thenation--2020-04-15--The Troublesome Tara Reade Story

The Troublesome Tara Reade Story

There is no evidence that former vice president Joe Biden , now the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee , sexually assaulted aide Tara Reade in 1993 .
There is no evidence that he did not .
Reade claims he did—specifically , that he pushed her against a wall and digitally penetrated her against her will , when she worked in his US Senate office .
Biden ’ s campaign firmly denies it .
The story originated on the left , just about three weeks ago , when diehard Bernie Sanders supporter Katie Halper hosted Reade on her podcast , and encouraged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first time in 27 years .
The story took off from there , on the left and the right , with certain Sanders supporters and Donald Trump backers ( whose own man is credibly accused of sexual assault or extreme harassment by more than a dozen women ) accusing the mainstream media of pro-Biden bias for not investigating the charges against him .
But to those who hectored the media to investigate the allegations about Biden , believing it would validate Reade ’ s charges , the old adage applies : Be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the last two days , mainstream outlets , including The New York Times , Associated Press , have taken deep dives into Reade ’ s charges , and come up with a whole lot of confusion .
Even in the era of # MeToo , Reade ’ s story is problematic .
For one thing , she ’ s changed it multiple times .
Last year , she came forward to echo the charges of Las Vegas activist Lucy Flores ( who said Biden once grabbed her shoulders and kissed the back of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Press that he “ rubbed her shoulders and neck ” and “ played with her hair ” several times when she worked for him in 1993 .
That ’ s not good , but it ’ s not rape .
Reade now says she made claims of sexual harassment , but not assault , to her supervisors in Biden ’ s office ; they vehemently deny hearing any such complaint .
She says she was told to find a new job by a supervisor , but she has also changed her recollection of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reporters in recent weeks ( all of the people she named deny it ) .
The AP contacted 21 former Biden staffers , none of whom remember any Reade complaint against their boss .
Reade also claims she complained to the Senate personnel office ; there is no record of it .
Just last Thursday , Reade filed a complaint with the Washington , DC , police department , but told the Post she did so , in its reporters ’ words , “ because she is being harassed online and wanted law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The public record of the claim doesn ’ t name Biden but says Reade “ disclosed that she was the victim of a sexual assault ” in 1993 .
She does have a friend who confirms that Reade told her about the assault at the time ; the friend insists on remaining anonymous , but has spoken to multiple outlets .
In corroborating sexual assault charges , that can be an important piece of evidence .
Reade ’ s brother , in the past , has said she told him , too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for The Washington Post , saying only that she ’ d told him about harassment by Biden , then texting a Post reporter to say he did remember his sister saying Biden touched her “ under her clothes.
” ( Her brother refused to talk to the Times , AP , or Salon ) .
Finally , Reade seems to have , or have had , a strange obsession with Russian President Vladimir Putin .
In an op-ed posted on Medium in 2018 , she wrote , “ President Putin has an alluring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sensuous image projects his love for life , the embodiment of grace while facing adversity.
” Since the Biden assault story broke , she has insisted she was merely writing a novel about Putin , but the Medium post was pretty clearly a political screed , headlined “ Why A Liberal Democrat Supports Vladimir Putin.
” She claimed that she quit working for Biden because she loves “ Russia with all my heart ” and was sickened by “ the reckless imperialism of America ” As the Times ’ Michelle Goldberg points out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ I worked for the Senate , I know the plan to bring Russia to its knees.
” She now repudiates Putin .
Respecting Putin does not discredit her ; again , her changing stories here hurt her credibility .
Joe Biden , Here ’ s How to Earn Our Support Wisconsin ’ s Pandemic Election Is a Red Alert for Democracy in America Bernie Sanders Is As Frustrated as You Are More in this series Where does this leave us ?
Reade ’ s shifting stories are a huge problem , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be the victim of a crime .
And as someone who has personally criticized Biden for his persistent invasion of women ’ s personal space—up to and including multiple accounts of touching and kissing—I find her allegation hard to believe .
Is it possible ?
Sure .
Is it probable ?
No .
And here ’ s why , in addition to Reade ’ s credibility issues : In his closely documented , almost 50-year career , there have been no other similar claims against Biden .
The Times interviewed the other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to accuse Biden of touching them against their will ; none said his behavior crossed the line to sexual assault .
After many dozen interviews , with Reade and her friends , along with lawyers and two dozen Biden staffers , the writers concluded : “ The Times found no pattern of sexual misconduct by Mr. Biden.
” Men who do what Reade says Biden did tend to do it more than once ( see Harvey Weinstein , Jeffrey Epstein , and Donald Trump ) .
Also , once an allegation like Reade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They have not , at least so far .
Biden was not my primary candidate .
I went so far as to say on CNN that he shouldn ’ t run , and here at The Nation that his behavior toward women was virtually disqualifying .
( I also predicted he wouldn ’ t win the nomination , so what do I know .
Though he was not my choice , he won it , and I ’ ll support him . )
Bernie Sanders wasn ’ t my top choice either @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I find it hard to imagine that if Sanders believed Biden was a rapist , he ’ d have enthusiastically endorsed him on Monday .
( Elizabeth Warren followed Sanders today . )
Most troubling to me about this whole story—besides Reade ’ s obvious pain over whatever happened—is the way folks on the left are using it to smear feminists and Democrats who have a hard time believing her charge .
“ For Elite Democrats , Joe Biden ’ s Candidacy Means Ditching # MeToo , ” Liza Featherstone wrote in Jacobin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders . )
When I watched a video of the Sanders endorsement on his site late Monday , dozens of rolling on-screen commenters called Biden a “ rapist.
” That ’ s repugnant .
( Now that the mainstream media has investigated Reade ’ s claims , Jacobin , predictably , finds the coverage lacking . )
It ’ s true , for a time , that one of the slogans that emerged from the nascent # MeToo movement was “ Believe women.
” But it was never that simple ; nobody ever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every woman , no matter how incredible or undocumented her claim.
” The point was to give women ’ s accounts of sexual assault a fair and respectful hearing : first , hopefully , by police ; or , if she made her claim to the media , by reporters .
Reporters have done just that with Tara Reade .
Her allegation against Biden doesn ’ t stand up to close scrutiny .
And bullying by the left or right won ’ t change that .

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There is no evidence that former vice president Joe Biden, now the presumptive Democratic presidential nominee, sexually assaulted aide Tara Reade in 1993. There is no evidence that he did not. Reade claims he did—specifically, that he pushed her against a wall and digitally penetrated her against her will, when she worked in his US Senate office. Biden’s campaign firmly denies it.
The story originated on the left, just about three weeks ago, when diehard Bernie Sanders supporter Katie Halper hosted Reade on her podcast, and encouraged her to tell her story publicly for the first time in 27 years. The story took off from there, on the left and the right, with certain Sanders supporters and Donald Trump backers (whose own man is credibly accused of sexual assault or extreme harassment by more than a dozen women) accusing the mainstream media of pro-Biden bias for not investigating the charges against him.
But to those who hectored the media to investigate the allegations about Biden, believing it would validate Reade’s charges, the old adage applies: Be careful what you wish for.
In the last two days, mainstream outlets, including The New York Times, Associated Press, have taken deep dives into Reade’s charges, and come up with a whole lot of confusion. Even in the era of #MeToo, Reade’s story is problematic. For one thing, she’s changed it multiple times. Last year, she came forward to echo the charges of Las Vegas activist Lucy Flores (who said Biden once grabbed her shoulders and kissed the back of her head), telling the Associated Press that he “rubbed her shoulders and neck” and “played with her hair” several times when she worked for him in 1993.
That’s not good, but it’s not rape.
Reade now says she made claims of sexual harassment, but not assault, to her supervisors in Biden’s office; they vehemently deny hearing any such complaint. She says she was told to find a new job by a supervisor, but she has also changed her recollection of which supervisor it was when speaking to reporters in recent weeks (all of the people she named deny it). The AP contacted 21 former Biden staffers, none of whom remember any Reade complaint against their boss. Reade also claims she complained to the Senate personnel office; there is no record of it.
Just last Thursday, Reade filed a complaint with the Washington, DC, police department, but told the Post she did so, in its reporters’ words, “because she is being harassed online and wanted law enforcement to be aware of her claim.” The public record of the claim doesn’t name Biden but says Reade “disclosed that she was the victim of a sexual assault” in 1993. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
She does have a friend who confirms that Reade told her about the assault at the time; the friend insists on remaining anonymous, but has spoken to multiple outlets. In corroborating sexual assault charges, that can be an important piece of evidence. Reade’s brother, in the past, has said she told him, too. But he briefly changed his story for The Washington Post, saying only that she’d told him about harassment by Biden, then texting a Post reporter to say he did remember his sister saying Biden touched her “under her clothes.” (Her brother refused to talk to the Times, AP, or Salon).
Finally, Reade seems to have, or have had, a strange obsession with Russian President Vladimir Putin. In an op-ed posted on Medium in 2018, she wrote, “President Putin has an alluring combination of strength with gentleness. His sensuous image projects his love for life, the embodiment of grace while facing adversity.” Since the Biden assault story broke, she has insisted she was merely writing a novel about Putin, but the Medium post was pretty clearly a political screed, headlined “Why A Liberal Democrat Supports Vladimir Putin.” She claimed that she quit working for Biden because she loves “Russia with all my heart” and was sickened by “the reckless imperialism of America” As the Times’ Michelle Goldberg points out, last December she tweeted, bizarrely, “I worked for the Senate, I know the plan to bring Russia to its knees.” She now repudiates Putin.
Respecting Putin does not discredit her; again, her changing stories here hurt her credibility. Election 2020 Joe Biden, Here’s How to Earn Our Support Waleed Shahid Wisconsin’s Pandemic Election Is a Red Alert for Democracy in America John Nichols Bernie Sanders Is As Frustrated as You Are John Nichols
Where does this leave us? Reade’s shifting stories are a huge problem, as they would be for anyone claiming to be the victim of a crime. And as someone who has personally criticized Biden for his persistent invasion of women’s personal space—up to and including multiple accounts of touching and kissing—I find her allegation hard to believe. Is it possible? Sure. Is it probable? No.
And here’s why, in addition to Reade’s credibility issues: In his closely documented, almost 50-year career, there have been no other similar claims against Biden. The Times interviewed the other seven women who came out last year to accuse Biden of touching them against their will; none said his behavior crossed the line to sexual assault. After many dozen interviews, with Reade and her friends, along with lawyers and two dozen Biden staffers, the writers concluded: “The Times found no pattern of sexual misconduct by Mr. Biden.” Men who do what Reade says Biden did tend to do it more than once (see Harvey Weinstein, Jeffrey Epstein, and Donald Trump). Also, once an allegation like Reade’s surfaces, others usually follow. They have not, at least so far.
Biden was not my primary candidate. I went so far as to say on CNN that he shouldn’t run, and here at The Nation that his behavior toward women was virtually disqualifying. (I also predicted he wouldn’t win the nomination, so what do I know. Though he was not my choice, he won it, and I’ll support him.)
Bernie Sanders wasn’t my top choice either, but I trust his integrity. I find it hard to imagine that if Sanders believed Biden was a rapist, he’d have enthusiastically endorsed him on Monday. (Elizabeth Warren followed Sanders today.)
Most troubling to me about this whole story—besides Reade’s obvious pain over whatever happened—is the way folks on the left are using it to smear feminists and Democrats who have a hard time believing her charge. “For Elite Democrats, Joe Biden’s Candidacy Means Ditching #MeToo,” Liza Featherstone wrote in Jacobin. (I guess that now includes Sanders.) When I watched a video of the Sanders endorsement on his site late Monday, dozens of rolling on-screen commenters called Biden a “rapist.” That’s repugnant. (Now that the mainstream media has investigated Reade’s claims, Jacobin, predictably, finds the coverage lacking.)
It’s true, for a time, that one of the slogans that emerged from the nascent #MeToo movement was “Believe women.” But it was never that simple; nobody ever said, or meant, “Believe every woman, no matter how incredible or undocumented her claim.” The point was to give women’s accounts of sexual assault a fair and respectful hearing: first, hopefully, by police; or, if she made her claim to the media, by reporters.
Reporters have done just that with Tara Reade. Her allegation against Biden doesn’t stand up to close scrutiny. And bullying by the left or right won’t change that.


thenation--2020-04-15--Can Biden Go Left?

Can Biden Go Left?

Basketball was never Joe Biden ’ s sport .
His football prowess helped get him elected president of his high school class .
It also gave him the confidence to overcome the stutter that plagued him throughout his childhood .
But to win in November , he ’ ll need to answer a question more often asked on the basketball court : Can he go to his left ?
1 His endorsement by Bernie Sanders ended a roller coaster primary campaign .
Remember , this was the candidate who , after dominating the national polls for months , finished fourth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in New Hampshire , was reduced to pleading “ It ain ’ t over.
” Who staked his future on “ overwhelming support from black and brown ” voters , only to find in Nevada that Latinx voters preferred Sanders .
Yet Biden ’ s faith in his African American base was more than justified on Super Tuesday , when black voters delivered the kind of comeback usually associated with a defibrillator.2 Can Obama Unite the Democrats Behind Biden ?
Faithful readers will know The Nation preferred another nominee .
That puts us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under 45—whose support is going to be needed to defeat Donald Trump , a president whose reelection would be a catastrophic blow to all of the causes we value .
Denying Trump the chance to appoint even one more justice to the Supreme Court should be reason enough to get out of bed on November 3 .
But if the composition of the court were a sufficient motivator , Trump wouldn ’ t have been elected in the first place.3 Like Hillary Clinton , Biden won the nomination while losing the battle of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already indicated he ’ ll allow his rival significant influence over the party ’ s platform .
This time , though , it needs to be more than a series of empty promises.4 Biden ’ s letter assuring Sanders supporters they “ are more than welcome .
[ They ’ re ] needed ” was a step in the right direction .
So , too , was the tone of the livestream announcing Sanders ’ s endorsement—as was the news that Sanders and Biden staffers would work together to hammer out policy on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health care , criminal justice , and climate change.5 Joe Biden , Here ’ s How to Earn Our Support But these task forces must be more than an exercise .
They need to reflect the recognition that , as Sanders demonstrated beyond all doubt , the future of the Democratic Party is on the left .
If the great achievement of his 2016 campaign was to shift the center ground of American politics , in 2020 Sanders went further , building a truly diverse coalition of young people of all races , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ progressives .
Without the support of every element of that movement , a Democratic victory in November will remain out of reach.6 Conventional wisdom says Democratic nominees must pivot to the center to win in November .
Given the stakes , that wouldn ’ t just be foolish .
It would be criminally negligent.7 Biden has demonstrated a willingness to reverse course , adopting Elizabeth Warren ’ s position on bankruptcy reform in March .
When he announced his proposals to lower the age for Medicare eligibility to 60 and to forgive student @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attended public or historically black colleges and universities , he credited Sanders.8 But it will take more than gestures to win over the Sanders movement .
On immigration and incarceration , Biden has amends to make , particularly to Latinx communities terrorized by deportation .
Likewise on Social Security : He needs to disown his past as a politician more concerned with balanced budgets than with human suffering .
Biden needs to show he understands that returning to the past—whether in our politics or our broken health care system—is simply no longer an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collapse it has triggered provide perfect cover for such a rethink .
Sanders may have endorsed Biden , but as Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor recently argued in The New Yorker , “ reality has endorsed ” Sanders .
The question is how far Biden will go in taking his cue from reality.10

This article appears in the May 4/11, 2020 issue.
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Basketball was never Joe Biden’s sport. His football prowess helped get him elected president of his high school class. It also gave him the confidence to overcome the stutter that plagued him throughout his childhood. But to win in November, he’ll need to answer a question more often asked on the basketball court: Can he go to his left?1
His endorsement by Bernie Sanders ended a roller coaster primary campaign. Remember, this was the candidate who, after dominating the national polls for months, finished fourth in Iowa and, after placing fifth in New Hampshire, was reduced to pleading “It ain’t over.” Who staked his future on “overwhelming support from black and brown” voters, only to find in Nevada that Latinx voters preferred Sanders. Yet Biden’s faith in his African American base was more than justified on Super Tuesday, when black voters delivered the kind of comeback usually associated with a defibrillator.2 Related Article Can Obama Unite the Democrats Behind Biden? Jeet Heer
Faithful readers will know The Nation preferred another nominee. That puts us in the company of many others—particularly voters under 45—whose support is going to be needed to defeat Donald Trump, a president whose reelection would be a catastrophic blow to all of the causes we value. Denying Trump the chance to appoint even one more justice to the Supreme Court should be reason enough to get out of bed on November 3. But if the composition of the court were a sufficient motivator, Trump wouldn’t have been elected in the first place.3
Like Hillary Clinton, Biden won the nomination while losing the battle of ideas. Like her, he has already indicated he’ll allow his rival significant influence over the party’s platform. This time, though, it needs to be more than a series of empty promises.4
Biden’s letter assuring Sanders supporters they “are more than welcome. [They’re] needed” was a step in the right direction. So, too, was the tone of the livestream announcing Sanders’s endorsement—as was the news that Sanders and Biden staffers would work together to hammer out policy on the economy, education, immigration, health care, criminal justice, and climate change.5 Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Related Article Joe Biden, Here’s How to Earn Our Support Waleed Shahid
But these task forces must be more than an exercise. They need to reflect the recognition that, as Sanders demonstrated beyond all doubt, the future of the Democratic Party is on the left. If the great achievement of his 2016 campaign was to shift the center ground of American politics, in 2020 Sanders went further, building a truly diverse coalition of young people of all races, working-class voters, Latinx voters, and progressives. Without the support of every element of that movement, a Democratic victory in November will remain out of reach.6
Conventional wisdom says Democratic nominees must pivot to the center to win in November. Given the stakes, that wouldn’t just be foolish. It would be criminally negligent.7 Current Issue View our current issue
Biden has demonstrated a willingness to reverse course, adopting Elizabeth Warren’s position on bankruptcy reform in March. When he announced his proposals to lower the age for Medicare eligibility to 60 and to forgive student loans for low-income and middle-class students who attended public or historically black colleges and universities, he credited Sanders.8
But it will take more than gestures to win over the Sanders movement. On immigration and incarceration, Biden has amends to make, particularly to Latinx communities terrorized by deportation. Likewise on Social Security: He needs to disown his past as a politician more concerned with balanced budgets than with human suffering. Biden needs to show he understands that returning to the past—whether in our politics or our broken health care system—is simply no longer an option.9
The current pandemic and the economic collapse it has triggered provide perfect cover for such a rethink. Sanders may have endorsed Biden, but as Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor recently argued in The New Yorker, “reality has endorsed” Sanders. The question is how far Biden will go in taking his cue from reality.10


thenation--2020-04-15--Scenes From a Pandemic: 3

Scenes From a Pandemic: 3

Nashville—It rained all day yesterday .
My neighbor down the street called to ask if I ’ d help him move some boxes once the rain stopped ; his roof caved in during the tornado that hit weeks ago , and now the tarps had failed , dumping deep piles of loose , wet insulation throughout the house .
All along the half-mile-wide scar that the tornado had left through North Nashville ( and then for 60 continuous miles across three counties ) , yesterday ’ s rain trickled through puddling and straining tarps , echoing on the floors of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and drywall of those still occupied .
The mayor has issued a “ safer at home ” order requiring us to stay in to prevent the catastrophic spread of the coronavirus .
“ What home ?
” my neighbor grunted , as we lifted the boxes into my truck .
The tornado scattered us , and the virus bottles us back in .
Something Is Happening Here is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind , a living memorial to radical journalist Andrew Kopkind , who from 1982–94 was the magazine ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ night after the March 3 tornado , we mobilized , thousands of us , cutting apart the hundreds of mammoth hackberry trees whose roots had given way to the wind , crushing roofs and cars and knocking out every electric line in nine ZIP Codes .
We rented or borrowed every chainsaw in the county , as the tireless young people from the Sunrise Movement set up a mutual aid hub across from the corner market .
Neighbors pulled out ladders and hammers to tarp one another ’ s roofs ; the racial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ volunteers to provide humanitarian supplies and clear roads .
The same day that the governor announced the first confirmed Covid-19 case in Middle Tennessee , city officials opened up the downtown farmers ’ market and neighborhood community centers as emergency shelters for hundreds of homeless families .
Over the following days we didn ’ t talk much about the virus except as an explanation for why we couldn ’ t find gloves or masks for work crews starting to gut houses .
The tornado hit on Super Tuesday and I took a half @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but there was no line at the gymnasium that day .
We didn ’ t get power back for eight days .
Some homes are still without it .
As temperatures dipped toward freezing , rumors spread that house flippers were prowling the block offering black homeowners cash for a fraction of their property ’ s worth .
We made agreements with strangers on the street that if we caught house flippers , we ’ d slash their tires and run them out of the neighborhood .
We gathered generators to keep peoples @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , you can hear generators running at night .
After the first grim days , the streets started filling with people , great floods of volunteers , now with pale skin and sunglasses and joking about “ taking lumberjack selfies.
” The crowd disappeared as the coronavirus moved into the headlines : Dozens were dead in Seattle ; Italy ’ s medical system was overwhelmed ; African nations were denying entrance to their northern neighbors .
Now I walk through North Nashville and the streets are empty .
The bartenders and housekeepers and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work gloves and hot meals in early March are home now , researching unemployment programs , trying to figure out how they ’ re going to make the rent .
The city is bipolar ; the Honky-Tonks on Second Avenue are closed by decree , but construction sites are still bustling .
The house flippers managed to get some properties in North Nashville after all , and a friend who is organizing with construction day laborers agitates on Facebook : “ Gentrification is NOT an essential industry.
” But none of us knows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ online agitation doesn ’ t feel like enough .
When I do run into a neighbor , we talk about a citywide rent strike .
He thinks it might just work ; he stays on the sidewalk with his dog while I talk from the porch , 20 feet away .
A friend from Brooklyn calls , concerned , knowing that I ’ ve been in the street for weeks .
“ The virus isn ’ t a tornado , ” she says ; “ your neighbors don ’ t carry the tornado @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is still here , and the gentrifiers and the landlords aren ’ t taking a break .
Church pews and family photos still litter the street on 21st and Formosa , fading in the rain as city workers set up the new Covid-19 treatment tents outside General Hospital a few blocks away .
As I drive home at dusk after dropping off the last load of my neighbor ’ s boxes at a storage unit , the flashing blue-and-red marquee in front of the neighborhood church is the only visible activity .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ announcing to no one at all that god is still in control .
God or the virus or the tornado or the landlords , or all four , because it damn sure isn ’ t us yet .
Something Is Happening Here is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind , offering scenes from a pandemic—a series of dispatches from Kopkind ’ s far-flung network of participants , advisers , guests , and friends .
Edited by Nation contributor and Kopkind program director JoAnn Wypijewski , it will appear weekly on thenation.com and @ @

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
N ashville—It rained all day yesterday. My neighbor down the street called to ask if I’d help him move some boxes once the rain stopped; his roof caved in during the tornado that hit weeks ago, and now the tarps had failed, dumping deep piles of loose, wet insulation throughout the house. All along the half-mile-wide scar that the tornado had left through North Nashville (and then for 60 continuous miles across three counties), yesterday’s rain trickled through puddling and straining tarps, echoing on the floors of abandoned homes and soaking into the mattresses and drywall of those still occupied. The mayor has issued a “safer at home” order requiring us to stay in to prevent the catastrophic spread of the coronavirus. “What home?” my neighbor grunted, as we lifted the boxes into my truck. The tornado scattered us, and the virus bottles us back in. Something Is Happening Here is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind, a living memorial to radical journalist Andrew Kopkind, who from 1982–94 was the magazine’s chief political writer and analyst.
The night after the March 3 tornado, we mobilized, thousands of us, cutting apart the hundreds of mammoth hackberry trees whose roots had given way to the wind, crushing roofs and cars and knocking out every electric line in nine ZIP Codes. We rented or borrowed every chainsaw in the county, as the tireless young people from the Sunrise Movement set up a mutual aid hub across from the corner market. Neighbors pulled out ladders and hammers to tarp one another’s roofs; the racial justice crew Gideon’s Army mobilized volunteers to provide humanitarian supplies and clear roads. The same day that the governor announced the first confirmed Covid-19 case in Middle Tennessee, city officials opened up the downtown farmers’ market and neighborhood community centers as emergency shelters for hundreds of homeless families. Over the following days we didn’t talk much about the virus except as an explanation for why we couldn’t find gloves or masks for work crews starting to gut houses.
The tornado hit on Super Tuesday and I took a half hour out to vote for Bernie, but there was no line at the gymnasium that day. We didn’t get power back for eight days. Some homes are still without it. As temperatures dipped toward freezing, rumors spread that house flippers were prowling the block offering black homeowners cash for a fraction of their property’s worth. We made agreements with strangers on the street that if we caught house flippers, we’d slash their tires and run them out of the neighborhood. We gathered generators to keep peoples’ space heaters going; even now, you can hear generators running at night.
After the first grim days, the streets started filling with people, great floods of volunteers, now with pale skin and sunglasses and joking about “taking lumberjack selfies.” The crowd disappeared as the coronavirus moved into the headlines: Dozens were dead in Seattle; Italy’s medical system was overwhelmed; African nations were denying entrance to their northern neighbors. Now I walk through North Nashville and the streets are empty. The bartenders and housekeepers and restaurant workers who had brought the volunteers work gloves and hot meals in early March are home now, researching unemployment programs, trying to figure out how they’re going to make the rent. The city is bipolar; the Honky-Tonks on Second Avenue are closed by decree, but construction sites are still bustling. The house flippers managed to get some properties in North Nashville after all, and a friend who is organizing with construction day laborers agitates on Facebook: “Gentrification is NOT an essential industry.”
But none of us knows how to pivot between crises, and online agitation doesn’t feel like enough. When I do run into a neighbor, we talk about a citywide rent strike. He thinks it might just work; he stays on the sidewalk with his dog while I talk from the porch, 20 feet away. A friend from Brooklyn calls, concerned, knowing that I’ve been in the street for weeks. “The virus isn’t a tornado,” she says; “your neighbors don’t carry the tornado in their lungs.” But the tornado is still here, and the gentrifiers and the landlords aren’t taking a break. Church pews and family photos still litter the street on 21st and Formosa, fading in the rain as city workers set up the new Covid-19 treatment tents outside General Hospital a few blocks away. As I drive home at dusk after dropping off the last load of my neighbor’s boxes at a storage unit, the flashing blue-and-red marquee in front of the neighborhood church is the only visible activity. The words march past in three-foot-tall letters, announcing to no one at all that god is still in control. God or the virus or the tornado or the landlords, or all four, because it damn sure isn’t us yet.
Something Is Happening Here is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind, offering scenes from a pandemic—a series of dispatches from Kopkind’s far-flung network of participants, advisers, guests, and friends. Edited by Nation contributor and Kopkind program director JoAnn Wypijewski, it will appear weekly on thenation.com and kopkind.org.


thenation--2020-04-15--Can Obama Unite the Democrats Behind Biden?

Until Tuesday , Barack Obama was the missing guest in the Joe Biden campaign , the empty chair that was all the more conspicuous because you couldn ’ t help wondering when it was going to be filled .
Biden built his entire campaign on his having been Obama ’ s vice president , a tenure that earned him enough support from Democratic Party loyalists for him to become the party ’ s presumptive nominee .
While Biden was never shy about mentioning his friendship with “ Barack , ” Obama himself , wary of taking sides , withheld his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ major competitor , Bernie Sanders , dropped out of the race and himself endorsed Biden .
Obama reportedly worried that if he championed Biden , the primaries would be seen as a reprise of 2016 , when many Sanders supporters felt the Democratic establishment had cleared the field for Hillary Clinton and given her an unfair advantage .
This concern for party unity is understandable .
The Democratic Party has splintered since Obama ’ s two terms as president .
All the major Democratic candidates appeal to fragments of the successful Obama coalition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pull together the entire package .
Clinton succeeded in expanding parts of the Obama coalition by bringing in more suburbanites , often disgruntled Republicans .
But this came at the cost of doing worse with other elements of the Obama coalition , especially young people .
Biden has won the support of African Americans , suburban moderates , and working-class whites but , like Clinton , has had trouble with young voters .
Indeed , Biden rarely won voters under 45 in most contests .
Sanders ’ s campaign failed because it couldn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but he did very well with Latinx and other people of color , in addition to young people .
The inability of any candidate in 2016 or ’ 20 to replicate the Obama coalition makes the former president more important than ever .
He is perhaps the only politician who is warmly regarded by almost all the major factions in the party , except perhaps the most passionate Sanders supporters .
China Is Going to Be a Republican Wedge Issue It ’ s a telling sign of how divided Democrats remain that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ endorsement was taken up by an attempt to win over Sanders supporters with a combination of magnanimous praise for the Vermont senator and also promises that a Biden administration would be progressive .
Each of our candidates were talented and decent with a track record of accomplishment , smart ideas , and serious visions for the future , and that is certainly true of the candidate who made it farther than any other , Bernie Sanders .
Bernie is an American original , a man who has devoted his life to giving voice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dreams , and frustrations .
He and I haven ’ t always agreed on everything , but we have always shared a conviction that we have to make America a fairer more just , more equitable society .
We both know that nothing is more powerful than millions of voices calling for change and the ideas he has championed , the energy and enthusiasm he inspired especially in young people will be critical in moving America in a direction of progress and hope because for the second time in 12 years we will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economy and to meet the moment the Democratic Party will have to be bold .
Remarkably , Obama acknowledged that the Democratic Party would have to accept policies further to the left than what he implemented as president .
“ You know I could not be prouder of the incredible progress that we made together during my presidency , but if I were running today , I wouldn ’ t run the same race or have the same platform as I did in 2008 , ” Obama said .
“ The world is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unfinished business for us to just look backwards .
We have to look to the future .
Bernie understands that , and Joe understands that.
” Obama ’ s endorsement was a remarkable performance , and a reminder that he ’ s still an outsize talent in American politics .
It was eloquent , large-hearted , and farsighted .
But was it persuasive ?
Let ’ s stipulate that Obama ’ s key argument , that Democrats need to unite to defeat Trump , is accurate .
There still remains the fact that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ popular front .
It ’ s true that Biden ’ s lack of ideological rigidity allows him to shift to the left , just as he had earlier shifted to the right in the 1980s and ’ 90s .
But there ’ s a difference between accepting policies on a rhetorical level and convincingly adopting them as positions you would fight for .
The Joe Biden we saw on the campaign trail lacked the agility of Obama and the ability to show empathy for those trying to push him further to the left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who were trying to prod him to take bolder stances on climate change and immigrant rights .
Obama tried to address the issues of Biden ’ s limitations by suggesting that his administration would be coalition with strong advisers .
But who would those advisers be ?
According to Obama , Biden “ will surround himself with good people , ” such as “ experts , scientists , military officials.
” This is a technocratic vision of politics , one that has a real appeal amid Donald Trump ’ s incompetence .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of staffing .
There ’ s no assurance from either Biden or Obama that the next Democratic administration would also have powerful posts for the progressive activists who rallied behind Bernie Sanders .
But unless there are progressives inside the administration , all the policy promises are unlikely to be implemented .
While Obama remains enormously popular among Democrats as a whole , there is a small subset of hard-core Sanders supporters who are likely to remain immune to his blandishments .
These Sanders supporters believe that despite Obama ’ s ostensible neutrality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president was working in private to bolster Biden .
And there is some reporting to back this up .
As Politico reports , “ Some of [ Obama ’ s ] aides now concede that behind the scenes Obama played a role in nudging things in Biden ’ s direction at the crucial moment when the Biden team was organizing former candidates to coalesce around Biden.
” Obama ’ s endorsement is a start—but it doesn ’ t go far enough .
It ’ s unlikely that either Obama will convince all the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But the best way to get as many as possible on board is to build on Obama ’ s endorsement by offering more concrete and specific concessions to the Sanders movement .
Biden ’ s campaign needs to keep acknowledging that he needs the Sanders movement .
It ’ s not enough to say they have the same goals as Sanders supporters .
He also needs to explain in detail how his administration will implement these promises .
That includes naming the progressives who will staff his White House .
The sooner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporters the better .
There is a core of “ Bernie or Bust ” dead-enders who can ’ t be won , but many more Sanders supporters can be brought into the fold .
They still have the potential to be the most energized part of the party .
Now is the time to consolidate the Democratic Party , so it can direct its energy towards defeating Trump .

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Until Tuesday, Barack Obama was the missing guest in the Joe Biden campaign, the empty chair that was all the more conspicuous because you couldn’t help wondering when it was going to be filled. Biden built his entire campaign on his having been Obama’s vice president, a tenure that earned him enough support from Democratic Party loyalists for him to become the party’s presumptive nominee. While Biden was never shy about mentioning his friendship with “Barack,” Obama himself, wary of taking sides, withheld his support until after Biden’s last major competitor, Bernie Sanders, dropped out of the race and himself endorsed Biden.
Obama reportedly worried that if he championed Biden, the primaries would be seen as a reprise of 2016, when many Sanders supporters felt the Democratic establishment had cleared the field for Hillary Clinton and given her an unfair advantage.
This concern for party unity is understandable. The Democratic Party has splintered since Obama’s two terms as president. All the major Democratic candidates appeal to fragments of the successful Obama coalition but haven’t been able to pull together the entire package. Clinton succeeded in expanding parts of the Obama coalition by bringing in more suburbanites, often disgruntled Republicans. But this came at the cost of doing worse with other elements of the Obama coalition, especially young people. Biden has won the support of African Americans, suburban moderates, and working-class whites but, like Clinton, has had trouble with young voters. Indeed, Biden rarely won voters under 45 in most contests. Sanders’s campaign failed because it couldn’t attract sufficient African American support, but he did very well with Latinx and other people of color, in addition to young people.
The inability of any candidate in 2016 or ’20 to replicate the Obama coalition makes the former president more important than ever. He is perhaps the only politician who is warmly regarded by almost all the major factions in the party, except perhaps the most passionate Sanders supporters. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
It’s a telling sign of how divided Democrats remain that a significant chunk of Obama’s endorsement was taken up by an attempt to win over Sanders supporters with a combination of magnanimous praise for the Vermont senator and also promises that a Biden administration would be progressive.
Remarkably, Obama acknowledged that the Democratic Party would have to accept policies further to the left than what he implemented as president. “You know I could not be prouder of the incredible progress that we made together during my presidency, but if I were running today, I wouldn’t run the same race or have the same platform as I did in 2008,” Obama said. “The world is different; there’s too much unfinished business for us to just look backwards. We have to look to the future. Bernie understands that, and Joe understands that.”
Obama’s endorsement was a remarkable performance, and a reminder that he’s still an outsize talent in American politics. It was eloquent, large-hearted, and farsighted.
But was it persuasive?
Let’s stipulate that Obama’s key argument, that Democrats need to unite to defeat Trump, is accurate. There still remains the fact that Biden is an imperfect leader for a popular front. It’s true that Biden’s lack of ideological rigidity allows him to shift to the left, just as he had earlier shifted to the right in the 1980s and ’90s.
But there’s a difference between accepting policies on a rhetorical level and convincingly adopting them as positions you would fight for. The Joe Biden we saw on the campaign trail lacked the agility of Obama and the ability to show empathy for those trying to push him further to the left. He was visibly annoyed at activists who were trying to prod him to take bolder stances on climate change and immigrant rights.
Obama tried to address the issues of Biden’s limitations by suggesting that his administration would be coalition with strong advisers. But who would those advisers be? According to Obama, Biden “will surround himself with good people,” such as “experts, scientists, military officials.” This is a technocratic vision of politics, one that has a real appeal amid Donald Trump’s incompetence. But it is also a very narrow view of staffing. There’s no assurance from either Biden or Obama that the next Democratic administration would also have powerful posts for the progressive activists who rallied behind Bernie Sanders. But unless there are progressives inside the administration, all the policy promises are unlikely to be implemented.
While Obama remains enormously popular among Democrats as a whole, there is a small subset of hard-core Sanders supporters who are likely to remain immune to his blandishments. These Sanders supporters believe that despite Obama’s ostensible neutrality in the Biden-Sanders fight, the former president was working in private to bolster Biden. And there is some reporting to back this up. As Politico reports, “Some of [Obama’s] aides now concede that behind the scenes Obama played a role in nudging things in Biden’s direction at the crucial moment when the Biden team was organizing former candidates to coalesce around Biden.”
Obama’s endorsement is a start—but it doesn’t go far enough. It’s unlikely that either Obama will convince all the Sanders supporters to line up behind Biden. But the best way to get as many as possible on board is to build on Obama’s endorsement by offering more concrete and specific concessions to the Sanders movement.
Biden’s campaign needs to keep acknowledging that he needs the Sanders movement. It’s not enough to say they have the same goals as Sanders supporters. He also needs to explain in detail how his administration will implement these promises. That includes naming the progressives who will staff his White House.
The sooner Biden fleshes out his offer to Sanders supporters the better. There is a core of “Bernie or Bust” dead-enders who can’t be won, but many more Sanders supporters can be brought into the fold. They still have the potential to be the most energized part of the party. Now is the time to consolidate the Democratic Party, so it can direct its energy towards defeating Trump.


thenation--2020-04-15--You Can’t Police Your Way to Public Health

In late March , New York City police arrested a woman for allegedly standing with her boyfriend and others in a Brooklyn parking lot .
The police claimed she “ failed to maintain social distancing ” and charged her with unlawful assembly , disorderly conduct , and obstructing governmental administration .
Recounting the incident to The Intercept , she described officers without masks transporting her to Central Booking , where she spent 36 hours in a jail cell with more than 20 other women without access to soap .
Once released , her employer barred her from work , afraid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the coronavirus while in custody .
For Andrea Ritchie , a researcher with the Interrupting Criminalization initiative , this episode epitomizes the problem with trying to police our way to public health .
“ It ’ s just the most twisted , deranged logic I ’ ve ever heard , ” she said .
“ Like , we ’ re literally going to walk within six feet of you to tell you you shouldn ’ t be within six feet of people you might be related to or working with…and we ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who in New York City have the highest rates of infection outside of Rikers , hand IDs back and forth , put you in a car , and then put you in a cell with dozens of people and leave you there for days , all in the name of keeping you six feet away from people ?
!
” Far from keeping anyone safe , the officers ’ enforcement of New York ’ s shelter-in-place orders exacerbated the risk of transmission for themselves , the detainees , the workers at the detention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their families and communities .
Distressingly , this was not an isolated incident .
“ Policing the pandemic ” appears to be widespread : Multiple states have imposed fines or arrested folks for being in parks or gathering in groups .
Some cities have charged folks with reckless conduct for coughing , and others like Portland , Oregon ; Asheville , North Carolina ; and Minneapolis , Minnesota have encouraged residents to call non-emergency police numbers to report their neighbors for breaking rules .
While adhering to social distancing guidelines is crucial , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health is counterproductive , and threatens the very communities most vulnerable to the pandemic .
Undoubtedly , slowing the spread of Covid-19 by minimizing close contact with others is a vital act of solidarity that stands to save vast numbers of lives .
Since the beginning of March , jurisdictions across the country have issued lockdown orders , indefinitely closing bars , restaurants , shops , workplaces , and schools , and urging residents to stay at least six feet away from each other .
But the ability to follow such strict protocols @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wealthy white professionals may be able to largely avoid public intermingling by telecommuting , poorer people of color are more likely to work essential low-wage jobs , and return home after shifts to more crowded housing .
If the rich can combat cabin fever by going out into the yard , the poor often have few options outside of public parks .
While the former socialize with friends and family over video conferencing apps , many in the latter lack a broadband Internet connection .
Unsurprisingly , Covid-19 has disproportionately ravaged poor communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely to suffer from comorbidities like obesity , diabetes , and lung disease that worsen health outcomes after contracting the virus .
As Seton Hall public health law professor Jennifer Oliva bluntly put it , “ Some people simply have to go outside.… You ’ re not getting your Amazon delivery when you ’ re in your bougie Bergen County gated community without somebody working.… People still have to do all sorts of things to keep you able to sit in your home and do whatever you ’ re doing.
” Medical Bills @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Going to the Bathroom Well-meaning proponents of social-distancing enforcement would surely insist that crackdowns ought to be reserved for , say , entitled spring break revelers too selfish to to protect others , rather than overstressed grocery employees escaping abusive partners by meeting friends in a park .
But that ’ s not how policing works .
“ Those laws and practices always get turned against people who are already perceived to be a threat , and that ’ s black communities , brown communities , indigenous communities , migrant communities , disabled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explained .
“ And that ’ s who ’ s going to be bearing the brunt of this , not the spring breakers.
” But even if it were possible to restrict social distancing penalties to the privileged and morally egregious , we still shouldn ’ t .
Beyond spreading germs in its own right , police enforcement reinforces dangerous narratives about infectious disease transmission , according to Alexander McClelland , a scholar of HIV criminalization who himself lives with HIV .
“ They ’ re trained to respond to complex social situations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ And they use the logic of the criminal justice system , which is focused on a victim/perpetrator dichotomy.
” Reducing patients to disease vectors is dehumanizing , and it frames infectious disease as a scourge unleashed by individuals who must be controlled rather than cared for .
Such a strategy is ineffective , as HIV criminalization laws have shown : One review study found no conclusive evidence that laws affect disclosure or risk behaviors , and another concluded that criminalization dissuades people from getting tested .
While every disease is different , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that policing will work for Covid-19 when it has failed repeatedly in the past .
It is easy to imagine the stigma of criminalization pushing people toward higher risk behaviors : putting off testing for fear of social rejection or hosting poorly ventilated gatherings indoors that would have been safer in parks .
Instead , McClelland said , people can and do practice safe behaviors without being coerced .
Throughout the pandemic , public messaging from elected officials has been notoriously inconsistent—and , at times , brazenly wrong—surely sowing confusion about what “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent poll suggested that more than half the residents in five states did not know whether their state had a stay-at-home order .
Effective education and resources , including support for anyone encountering challenges following directives , are better disseminated by credible community members than by police .
People who have the resources and wherewithal usually do the right thing , especially in a crisis .
Keeping each other safe requires good faith and solidarity , not censuring individual transgressors .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
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In late March, New York City police arrested a woman for allegedly standing with her boyfriend and others in a Brooklyn parking lot. The police claimed she “failed to maintain social distancing” and charged her with unlawful assembly, disorderly conduct, and obstructing governmental administration. Recounting the incident to The Intercept, she described officers without masks transporting her to Central Booking, where she spent 36 hours in a jail cell with more than 20 other women without access to soap. Once released, her employer barred her from work, afraid that she’d been exposed to the coronavirus while in custody.
For Andrea Ritchie, a researcher with the Interrupting Criminalization initiative, this episode epitomizes the problem with trying to police our way to public health. “It’s just the most twisted, deranged logic I’ve ever heard,” she said. “Like, we’re literally going to walk within six feet of you to tell you you shouldn’t be within six feet of people you might be related to or working with…and we’re gonna have law enforcement officers, who in New York City have the highest rates of infection outside of Rikers, hand IDs back and forth, put you in a car, and then put you in a cell with dozens of people and leave you there for days, all in the name of keeping you six feet away from people?!”
Far from keeping anyone safe, the officers’ enforcement of New York’s shelter-in-place orders exacerbated the risk of transmission for themselves, the detainees, the workers at the detention center, and by extension all of their families and communities.
Distressingly, this was not an isolated incident. “Policing the pandemic” appears to be widespread: Multiple states have imposed fines or arrested folks for being in parks or gathering in groups. Some cities have charged folks with reckless conduct for coughing, and others like Portland, Oregon; Asheville, North Carolina; and Minneapolis, Minnesota have encouraged residents to call non-emergency police numbers to report their neighbors for breaking rules. While adhering to social distancing guidelines is crucial, criminalizing violations in the name of public health is counterproductive, and threatens the very communities most vulnerable to the pandemic.
Undoubtedly, slowing the spread of Covid-19 by minimizing close contact with others is a vital act of solidarity that stands to save vast numbers of lives. Since the beginning of March, jurisdictions across the country have issued lockdown orders, indefinitely closing bars, restaurants, shops, workplaces, and schools, and urging residents to stay at least six feet away from each other. But the ability to follow such strict protocols is split along class lines: While wealthy white professionals may be able to largely avoid public intermingling by telecommuting, poorer people of color are more likely to work essential low-wage jobs, and return home after shifts to more crowded housing. If the rich can combat cabin fever by going out into the yard, the poor often have few options outside of public parks. While the former socialize with friends and family over video conferencing apps, many in the latter lack a broadband Internet connection. Unsurprisingly, Covid-19 has disproportionately ravaged poor communities of color, where people are more likely to suffer from comorbidities like obesity, diabetes, and lung disease that worsen health outcomes after contracting the virus. As Seton Hall public health law professor Jennifer Oliva bluntly put it, “Some people simply have to go outside.… You’re not getting your Amazon delivery when you’re in your bougie Bergen County gated community without somebody working.… People still have to do all sorts of things to keep you able to sit in your home and do whatever you’re doing.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann More From Natalie Shure ‘Opponents of Medicare for All Are Deathly Afraid’ March 1, 2021 Before Forcing the Vote on Medicare for All, We Must Build Power February 23, 2021 What’s Keeping the Vaccine From Getting to Those Who Need it Most? February 3, 2021
Well-meaning proponents of social-distancing enforcement would surely insist that crackdowns ought to be reserved for, say, entitled spring break revelers too selfish to to protect others, rather than overstressed grocery employees escaping abusive partners by meeting friends in a park. But that’s not how policing works. “Those laws and practices always get turned against people who are already perceived to be a threat, and that’s black communities, brown communities, indigenous communities, migrant communities, disabled communities, unhoused communities,” Ritchie explained. “And that’s who’s going to be bearing the brunt of this, not the spring breakers.”
But even if it were possible to restrict social distancing penalties to the privileged and morally egregious, we still shouldn’t. Beyond spreading germs in its own right, police enforcement reinforces dangerous narratives about infectious disease transmission, according to Alexander McClelland, a scholar of HIV criminalization who himself lives with HIV. “They’re trained to respond to complex social situations with force,” McClelland said. “And they use the logic of the criminal justice system, which is focused on a victim/perpetrator dichotomy.” Reducing patients to disease vectors is dehumanizing, and it frames infectious disease as a scourge unleashed by individuals who must be controlled rather than cared for. Such a strategy is ineffective, as HIV criminalization laws have shown: One review study found no conclusive evidence that laws affect disclosure or risk behaviors, and another concluded that criminalization dissuades people from getting tested. While every disease is different, there’s no reason to believe that policing will work for Covid-19 when it has failed repeatedly in the past. It is easy to imagine the stigma of criminalization pushing people toward higher risk behaviors: putting off testing for fear of social rejection or hosting poorly ventilated gatherings indoors that would have been safer in parks.
Instead, McClelland said, people can and do practice safe behaviors without being coerced. Throughout the pandemic, public messaging from elected officials has been notoriously inconsistent—and, at times, brazenly wrong—surely sowing confusion about what “social distancing” even entails. One recent poll suggested that more than half the residents in five states did not know whether their state had a stay-at-home order. Effective education and resources, including support for anyone encountering challenges following directives, are better disseminated by credible community members than by police.
People who have the resources and wherewithal usually do the right thing, especially in a crisis. Keeping each other safe requires good faith and solidarity, not censuring individual transgressors.


Anti-Abortion Opportunism

Over the past few weeks , nine states have tried to implement—with varying degrees of success—measures suspending abortions , in response to the Covid-19 pandemic .
Several more states are poised to include abortion in bans on nonessential procedures .
Advocacy groups representing abortion providers filed suit in several states that have used the outbreak as a pretext to further restrict abortion access .
So far , the litigation in Texas has taken the most tumultuous path : Last month a federal district court suspended implementation of a new policy banning all abortion care .
The Court of Appeals for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , allowing the state ’ s ban to take effect based on a “ critical interest in protecting the public health.
” In a stunning rebuke to the appellate court , the district judge reissued a narrowed restraining order , permitting medication abortion and abortion for those who might exceed 22 weeks of gestation , when terminations become illegal in Texas .
One day later , a divided panel of the Fifth Circuit again blocked the district court ’ s order , only to lift that stay this week .
But the battle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ask the Supreme Court for relief , and the full bench of the Fifth Circuit could hear another petition .
At the moment , people can seek medication abortion in Texas , but for how long is uncertain .
The legal disputes over these “ emergency ” abortion bans concern what ’ s best for public health .
But responding to Covid-19 by suspending abortions is counterproductive .
For one thing , the bans will not actually preserve health care resources .
Almost all abortions happen in clinics providing only reproductive health care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minimal protective equipment is used .
These outpatient procedures , called aspiration abortions , require no sterile field , incision , or general anesthesia , and a medication abortion is delivered by ingesting two pills : typically , the first in a health center and the second at home .
It requires no protective equipment whatsoever and takes up no hospital space .
For both types of abortion , the risks to the pregnant person ’ s health are very low , and complications are extremely rare .
Republicans Are Using the Covid-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in the months to come , outlawing abortions will likely exacerbate the strain on the health care system .
People who lack access to abortions and can afford to will travel to neighboring states , potentially contributing to the pandemic ’ s spread .
States without bans will see some portion of the more than 53,000 Texas women who terminate pregnancies annually .
Overextended providers will be stretched even thinner , causing further delays and increasing costs to travelers who would otherwise stay at home .
Or individuals will induce their own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safe , physicians and hospitals will be needed if complications arise .
Finally , a surge in unplanned pregnancies will create even more stress on health care professionals .
An effective means to protect public health and conserve resources would be to administer medication abortions using telehealth .
Recognizing the advantages of telemedicine , states like Texas have relaxed restrictions on remote diagnosis and treatment—except for abortion .
In addition , people seeking medication abortions already faced numerous restrictions , none of which are applied to similar office-based procedures .
Texas , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only by banning telemedicine abortions but also by requiring that a physician dispense and be present during a medication abortion .
It also mandates an in-person ultrasound and follow-up appointment ; remote consultations before a procedure are permitted only if the patient lives over 100 miles from the nearest abortion provider .
Abortion bans are not responsible health care policy .
The people they hurt the most are those for whom the pandemic has had a devastating effect : people with little or no income , people of color , immigrants , parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ living in rural areas , and those reliant on public transportation .
Layer on top of those stressors these unappealing options : seek an illegal abortion , travel to another state , or carry an unwanted pregnancy to term .
The current and worsening crisis in abortion access foreshadows what will happen if the Supreme Court eliminates the constitutional protection for abortion rights .
The court could make this decision either as an emergency order or in a decision expected early this summer .
That case , June Medical Services v. Russo , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ benefit for individual or public health and that significantly impair access to abortion services will stand .
Regardless of the judiciary ’ s response to the retrograde actions of certain state governments , thoughtful policy-makers can still eliminate barriers to safe abortion services .
Virginia Governor Ralph Northam recently removed prior restrictions on people seeking abortions , and Washington , New York , and Illinois have designated abortion procedures as essential .
Planned Parenthood has announced that it will expand telehealth to all 50 states , allowing eligible patients to remotely access services @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Food and Drug Administration could end or stop enforcing an outdated policy—one undermined by substantial evidence—that prohibits the delivery of physician-prescribed medication abortion to patients ’ homes .
If we take the states suspending abortion care at their word , then no-touch terminations ( in which all medical supervision happens over the phone or online ) would achieve the public health goals that their current bans can not .
Telehealth for medication abortions can ease the burdens on pregnant people , health care workers , and health systems in light of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Unfortunately , the current map of abortion suspensions could foreshadow a legal landscape without constitutional protections for abortion .
Courts can step in to defend those rights in the face of arbitrary state action , but in the long run , that isn ’ t enough .
With or without a pandemic , we need laws that protect reproductive health rather than hinder it at every chance that arises .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
This article appears in the May 4/11, 2020 issue.
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Over the past few weeks, nine states have tried to implement—with varying degrees of success—measures suspending abortions, in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. Several more states are poised to include abortion in bans on nonessential procedures. Advocacy groups representing abortion providers filed suit in several states that have used the outbreak as a pretext to further restrict abortion access. So far, the litigation in Texas has taken the most tumultuous path: Last month a federal district court suspended implementation of a new policy banning all abortion care. The Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit then overturned that decision, allowing the state’s ban to take effect based on a “critical interest in protecting the public health.”
In a stunning rebuke to the appellate court, the district judge reissued a narrowed restraining order, permitting medication abortion and abortion for those who might exceed 22 weeks of gestation, when terminations become illegal in Texas. One day later, a divided panel of the Fifth Circuit again blocked the district court’s order, only to lift that stay this week. But the battle is far from over. Texas could ask the Supreme Court for relief, and the full bench of the Fifth Circuit could hear another petition. At the moment, people can seek medication abortion in Texas, but for how long is uncertain.
The legal disputes over these “emergency” abortion bans concern what’s best for public health. But responding to Covid-19 by suspending abortions is counterproductive. For one thing, the bans will not actually preserve health care resources.
Almost all abortions happen in clinics providing only reproductive health care. For pregnancies before 15 weeks, minimal protective equipment is used. These outpatient procedures, called aspiration abortions, require no sterile field, incision, or general anesthesia, and a medication abortion is delivered by ingesting two pills: typically, the first in a health center and the second at home. It requires no protective equipment whatsoever and takes up no hospital space. For both types of abortion, the risks to the pregnant person’s health are very low, and complications are extremely rare. Related Article Republicans Are Using the Covid-19 Crisis to Kill Abortion Rights Elie Mystal
In fact, in the months to come, outlawing abortions will likely exacerbate the strain on the health care system. People who lack access to abortions and can afford to will travel to neighboring states, potentially contributing to the pandemic’s spread. States without bans will see some portion of the more than 53,000 Texas women who terminate pregnancies annually. Overextended providers will be stretched even thinner, causing further delays and increasing costs to travelers who would otherwise stay at home. Or individuals will induce their own abortions. Though self-managed abortion can be safe, physicians and hospitals will be needed if complications arise. Finally, a surge in unplanned pregnancies will create even more stress on health care professionals. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
An effective means to protect public health and conserve resources would be to administer medication abortions using telehealth. Recognizing the advantages of telemedicine, states like Texas have relaxed restrictions on remote diagnosis and treatment—except for abortion. In addition, people seeking medication abortions already faced numerous restrictions, none of which are applied to similar office-based procedures. Texas, for example, unnecessarily imposes patient-clinic contact not only by banning telemedicine abortions but also by requiring that a physician dispense and be present during a medication abortion. It also mandates an in-person ultrasound and follow-up appointment; remote consultations before a procedure are permitted only if the patient lives over 100 miles from the nearest abortion provider.
Abortion bans are not responsible health care policy. The people they hurt the most are those for whom the pandemic has had a devastating effect: people with little or no income, people of color, immigrants, parents juggling child or elder care, people living in rural areas, and those reliant on public transportation. Layer on top of those stressors these unappealing options: seek an illegal abortion, travel to another state, or carry an unwanted pregnancy to term.
The current and worsening crisis in abortion access foreshadows what will happen if the Supreme Court eliminates the constitutional protection for abortion rights. The court could make this decision either as an emergency order or in a decision expected early this summer. That case, June Medical Services v. Russo, will determine if restrictions that provide no benefit for individual or public health and that significantly impair access to abortion services will stand. Regardless of the judiciary’s response to the retrograde actions of certain state governments, thoughtful policy-makers can still eliminate barriers to safe abortion services. Virginia Governor Ralph Northam recently removed prior restrictions on people seeking abortions, and Washington, New York, and Illinois have designated abortion procedures as essential. Planned Parenthood has announced that it will expand telehealth to all 50 states, allowing eligible patients to remotely access services like counseling and prescriptions. Better yet, the Food and Drug Administration could end or stop enforcing an outdated policy—one undermined by substantial evidence—that prohibits the delivery of physician-prescribed medication abortion to patients’ homes.
If we take the states suspending abortion care at their word, then no-touch terminations (in which all medical supervision happens over the phone or online) would achieve the public health goals that their current bans cannot. Telehealth for medication abortions can ease the burdens on pregnant people, health care workers, and health systems in light of the unprecedented challenges of containing Covid-19. Unfortunately, the current map of abortion suspensions could foreshadow a legal landscape without constitutional protections for abortion. Courts can step in to defend those rights in the face of arbitrary state action, but in the long run, that isn’t enough. With or without a pandemic, we need laws that protect reproductive health rather than hinder it at every chance that arises.