thenation--2020-04-10--How the ‘West Point Mafia’ Runs Washington

Every West Point class votes on an official motto .
Most are then inscribed on their class rings .
Hence , the pejorative West Point label “ ring knocker.
” ( As legend has it , at military meetings a West Pointer “ need only knock his large ring on the table and all Pointers present are obliged to rally to his point of view.
” ) Last August , the class of 2023 announced theirs : “ Freedom Is Not Free.
” Mine from the class of 2005 was “ Keeping Freedom Alive.
” Each class takes pride in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , aspires to live according to its sentiments , while championing the accomplishments of fellow graduates .
But some cohorts do stand out .
Take the class of 1986 ( “ Courage Never Quits ” ) .
As it happens , both Secretary of Defense Mark Esper and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo are members of that very class , as are a surprisingly wide range of influential leaders in Congress , corporate America , the Pentagon , the defense industry , lobbying firms , big pharma , high-end financial services , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their striking hawkishness on the subject of American war-making , Esper and Pompeo rise above the rest .
Even in a pandemic , they are as good as their class motto .
When it comes to this country ’ s wars , neither of them ever quits .
Once upon a time , retired Lt. Gen. Douglas Lute ( Class of ’ 75 ) , a former US Ambassador to NATO and a senior commander in Iraq and Afghanistan , taught both Esper and Pompeo in his West Point social sciences class .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ class of ’ 86 valedictorian , whom Lute singled out for praise , remembering him as “ a very strong student—fastidious , deliberate.
” Of course , as the Afghanistan Papers , released by The Washington Post late last year , so starkly revealed , Lute told an interviewer that , like so many US officials , he “ didn ’ t have the foggiest notion of what we were undertaking in Afghanistan.
” Though at one point he was President George W. Bush ’ s “ Afghan war czar , ” the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his record of dissent is hardly an impressive one .
Still , on one point at least , Lute was on target : Esper and Pompeo are smart , and that ’ s what worries me ( as in the phrase “ too smart for their own good ” ) .
Esper , a former Raytheon lobbyist , had particularly hawkish views on Russia and China before he ever took over at the Pentagon and he wasn ’ t alone when it came to the urge to continue America ’ s wars .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a striking pre–Trump era foreign policy pugnacity , particularly vis-à-vis the Islamic world .
It has since solidified into a veritable obsession with toppling the Iranian regime .
Their militarized obsessions have recently taken striking form in two ways : The secretary of defense instructed US commanders to prepare plans to escalate combat against Iranian-backed militias in Iraq , an order the mission ’ s senior leader there , Lt. Gen. Robert “ Pat ” White , reportedly resisted ; meanwhile , the secretary of state evidently is eager to convince President Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ devastating Iran , to bomb that country and further strangle it with sanctions .
Worse yet , Pompeo might be just cunning enough to convince his ill-informed , insecure boss ( so open to clever flattery ) that war is the answer .
The militarism of both men matters greatly , but they hardly pilot the ship of state alone , any more than Trump does ( whatever he thinks ) .
Would that it were the case .
Sadly , even if voters threw them all out , the disease runs much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the illustrative class of ’ 86 .
As it happens , Pompeo ’ s and Esper ’ s classmates permeate the deeper structure of imperial America .
And let ’ s admit it , they are , by the numbers , an impressive crew .
As another ’ 86 alumnus , Congressman Mark Green ( R-TN ) , bragged on the House floor in 2019 , “ My class [ has ] produced 18 general officers…22-plus presidents and CEOs of major corporations…two state legislators… [ and ] three judges , ” as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and chancellors of universities.
” He closed his remarks by exclaiming , “ Courage never quits , ’ 86 !
” However , for all his gushing , Green ’ s list conceals much .
It illuminates neither the mechanics nor the motives of his illustrious classmates ; that is , what they ’ re actually doing and why .
Many are key players in a corporate-military machine bent on , and reliant on , endless war for profit and professional advancement .
A brief look at key ’ 86ers offers insight into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complex in 2020—and it should take your breath away .
The core group of ’ 86 grads cheekily refer to themselves as “ the West Point Mafia.
” And for some , that ’ s an uplifting thought .
Take Joe DePinto , CEO of 7-Eleven .
He says that he ’ s “ someone who sleeps better at night knowing that those guys are in the positions they ’ re in.
” Of course , he ’ s an ’ 86 grad , too .
Back when I called the academy home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toolbags.
” More than a decade later , when I taught there , I found my students still using the term .
Face facts , however : those “ toolbags , ” thick as thieves today , now run the show in Washington ( and despite their busy schedules , they still find time to socialize as a group ) .
Given Donald Trump ’ s shady past—one doesn ’ t build an Atlantic City casino-and-hotel empire without “ mobbing it up “ —that “ Mafia ” moniker is actually fitting .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mike Pompeo as the president ’ s latest consigliere .
And since gangsters rarely countenance a challenge without striking back , Lieutenant General White should watch his back after his prudent attempt to stop the further escalation of America ’ s wars in Iraq and Iran in the midst of a deadly global pandemic .
Worse yet for him , he ’ s not a West Pointer ( though he did , oddly enough , earn his Army commission on the very day that class of ’ 86 graduated ) .
White ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be long for this world .
In addition to Esper and Pompeo , other Class of ’ 86 alums serve in key executive branch roles .
They include Vice Chief of Staff of the Army Gen. Joseph Martin , the director of the Army National Guard , the commander of NATO ’ s Allied Land Command , the deputy commanding general of Army Forces Command , and the deputy commanding general of Army Cyber Command .
Civilian-side classmates in the Pentagon serve as : deputy assistant secretary of the Army for installations , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aide to the secretary of the Army ; and the director of stabilization and peace operations policy for the secretary of defense .
These Pentagon career civil servants aren ’ t , strictly speaking , part of the “ Mafia ” itself , but two Pompeo loyalists are indeed charter members .
Pompeo brought Ulrich Brechbuhl and Brian Butalao , two of his closest cadet friends , in from the corporate world .
The three of them had , at one point , served as CEO , CFO , and COO of Thayer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” of West Point , Colonel Sylvanus Thayer , and started with Koch Industries seed money .
Among other things , that corporation sold the Pentagon military aircraft components .
Brechbuhl and Butalao were given senior positions at the CIA when Pompeo was its director .
Currently , Brechbuhl is the State Department ’ s counselor ( and reportedly Pompeo ’ s de facto chief of staff ) , while Butalao serves as under secretary for management .
According to his official bio , Butalao is responsible “ for managing the State Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as its ] Chief Operating Officer.
” Funny , that was his exact position under Pompeo at that aerospace company .
Still , this Mafia trio can ’ t run the show by themselves .
The national security structure ’ s tentacles are so much longer than that .
They reach all the way to K Street and Capitol Hill .
From Congress to K Street : The Enablers Before Trump tapped Pompeo to head the CIA and then the State Department , he represented Wichita , Kansas , home to Koch Industries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In fact , Pompeo rode his ample funding from the political action committee of the billionaire Koch brothers straight to the Hill .
So linked was he to those fraternal right-wing energy tycoons and so protective of their interests that he was dubbed “ the congressman from Koch.
” The relationship was mutually beneficial .
Pompeo ’ s selection as secretary of state solidified the previously strained relationship of the brothers with President Trump .
The ’ 86 Mafia ’ s current congressional heavyweight , however , is Mark Green .
An early @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shield the president from impeachment as a minority member of the House Oversight and Reform Committee .
The Tennessee representative nearly became Trump ’ s secretary of the Army , but ultimately withdrew his nomination because of controversies that included his sponsoring gender-discrimination bills and commenting that “ transgender is a disease.
” Legislators like Green , in turn , take their foreign policy marching orders from the military ’ s corporate suppliers .
Among those , Esper , of course , represents the gold standard when it comes to “ revolving door @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Pentagon summit , pressed by Senator Elizabeth Warren during his confirmation hearings , he patently refused to “ recuse himself from all matters related to ” Raytheon , his former employer and the nation ’ s third-largest defense contractor .
( And that was even before its recent merger with United Technologies Corporation , which once employed another Esper classmate as a senior vice president . )
Incidentally , one of Raytheon ’ s “ biggest franchises ” is the Patriot missile defense system , the very weapon being rushed to Iraq @ @ @ @ @ @ @ check on Pompeo ’ s favored villain , Iran .
Less well known is the handiwork of another ’ 86 grad , longtime lobbyist and CNN paid contributor David Urban , who first met the president in 2012 and still recalls how “ we clicked immediately.
” The consummate Washington insider , he backed Trump “ when nobody else thought he stood a chance ” and in 2016 was his senior campaign adviser in the pivotal swing state of Pennsylvania .
Esper and Urban have been close for more than 30 years .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ same unit during the Persian Gulf War .
It was Urban who introduced Esper to his wife .
Both later graced The Hill ’ s list of Washington ’ s top lobbyists .
Since 2002 , Urban has been a partner and is now president of a consulting giant , the American Continental Group .
Among its clients : Raytheon and 7-Eleven .
It ’ s hard to overstate Urban ’ s role .
He seems to have landed Pompeo and Esper their jobs in the Trump administration and was a key go-between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and moneymen to that bridegroom of our moment , The Donald .
Another ’ 86er also passed through that famed military-industrial revolving door .
Retired Col. Dan Sauter left his position as chief of staff of the 32nd Army Air and Missile Defense Command for one at giant weapons maker Lockheed Martin as business developer for the very systems his old unit employed .
Since May 2019 , he ’ s directed Lockheed ’ s $ 1.5 billion Terminal High Altitude Area Defense ( THAAD ) program in Saudi Arabia .
Lockheed ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country to protect the kingdom , even as Pompeo continually threatens Iran .
If such corporate figures are doing the selling , it ’ s the Pentagon , naturally , that ’ s doing the buying .
Luckily , there are ’ 86 alumni in key positions on the purchasing end as well , including a retired brigadier general who now serves as the Pentagon ’ s principal adviser to the under secretary for acquisition , technology , and logistics .
Finally , there are other key consultants linked to the military-industrial complex @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of ’ 86 .
They include a senior vice president of Hillwood—a massive domestic and international real estate development company , chaired by Ross Perot Jr.—formerly a consultant to the government of the United Arab Emirates .
The Emiratis are US allies in the fight against Pompeo ’ s Iranian nemesis and , in 2019 , awarded Raytheon a $ 1.5 billion contract to supply key components for its Air Force missile launchers .
Another classmate is a managing partner for Patriot Strategies , which consults for corporations and the government but also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ His previous “ ventures ” included “ work in telecommunications in the Middle East…and technical security upgrades at U.S. embassies worldwide.
” Yet another grad , Rick Minicozzi , is the founder and CEO of Thayer Leader Development Group ( TLDG ) , which prides itself on “ building ” corporate leaders .
TLDG clients include : 7-Eleven , Cardinal Glass , EMCOR , and Mercedes-Benz .
All either have or had ’ 86ers at the helm .
The company ’ s CEO also owns the Thayer Hotel located right on West Point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the company ’ s lectures and other events .
Then there ’ s the retired colonel who , like me , taught on the West Point history faculty .
He ’ s now the CEO of Battlefield Leadership , which helps corporate leaders “ learn from the past ” in order to “ prepare for an ever-changing business landscape.
” Don ’ t for a moment think these are all “ bad ” people .
That ’ s not faintly my point .
One prominent ’ 86 grad , for instance , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deputy of Army Futures Command .
He was my brigade commander at Fort Riley , Kansas , in 2009 and I found him competent , exceptionally empathetic , and a decidedly decent man , which is probably true of plenty of ’ 86ers .
So what exactly is my point here ?
I ’ m not for a second charging conspiracy or even criminal corruption .
The lion ’ s share of what all these figures do is perfectly legal .
In reality , the way the class of ’ 86 has permeated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the carefully crafted , distinctly undemocratic systems through which the military-industrial complex and our political world operate by design .
Most of what they do couldn ’ t , in fact , be more legal in a world of never-ending American wars and national security budgets that eternally go through the roof .
After all , if any of these figures had acted in anything but a perfectly legal fashion , they might have run into a classmate of theirs who recently led the FBI ’ s corruption unit in New Jersey—before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ became CEO of a global security consulting firm .
( Sound familiar ? )
And that ’ s my point , really .
We have a system in Washington that couldn ’ t be more lawful and yet , by any definition , the class of ’ 86 represents one giant conflict of interest ( and they don ’ t stand alone ) .
Alums from that year are now ensconced in every level of the national security state : from the White House to the Pentagon to Congress to K Street to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power and a deep stake , financial or otherwise , in maintaining or expanding the ( forever ) warfare state .
They benefit from America ’ s permanent military mobilization , its never-ending economic war footing , and all that comes with it .
Ironically , this will inevitably include the blood of future West Point graduates , doomed to serve in their hopeless crusades .
Think of it all as a macabre inversion of their class motto in which it ’ s not their courage but that of younger graduates sent off @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they will never allow to “ quit.
” Speaking of true courage , lately the only exemplar we ’ ve had of it in those wars is Gen. “ Pat ” White .
It seems that he , at least , refused to kiss the proverbial rings of those Mafia men of ’ 86 .
But of course , he ’ s not part of their “ family , ” is he ?

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article originally appeared at TomDispatch.com. To stay on top of important articles like these, sign up to receive the latest updates from TomDispatch.
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Every West Point class votes on an official motto. Most are then inscribed on their class rings. Hence, the pejorative West Point label “ring knocker.” (As legend has it, at military meetings a West Pointer “need only knock his large ring on the table and all Pointers present are obliged to rally to his point of view.”) Last August, the class of 2023 announced theirs: “Freedom Is Not Free.” Mine from the class of 2005 was “Keeping Freedom Alive.” Each class takes pride in its motto and, at least theoretically, aspires to live according to its sentiments, while championing the accomplishments of fellow graduates.
But some cohorts do stand out. Take the class of 1986 (“Courage Never Quits”). As it happens, both Secretary of Defense Mark Esper and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo are members of that very class, as are a surprisingly wide range of influential leaders in Congress, corporate America, the Pentagon, the defense industry, lobbying firms, big pharma, high-end financial services, and even security-consulting firms. Still, given their striking hawkishness on the subject of American war-making, Esper and Pompeo rise above the rest. Even in a pandemic, they are as good as their class motto. When it comes to this country’s wars, neither of them ever quits.
Once upon a time, retired Lt. Gen. Douglas Lute (Class of ’75), a former US Ambassador to NATO and a senior commander in Iraq and Afghanistan, taught both Esper and Pompeo in his West Point social sciences class. However, it was Pompeo, the class of ’86 valedictorian, whom Lute singled out for praise, remembering him as “a very strong student—fastidious, deliberate.” Of course, as the Afghanistan Papers, released by The Washington Post late last year, so starkly revealed, Lute told an interviewer that, like so many US officials, he “didn’t have the foggiest notion of what we were undertaking in Afghanistan.” Though at one point he was President George W. Bush’s “Afghan war czar,” the general never expressed such doubts publicly and his record of dissent is hardly an impressive one. Still, on one point at least, Lute was on target: Esper and Pompeo are smart, and that’s what worries me (as in the phrase “too smart for their own good”). Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Esper, a former Raytheon lobbyist, had particularly hawkish views on Russia and China before he ever took over at the Pentagon and he wasn’t alone when it came to the urge to continue America’s wars. Pompeo, then a congressman, exhibited a striking pre–Trump era foreign policy pugnacity, particularly vis-à-vis the Islamic world. It has since solidified into a veritable obsession with toppling the Iranian regime.
Their militarized obsessions have recently taken striking form in two ways: The secretary of defense instructed US commanders to prepare plans to escalate combat against Iranian-backed militias in Iraq, an order the mission’s senior leader there, Lt. Gen. Robert “Pat” White, reportedly resisted; meanwhile, the secretary of state evidently is eager to convince President Trump to use the Covid-19 pandemic, now devastating Iran, to bomb that country and further strangle it with sanctions. Worse yet, Pompeo might be just cunning enough to convince his ill-informed, insecure boss (so open to clever flattery) that war is the answer.
The militarism of both men matters greatly, but they hardly pilot the ship of state alone, any more than Trump does (whatever he thinks). Would that it were the case. Sadly, even if voters threw them all out, the disease runs much deeper than them. Enter the rest of the illustrative class of ’86.
As it happens, Pompeo’s and Esper’s classmates permeate the deeper structure of imperial America. And let’s admit it, they are, by the numbers, an impressive crew. As another ’86 alumnus, Congressman Mark Green (R-TN), bragged on the House floor in 2019, “My class [has] produced 18 general officers…22-plus presidents and CEOs of major corporations…two state legislators…[and] three judges,” as well as “at least four deans and chancellors of universities.” He closed his remarks by exclaiming, “Courage never quits, ’86!” Current Issue View our current issue
However, for all his gushing, Green’s list conceals much. It illuminates neither the mechanics nor the motives of his illustrious classmates; that is, what they’re actually doing and why. Many are key players in a corporate-military machine bent on, and reliant on, endless war for profit and professional advancement. A brief look at key ’86ers offers insight into President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s military-industrial complex in 2020—and it should take your breath away.
The West Point Mafia
The core group of ’86 grads cheekily refer to themselves as “the West Point Mafia.” And for some, that’s an uplifting thought. Take Joe DePinto, CEO of 7-Eleven. He says that he’s “someone who sleeps better at night knowing that those guys are in the positions they’re in.” Of course, he’s an ’86 grad, too.
Back when I called the academy home, we branded such self-important cadets “toolbags.” More than a decade later, when I taught there, I found my students still using the term. Face facts, however: those “toolbags,” thick as thieves today, now run the show in Washington (and despite their busy schedules, they still find time to socialize as a group).
Given Donald Trump’s shady past—one doesn’t build an Atlantic City casino-and-hotel empire without “mobbing it up“—that “Mafia” moniker is actually fitting. So perhaps it’s worth thinking of Mike Pompeo as the president’s latest consigliere. And since gangsters rarely countenance a challenge without striking back, Lieutenant General White should watch his back after his prudent attempt to stop the further escalation of America’s wars in Iraq and Iran in the midst of a deadly global pandemic. Worse yet for him, he’s not a West Pointer (though he did, oddly enough, earn his Army commission on the very day that class of ’86 graduated). White’s once promising career is unlikely to be long for this world.
In addition to Esper and Pompeo, other Class of ’86 alums serve in key executive branch roles. They include Vice Chief of Staff of the Army Gen. Joseph Martin, the director of the Army National Guard, the commander of NATO’s Allied Land Command, the deputy commanding general of Army Forces Command, and the deputy commanding general of Army Cyber Command. Civilian-side classmates in the Pentagon serve as: deputy assistant secretary of the Army for installations, energy, and environment; a civilian aide to the secretary of the Army; and the director of stabilization and peace operations policy for the secretary of defense. These Pentagon career civil servants aren’t, strictly speaking, part of the “Mafia” itself, but two Pompeo loyalists are indeed charter members.
Pompeo brought Ulrich Brechbuhl and Brian Butalao, two of his closest cadet friends, in from the corporate world. The three of them had, at one point, served as CEO, CFO, and COO of Thayer Aerospace, named for the “father” of West Point, Colonel Sylvanus Thayer, and started with Koch Industries seed money. Among other things, that corporation sold the Pentagon military aircraft components.
Brechbuhl and Butalao were given senior positions at the CIA when Pompeo was its director. Currently, Brechbuhl is the State Department’s counselor (and reportedly Pompeo’s de facto chief of staff), while Butalao serves as under secretary for management. According to his official bio, Butalao is responsible “for managing the State Department on a day-to-day basis and [serving as its] Chief Operating Officer.” Funny, that was his exact position under Pompeo at that aerospace company.
Still, this Mafia trio can’t run the show by themselves. The national security structure’s tentacles are so much longer than that. They reach all the way to K Street and Capitol Hill.
From Congress to K Street: The Enablers
Before Trump tapped Pompeo to head the CIA and then the State Department, he represented Wichita, Kansas, home to Koch Industries, in the House of Representatives. In fact, Pompeo rode his ample funding from the political action committee of the billionaire Koch brothers straight to the Hill. So linked was he to those fraternal right-wing energy tycoons and so protective of their interests that he was dubbed “the congressman from Koch.” The relationship was mutually beneficial. Pompeo’s selection as secretary of state solidified the previously strained relationship of the brothers with President Trump.
The ’86 Mafia’s current congressional heavyweight, however, is Mark Green. An early Trump supporter, he regularly tried to shield the president from impeachment as a minority member of the House Oversight and Reform Committee. The Tennessee representative nearly became Trump’s secretary of the Army, but ultimately withdrew his nomination because of controversies that included his sponsoring gender-discrimination bills and commenting that “transgender is a disease.”
Legislators like Green, in turn, take their foreign policy marching orders from the military’s corporate suppliers. Among those, Esper, of course, represents the gold standard when it comes to “revolving door” defense lobbying. Just before ascending the Pentagon summit, pressed by Senator Elizabeth Warren during his confirmation hearings, he patently refused to “recuse himself from all matters related to” Raytheon, his former employer and the nation’s third-largest defense contractor. (And that was even before its recent merger with United Technologies Corporation, which once employed another Esper classmate as a senior vice president.) Incidentally, one of Raytheon’s “biggest franchises” is the Patriot missile defense system, the very weapon being rushed to Iraq as I write, ostensibly as a check on Pompeo’s favored villain, Iran.
Less well known is the handiwork of another ’86 grad, longtime lobbyist and CNN paid contributor David Urban, who first met the president in 2012 and still recalls how “we clicked immediately.” The consummate Washington insider, he backed Trump “when nobody else thought he stood a chance” and in 2016 was his senior campaign adviser in the pivotal swing state of Pennsylvania.
Esper and Urban have been close for more than 30 years. As cadets, they served in the same unit during the Persian Gulf War. It was Urban who introduced Esper to his wife. Both later graced The Hill’s list of Washington’s top lobbyists. Since 2002, Urban has been a partner and is now president of a consulting giant, the American Continental Group. Among its clients: Raytheon and 7-Eleven.
It’s hard to overstate Urban’s role. He seems to have landed Pompeo and Esper their jobs in the Trump administration and was a key go-between in marrying class of ’86 backbenchers and moneymen to that bridegroom of our moment, The Donald.
Greasing the Machine: The Moneymen
Another ’86er also passed through that famed military-industrial revolving door. Retired Col. Dan Sauter left his position as chief of staff of the 32nd Army Air and Missile Defense Command for one at giant weapons maker Lockheed Martin as business developer for the very systems his old unit employed. Since May 2019, he’s directed Lockheed’s $1.5 billion Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) program in Saudi Arabia. Lockheed’s THAAD systems have streamed into that country to protect the kingdom, even as Pompeo continually threatens Iran.
If such corporate figures are doing the selling, it’s the Pentagon, naturally, that’s doing the buying. Luckily, there are ’86 alumni in key positions on the purchasing end as well, including a retired brigadier general who now serves as the Pentagon’s principal adviser to the under secretary for acquisition, technology, and logistics.
Finally, there are other key consultants linked to the military-industrial complex who are also graduates of the class of ’86. They include a senior vice president of Hillwood—a massive domestic and international real estate development company, chaired by Ross Perot Jr.—formerly a consultant to the government of the United Arab Emirates. The Emiratis are US allies in the fight against Pompeo’s Iranian nemesis and, in 2019, awarded Raytheon a $1.5 billion contract to supply key components for its Air Force missile launchers.
Another classmate is a managing partner for Patriot Strategies, which consults for corporations and the government but also separately lands hefty defense contracts itself. His previous “ventures” included “work in telecommunications in the Middle East…and technical security upgrades at U.S. embassies worldwide.”
Yet another grad, Rick Minicozzi, is the founder and CEO of Thayer Leader Development Group (TLDG), which prides itself on “building” corporate leaders. TLDG clients include: 7-Eleven, Cardinal Glass, EMCOR, and Mercedes-Benz. All either have or had ’86ers at the helm. The company’s CEO also owns the Thayer Hotel located right on West Point’s grounds, which hosts many of the company’s lectures and other events. Then there’s the retired colonel who, like me, taught on the West Point history faculty. He’s now the CEO of Battlefield Leadership, which helps corporate leaders “learn from the past” in order to “prepare for an ever-changing business landscape.”
A Class-wide Conflict of Interest
Don’t for a moment think these are all “bad” people. That’s not faintly my point. One prominent ’86 grad, for instance, is Lt. Gen. Eric Wesley, the deputy of Army Futures Command. He was my brigade commander at Fort Riley, Kansas, in 2009 and I found him competent, exceptionally empathetic, and a decidedly decent man, which is probably true of plenty of ’86ers.
So what exactly is my point here? I’m not for a second charging conspiracy or even criminal corruption. The lion’s share of what all these figures do is perfectly legal. In reality, the way the class of ’86 has permeated the power structure only reflects the nature of the carefully crafted, distinctly undemocratic systems through which the military-industrial complex and our political world operate by design. Most of what they do couldn’t, in fact, be more legal in a world of never-ending American wars and national security budgets that eternally go through the roof. After all, if any of these figures had acted in anything but a perfectly legal fashion, they might have run into a classmate of theirs who recently led the FBI’s corruption unit in New Jersey—before, that is, he retired and became CEO of a global security consulting firm. (Sound familiar?)
And that’s my point, really. We have a system in Washington that couldn’t be more lawful and yet, by any definition, the class of ’86 represents one giant conflict of interest (and they don’t stand alone). Alums from that year are now ensconced in every level of the national security state: from the White House to the Pentagon to Congress to K Street to corporate boardrooms. And they have both power and a deep stake, financial or otherwise, in maintaining or expanding the (forever) warfare state.
They benefit from America’s permanent military mobilization, its never-ending economic war footing, and all that comes with it. Ironically, this will inevitably include the blood of future West Point graduates, doomed to serve in their hopeless crusades. Think of it all as a macabre inversion of their class motto in which it’s not their courage but that of younger graduates sent off to this country’s hopeless wars that they will never allow to “quit.”
Speaking of true courage, lately the only exemplar we’ve had of it in those wars is Gen. “Pat” White. It seems that he, at least, refused to kiss the proverbial rings of those Mafia men of ’86.
But of course, he’s not part of their “family,” is he?


Remembering Perry Rosenstein

Perry Rosenstein , a 94-year-old-victim of Covid-19 who passed away on April 3 , was one of a kind .
A veteran of World War II , when asked why he joined the Navy ( he saw action in Okinawa and Guam ) , he would say it was to fight fascism .
As his son , Neal , explains , had he been of age , he would have gone to Spain with the Lincoln Brigade .
When , after the war , he was blacklisted from teaching because of his radical work against racism , he went into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a fortune manufacturing and distributing metal fasteners ( don ’ t ask ) .
Among other philanthropic causes , he has used that fortune to support the work of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives .
In 1983 , he founded the Puffin Foundation , whose mission is to nourish activism , human rights , social justice , and cultural life .
Among its projects is the establishment of the Puffin Gallery for Social Activism at the Museum of the City of New York , the only gallery of its sort .
Over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many other progressive institutions ( including Democracy Now !
, In These Times , Mother Jones , Dissent , Jacobin , The Nation Institute ( now Type Media Center ) , and , not least , The Nation .
Puffin/Nation/Nation Institute collaborations include the $ 100,000 annual Puffin/Nation Award for Creative Citizenship .
( Recipients include Reverend William Barber , Ben Jealous , Colin Kaepernick , Tony Kushner , the Parkland students , Cecile Richards , Bill McKibben , and the Sunrise Movement . )
Under Perry ’ s leadership , Puffin has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Student Nation , among other efforts designed to encourage creative and progressive work and thinking among a new generation .
It has been The Nation ’ s honor and privilege over the years to work with not only with Perry but also his wife , Gladys , Puffin ’ s executive director , and his son , Neal , both of whom share and have helped expand and amplify Perry ’ s commitment and dedication to progressive causes and values .
We miss him more than we can say .

This article appears in the May 4/11, 2020 issue.
Perry Rosenstein, a 94-year-old-victim of Covid-19 who passed away on April 3, was one of a kind.
A veteran of World War II, when asked why he joined the Navy (he saw action in Okinawa and Guam), he would say it was to fight fascism. As his son, Neal, explains, had he been of age, he would have gone to Spain with the Lincoln Brigade.
When, after the war, he was blacklisted from teaching because of his radical work against racism, he went into business for himself, where he made a fortune manufacturing and distributing metal fasteners (don’t ask). Among other philanthropic causes, he has used that fortune to support the work of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade Archives.
In 1983, he founded the Puffin Foundation, whose mission is to nourish activism, human rights, social justice, and cultural life. Among its projects is the establishment of the Puffin Gallery for Social Activism at the Museum of the City of New York, the only gallery of its sort.
Over the years, Puffin has joined forces with many other progressive institutions (including Democracy Now!, In These Times, Mother Jones, Dissent, Jacobin, The Nation Institute (now Type Media Center), and, not least, The Nation.
Puffin/Nation/Nation Institute collaborations include the $100,000 annual Puffin/Nation Award for Creative Citizenship. (Recipients include Reverend William Barber, Ben Jealous, Colin Kaepernick, Tony Kushner, the Parkland students, Cecile Richards, Bill McKibben, and the Sunrise Movement.) Under Perry’s leadership, Puffin has made possible scores of student journalist fellowships and Student Nation, among other efforts designed to encourage creative and progressive work and thinking among a new generation.
It has been The Nation’s honor and privilege over the years to work with not only with Perry but also his wife, Gladys, Puffin’s executive director, and his son, Neal, both of whom share and have helped expand and amplify Perry’s commitment and dedication to progressive causes and values.
We miss him more than we can say.


thenation--2020-04-10--Joe Biden, Here’s How to Earn Our Support

On Wednesday , Senator Bernie Sanders dropped out of the Democratic presidential primary .
It was a heartbreaking day for the millions of people across the country who support not just him but also the progressive grassroots movement he has catalyzed .
With Bernie out of the race , former vice president Joe Biden is now the presumptive Democratic nominee .
But throughout the primary , Biden struggled to earn the trust of younger voters .
He lost voters under 45 in nearly every state by double digits .
In the latest Monmouth poll , he is tied with Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the general election , he needs us .
That ’ s why the Alliance for Youth Action , Justice Democrats , the March for Our Lives Action Fund , NextGen America , Student Action , the Sunrise Movement , the IfNotNow Movement , and United We Dream Action immediately sent an open letter yesterday to Biden ’ s campaign , offering concrete , tangible commitments he can make , and actions he can take , to earn the trust of the vast majority of voters under 45 who rejected his “ return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ path to victory in 2020 comes from reassembling the Obama coalition .
But most of the young people who were inspired by “ Yes We Can ” haven ’ t felt the same way about Biden ’ s message of going back in time to the Obama era .
Voters under 35 have lived through two global recessions , a failed war of choice in Iraq , mass incarceration and deportation , inaction in the face of the climate crisis , and a gun violence epidemic .
We ’ ve seen a Republican @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white nationalism , plutocracy , and authoritarianism , and a Democratic Party that hasn ’ t quite figured out how to respond .
The idea of returning to normal doesn ’ t make sense to us , because the political status quo has never worked particularly well during our lifetimes .
For millions of young people , our path to a safe and secure middle-class life is far more out of reach than it was for our parents or grandparents .
And now , according to latest research , a majority of voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been placed on leave , or had hours cut because of the Covid-19 pandemic .
Young leaders know how important it is to defeat Trump .
But young people also want to see a Democratic nominee fighting for solutions to the massive social problems that have kept our generation from enjoying secure , stable middle-class lives .
During this time of crisis , if Biden is going to tap into the well of hope that drove Obama ’ s success , we need him to root himself in the New Deal and Great @ @ @ @ @ @ @ champion the bold ideas that have galvanized generations before us and inspire our generation today .
Abraham Lincoln , Franklin Delano Roosevelt , and Lyndon Johnson didn ’ t start out as leaders aligned with social movements calling for dramatic changes in their time .
But they were pressured enough to finally feel the ground of history moving beneath their feet and eventually met the test of leadership the historical moment demanded .
To his credit , Biden tweeted yesterday , “ I know that I need to earn your votes .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But I want you to know that I see you , I hear you , and I understand the urgency of this moment .
I hope you ’ ll join us .
You ’ re more than welcome : You ’ re needed.
” We hope he means it , because we agree .
That ’ s why we wrote our open letter .
We wanted to make our top-line suggestions for commitments clear .
Biden ’ s personnel decisions will say a lot about how much he intends to stand up to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our democracy and economy .
To unite the party , he should pledge to reject Wall Street executives and corporate lobbyists from adviser roles , his transition team , and cabinet .
He should also pledge to appoint elected leaders who endorsed Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren as cochairs of his transition team , and key progressive leaders to his campaign ’ s policy working groups .
Biden ’ s commitments on policy could also go a long way to earning the support of young people .
In March , Representative James Clyburn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the efforts being proposed by Bernie Sanders as he can.
” Many young voters are baffled by his rejection of popular proposals like a Green New Deal , marijuana legalization , and a wealth tax .
The pandemic has also amplified the ways in which our employer-based health care system is disastrous for millions of Americans .
Biden ’ s attachment to that model must dramatically change .
Can Obama Unite the Democrats Behind Biden ?
More in this series We can look to Spain for a good model of how this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against it in the elections , the millennial-powered Podemos Party secured personnel and policy commitments from the more established center-left Socialist Party and then joined it in a coalition government as a junior partner .
Since the pandemic ’ s arrival in Spain , Podemos has also secured the nationalization of health care , the cancellation of rent , and a moratorium on evictions .
The youth-powered Bernie coalition has the chance to secure similar commitments from the Biden campaign before we join in a coalition to defeat Trump .
Despite being a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whitest states in America in a field full of more diverse , younger candidates , Bernie won over the most diverse generation in American history .
Not because of any gimmicks .
But because his core ideology , policies , and message match our generation ’ s experience .
Just as Barry Goldwater ’ s unsuccessful campaign in 1964 proved to be a harbinger for Ronald Reagan and the splintering of the New Deal consensus in the Democratic Party , Bernie ’ s campaign will likely be a harbinger of the coming era @ @ @ @ @ @ @ operatives spent nearly two decades building institutions to remake the Republican Party into a vehicle for free-market economics and the right-wing culture war .
Young Berniecrats will create organizations to ensure that the Democratic Party becomes a vehicle for multiracial social democracy .
But they must make themselves essential to the party ’ s success .
That ’ s why we don ’ t want to see the Democratic Party fail , or Joe Biden fail .
We certainly do not want to see Trump win .
In order to win up and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic Party needs the energy and enthusiasm of our generation .
The victorious “ Obama coalition , ” after all , included millions of young people demanding change .
We need a nominee we can believe is going to work with us to deliver it .

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Thank you for signing up for The Nation’s weekly newsletter.
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Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
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Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
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On Wednesday, Senator Bernie Sanders dropped out of the Democratic presidential primary. It was a heartbreaking day for the millions of people across the country who support not just him but also the progressive grassroots movement he has catalyzed.
With Bernie out of the race, former vice president Joe Biden is now the presumptive Democratic nominee. But throughout the primary, Biden struggled to earn the trust of younger voters. He lost voters under 45 in nearly every state by double digits. In the latest Monmouth poll, he is tied with Trump among voters under 35. To win the general election, he needs us.
That’s why the Alliance for Youth Action, Justice Democrats, the March for Our Lives Action Fund, NextGen America, Student Action, the Sunrise Movement, the IfNotNow Movement, and United We Dream Action immediately sent an open letter yesterday to Biden’s campaign, offering concrete, tangible commitments he can make, and actions he can take, to earn the trust of the vast majority of voters under 45 who rejected his “return to normalcy” message.
Biden’s path to victory in 2020 comes from reassembling the Obama coalition. But most of the young people who were inspired by “Yes We Can” haven’t felt the same way about Biden’s message of going back in time to the Obama era. Voters under 35 have lived through two global recessions, a failed war of choice in Iraq, mass incarceration and deportation, inaction in the face of the climate crisis, and a gun violence epidemic. We’ve seen a Republican Party that’s increasingly open to white nationalism, plutocracy, and authoritarianism, and a Democratic Party that hasn’t quite figured out how to respond.
The idea of returning to normal doesn’t make sense to us, because the political status quo has never worked particularly well during our lifetimes. For millions of young people, our path to a safe and secure middle-class life is far more out of reach than it was for our parents or grandparents. And now, according to latest research, a majority of voters under 45 has lost their job, been placed on leave, or had hours cut because of the Covid-19 pandemic. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Young leaders know how important it is to defeat Trump. But young people also want to see a Democratic nominee fighting for solutions to the massive social problems that have kept our generation from enjoying secure, stable middle-class lives.
During this time of crisis, if Biden is going to tap into the well of hope that drove Obama’s success, we need him to root himself in the New Deal and Great Society traditions of the Democratic Party and champion the bold ideas that have galvanized generations before us and inspire our generation today. Current Issue View our current issue
Abraham Lincoln, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and Lyndon Johnson didn’t start out as leaders aligned with social movements calling for dramatic changes in their time. But they were pressured enough to finally feel the ground of history moving beneath their feet and eventually met the test of leadership the historical moment demanded.
To his credit, Biden tweeted yesterday, “I know that I need to earn your votes. And I know that might take time. But I want you to know that I see you, I hear you, and I understand the urgency of this moment. I hope you’ll join us. You’re more than welcome: You’re needed.”
We hope he means it, because we agree. That’s why we wrote our open letter. We wanted to make our top-line suggestions for commitments clear.
Biden’s personnel decisions will say a lot about how much he intends to stand up to oligarchy and fight for structural change in our democracy and economy. To unite the party, he should pledge to reject Wall Street executives and corporate lobbyists from adviser roles, his transition team, and cabinet. He should also pledge to appoint elected leaders who endorsed Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren as cochairs of his transition team, and key progressive leaders to his campaign’s policy working groups.
Biden’s commitments on policy could also go a long way to earning the support of young people. In March, Representative James Clyburn said Biden “should incorporate as much of the efforts being proposed by Bernie Sanders as he can.” Many young voters are baffled by his rejection of popular proposals like a Green New Deal, marijuana legalization, and a wealth tax. The pandemic has also amplified the ways in which our employer-based health care system is disastrous for millions of Americans. Biden’s attachment to that model must dramatically change. Biden 2020 “Bidenomics” vs. “Reaganomics” Mike Konczal On Israel and Palestine, US Electeds Are Out of Touch With Their Own Voters Phyllis Bennis Cluster Bombs Are “War-Crime” Weapons John Nichols
We can look to Spain for a good model of how this might all work out. After running against it in the elections, the millennial-powered Podemos Party secured personnel and policy commitments from the more established center-left Socialist Party and then joined it in a coalition government as a junior partner. Since the pandemic’s arrival in Spain, Podemos has also secured the nationalization of health care, the cancellation of rent, and a moratorium on evictions.
The youth-powered Bernie coalition has the chance to secure similar commitments from the Biden campaign before we join in a coalition to defeat Trump.
Despite being a 78-year-old white man from one of the whitest states in America in a field full of more diverse, younger candidates, Bernie won over the most diverse generation in American history. Not because of any gimmicks. But because his core ideology, policies, and message match our generation’s experience.
Just as Barry Goldwater’s unsuccessful campaign in 1964 proved to be a harbinger for Ronald Reagan and the splintering of the New Deal consensus in the Democratic Party, Bernie’s campaign will likely be a harbinger of the coming era of social democratic hegemony. Young Goldwater operatives spent nearly two decades building institutions to remake the Republican Party into a vehicle for free-market economics and the right-wing culture war. Young Berniecrats will create organizations to ensure that the Democratic Party becomes a vehicle for multiracial social democracy. But they must make themselves essential to the party’s success.
That’s why we don’t want to see the Democratic Party fail, or Joe Biden fail. We certainly do not want to see Trump win.
In order to win up and down the ballot in November, the Democratic Party needs the energy and enthusiasm of our generation. The victorious “Obama coalition,” after all, included millions of young people demanding change. We need a nominee we can believe is going to work with us to deliver it.


thenation--2020-04-10--Philip Roth’s Dystopia Hits Awfully Close to Home

The HBO miniseries The Plot Against America , which wraps up after six episodes next week , is timely and urgent—but these very qualities might work against it .
Audiences in hard times are notorious for their love of light entertainment .
There is a reason musical comedies flourished during the Great Depression and Tiger King is currently a hit for Netflix .
Stress naturally breeds a desire for art that is diverting , whether it be sprightly or crass .
Based on Philip Roth ’ s 2004 novel of the same name and adapted by David Simon and Ed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but it can not honestly be described as escapist fare .
In fact , the theme of the series is that escape is impossible .
An alternative history , the series is set in a world where Charles Lindbergh won the presidency on an isolationist platform in 1940 .
The aviator politician goes on to make an informal alliance with Nazi Germany while stirring up anti-Semitism at home .
A major decision faced by the Jewish characters in the story is whether to stay in an increasingly hostile America or seek refuge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choice becomes foreclosed as the borders are sealed .
The series airs at a time when Donald Trump is trafficking in anti-Chinese sentiments and the border to Canada is closed for all but essential travel because of Covid-19 .
A drama about an America that is rapidly unraveling under the misrule of a bigoted president who uses the slogan “ America First ” is not ideal relief for anyone hoping for a break from today ’ s news cycle .
Can Obama Unite the Democrats Behind Biden ?
China Is Going to Be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s novel appeared at the peak period of liberal angst about George W. Bush , and many reviewers took it as a direct political allegory .
Roth adamantly rejected this interpretation , saying that the novel riffed off a passage that he found in the memoirs of the historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. , about the political push behind Lindbergh in 1940 .
Roth used the scenario of a Lindbergh victory as a way to reinvigorate the autobiographical roots of his fiction , his memories of growing up Jewish in Newark , New Jersey @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alternative universe Philip Roth , who has the same family as the real Roth : the hectoring paterfamilias Herman , the doting mother Bess , the rebellious older brother Sandy .
But these real , live people , familiar from not just Roth ’ s fiction but also autobiographical works like Patrimony ( 1991 ) , are put into a fantastic situation , one that tests their family unity .
The scenario of a Lindbergh victory allows for a new twist on a time-tested Rothian theme : the tension between Jewish communal identity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Roth had often taken the side of individual self-expression against claims of ethnic identity .
Roth ’ s alter-ego Nathan Zuckerman robustly asserts his right to pen filthy novels even if they upset the rabbis and Jewish elders .
Zuckerman , Roth ’ s novels asserts , is no less a Jew for being a rebel : He ’ s the very type of Jew that can flourish under American freedom .
But Roth was never ideologically programmatic , and in The Plot Against America he decided to test his own preferences @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are at odds .
Much of the drama of Roth ’ s novel derives from the arguments among Jews about what to do in that situation .
I ’ ve often thought Philip Roth should have been named Philippic Wroth since his characters love bitter verbal jousting .
The strongest aspect of the HBO series is that it has kept the ideological battles of the novel , which have only become more salient in the Trump era .
In The Plot Against America , the Roth family ( renamed Levin in the series @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a crypto-fascist president .
In the series more than in the novel , the tensions mirror the political divisions of our times .
Herman Levin ( Morgan Spector ) is a kind of resistance liberal , dreaming of an FDR restoration and as much addicted to Walter Winchell ’ s dunking on Lindbergh as his 21st century counterparts enjoy anti-Trump jabs on MSNBC .
Herman ’ s nephew Alvin ( Anthony Boyle ) is an antifa direct-action leftist , eager for street battles with Nazis .
Alvin eventually joins the Canadian army @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wife Bess ( Zoe Kazan ) shares his anti-Lindbergh feelings but is more pragmatic , believing that flight to Canada is the best solution .
Other members of Herman ’ s family ( his businessman brother Monty , his son Sandy , his sister-in-law Evelyn Frankel ) are more accommodating of Lindbergh for a variety of reasons : He ’ s good for the stock market , he ’ s an attractive hero , he kept America out of war ) .
Perhaps the most interesting character in the series is Rabbi Lionel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) , who becomes a court Jew in the Lindbergh administration .
Oleaginous , ingratiating , and pompous , Bengelsdorf is a common type in the Trump era : the political climber who is willing to make excuses for an obviously unfit leader , someone willing to soil their reputation in order to gain the ear of the powerful .
One of the most effective scenes in the miniseries features Bengelsdorf at a state dinner for Joachim von Ribbentrop , where the rabbi ’ s habitual chumminess crumbles in contact with unvarnished racism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had a major problem , it was that he was unwilling to fully commit to the alternative history he imagined .
Unlike science fiction writers like Philip K. Dick , Roth didn ’ t want to grapple with a possible world where fascism wins a lasting victory .
While Roth does give his characters permanent traumas ( Alvin ’ s missing leg , Philip ’ s lifelong fear ) , he also contrived a too-elaborate plot that allows FDR to resume the presidency and the allies to win World War II .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turning the book into an “ it was all a dream ” story .
( This was a familiar tactic for the novelist .
Roth had the same narrative cowardice in Operation Shylock , where the fantastical plot turns out to be a byproduct of medical delirium ) .
Roth ’ s unwillingness to imagine a lasting triumph for Lindbergh is an outgrowth of the optimism of his generation .
In the notes to The Plot Against America , Roth cites the stalwart arbiters of mid-century history : Arthur Schlesinger , Richard Hofstadter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ historians who spoke for the vital center .
While they acknowledged that extremists like Lindbergh were important , they also saw the far right as being fundamentally outside the mainstream of American life , which was pragmatic and cautiously liberal .
Amid the wreckage of the Trump presidency , it ’ s hard to be so positive that the vital center can return .
Fittingly , the David Simons and Ed Burns adaptation of the novel ends on a more ambiguous note than the novel .
In the ending of his novel , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of resistance liberalism : its fantasy of a return to normality after a brief fascist interlude .
The miniseries , to its credit , avoids this false consolation .

Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Get The Nation’s Weekly Newsletter Fridays. The best of the week. Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Fridays. The best of the week.
Thank you for signing up for The Nation’s weekly newsletter.
Repro Nation A monthly newsletter on the global fight for reproductive freedom. Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here.
Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
Sign up for our Wine Club today. Did you know you can support The Nation by drinking wine?
The HBO miniseries The Plot Against America, which wraps up after six episodes next week, is timely and urgent—but these very qualities might work against it. Audiences in hard times are notorious for their love of light entertainment. There is a reason musical comedies flourished during the Great Depression and Tiger King is currently a hit for Netflix. Stress naturally breeds a desire for art that is diverting, whether it be sprightly or crass.
Based on Philip Roth’s 2004 novel of the same name and adapted by David Simon and Ed Burns, the miniseries has many virtues, but it cannot honestly be described as escapist fare. In fact, the theme of the series is that escape is impossible.
An alternative history, the series is set in a world where Charles Lindbergh won the presidency on an isolationist platform in 1940. The aviator politician goes on to make an informal alliance with Nazi Germany while stirring up anti-Semitism at home. A major decision faced by the Jewish characters in the story is whether to stay in an increasingly hostile America or seek refuge in Canada. Over time, that choice becomes foreclosed as the borders are sealed. The series airs at a time when Donald Trump is trafficking in anti-Chinese sentiments and the border to Canada is closed for all but essential travel because of Covid-19.
A drama about an America that is rapidly unraveling under the misrule of a bigoted president who uses the slogan “America First” is not ideal relief for anyone hoping for a break from today’s news cycle. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
Philip Roth’s novel appeared at the peak period of liberal angst about George W. Bush, and many reviewers took it as a direct political allegory. Roth adamantly rejected this interpretation, saying that the novel riffed off a passage that he found in the memoirs of the historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr., about the political push behind Lindbergh in 1940.
Roth used the scenario of a Lindbergh victory as a way to reinvigorate the autobiographical roots of his fiction, his memories of growing up Jewish in Newark, New Jersey. The novel is narrated by an alternative universe Philip Roth, who has the same family as the real Roth: the hectoring paterfamilias Herman, the doting mother Bess, the rebellious older brother Sandy. But these real, live people, familiar from not just Roth’s fiction but also autobiographical works like Patrimony (1991), are put into a fantastic situation, one that tests their family unity.
The scenario of a Lindbergh victory allows for a new twist on a time-tested Rothian theme: the tension between Jewish communal identity and American individualism. In earlier works, Roth had often taken the side of individual self-expression against claims of ethnic identity. Roth’s alter-ego Nathan Zuckerman robustly asserts his right to pen filthy novels even if they upset the rabbis and Jewish elders. Zuckerman, Roth’s novels asserts, is no less a Jew for being a rebel: He’s the very type of Jew that can flourish under American freedom. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
But Roth was never ideologically programmatic, and in The Plot Against America he decided to test his own preferences against a scenario where Jewishness and Americanness are at odds. Much of the drama of Roth’s novel derives from the arguments among Jews about what to do in that situation.
I’ve often thought Philip Roth should have been named Philippic Wroth since his characters love bitter verbal jousting. The strongest aspect of the HBO series is that it has kept the ideological battles of the novel, which have only become more salient in the Trump era.
In The Plot Against America, the Roth family (renamed Levin in the series) starts coming apart under the stress of a crypto-fascist president. In the series more than in the novel, the tensions mirror the political divisions of our times. Herman Levin (Morgan Spector) is a kind of resistance liberal, dreaming of an FDR restoration and as much addicted to Walter Winchell’s dunking on Lindbergh as his 21st century counterparts enjoy anti-Trump jabs on MSNBC. Herman’s nephew Alvin (Anthony Boyle) is an antifa direct-action leftist, eager for street battles with Nazis. Alvin eventually joins the Canadian army to fight Hitler. Herman’s wife Bess (Zoe Kazan) shares his anti-Lindbergh feelings but is more pragmatic, believing that flight to Canada is the best solution. Other members of Herman’s family (his businessman brother Monty, his son Sandy, his sister-in-law Evelyn Frankel) are more accommodating of Lindbergh for a variety of reasons: He’s good for the stock market, he’s an attractive hero, he kept America out of war).
Perhaps the most interesting character in the series is Rabbi Lionel Bengelsdorf (zestfully played by John Turturro), who becomes a court Jew in the Lindbergh administration. Oleaginous, ingratiating, and pompous, Bengelsdorf is a common type in the Trump era: the political climber who is willing to make excuses for an obviously unfit leader, someone willing to soil their reputation in order to gain the ear of the powerful. One of the most effective scenes in the miniseries features Bengelsdorf at a state dinner for Joachim von Ribbentrop, where the rabbi’s habitual chumminess crumbles in contact with unvarnished racism.
If Philip Roth’s novel had a major problem, it was that he was unwilling to fully commit to the alternative history he imagined. Unlike science fiction writers like Philip K. Dick, Roth didn’t want to grapple with a possible world where fascism wins a lasting victory. While Roth does give his characters permanent traumas (Alvin’s missing leg, Philip’s lifelong fear), he also contrived a too-elaborate plot that allows FDR to resume the presidency and the allies to win World War II. This ending negates much that came before, turning the book into an “it was all a dream” story. (This was a familiar tactic for the novelist. Roth had the same narrative cowardice in Operation Shylock, where the fantastical plot turns out to be a byproduct of medical delirium).
Roth’s unwillingness to imagine a lasting triumph for Lindbergh is an outgrowth of the optimism of his generation. In the notes to The Plot Against America, Roth cites the stalwart arbiters of mid-century history: Arthur Schlesinger, Richard Hofstadter, Henry Steele Commager. These were historians who spoke for the vital center. While they acknowledged that extremists like Lindbergh were important, they also saw the far right as being fundamentally outside the mainstream of American life, which was pragmatic and cautiously liberal.
Amid the wreckage of the Trump presidency, it’s hard to be so positive that the vital center can return. Fittingly, the David Simons and Ed Burns adaptation of the novel ends on a more ambiguous note than the novel. In the ending of his novel, Roth prefigured one of the worst features of resistance liberalism: its fantasy of a return to normality after a brief fascist interlude. The miniseries, to its credit, avoids this false consolation.


thenation--2020-04-10--Exclusive: Inside Trump’s Failed Plan to Surveil the Canadian Border

In late March , Customs and Border Protection ( CBP ) requested military support to surveil the US-Canada border with mobile cameras and underground sensors .
The request was rebuffed by the Joint Chiefs of Staff , who feared opposition from the Canadians , according to an internal Pentagon memo obtained exclusively by The Nation .
The memo reveals that CBP sought 916 military personnel to undertake duties at the Canadian border , including operating mobile surveillance cameras , unmanned ground sensors , and motor transportation .
Overall , CBP ’ s request was estimated to cost $ 145.3 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 540 military personnel on the southern border—adding to the 5,000 military personnel including military police , marines , planners , and engineers .
The memo , marked for official use only , was sent from Kenneth P. Rapuano , assistant secretary for homeland defense and global security , to Secretary of Defense Mark Esper .
It was provided to The Nation by a Pentagon official on the condition of anonymity to avoid professional reprisal .
Exclusive : The Military Knew Years Ago That a Coronavirus Was Coming Stephanie Carvin , a professor of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , expressed outrage at the proposal , telling The Nation , “ Americans remember 9/11 , but Canadians remember 9/12 because that was the day our border shut down… .
The United States is 80 percent of our trade—it ’ s our oxygen .
If it ’ s cut off , we can ’ t breathe.… “ Militarization runs against almost everything institutional in Canadian foreign and domestic policy going back the last 20 years , and I don ’ t say that lightly.
” The memo ties Covid-19 to border enforcement , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being to help CBP “ as part of the Federal response to the Covid-19 pandemic.
” But it later cites immigration enforcement as one of its goals .
“ CBP does not have the resources required to maintain public health standards and national security requirements to enforce immigration laws without additional DoD support , ” it notes .
Despite CBP ’ s concerns , undocumented immigration to the United States remains relatively low , with the vast majority of it coming across the southern border .
Furthermore , the incidence of Covid-19 is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Canada or Mexico .
Political scientist Stephen Saideman , who serves as director of the Canadian Defence and Security Network as well as Paterson Chair in International Affairs at Carleton University , called the plan a “ harebrained idea.
” “ It seems like a strange use of resources at this moment in time , ” Saideman said .
“ There is no threat of Canadians fleeing to the US given that national health care in Canada becomes a far greater magnet during a pandemic ; Canada is not only a week or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the progress of the pandemic , but is also flattening the curve better ; [ and ] there has not been much threat of illegal migration in this direction historically.
” The Nation previously reported on a memo from March in which the Department of Homeland Security requested military support up north , stating that “ any unknown or unresolved illegal entries into the United States in between Ports of Entry ( POE ) , have the potential to spread infectious disease.
” Carvin described the mood in Canada when the plan was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then laughter.
” President Trump has repeatedly accused foreigners of spreading diseases , accusing Mexican migrants of bringing “ tremendous infectious disease…pouring across the border.
” He has also demanded that Covid-19 be called a “ Chinese ” virus .
But he has not publicly targeted Canadians—yet .
The US-Canadian border , often described as the oldest demilitarized border in world history , has historically been free of a military presence from either nation ; but that could change under the Trump administration , which has already moved to restrict travel between the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does not appear to have been low-level speculation , judging from the seniority of staff involved .
The memo notes that the commander of US Northern Command spoke about it with the commander of the Canadian Joint Operations Command .
While the chairman of the Joint Chiefs rejected the plan , he also appears to leave open the possibility , provided the Canadians approved .
“ The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff has reviewed this request for assistance and non-concurs on the use of military personnel to staff MSC [ Mobile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ border because he does not see the link between MSC support , sensors , and the COVID-19 outbreak , ” the memo states .
“ The Chairman caveats his non-concurrence , by noting ‘ if supported , I recommend we work with our Canadian counterparts to address their concerns about the “ militarization ” of the northern border prior to committing any forces.
’ ” Maj. Mark Lazane , a spokesperson for the Pentagon ’ s US Northern Command , told The Nation , “ DoD [ Department of Defense ] has a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Protection in securing the U.S. borders ; however , we do not have an approved mission assignment to support CBP along the northern border .
For information regarding potential future support , please contact CBP or the Department of Homeland Security.
” Neither Customs and Border Protection nor the Department of Homeland Security responded to a request for comment .
Correction : A previous version of this article misattributed two quotations from Stephanie Carvin to Chrystia Freeland , Canada ’ s Deputy Prime Minister , who declined to comment .
The story has @ @ @

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In late March, Customs and Border Protection (CBP) requested military support to surveil the US-Canada border with mobile cameras and underground sensors. The request was rebuffed by the Joint Chiefs of Staff, who feared opposition from the Canadians, according to an internal Pentagon memo obtained exclusively by The Nation.
The memo reveals that CBP sought 916 military personnel to undertake duties at the Canadian border, including operating mobile surveillance cameras, unmanned ground sensors, and motor transportation. Overall, CBP’s request was estimated to cost $145.3 million.
In addition, it would provide 540 military personnel on the southern border—adding to the 5,000 military personnel including military police, marines, planners, and engineers.
The memo, marked for official use only, was sent from Kenneth P. Rapuano, assistant secretary for homeland defense and global security, to Secretary of Defense Mark Esper. It was provided to The Nation by a Pentagon official on the condition of anonymity to avoid professional reprisal. Related Article Exclusive: The Military Knew Years Ago That a Coronavirus Was Coming Ken Klippenstein
Stephanie Carvin, a professor of International Relations at Carleton University in Ottawa, expressed outrage at the proposal, telling The Nation, “Americans remember 9/11, but Canadians remember 9/12 because that was the day our border shut down…. The United States is 80 percent of our trade—it’s our oxygen. If it’s cut off, we can’t breathe.…
“Militarization runs against almost everything institutional in Canadian foreign and domestic policy going back the last 20 years, and I don’t say that lightly.”
The memo ties Covid-19 to border enforcement, describing the request’s purpose as being to help CBP “as part of the Federal response to the Covid-19 pandemic.” But it later cites immigration enforcement as one of its goals. “CBP does not have the resources required to maintain public health standards and national security requirements to enforce immigration laws without additional DoD support,” it notes. Current Issue View our current issue
Despite CBP’s concerns, undocumented immigration to the United States remains relatively low, with the vast majority of it coming across the southern border. Furthermore, the incidence of Covid-19 is far higher in the United States than Canada or Mexico.
Political scientist Stephen Saideman, who serves as director of the Canadian Defence and Security Network as well as Paterson Chair in International Affairs at Carleton University, called the plan a “harebrained idea.”
“It seems like a strange use of resources at this moment in time,” Saideman said. “There is no threat of Canadians fleeing to the US given that national health care in Canada becomes a far greater magnet during a pandemic; Canada is not only a week or two behind the US in terms of the progress of the pandemic, but is also flattening the curve better; [and] there has not been much threat of illegal migration in this direction historically.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
The Nation previously reported on a memo from March in which the Department of Homeland Security requested military support up north, stating that “any unknown or unresolved illegal entries into the United States in between Ports of Entry (POE), have the potential to spread infectious disease.”
Carvin described the mood in Canada when the plan was first reported as “first shock and then laughter.”
President Trump has repeatedly accused foreigners of spreading diseases, accusing Mexican migrants of bringing “tremendous infectious disease…pouring across the border.” He has also demanded that Covid-19 be called a “Chinese” virus. But he has not publicly targeted Canadians—yet.
The US-Canadian border, often described as the oldest demilitarized border in world history, has historically been free of a military presence from either nation; but that could change under the Trump administration, which has already moved to restrict travel between the United States and Canada.
The plan does not appear to have been low-level speculation, judging from the seniority of staff involved. The memo notes that the commander of US Northern Command spoke about it with the commander of the Canadian Joint Operations Command.
While the chairman of the Joint Chiefs rejected the plan, he also appears to leave open the possibility, provided the Canadians approved.
“The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff has reviewed this request for assistance and non-concurs on the use of military personnel to staff MSC [Mobile Surveillance Camera] vehicles along the northern border because he does not see the link between MSC support, sensors, and the COVID-19 outbreak,” the memo states. “The Chairman caveats his non-concurrence, by noting ‘if supported, I recommend we work with our Canadian counterparts to address their concerns about the “militarization” of the northern border prior to committing any forces.’”
Maj. Mark Lazane, a spokesperson for the Pentagon’s US Northern Command, told The Nation, “DoD [Department of Defense] has a long history of supporting Customs and Border Protection in securing the U.S. borders; however, we do not have an approved mission assignment to support CBP along the northern border. For information regarding potential future support, please contact CBP or the Department of Homeland Security.”
Neither Customs and Border Protection nor the Department of Homeland Security responded to a request for comment.
Correction: A previous version of this article misattributed two quotations from Stephanie Carvin to Chrystia Freeland, Canada’s Deputy Prime Minister, who declined to comment. The story has been corrected.


thenation--2020-04-10--Now Is the Time to Dismantle Our Deportation Machine

As our public health infrastructure buckles under the pressure of Covid-19 , billions of federal dollars are flowing to the Department of Homeland Security for civil immigration enforcement .
Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection—which together command more of the Homeland Security budget than the Federal Emergency Management Agency—are draining public coffers to keep a deportation machine running during a pandemic .
If there were ever a time to question the “ homeland security ” justification for this machinery , it is now .
At the same time that hospitals are scrambling to secure protective equipment , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ N95 masks .
As the death toll in America ’ s jails and prisons mounts , ICE has rejected calls by Homeland Security ’ s own whistle-blower doctors to release the vast majority of the 35,000 people in civil immigration custody .
Not to be outdone , CBP has begun turning away children seeking humanitarian protection at the border , forcing them to fend for themselves in crowded and unsanitary encampments .
Deportations have continued , even as those deported have tested positive for the virus .
ICE and CBP have put their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their personnel have tested positive alongside the people they target for deportation .
Asked to defend their actions , these agencies have responded predictably .
In the blunt words of Acting Deputy Secretary of Department of Homeland Security Ken Cuccinelli , the government must “ continue to prioritize arresting and removing criminal aliens and other aliens who pose a threat to public safety , just as it always has during President Trump ’ s administration.
” People ’ s lives be damned .
Even in a public health crisis , ICE and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into citizen and noncitizen , good and bad .
The rhetoric of these agencies is intentional .
The very term “ criminal alien ” —which ICE and CBP use to refer to anyone who has had contact with the criminal legal system and who is not yet a US citizen—is designed to provoke fear and justify civil immigration enforcement .
Who are these so-called threats to public safety ?
The majority , according to homeland security statistics , are people of color living in the United States who have immigration , drug , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They include fathers and mothers , refugees fleeing trauma , community leaders , US military veterans , and others who consider America their only home .
Their records are not a reflection of some causal connection between immigration status and crime .
People who are foreign-born are less likely to commit crimes than those born in the United States .
And when people who happen to be immigrants are convicted of crimes , they serve their time and seek a second chance like everyone else .
But because of where they were born @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They face these harsh consequences as an extension of another epidemic in this country : our reliance on the tools of mass incarceration to address social problems .
As many as one in three adults in America have had contact with the criminal legal system , with the effects felt disproportionately by people of color .
For immigrants , these effects include deportation .
The ostensible criminality becomes the justification for a growing deportation machine .
The Trump administration is not the first administration to use “ criminal aliens ” as the bogeymen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Obama infamously framed his immigration policy as one that targets “ felons , not families ” —leading to a record-breaking 3 million deportations .
The Obama administration expanded Secure Communities nationwide , a Bush-era pilot project that turns any fingerprintable arrest into a potential deportation case .
And the Trump , Obama , and Bush administrations were all enforcing harsh deportation laws enacted under the Clinton administration in 1996—laws that vastly expanded the criminal grounds for deportation .
Times of crisis invite fearmongering .
“ I urge the strengthening of our deportation laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of criminal aliens , ” President Herbert Hoover declared in his 1930 State of the Union address , as the country fell into the Great Depression .
Immigrants are always easy targets for political oppression—and painting them as uniquely criminal only makes matters worse .
Senator Joe Biden , now the presumptive 2020 Democratic Party presidential nominee , must break from this cycle to create a more inclusive immigration policy—one that doesn ’ t rely on a racially charged criminal legal system to determine who belongs in America .
Studies confirm that deportation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety .
Instead , deportation—and the imprisonment of immigrants pending their deportation—causes harm : family separation , economic loss , depression and anxiety , and even death .
Long before this pandemic , the machinery of deportation created a public health crisis .
Covid-19 should lead people to reassess what safety and security look like in a world where our fates are intertwined .
We have the opportunity to pursue a vision that values the lives of the entire public .
To do that , we must reject policies that carve up immigrant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reinvest these resources for public good .
And in the meantime , we should take a page from the medical professionals at our front lines : Do no harm .
Now is not the time to imprison and deport .
Now is the time to protect and heal .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Get The Nation’s Weekly Newsletter Fridays. The best of the week. Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Fridays. The best of the week.
Thank you for signing up for The Nation’s weekly newsletter.
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Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
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As our public health infrastructure buckles under the pressure of Covid-19, billions of federal dollars are flowing to the Department of Homeland Security for civil immigration enforcement. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection—which together command more of the Homeland Security budget than the Federal Emergency Management Agency—are draining public coffers to keep a deportation machine running during a pandemic.
If there were ever a time to question the “homeland security” justification for this machinery, it is now. At the same time that hospitals are scrambling to secure protective equipment, ICE has made a bid for 45,000 N95 masks. As the death toll in America’s jails and prisons mounts, ICE has rejected calls by Homeland Security’s own whistle-blower doctors to release the vast majority of the 35,000 people in civil immigration custody. Not to be outdone, CBP has begun turning away children seeking humanitarian protection at the border, forcing them to fend for themselves in crowded and unsanitary encampments. Deportations have continued, even as those deported have tested positive for the virus. ICE and CBP have put their officers at risk, as growing numbers of their personnel have tested positive alongside the people they target for deportation.
Asked to defend their actions, these agencies have responded predictably. In the blunt words of Acting Deputy Secretary of Department of Homeland Security Ken Cuccinelli, the government must “continue to prioritize arresting and removing criminal aliens and other aliens who pose a threat to public safety, just as it always has during President Trump’s administration.” People’s lives be damned.
Even in a public health crisis, ICE and CBP are determined to divide the public into citizen and noncitizen, good and bad. The rhetoric of these agencies is intentional. The very term “criminal alien”—which ICE and CBP use to refer to anyone who has had contact with the criminal legal system and who is not yet a US citizen—is designed to provoke fear and justify civil immigration enforcement. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Who are these so-called threats to public safety? The majority, according to homeland security statistics, are people of color living in the United States who have immigration, drug, or traffic offenses on their records. They include fathers and mothers, refugees fleeing trauma, community leaders, US military veterans, and others who consider America their only home. Related Article Deportations Are Making the Coronavirus Crisis Worse Gaby Del Valle and Jack Herrera
Their records are not a reflection of some causal connection between immigration status and crime. People who are foreign-born are less likely to commit crimes than those born in the United States. And when people who happen to be immigrants are convicted of crimes, they serve their time and seek a second chance like everyone else. But because of where they were born, deportation becomes a double punishment.
They face these harsh consequences as an extension of another epidemic in this country: our reliance on the tools of mass incarceration to address social problems. As many as one in three adults in America have had contact with the criminal legal system, with the effects felt disproportionately by people of color. For immigrants, these effects include deportation. The ostensible criminality becomes the justification for a growing deportation machine. Current Issue View our current issue
The Trump administration is not the first administration to use “criminal aliens” as the bogeymen to justify its policies. President Barack Obama infamously framed his immigration policy as one that targets “felons, not families”—leading to a record-breaking 3 million deportations. The Obama administration expanded Secure Communities nationwide, a Bush-era pilot project that turns any fingerprintable arrest into a potential deportation case. And the Trump, Obama, and Bush administrations were all enforcing harsh deportation laws enacted under the Clinton administration in 1996—laws that vastly expanded the criminal grounds for deportation.
Times of crisis invite fearmongering. “I urge the strengthening of our deportation laws so as to more fully rid ourselves of criminal aliens,” President Herbert Hoover declared in his 1930 State of the Union address, as the country fell into the Great Depression. Immigrants are always easy targets for political oppression—and painting them as uniquely criminal only makes matters worse. Senator Joe Biden, now the presumptive 2020 Democratic Party presidential nominee, must break from this cycle to create a more inclusive immigration policy—one that doesn’t rely on a racially charged criminal legal system to determine who belongs in America.
Studies confirm that deportation does not reduce crime or promote public safety. Instead, deportation—and the imprisonment of immigrants pending their deportation—causes harm: family separation, economic loss, depression and anxiety, and even death. Long before this pandemic, the machinery of deportation created a public health crisis.
Covid-19 should lead people to reassess what safety and security look like in a world where our fates are intertwined. We have the opportunity to pursue a vision that values the lives of the entire public. To do that, we must reject policies that carve up immigrant communities into deserving and undeserving, and reinvest these resources for public good. And in the meantime, we should take a page from the medical professionals at our front lines: Do no harm. Now is not the time to imprison and deport. Now is the time to protect and heal.