6, 2020 issue.
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Since the death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd, Minnesota has been at the center of an intense debate about police brutality—and progressive state Attorney General Keith Ellison has been speaking bluntly about the urgent need to open up the debate about policing. Speaking out for fundamental change is nothing new for Ellison, a former cochair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus who has a record of working on economic, social, and racial justice issues. He is not in charge of prosecuting fired Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin, who has been arrested and charged with third-degree murder and manslaughter in Floyd’s killing. But members of the Minneapolis City Council have supported a call from Floyd’s family for the attorney general to take over the prosecution.
For now, Ellison continues to advocate for accountability and for the right of Minnesotans to demand it with mass protests. As violence has flared, he has expressed concern, along with many others in Minnesota, that provocateurs are “trying to tarnish the reputation of the noble protest for justice.”
Ellison and I spoke on Friday and again on Saturday about what must be done to achieve police accountability and police transparency. Here are highlights from our discussions.
J ohn N ichols: You have been outspoken over the years about police brutality. Let’s start by putting what’s happening now in context.
K eith E llison: Well, you know that the police are now and have always been in place to maintain the legal/social order. If that’s a just social order, that’s one thing. If it’s one based on slavery, Jim Crow segregation, capital, and Big Business abusing labor, then the police have always played this role where they are the ones who sort of maintain that social hierarchy.
I grew up in Michigan, and people there have a strong memory about how it was police and policelike forces that put down strikes, how police and parapolice forces were the ones who maintained the racial hierarchy.
When John Lewis, who’s a member of Congress, got arrested for challenging segregation, he was arrested by a police officer, right? So they maintain a legal status quo and a social/cultural order and always have. Current Issue View our current issue
It’s important to understand you can’t look at the police in isolation. A lot of times we do that because what they do is so flagrant. I mean, the knee on the neck, right? Or the shooting of [African American youth] Laquan McDonald, where [Chicago Police Officer Jason Van Dyke] wrote in his report that [McDonald] attacked him with a knife, when he was so clearly assassinated on the street. Same thing with Walter Scott [an unarmed African American man killed by a police officer in South Carolina], who was running away and was shot.
The question is, why do these cases so often result in either no charge, no grand jury bill of indictment like in the Mike Brown case [in Ferguson, Mo.], no conviction, hung juries? I mean, we all saw what happened to Philando Castile—live on Facebook—who was shot down by Officer Jeronimo Yanez [in Falcon Heights, Minn.], and yet there was no conviction in that case. It’s just almost impossible to imagine it wouldn’t have resulted in a conviction, but it didn’t. Or what about Freddie Gray? Perfectly healthy, they throw him in that [Baltimore police] van, and he comes out dead, and next thing you know, all these officers are charged, and yet no one is held accountable for the death of Freddie Gray. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
There’s got to be some element of complicity and culpability on behalf of the system that sends the officers out there.
JN: There’s impunity.
KE: Impunity is one of the benchmarks of how police engage with, clearly, communities of color, but also low-income white communities, working-class white communities. You look at the history of it, it’s very much there. There’s no doubt that there’s a disproportionate number of people of color impacted negatively by police-community engagements, but the fact that we don’t talk about the white victims means that we racialize this thing to the point that there are people who don’t think that it’s a prevailing American problem. It is!
What we found in our study, where we did a working group on preventing deadly force encounters with the police—it was a joint working group between the Minnesota attorney general’s office and the Minnesota Commission of Public Safety, just finished it in February 2020—is that most of the officer-involved shootings and officer-involved deadly force encounters were actually among white individuals and in greater Minnesota. But people of color were definitely overrepresented based on population. There’s no question.
JN: You describe this as “a prevailing American problem.” Let’s talk about that.
KE: Martin Luther King and Malcolm X both spoke extensively about police brutality.
Whether you’re talking about the NAACP or the Nation of Islam—you span the ideological spectrum—police brutality has always been a major issue.
So this has been a clear feature of black life in America, and everybody knows it. Every parent knows it. And yet it is this problem that seems to be ever present and never quite goes away. People think over time this will stop. No. No, it won’t.
JN: We’ve seen mass protests, in Minneapolis and around the country. There is clearly a lot of passion and attention right now. Can this be a turning point?
KE: Yes, I really do think it can be. But that, by no means, is a foregone conclusion. It all depends on the leadership we can exercise now. And what that means is that we’ve got to put forward ideas and mobilize around them at a time when hearts and minds are open for systemic reform.
I think that the Ro Khanna and Lacy Clay bill in Congress [a proposal by Democratic members of the House to require that federal officers use force only when necessary to prevent imminent death or serious bodily injury] is an excellent example that could perhaps get some traction. The ideas we have in our working group on deadly force encounters, we have a whole group of recommendations. It’s time to put those things into place so that we can have meaningful change.
Milton Friedman—not a person I’m a fan of—said, you know, only in times of crisis can true reform ever move forward.
It’s one of the reasons why Dr. King, through his marching, literally tried to create crisis, because that’s when people will do some reform. He did it nonviolently, but still, people sitting in, occupying, and marching was disruptive to the normal flow of a Southern segregated town. So I think this crisis can [create an opening for reform]. The fact that this crisis took a deadly and dangerous and sad turn, the fact that it was sparked by the death of a man who had everything to live for, is so tragic. But I think we’re not going to honor his memory unless we do use this point as an inflection point for meaningful reform and change.
Even The Washington Post had an editorial saying, You want to stop riots? You’ve got to reform the police. But you know what, John? Here’s an interesting thought. The Kerner Commission said the same thing in 1968. There was a whole string of urban unrest sparked by police brutality that occurred in the 1960s, and the Kerner Commission report came back and said, Look, the spark is police. But the kindling that made the house burn down was joblessness, unemployment, poor housing, concentrated poverty, people without opportunity who were just done with that and needed to do something, anything, to get the attention of everybody else to say, “This must change.”
So that’s the deal. I will caution, however, that civil unrest and social disruption don’t always lead to change. There’s no guarantee that we’re going to get the change we’re seeking. That too is an organizing challenge, and you need great ideas, and you need sustained energy around an agenda. But it can happen, and I’m working for it.
JN: That brings us to politics. When we spoke earlier this week, you were emphatic about the need for [presumptive Democratic presidential nominee] Joe Biden and other leading political figures to speak out on this. All of this is happening in an election year. How do those things intersect?
KE: We know that there is a vision being offered already, and that vision put out a tweet that said, “When the looting starts, the shooting starts.” That vision is referring to protesters as “thugs.” Racial Justice People Can Only Bear So Much Injustice Before Lashing Out Elie Mystal
So we have somebody who is running for president [Donald Trump] who has a vision of what policing should look like in America. We have that. Do we have anything else?
This is why it’s critical for the Democratic nominee to project a vision around policing that is positive, that is constructive, that really converts policing into a guardian relationship rather than a warrior sort of model of policing.
We need a vision that says there’s going to be accountability. We’re going to train people around how to be smart on crime, not just tough. We’ve got plenty of tough. We are in no short supply of tough.
We need Biden talking about it, but we also need senators who are running to talk about it. We need representatives who are running to talk about it. We need state legislators to talk about it.
You know, it’s got to be a political issue. How are we going to police? And as I said before, you can’t just change policing. You’ve got to change the structural inequalities which make military-style policing necessary in the minds of people who want to preserve that status quo.
JN: You’re talking about societal change.
KE: Yeah. Now, there are some who will say, “Well, until we change society, we can’t change policing.” Absolutely untrue. We’ve got to start with police.
Right now we can say that when it comes to discipline, a collective bargaining agreement from some right-wing police federation can’t [be allowed to] protect an officer who abuses citizens. We can say that, you know, when it comes to wages and working conditions, that can be a collective bargaining issue. But when you’re in a position to deliver death or life to people and you abuse people, we need a clear line of authority, and that needs to be something that we lay at the feet of the chief and the mayor.
In Minneapolis, one of our primary problems is that we have a police federation where the president operates as sort of an alternative chief. He’s unelected. He’s only accountable to the members of the federation, [a great many of whom do not] live in Minneapolis, yet he kind of directs police behavior in Minneapolis, to the detriment of the people of Minneapolis.
The [police] chief, working on reforms, saying the right things, showing up at the right meetings, is frustrated because of this guy. That cannot continue to exist.
I mean, this guy [the police federation head] went and spoke at the Trump rally, and wanted to wear his uniform. The chief said, You cannot do that. And he says, Fine, I’m going to wear a T-shirt that says, “Cops for Trump.”
So we’ve got this sort of really problematic situation. This is a political matter, and it needs to become a political issue. Biden needs to come up with a very clear set of ideas based on [Barack] Obama’s ideas of 21st century policing. That was a good document. Let’s build on that. He has it within his ability to do and needs to take that leadership.
JN: Attorneys general across the country, certainly enlightened attorneys general, can play a real role in this, as well. You’ve got some ideas about what they can do to reform things.
KE: One of the things is the bully pulpit. You’re a statewide officeholder. You have to speak about just and humane policing and police accountability and police transparency. You can do that even before you think about representing any state agency, before you file a single lawsuit, before you prosecute a single case. Think about your role as just a moral voice in the state that elected you. Police Brutality There’s Only One Possible Conclusion: White America Likes Its Killer Cops Elie Mystal
Then we move on from there. You can convene the Department of Public Safety. You can convene the police and the prosecutors and the sheriffs and talk about how we are going to get to a better way.
There’s a lot of people who are in law enforcement who are like, “You know what? I actually did join the force because I thought I could help people, and I don’t really see that happening, and I want to reform.” I met so many who were there, officers who said, “I will not tolerate an officer being inhumane, but if I do complain, is that person going to be right back there on the force? And if they are, does it even make any difference if I do complain? I’ve got to get along with this guy. But if I knew this person was going to be fired if I complained, then I would complain.” That is clear.
In terms of attorneys general, some of them do have jurisdiction to prosecute official misconduct. I don’t have that authority yet. It might be something that legislators are looking at as a reform.
So there are a lot of things that state attorneys general can do, and we are in the middle of a criminal justice reform movement as well. [Philadelphia District Attorney] Larry Krasner is not an outlier. He may be the leading voice for reform from prosecutors, but he’s not the only one, and more people running for prosecutor are looking at a model where they can bring an enlightened, inclusive spirit to the work that they’re doing.
So this is a moment of opportunity at multiple levels.
JN: Finally, one of the striking things in this moment is the contrast between what happened to an unarmed African American man in Minneapolis versus these images of heavily armed white men in state capitals [protesting Covid-19 restrictions].
KE: You know what? I think that people really are watching that.
Armed militia members, almost all of whom are white guys, many of them carrying AR-15s, in fatigues, nothing happens to them when they’re threatening the governor of Michigan, when they’re threatening the governor of Minnesota, when the president is saying, “Liberate Minnesota. Liberate Michigan. Liberate Virginia.”
There’s no response. Nobody says, “You can’t bring that gun in here and menace the governor.”
And yet at the same time, there’s a very, very harsh response to people who really aren’t doing anything other than exercising their First Amendment rights.
So this is a very, very stunning contrast, and it helps everybody kind of frame the issue.
Editor’s note: A previous version of this article misstated where Officer Yanez shot Philando Castile. It was Falcon Heights, Minn., not Anthony, Minn.


thenation--2020-06-02--Where Does America Go From Here?

Where Does America Go From Here?

As I sat down to write this in Sacramento late on Sunday evening , helicopters buzzed low overhead and large protests were once more underway , just half a mile from my home .
Several hundred protesters had been gathered near the state capitol building since early afternoon , listening to speeches and nurturing a makeshift monument to George Floyd .
By night , police carrying rifles were teargassing the protesters , as well as hitting them with sound grenades and round after round of rubber bullets .
I could hear the shots and grenades from my house : Each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ temporarily dispersed—then reconvened , dropping to their knees and shouting George Floyd ’ s name or saying , “ Hands up , don ’ t shoot !
” Others , further from the capitol grounds , were starting to break windows and loot stores once more .
Similar scenes of rage—some overtly political and peaceful , others far more inchoate—were playing out simultaneously in scores of cities around the country .
The clear Signal this week is that America ’ s wheels have come off in an utterly devastating fashion , as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that claims to be the Grand Exception has revealed itself to be something of a Greek tragedy instead : a marvelously wealthy , successful , and dynamic country brought low by hubris and greed—by the inability of those with power and resources to empathize with , or try to understand , those without .
And the Noise , per usual , is a president entirely obsessed with fanning the flames , in order to distract from his own mishandling of a once-in-a-century pandemic .
Trump ’ s Twitter Tirade Is the Tantrum of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ages , and ethnicities , in all parts of America , have hit their moral limit .
Pandemic notwithstanding , they are finding their consciences won ’ t let them sit on the sidelines after the Minneapolis police killing of Floyd , the racially motivated killing of Ahmaud Arbery in Georgia , and the shooting death by police of Breonna Taylor , as she slept in her own Louisville , Ky. , home .
Masked , scared , and determined , many have taken their politics and their indignation to the streets .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , surrounding government offices , and blockading police buildings , courthouses , and jails , demanding systemic change and an end to the killing , with impunity , of black Americans .
The great majority are peaceful , demonstrating with a marvelous dignity and calm .
There are , however , some who are not : Every day since Friday , as darkness has fallen in Sacramento , small groups have gone on to break windows , loot stores , and smash up cars .
Each time the police hit the protesters at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the nearby streets and shattered additional restaurant and storefront windows .
The same situation is unfolding in scores of other cities : in Santa Monica , Atlanta , New York , Louisville , and , of course , Minneapolis .
In such a moment , the country cries out for presidential words of healing and humility .
We need a philosophical and historical appraisal of how an event like Floyd ’ s killing could become run-of-the-mill .
Instead , Donald Trump—that vuvuzela of vitriol—continues to dole out self-serving , bombastic tweets .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a good idea , at a tinderbox moment like this , to quote the “ when the looting starts , the shooting starts ” 1967 catchphrase from an arch-segregationist Florida police chief ?
What kind of a man boasts of “ vicious dogs ” and “ ominous weapons ” awaiting protesters who breached the White House security perimeter , or lusts after the chance to unleash military personnel and weaponry against Americans ?
Just weeks after declaring that the armed militia members in Michigan who have threatened to lynch their governor were “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the loosely defined group known as “ antifa ” should now be defined as terrorists .
On Monday , he berated governors during a conference call , telling them that they needed to “ dominate ” protesters .
Later that day , Trump threatened to unleash the US military domestically ; NBC News reported that he plans to do this by invoking the 1807 Insurrection Act .
As he made this announcement—as well as a claim to be “ your law-and-order president ” —he posed for a photo op in front of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , while police brutally dispersed both nonviolent protesters and journalists from around the world .
None of this is helpful .
None of it meets the enormous needs of this historical moment .
This is a crisis crying out for the soaring rhetoric that Barack Obama displayed in his Philadelphia speech on race , delivered while he was a presidential candidate in 2008 , or when he sang “ Amazing Grace ” in Charleston , S.C. , in the aftermath of the racially motivated church shooting in 2015 .
Instead , we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dumbed-down that the most he can say is that “ MAGA loves the black people , ” thus managing to be both condescending and dishonest at the same time .
On Saturday night , just a few hundred meters from my house , some people smashed storefront windows and ransacked shops .
A phalanx of police officers tossed stun grenades and fired rubber bullets at the furious crowds .
Police cars raced down our streets , sirens blaring .
Young white men materialized on our street , seemingly with a vigilante bent .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , one said to me that the “ ghetto bunnies ” were only two blocks away .
I ’ d be lying if I said the whole scene wasn ’ t terrifying .
The breakdown of order .
The collapse into warring tribes and gangs .
The militarized police response .
The assumption by some that the wanton destruction of other people ’ s property and livelihoods is somehow a progressive political statement .
This moment is laden not just with pent-up fury at Trump but also a history of racial and economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , grief over the more than 100,000 Americans who have already died of Covid-19 , and instability as tens of millions of livelihoods go down the toilet .
Now , with the United States facing its gravest crisis of nationwide civic unrest since Martin Luther King Jr. ’ s assassination , the only response to emanate from the White House is more distractions and noise .
We see no soaring rhetoric , no attempt to listen and to learn , and no words of moral urgency .
I was 17 years old in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ satellite states collapsed first into chaos , then into historical oblivion .
A few years earlier , it would have been entirely inconceivable to contemplate a world without the country that was called the Soviet Union—without its vast geopolitical power , its ability to bend history to its whim .
And then the inconceivable happened .
Is 2020 the United States ’ 1989 ?
It ’ s hard to imagine such a scenario .
But it ’ s also becoming more impossible by the day to imagine that we will find a peaceful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s corrupt , venal , and desperately unempathetic presidency .
This moment is filled with sickness , economic devastation , and , now , growing violence and confrontation .
There is a nihilism blossoming on the streets of America ’ s cities .
We can not sit on the sidelines and just hope against hope that everything doesn ’ t go up in flames .

As I sat down to write this in Sacramento late on Sunday evening, helicopters buzzed low overhead, and large protests were once more underway, just half a mile from my home.
Several hundred protesters had been gathered near the state capitol since early afternoon, listening to speeches and nurturing a makeshift monument to George Floyd. By night, police carrying rifles were teargassing the protesters, as well as hitting them with sound grenades and round after round of rubber bullets. I could hear the shots and grenades from my house: Each time the protesters were hit, they temporarily dispersed, then reconvened, dropping to their knees and shouting George Floyd’s name or saying, “Hands up, don’t shoot!” Others, farther from the capitol grounds, were starting to break windows and loot stores once more. Similar scenes of rage—some overtly political and peaceful, others far more inchoate—were playing out simultaneously in scores of cities around the country.
The clear Signal this week is that America’s wheels have come off in an utterly devastating fashion as the world watches in horror. The country that claims to be the Grand Exception has revealed itself to be something of a Greek tragedy instead: a marvelously wealthy, successful, and dynamic country brought low by hubris and greed—by the inability of those with power and resources to empathize with or try to understand those without.
And the Noise, per usual, is a president entirely obsessed with fanning the flames in order to distract from his mishandling of a once-in-a-century pandemic. Related Article Trump’s Twitter Tirade Is the Tantrum of a Troll Sasha Abramsky
People of all races, ages, and ethnicities, in all parts of America, have hit their moral limit. Pandemic notwithstanding, they are finding their consciences won’t let them sit on the sidelines after the Minneapolis police killing of Floyd, the racially motivated killing of Ahmaud Arbery in Georgia, and the shooting death by police of Breonna Taylor as she slept in her Louisville, Ky., home. Masked, scared, and determined, many have taken their politics and their indignation to the streets. Protesters across the country are blocking freeways, surrounding government offices, and blockading police buildings, courthouses, and jails, demanding systemic change and an end to the killing, with impunity, of black Americans.
The great majority are peaceful, demonstrating with a marvelous dignity and calm. There are, however, some who are not: Every day since Friday, as darkness has fallen in Sacramento, small groups have gone on to break windows, loot stores, and smash up cars. Each time the police hit the protesters at the capitol, some have veered off into the nearby streets and shattered additional restaurant and storefront windows. The same situation is unfolding in other cities, including Santa Monica, Atlanta, New York, Louisville, and of course, Minneapolis. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
In such a moment, the country cries out for presidential words of healing and humility. We need a philosophical and historical appraisal of how an event like Floyd’s killing could become run-of-the-mill. Instead, Donald Trump—that vuvuzela of vitriol—continues to dole out self-serving, bombastic tweets. Current Issue View our current issue
What kind of a man thinks it a good idea, at a tinderbox moment like this, to quote the “when the looting starts, the shooting starts” 1967 catchphrase from an archsegregationist Florida police chief? What kind of a man boasts of “vicious dogs” and “ominous weapons” awaiting protesters who breached the White House security perimeter or lusts after the chance to unleash military personnel and weaponry against Americans? Just weeks after declaring that the armed militia members in Michigan who have threatened to lynch their governor were “very good people,” Trump tweeted that the loosely defined group known as antifa should now be defined as terrorists.
On Monday he berated governors during a conference call, telling them that they needed to “dominate” protesters. Later that day, Trump threatened to unleash the US military domestically; NBC News reported that he plans to do this by invoking the 1807 Insurrection Act. As he made this announcement—as well as a claim to be “your law-and-order president”—he posed for a photo op in front of a historic church opposite the White House while police brutally dispersed nonviolent protesters and journalists from around the world.
None of this is helpful. None of it meets the enormous needs of this historic moment. This is a crisis crying out for the soaring rhetoric that Barack Obama displayed in his Philadelphia speech on race, delivered while he was a presidential candidate in 2008, or when he sang “Amazing Grace” in Charleston, S.C., in the aftermath of the racially motivated church shooting in 2015. Instead, we have a president whose rhetorical abilities are so dumbed down that the most he can say is that “MAGA loves the black people,” thus managing to be both condescending and dishonest at the same time.
On Saturday night, just a few hundred meters from my house, some people smashed storefront windows and ransacked shops. A phalanx of police officers tossed stun grenades and fired rubber bullets at the furious crowds. Police cars raced down our streets, sirens blaring. Young white men materialized on our street, seemingly with a vigilante bent. When I stepped out onto the sidewalk, one said to me that the “ghetto bunnies” were only two blocks away.
I’d be lying if I said the whole scene wasn’t terrifying. The breakdown of order. The collapse into warring tribes and gangs. The militarized police response. The assumption by some that the wanton destruction of other people’s property and livelihoods is somehow a progressive political statement. This moment is laden not just with pent-up fury at Trump but also a history of racial and economic injustice, fear of a deadly pandemic, grief over the more than 100,000 Americans who have so far died of Covid-19, and instability as tens of millions of livelihoods go down the toilet.
Now, with the United States facing its gravest crisis of nationwide civic unrest since Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination, the only response to emanate from the White House is more distractions and noise. We see no soaring rhetoric, no attempt to listen and to learn, and no words of moral urgency.
I was 17 years old in 1989, when the USSR and its satellite states collapsed first into chaos, then into historical oblivion. A few years earlier, it would have been entirely inconceivable to contemplate a world without the country that was called the Soviet Union—without its vast geopolitical power, its ability to bend history to its whim. And then the inconceivable happened.
Is 2020 the United States’ 1989? It’s hard to imagine such a scenario. But it’s also becoming more impossible by the day to imagine that we will find a peaceful exit strategy from the consequences of Trump’s corrupt, venal, and desperately unempathetic presidency.
This moment is filled with sickness, economic devastation, and growing violence and confrontation. There is a nihilism blossoming on the streets of America’s cities. We cannot sit on the sidelines and just hope against hope that everything doesn’t go up in flames.