thenation--2020-06-05--A Vast Array of Emergency Powers. Zero Self-Control.

As the extraordinary events of the past week have unfolded , I find myself experiencing time in increasingly strange ways .
On the one hand , every minute of every hour seems an eternity , an endless loop of danger and uncertainty and increasing tension , from the streets of every major city in America to the halls of power in D.C. On the other hand , precisely because so much is happening so fast , time is whirring by , as if stuck in fast-forward : from the mass outpouring of black-led protests to Trump ’ s threat to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governors activating the National Guard , mayors imposing curfews , and Jim Mattis and an array of other former high-ranking military brass condemning Donald Trump ’ s threat to unleash the military , in the most damning of tones .
This week , the Signal and the Noise blended and became one .
Despite the risks of contracting the novel coronavirus , vast numbers of Americans have masked up and taken to the streets to bear moral witness to the unbearable police lynching of George Floyd in Minneapolis , and to white supremacy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the protests have been peaceful .
Some , however , have been taken over by those with a largely nonpolitical , violent agenda .
As anyone who has been watching TV this past week will have seen , there has been widespread looting from coast to coast , some possibly carried out by chaos-makers on either end of the political spectrum .
Some has been carried out by people who have simply had enough of feeling downtrodden and unvalued , brutalized by the forces of the state and looked on with fear—or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their fellow-citizens .
Some looting has been performed for reasons that are not ideological , and don ’ t really have much , or even anything , to do with Floyd ’ s murder .
The spasm of looting surely must be related to the vast economic despair now coursing through a country with nearly 43 million unemployed , tens of millions hungry or food insecure , and millions at risk of losing the roofs over their heads .
It must have at least in part been triggered by the massive psychological @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , along with the complete eradication of all normal stress releasers , from watching sports events to hearing live music , from eating out at restaurants to watching movies at the theater , from dating and hooking up to going to the gym , to gambling in casinos , to praying at places of worship , to traveling , to playing basketball in the local park .
We have been forced into a waking hibernation , a society-wide sleep terror , and it has driven us to the breaking point .
Where Does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and always has been , in rioting an element of the performative , the explosive release of pent-up pressures .
The historian of riots George Rudé , in his classic 1964 book The Crowd in History , 1730-1848 , wrote that rioters throughout history have often expressed themselves by “ breaking windows , wrecking machinery , storming markets , burning their enemies of the moment in effigy , and ‘ pulling down ’ their houses , farms , fences , mills , or pubs.
” That performative element was true in England @ @ @ @ @ @ @ focused on , and it ’ s certainly true in the United States , a country that has had more than its fair share of riotous outbreaks over the last two and half centuries .
America is a country peculiarly wedded to the spectacle , to entertainment , to baubles and distractions .
And yet , for months on end , we have been deprived by a pandemic emergency of all of our public spectacles except one : the endless , narcissistic prattle of Donald J. Trump , as he churns up our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ basest behaviors , as he seeks to divide us all again and again .
Stuck in our homes , with nothing else to divert us , we watched and watched and watched .
And , as a country , we lost our goddamn minds .
Then , the video of George Floyd ’ s murder surfaced .
It was the match that lit everything up , that served to blow the lid off our collective pressure cooker .
Black activists took to the street , refusing to let this stand .
Their resistance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shocked many of us out of our stupor .
Stung back to life again , we flooded , by the tens and then the hundreds of thousands , into the street , to express our collective outrage—to reclaim , in a public setting , our sense of being human .
When mass protests began—first in Minneapolis and then in a growing number of other cities—one could practically see Trump ’ s twisted mind sorting through his options for sowing further mayhem , for roiling already deeply disturbed waters .
After a weekend of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump began openly demanding US military involvement to put down the “ thugs ” and the “ far-left ” agitators .
He began pressuring governors to accept his offers of army intervention , and began calling for extraordinarily lengthy prison sentences for looters ( presumably by invoking the same emergency provisions of the federal code , enacted in 1948 , that allowed past administrations to seek multi-decade prison sentences for protesters against the Vietnam War and anti-nuclear activists ) .
He began laying the groundwork to declare a national emergency that would allow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Monday , military helicopters whirred low over demonstrators in D.C. , using crowd control tactics honed in urban warfare in Afghanistan and Iraq .
Police officers gassed and beat nonviolent crowds , simply to clear a path for Trump to strut , caudillo-like , to a nearby church .
There , he waved a Bible and pledged to be “ your law-and-order president.
” It looked , that night , as if he were about to declare martial law—and to start utilizing the vast array of emergency powers that the Constitution and , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ delegated to the Executive Branch .
These powers are contained in provisions of the Constitution , as well as in laws such as the 1807 Insurrection Act ; the 1934 Communications Act , and its World War II amendments ; the 1976 National Emergencies Act ; and the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act .
They are also detailed in a series of secret Presidential Emergency Action Documents ( PEADS ) that were first generated during the Eisenhower presidency to keep continuity of government in place should the country experience a nuclear attack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but over the years a series of investigations have hinted at their scope : They seem to provide for the suspension of habeas corpus , the declaration of martial law , the rounding up and detention of lists of “ subversives , ” and a range of other tools familiar to strongman regimes over the course of history .
As the Brennan Center for Justice and others have delineated , these acts give presidents utterly extraordinary , personalized powers , should they decide to embrace them .
During the Civil War , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ War II , FDR signed the notorious Executive Order 9066 , forcing Japanese-Americans on the West Coast into internment camps .
The emergency powers available to the president have exponentially grown since then .
There are now at least 136 statutory powers that give the president the power to do everything from shutting down hostile media entities and blocking access to specific websites to freezing the bank accounts and seizing the passports of US nationals deemed to be cooperating with foreign entities to undermine US security .
In a remarkably prescient article published @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Brennan Center ’ s Elizabeth Goitein laid out a series of scenarios in which a politically vulnerable Trump—operating in the aftermath of impeachment and against a backdrop of a public health crisis , an economic collapse , and massive civic unrest—could decide to essentially go to war against his domestic enemies by embracing these emergency powers .
Trump ’ s actions this past week are so stunningly similar to those Goitein outlined that one can ’ t help but wonder if he is , quite literally , hewing to her hypothetical playbook @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most senior figures , as well as all four living ex-presidents , have now mounted public interventions .
In the days following Trump ’ s church photo op , the military top brass seems to have revolted .
Secretary of Defense Mark Esper has come out against using the US military against protesters .
Ex-chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mike Mullen published an op-ed denouncing Trump ’ s actions .
Ex–defense secretary James Mattis has published what must surely rank as the most damning and damaging statement by an erstwhile cabinet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US history .
The current head of the Joint Chiefs , Gen. Mark Milley , wrote a memo to the heads of all branches of the armed forces , pointedly reminding them that they have all sworn an oath to uphold the Constitution and the rights contained therein .
And Gen. John Allen , former commander of US forces in Afghanistan , wrote that Trump ’ s actions were so dangerous they might well “ signal the beginning of the end of the American experiment.
” These top brass aren ’ t just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the US military will be dragged into the middle of an American crack-up .
They are also clearly concerned that the vast emergency powers at the president ’ s disposal could be invoked by a ruthless , unstable sociopath—a man sinking in the opinion polls—in a way that will permanently shatter what remains of the country ’ s democratic structures .
They are worried that the United States ’ unique place in the world ’ s consciousness will be destroyed , autocracy will snuff out democracy , and the country will descend into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ powers statutes were , theoretically , developed over the decades to allow governments to protect the country ’ s democracy .
Trump is now , quite clearly , readying to use them to snuff out that democracy and further entrench his fetid , kleptocratic regime .
He hasn ’ t yet made his full emergency powers grab .
Make no mistake , however : The peril is all too real .
He can be stopped , and his dark vision never fulfilled , but only if enough of us continue to resist—and if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to obey illegal orders .

As the extraordinary events of the past week have unfolded, I find myself experiencing time in increasingly strange ways. On the one hand, every minute of every hour seems an eternity, an endless loop of danger and uncertainty and increasing tension, from the streets of every major city in America to the halls of power in D.C.
On the other hand, precisely because so much is happening so fast, time is whirring by, as if stuck in fast-forward: from the mass outpouring of black-led protests to Trump’s threat to impose a military response against protesters, governors activating the National Guard, mayors imposing curfews, and Jim Mattis and an array of other former high-ranking military brass condemning Donald Trump’s threat to unleash the military, in the most damning of tones. This week, the Signal and the Noise blended and became one.
Despite the risks of contracting the novel coronavirus, vast numbers of Americans have masked up and taken to the streets to bear moral witness to the unbearable police lynching of George Floyd in Minneapolis, and to white supremacy and police brutality more generally. Most of the protests have been peaceful. Some, however, have been taken over by those with a largely nonpolitical, violent agenda.
As anyone who has been watching TV this past week will have seen, there has been widespread looting from coast to coast, some possibly carried out by chaos-makers on either end of the political spectrum. Some has been carried out by people who have simply had enough of feeling downtrodden and unvalued, brutalized by the forces of the state and looked on with fear—or, worse, just ignored—by vast numbers of their fellow-citizens. Some looting has been performed for reasons that are not ideological, and don’t really have much, or even anything, to do with Floyd’s murder.
The spasm of looting surely must be related to the vast economic despair now coursing through a country with nearly 43 million unemployed, tens of millions hungry or food insecure, and millions at risk of losing the roofs over their heads. It must have at least in part been triggered by the massive psychological pressures of months of mandated stay-in-place orders, along with the complete eradication of all normal stress releasers, from watching sports events to hearing live music, from eating out at restaurants to watching movies at the theater, from dating and hooking up to going to the gym, to gambling in casinos, to praying at places of worship, to traveling, to playing basketball in the local park. We have been forced into a waking hibernation, a society-wide sleep terror, and it has driven us to the breaking point. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Related Article Where Does America Go From Here? Sasha Abramsky
There is, and always has been, in rioting an element of the performative, the explosive release of pent-up pressures. The historian of riots George Rudé, in his classic 1964 book The Crowd in History, 1730-1848, wrote that rioters throughout history have often expressed themselves by “breaking windows, wrecking machinery, storming markets, burning their enemies of the moment in effigy, and ‘pulling down’ their houses, farms, fences, mills, or pubs.” That performative element was true in England and France, the two countries he focused on, and it’s certainly true in the United States, a country that has had more than its fair share of riotous outbreaks over the last two and half centuries.
America is a country peculiarly wedded to the spectacle, to entertainment, to baubles and distractions. And yet, for months on end, we have been deprived by a pandemic emergency of all of our public spectacles except one: the endless, narcissistic prattle of Donald J. Trump, as he churns up our worst societal instincts and panders to our basest behaviors, as he seeks to divide us all again and again. Stuck in our homes, with nothing else to divert us, we watched and watched and watched. And, as a country, we lost our goddamn minds. Current Issue View our current issue
Then, the video of George Floyd’s murder surfaced. It was the match that lit everything up, that served to blow the lid off our collective pressure cooker. Black activists took to the street, refusing to let this stand. Their resistance, and police departments’ reactions, shocked many of us out of our stupor. Stung back to life again, we flooded, by the tens and then the hundreds of thousands, into the street, to express our collective outrage—to reclaim, in a public setting, our sense of being human.
When mass protests began—first in Minneapolis and then in a growing number of other cities—one could practically see Trump’s twisted mind sorting through his options for sowing further mayhem, for roiling already deeply disturbed waters. After a weekend of growing chaos and rampant police brutality, Trump began openly demanding US military involvement to put down the “thugs” and the “far-left” agitators. He began pressuring governors to accept his offers of army intervention, and began calling for extraordinarily lengthy prison sentences for looters (presumably by invoking the same emergency provisions of the federal code, enacted in 1948, that allowed past administrations to seek multi-decade prison sentences for protesters against the Vietnam War and anti-nuclear activists). He began laying the groundwork to declare a national emergency that would allow him to activate the troops.
On Monday, military helicopters whirred low over demonstrators in D.C., using crowd control tactics honed in urban warfare in Afghanistan and Iraq. Police officers gassed and beat nonviolent crowds, simply to clear a path for Trump to strut, caudillo-like, to a nearby church. There, he waved a Bible and pledged to be “your law-and-order president.” It looked, that night, as if he were about to declare martial law—and to start utilizing the vast array of emergency powers that the Constitution and, over the centuries, Congress, have delegated to the Executive Branch.
These powers are contained in provisions of the Constitution, as well as in laws such as the 1807 Insurrection Act; the 1934 Communications Act, and its World War II amendments; the 1976 National Emergencies Act; and the 1977 International Emergency Economic Powers Act. They are also detailed in a series of secret Presidential Emergency Action Documents (PEADS) that were first generated during the Eisenhower presidency to keep continuity of government in place should the country experience a nuclear attack. PEADS have never officially been published, but over the years a series of investigations have hinted at their scope: They seem to provide for the suspension of habeas corpus, the declaration of martial law, the rounding up and detention of lists of “subversives,” and a range of other tools familiar to strongman regimes over the course of history.
As the Brennan Center for Justice and others have delineated, these acts give presidents utterly extraordinary, personalized powers, should they decide to embrace them. During the Civil War, Lincoln suspended habeas corpus. During World War II, FDR signed the notorious Executive Order 9066, forcing Japanese-Americans on the West Coast into internment camps.
The emergency powers available to the president have exponentially grown since then. There are now at least 136 statutory powers that give the president the power to do everything from shutting down hostile media entities and blocking access to specific websites to freezing the bank accounts and seizing the passports of US nationals deemed to be cooperating with foreign entities to undermine US security.
In a remarkably prescient article published in The Atlantic in January 2019, the Brennan Center’s Elizabeth Goitein laid out a series of scenarios in which a politically vulnerable Trump—operating in the aftermath of impeachment and against a backdrop of a public health crisis, an economic collapse, and massive civic unrest—could decide to essentially go to war against his domestic enemies by embracing these emergency powers. Trump’s actions this past week are so stunningly similar to those Goitein outlined that one can’t help but wonder if he is, quite literally, hewing to her hypothetical playbook.
Many of the armed forces’ most senior figures, as well as all four living ex-presidents, have now mounted public interventions. In the days following Trump’s church photo op, the military top brass seems to have revolted. Secretary of Defense Mark Esper has come out against using the US military against protesters. Ex-chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Mike Mullen published an op-ed denouncing Trump’s actions. Ex–defense secretary James Mattis has published what must surely rank as the most damning and damaging statement by an erstwhile cabinet minister against a president in all of US history. The current head of the Joint Chiefs, Gen. Mark Milley, wrote a memo to the heads of all branches of the armed forces, pointedly reminding them that they have all sworn an oath to uphold the Constitution and the rights contained therein. And Gen. John Allen, former commander of US forces in Afghanistan, wrote that Trump’s actions were so dangerous they might well “signal the beginning of the end of the American experiment.”
These top brass aren’t just worried that the men and women of the US military will be dragged into the middle of an American crack-up. They are also clearly concerned that the vast emergency powers at the president’s disposal could be invoked by a ruthless, unstable sociopath—a man sinking in the opinion polls—in a way that will permanently shatter what remains of the country’s democratic structures. They are worried that the United States’ unique place in the world’s consciousness will be destroyed, autocracy will snuff out democracy, and the country will descend into violent chaos and strife.
The emergency powers statutes were, theoretically, developed over the decades to allow governments to protect the country’s democracy. Trump is now, quite clearly, readying to use them to snuff out that democracy and further entrench his fetid, kleptocratic regime. He hasn’t yet made his full emergency powers grab. Make no mistake, however: The peril is all too real. He can be stopped, and his dark vision never fulfilled, but only if enough of us continue to resist—and if enough people in positions of power refuse to obey illegal orders.


thenation--2020-06-05--We Cannot Postpone Climate Talks Until 2021

On the heels of a pandemic that is hitting communities of color the hardest , and while protests for racial justice following the murder of George Floyd rock the nation and world , it is vital for meaningful climate dialogues to continue .
Yet Britain last week proposed postponing international climate talks until November 2021 .
The potential costs of doing so are stark .
Most strikingly , it will likely result in economic recovery plans by nations that seek to revitalize a fundamentally unsustainable and unjust status quo , one which harms under-resourced communities the most and which puts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second to the profits of big corporations .
If we recognize the urgency around climate change—if we want a livable planet for today ’ s young people and , more pressingly , if we are really committed to combating the racial violence that pervades our political , social , and economic systems—then these costs are far too high for our leaders to risk with delay .
Lawmakers need to wake up : Climate change and the injustices it generates won ’ t break for Covid-19 .
So the United Nations Climate Change Conference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story was produced for Student Nation , a section devoted to highlighting campus activism and student movements from students in their own words .
For more Student Nation , check out our archive .
Are you a student with a campus activism story ?
Send questions and pitches to Samantha Schuyler at samantha @ thenation.com .
The Student Nation program is made possible through generous funding from The Puffin Foundation .
It is certainly within our nations ’ technological capacities to ensure that they aren ’ t pushed into the future .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their basic political and ethical responsibilities to make the 26th annual Conference of the Party ( COP ) an imminent reality by whatever means possible .
Already , fossil fuel companies are preparing to line their coffers with federal bailouts .
They are demanding regulatory relief as the price of oil hits record lows .
They ’ ve spent this pandemic continuing to push through pipelines , frequently at the expense of indigenous communities like the Wet ’ suwet ’ en , all under the cover of a mainstream media dominated by Covid-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ COP gives these bad actors even more wiggle room to exploit the current crisis , securing a model of business that will wreck the environment and jeopardize our futures .
And it ’ s happening right under our noses .
At the same time , the effects of climate change are already becoming more palpable .
We ’ re approaching a potentially record-breaking Atlantic hurricane season , which will put coastal and low-lying communities now struggling to shelter in place from Covid-19 in a uniquely precarious position— fierce storms may necessitate evacuation .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the spread of infectious disease , we ’ re only sampling the harsh intersection of our environmental and public health emergencies .
If our government officials really want an economy and a planet that does not discriminate along racial , gender , and socioeconomic lines and that can support all of their children and grandchildren , then they need to radically rethink business as usual .
Preserving the status quo puts us on the trajectory toward climate apartheid , with those who can afford to escape the worst effects of climate change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and historically marginalized community members behind , as we have already seen during this pandemic .
Investing in an economy that works for young people means investing in a more environmentally sustainable and socially responsible system , not just for the coming , post-pandemic years but also for the coming decades .
That starts with the policies we put in place to recover from Covid-19 .
Like the coronavirus crisis , tackling the climate crisis and the injustices it generates necessitates innovation .
We have to think creatively and strategically if we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equitable transition to a clean energy economy within the next decade that is necessary , according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change , to avert potentially catastrophic and irreversible impacts of climate change .
And with surging demand for jobs , now is the opportune moment for such thinking .
But if world leaders fail to forge a way forward for a safe and effective COP conference in the time of Covid-19 , then we ’ re in a worse position on climate change than many of us could have ever imagined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the scale that we need it seems unlikely , in this case , to come to fruition .
Already , scores of universities have made the transition to online learning .
Companies have learned to organize business meetings over video conferencing platforms to continue conducting daily business as much as possible .
With access to the world ’ s top health experts , perhaps our government leaders can make possible a socially distanced COP .
But if not , why can ’ t our world leaders at least convene a remote one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into higher education from around the world ; I ’ d hope that our top-ranking officials could display the same resolve to stave off an existential global threat .
A remote COP may not hold quite the same appeal as the traditional in-person conference and , certainly , any dependence on online and remote technologies will produce new challenges in logistics and accessibility .
But as universities and institutions are learning to overcome such hurdles , so could our leaders .
Convening COP could quite literally make a world of difference , because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ end up with decades from now .
At the very least , it will provide an opportunity to halt the development and proliferation of economic recovery plans that do further damage to our planet and burden our most vulnerable communities .
More than that , it could provide a unique chance to harness international cooperation to advance the bold agenda needed to tackle both climate and Covid-19 .
Otherwise , our leaders risk sacrificing even more lives and livelihoods to the climate crisis on top of those lost to the current pandemic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ familiar with the sounds of sirens over the last few months and with worries that our neighbors , family , and friends will next enter the ambulance .
Delaying COP and risking the adoption of policies that fail to mitigate or that even exacerbate climate change may only increase the buildup of bodies that this pandemic and the state-sanctioned violence rising in its midst ultimately produce .
For many of us , the reality of tomorrow alone—not to mention the future beyond that next day—feels highly uncertain right now .
The financial , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of this moment weigh differently on people in different circumstances , but no one is immune .
In a few decades or so , without dramatic action , we ’ ll face the same reality with climate change—as low-lying and developing nations have already .
If we want our future to look different , we have to seize this political moment .
A 26th annual COP , a uniting of leaders around our shared world , is a critical step in making that possible .

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On the heels of a pandemic that is hitting communities of color the hardest, and while protests for racial justice following the murder of George Floyd rock the nation and world, it is vital for meaningful climate dialogues to continue.
Yet Britain last week proposed postponing international climate talks until November 2021. The potential costs of doing so are stark. Most strikingly, it will likely result in economic recovery plans by nations that seek to revitalize a fundamentally unsustainable and unjust status quo, one which harms under-resourced communities the most and which puts the futures of my peers and myself second to the profits of big corporations.
If we recognize the urgency around climate change—if we want a livable planet for today’s young people and, more pressingly, if we are really committed to combating the racial violence that pervades our political, social, and economic systems—then these costs are far too high for our leaders to risk with delay.
Lawmakers need to wake up: Climate change and the injustices it generates won’t break for Covid-19. So the United Nations Climate Change Conference can’t, either. This story was produced for Student Nation, a section devoted to highlighting campus activism and student movements from students in their own words. For more Student Nation, check out our archive. Are you a student with a campus activism story? Send questions and pitches to Samantha Schuyler at [email protected]. The Student Nation program is made possible through generous funding from The Puffin Foundation.
It is certainly within our nations’ technological capacities to ensure that they aren’t pushed into the future. But more than that, it is within their basic political and ethical responsibilities to make the 26th annual Conference of the Party (COP) an imminent reality by whatever means possible.
Already, fossil fuel companies are preparing to line their coffers with federal bailouts. They are demanding regulatory relief as the price of oil hits record lows. They’ve spent this pandemic continuing to push through pipelines, frequently at the expense of indigenous communities like the Wet’suwet’en, all under the cover of a mainstream media dominated by Covid-19 coverage. The potential for a postponed COP gives these bad actors even more wiggle room to exploit the current crisis, securing a model of business that will wreck the environment and jeopardize our futures. And it’s happening right under our noses.
At the same time, the effects of climate change are already becoming more palpable. We’re approaching a potentially record-breaking Atlantic hurricane season, which will put coastal and low-lying communities now struggling to shelter in place from Covid-19 in a uniquely precarious position— fierce storms may necessitate evacuation. And with climate change increasing the likelihood for the spread of infectious disease, we’re only sampling the harsh intersection of our environmental and public health emergencies. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
If our government officials really want an economy and a planet that does not discriminate along racial, gender, and socioeconomic lines and that can support all of their children and grandchildren, then they need to radically rethink business as usual. Preserving the status quo puts us on the trajectory toward climate apartheid, with those who can afford to escape the worst effects of climate change doing so while leaving our most vulnerable and historically marginalized community members behind, as we have already seen during this pandemic. Investing in an economy that works for young people means investing in a more environmentally sustainable and socially responsible system, not just for the coming, post-pandemic years but also for the coming decades. That starts with the policies we put in place to recover from Covid-19.
Like the coronavirus crisis, tackling the climate crisis and the injustices it generates necessitates innovation. We have to think creatively and strategically if we’re going to achieve the rapid and equitable transition to a clean energy economy within the next decade that is necessary, according to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, to avert potentially catastrophic and irreversible impacts of climate change. And with surging demand for jobs, now is the opportune moment for such thinking.
But if world leaders fail to forge a way forward for a safe and effective COP conference in the time of Covid-19, then we’re in a worse position on climate change than many of us could have ever imagined. The kind of thinking we need on the scale that we need it seems unlikely, in this case, to come to fruition.
Already, scores of universities have made the transition to online learning. Companies have learned to organize business meetings over video conferencing platforms to continue conducting daily business as much as possible. With access to the world’s top health experts, perhaps our government leaders can make possible a socially distanced COP. But if not, why can’t our world leaders at least convene a remote one? University students have managed to Zoom into higher education from around the world; I’d hope that our top-ranking officials could display the same resolve to stave off an existential global threat.
A remote COP may not hold quite the same appeal as the traditional in-person conference and, certainly, any dependence on online and remote technologies will produce new challenges in logistics and accessibility. But as universities and institutions are learning to overcome such hurdles, so could our leaders. Convening COP could quite literally make a world of difference, because it could radically alter the world we end up with decades from now. At the very least, it will provide an opportunity to halt the development and proliferation of economic recovery plans that do further damage to our planet and burden our most vulnerable communities. More than that, it could provide a unique chance to harness international cooperation to advance the bold agenda needed to tackle both climate and Covid-19.
Otherwise, our leaders risk sacrificing even more lives and livelihoods to the climate crisis on top of those lost to the current pandemic. Many of us have become all too familiar with the sounds of sirens over the last few months and with worries that our neighbors, family, and friends will next enter the ambulance. Delaying COP and risking the adoption of policies that fail to mitigate or that even exacerbate climate change may only increase the buildup of bodies that this pandemic and the state-sanctioned violence rising in its midst ultimately produce.
For many of us, the reality of tomorrow alone—not to mention the future beyond that next day—feels highly uncertain right now. The financial, mental, physical, and emotional stresses of this moment weigh differently on people in different circumstances, but no one is immune. In a few decades or so, without dramatic action, we’ll face the same reality with climate change—as low-lying and developing nations have already. If we want our future to look different, we have to seize this political moment. A 26th annual COP, a uniting of leaders around our shared world, is a critical step in making that possible.


thenation--2020-06-05--Shouldn’t Congressional Approval Be Required to Deploy Troops at Home Too?

When President Trump signaled Monday that he was prepared to send military forces to US cities in order to end unrest that has swelled since the death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd—and then had his attorney general order federal police to remove peaceful protesters from a park adjacent to the White House—Representative John Yarmouth warned , “ The President just declared war on millions of Americans and the 1st Amendment .
He is the greatest threat to the American way of life in our history.
” The Kentucky Democrat ’ s statement pointed to an unsettling irony .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ war against foreign countries in Congress .
But the law that Trump threatened to invoke in order to dispatch troops to communities across the country , the Insurrection Act of 1807 , gives presidents at least some leeway to dispatch troops inside the United States without ever consulting Congress .
“ So what about now ?
Can Trump send federal troops to a state that doesn ’ t ask for them or even opposes them ?
” asked NBC News Justice Department and Supreme Court correspondent Pete Williams in an assessment of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doesn ’ t explicitly allow it .
But it doesn ’ t clearly forbid it , either , and history is full of examples of presidents ’ broadly interpreting this law or its forerunners.
” That ’ s something that members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus want to address .
Immediately .
“ In the coming days , we will be introducing legislation to prohibit the unilateral deployment of US military personnel into American cities without the explicit approval of Congress , ” CPC cochairs Pramila Jayapal and Mark Pocan said Thursday , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Time and again , President Trump has governed as an authoritarian—abusing his power at the expense of the American people and our democracy .
Now , he ’ s threatening to weaponize the US military against its own citizens.
” Democratic Candidates Should Be Campaigning to End Toxic Policing D.C. Statehood Is the Answer to Trump ’ s Abuse of Washington The Fight for the Soul of the Democratic Party Is a Fight for the Future The message from the CPC leaders came amid a national outcry over Trump ’ s authoritarian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Trump ’ s former secretary of defense James Mattis that “ we do not need to militarize our response to protests.
” Noting the language that Defense Secretary Mark Esper has used and that Trump employed on Monday , Mattis wrote , Mattis , a retired Marine general , was one of several prominent military figures who raised concerns about Trump ’ s ranting about military crackdowns on demonstrations against police brutality and structural racism .
“ Even President Trump ’ s own Secretary of Defense , Mark Esper , opposes deploying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ noted Representatives Omar , Jayapal , and Pocan .
“ The American public has a constitutionally protected right to free speech .
Deploying the military in an attempt to quash these protests would be an attack on our constitution , our democracy , and our people .
Congress must send an unequivocal message that this grotesque abuse of power will be stopped.
” Pocan , in an interview with The Nation , said the president ’ s recent actions have created a sense of urgency on the part of members of Congress .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ pepper balls were used to disperse protesters , the representative said , “ He used chemical weapons against peaceful protesters for a photo op , so it doesn ’ t give us confidence that we should trust the president to make unilateral decisions about using military force domestically.
” Might Republican members of Congress , who usually bend to the will of the president , be inclined finally to stand up ?
That ’ s going to be necessary to override an all-but-certain veto .
Some Republicans have been outspoken in their criticisms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For instance , South Carolina Senator Tim Scott said , “ If your question is : Should you use tear gas to clear a path so the president can go have a photo-op ?
The answer is no.
” But whether these objections could translate to a sufficient level of support to sustain the legislation remains a tall order , especially with a Senate that has been disinclined even to assert basic premises of the Constitution when it comes to checking and balancing the president ’ s war powers .
Yet , Pocan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If we accept that the Constitution says the president has to go to Congress in order to go to war internationally , then he certainly should have to go to Congress and get permission before he deploys troops in the U.S .
”

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When President Trump signaled Monday that he was prepared to send military forces to US cities in order to end unrest that has swelled since the death in Minneapolis police custody of George Floyd—and then had his attorney general order federal police to remove peaceful protesters from a park adjacent to the White House—Representative John Yarmouth warned, “The President just declared war on millions of Americans and the 1st Amendment. He is the greatest threat to the American way of life in our history.”
The Kentucky Democrat’s statement pointed to an unsettling irony.
The Constitution vests the power to declare war against foreign countries in Congress. But the law that Trump threatened to invoke in order to dispatch troops to communities across the country, the Insurrection Act of 1807, gives presidents at least some leeway to dispatch troops inside the United States without ever consulting Congress. “So what about now? Can Trump send federal troops to a state that doesn’t ask for them or even opposes them?” asked NBC News Justice Department and Supreme Court correspondent Pete Williams in an assessment of the Insurrection Act. “The current law doesn’t explicitly allow it. But it doesn’t clearly forbid it, either, and history is full of examples of presidents’ broadly interpreting this law or its forerunners.”
That’s something that members of the Congressional Progressive Caucus want to address. Immediately. More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
“In the coming days, we will be introducing legislation to prohibit the unilateral deployment of US military personnel into American cities without the explicit approval of Congress,” CPC cochairs Pramila Jayapal and Mark Pocan said Thursday, in conjunction with Representative Ilhan Omar. “Time and again, President Trump has governed as an authoritarian—abusing his power at the expense of the American people and our democracy. Now, he’s threatening to weaponize the US military against its own citizens.”
The message from the CPC leaders came amid a national outcry over Trump’s authoritarian excesses, which included a declaration Wednesday from Trump’s former secretary of defense James Mattis that “we do not need to militarize our response to protests.”
Noting the language that Defense Secretary Mark Esper has used and that Trump employed on Monday, Mattis wrote,
We must reject any thinking of our cities as a “battlespace” that our uniformed military is called upon to ‘dominate.’ At home, we should use our military only when requested to do so, on very rare occasions, by state governors. Militarizing our response, as we witnessed in Washington, D.C., sets up a conflict—a false conflict—between the military and civilian society. It erodes the moral ground that ensures a trusted bond between men and women in uniform and the society they are sworn to protect, and of which they themselves are a part. Keeping public order rests with civilian state and local leaders who best understand their communities and are answerable to them.
Mattis, a retired Marine general, was one of several prominent military figures who raised concerns about Trump’s ranting about military crackdowns on demonstrations against police brutality and structural racism. “Even President Trump’s own Secretary of Defense, Mark Esper, opposes deploying troops to silence the protests,” noted Representatives Omar, Jayapal, and Pocan. “The American public has a constitutionally protected right to free speech. Deploying the military in an attempt to quash these protests would be an attack on our constitution, our democracy, and our people. Congress must send an unequivocal message that this grotesque abuse of power will be stopped.” Trump and the Military Trump Is Deploying Troops Against Americans, and Military Leaders Are Abetting Him Andrew J. Bacevich Military Leaders Have an Extraordinary Choice to Make as the Nation Protests Andrew McCormick Trump Is Using the Military to Hide His Weakness Jeet Heer
Pocan, in an interview with The Nation, said the president’s recent actions have created a sense of urgency on the part of members of Congress. Noting reports that chemical irritants such as pepper balls were used to disperse protesters, the representative said, “He used chemical weapons against peaceful protesters for a photo op, so it doesn’t give us confidence that we should trust the president to make unilateral decisions about using military force domestically.”
Might Republican members of Congress, who usually bend to the will of the president, be inclined finally to stand up? That’s going to be necessary to override an all-but-certain veto. Some Republicans have been outspoken in their criticisms of Trump’s recent actions. For instance, South Carolina Senator Tim Scott said, “If your question is: Should you use tear gas to clear a path so the president can go have a photo-op? The answer is no.” But whether these objections could translate to a sufficient level of support to sustain the legislation remains a tall order, especially with a Senate that has been disinclined even to assert basic premises of the Constitution when it comes to checking and balancing the president’s war powers.
Yet, Pocan says, “this is not complicated. If we accept that the Constitution says the president has to go to Congress in order to go to war internationally, then he certainly should have to go to Congress and get permission before he deploys troops in the U.S.”


thenation--2020-06-05--Hunger Stalks New York’s Lower East Side

Justine Lugo arrives at East Side Glatt , a kosher grocery in the Lower East Side , every day at noon on a mission : to feed the hungry .
Lugo , 28 , is the pandemic relief coordinator at the United Jewish Council , and her office is located around the corner from a storefront that has become an essential hub for food distribution in a neighborhood that has been devastated by the Covid-19 pandemic .
“ We feed up to 250 people a day , five days a week , rain or shine , ” said Lugo , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are tackling Lower Manhattan ’ s worsening hunger crisis .
Over the past two months , thousands of small businesses in Lower Manhattan have closed , thrusting an untold number of people into economic precarity and food insecurity .
Recovery Will Take More Than Money The Lower East Side is a diverse and densely populated working-class neighborhood of around 75,000 people .
Many of those inhabitants have lived in New York for generations , and now find themselves suddenly unemployed and unable to put food on the table for their families .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local activists to distribute 1,000 healthy meals per day .
The menu changes daily , but often includes braised meatballs with whole grain pasta and mixed vegetables , or salmon with rice pilaf and steamed vegetables .
On a recent Tuesday , we served ancient Chinese grannies stacking meals on their walkers , Orthodox Jewish mothers with their young children in tow , essential city workers , and men who appeared furtive , but nevertheless grateful .
Dovid Frank , 34 , is a shift supervisor at East Side Glatt .
He collects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Orthodox families in the neighborhood .
Frank told me he has set up a WhatsApp group for the neighborhood families to submit meal requests .
Every day , he takes a photo of what ’ s on the menu and blasts it to the group , and they respond in turn with what they need for the day .
“ Families have kids to feed , and not everyone is comfortable with coming to get food , so I do it for them , because I have a heart , ” Frank @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I handed out meals , by the realization that we ’ re in the midst of a citywide hunger crisis that reinforces the structural failures of our municipal , state , and federal government .
New York City had a food-insecure population of 1.1 million people even before we became the epicenter of the pandemic .
Since then , more than 500,000 people have lost their jobs and are growing increasingly desperate .
With no income , and mounting bills including rent , utilities , and health care , families are facing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or worse .
The recent protests demanding justice for George Floyd , who was murdered by four Minneapolis police officers last week , have exacerbated the tension and anxiety in a community already suffering from the impact of the pandemic .
Black and brown communities have been disproportionately affected by Covid-19 and are now facing the most violent NYPD response to mass civil rights demonstrations in decades .
Yuh-Line Niou , who represents the Lower East Side and Chinatown of Manhattan in the New York State Assembly , has been on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the escalating crisis of hunger in her district .
Niou has created a network of neighborhood food banks that are serving 5,000 freshly prepared meals a week to her constituents .
“ In our communities here in lower Manhattan , we saw that needs were not being met , ” Niou told me .
“ This prevented a lot of our community from getting the meals they needed.
” In late May , Niou recruited me to help with daily food distribution at the East Side kosher grocery .
I ’ ve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and what I ’ ve realized is that New York is completely unprepared for a mass hunger event .
I ’ ve also been hearing , in conversation with friends from activist circles , that many city-issued meals are disgusting and indigestible .
Moumita Ahmed , a candidate running for District Leader in Queens , recently tweeted photos depicting the deeply unappetizing fare reserved for seniors by the City of New York .
These meals , delivered by the GetFoodNYC initiative , are inadequate , nutritionally deficient , and potentially pose a health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high sugar content , among other toxins .
“ Many of our seniors getting the free food [ … ] were telling us that a lot of the food—applesauce , cookies , cereal , milk—was too sugary , and they had diabetes and other issues , ” Niou said .
That ’ s why Niou ’ s volunteers have been serving nutritious meals of fish , chicken , beef , fresh vegetables , and whole grains , and will continue to do so until this crisis is over , she said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Grand Street site , and hopefully this helps families who are all struggling right now get through this difficult time.
” New York City ’ s government is failing in the fight against hunger , and seniors in particular are most at risk .
Earlier this week , Manhattan Borough President Gale Brewer sounded the alarm in a letter to food czar and Sanitation Commissioner Kathryn Garcia , citing the poor-quality meals of low nutritional value being haphazardly distributed to the most vulnerable in New York City during this pandemic .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Hillman Housing Coop in the Lower East Side picks up 30 meals a day from the food bank at East Side Glatt to bring to her neighbors .
“ We didn ’ t know if we could help anyone or if we could make a difference , but we wanted to push ourselves to say ‘ yes ’ to anyone who might need a little extra help or support , ” said Trinh , a 45-year-old account manager .
“ One neighbor told us that she had been at home for two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that she could use a hot meal.
” New Yorkers deserve better than this .
We are the richest city in the richest country on Earth .
And yet hundreds of thousands of our neighbors are going hungry , to the point where many of them are lining up in the middle of the day for what could be their only nutritious meal of the day .
It ’ s inexcusable .
Now more than ever , New York City ’ s leadership needs to take the initiative to ensure that no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that nutritious meals are available to all city residents .
Correction : A previous version of this article misidentified the New York City agency providing free meals for seniors .
The meals are provided by the GetFoodNYC initiative , not the NYC Department for the Aging .

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Justine Lugo arrives at East Side Glatt, a kosher grocery in the Lower East Side, every day at noon on a mission: to feed the hungry.
Lugo, 28, is the pandemic relief coordinator at the United Jewish Council, and her office is located around the corner from a storefront that has become an essential hub for food distribution in a neighborhood that has been devastated by the Covid-19 pandemic.
“We feed up to 250 people a day, five days a week, rain or shine,” said Lugo, who is among dozens of activists who are tackling Lower Manhattan’s worsening hunger crisis.
Over the past two months, thousands of small businesses in Lower Manhattan have closed, thrusting an untold number of people into economic precarity and food insecurity. Health inequality Recovery Will Take More Than Money Mike Gecan
The Lower East Side is a diverse and densely populated working-class neighborhood of around 75,000 people. Many of those inhabitants have lived in New York for generations, and now find themselves suddenly unemployed and unable to put food on the table for their families.
I volunteer three days a week with other local activists to distribute 1,000 healthy meals per day. The menu changes daily, but often includes braised meatballs with whole grain pasta and mixed vegetables, or salmon with rice pilaf and steamed vegetables.
On a recent Tuesday, we served ancient Chinese grannies stacking meals on their walkers, Orthodox Jewish mothers with their young children in tow, essential city workers, and men who appeared furtive, but nevertheless grateful. Current Issue View our current issue
Dovid Frank, 34, is a shift supervisor at East Side Glatt. He collects and delivers about 50 meals per day for Orthodox families in the neighborhood. Frank told me he has set up a WhatsApp group for the neighborhood families to submit meal requests. Every day, he takes a photo of what’s on the menu and blasts it to the group, and they respond in turn with what they need for the day.
“Families have kids to feed, and not everyone is comfortable with coming to get food, so I do it for them, because I have a heart,” Frank said.
I was struck, as I handed out meals, by the realization that we’re in the midst of a citywide hunger crisis that reinforces the structural failures of our municipal, state, and federal government.
New York City had a food-insecure population of 1.1 million people even before we became the epicenter of the pandemic. Since then, more than 500,000 people have lost their jobs and are growing increasingly desperate. With no income, and mounting bills including rent, utilities, and health care, families are facing the prospect of bankruptcy, homelessness, hunger, or worse. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
The recent protests demanding justice for George Floyd, who was murdered by four Minneapolis police officers last week, have exacerbated the tension and anxiety in a community already suffering from the impact of the pandemic. Black and brown communities have been disproportionately affected by Covid-19 and are now facing the most violent NYPD response to mass civil rights demonstrations in decades.
Yuh-Line Niou, who represents the Lower East Side and Chinatown of Manhattan in the New York State Assembly, has been on the front lines of leading the community response to the escalating crisis of hunger in her district. Niou has created a network of neighborhood food banks that are serving 5,000 freshly prepared meals a week to her constituents.
“In our communities here in lower Manhattan, we saw that needs were not being met,” Niou told me. “This prevented a lot of our community from getting the meals they needed.”
In late May, Niou recruited me to help with daily food distribution at the East Side kosher grocery. I’ve been volunteering three times a week, and what I’ve realized is that New York is completely unprepared for a mass hunger event. I’ve also been hearing, in conversation with friends from activist circles, that many city-issued meals are disgusting and indigestible.
Moumita Ahmed, a candidate running for District Leader in Queens, recently tweeted photos depicting the deeply unappetizing fare reserved for seniors by the City of New York. These meals, delivered by the GetFoodNYC initiative, are inadequate, nutritionally deficient, and potentially pose a health risk to elderly people due to their high sugar content, among other toxins.
“Many of our seniors getting the free food […] were telling us that a lot of the food—applesauce, cookies, cereal, milk—was too sugary, and they had diabetes and other issues,” Niou said.
That’s why Niou’s volunteers have been serving nutritious meals of fish, chicken, beef, fresh vegetables, and whole grains, and will continue to do so until this crisis is over, she said. “Now we serve 1,000 meals per day at the Grand Street site, and hopefully this helps families who are all struggling right now get through this difficult time.”
New York City’s government is failing in the fight against hunger, and seniors in particular are most at risk. Earlier this week, Manhattan Borough President Gale Brewer sounded the alarm in a letter to food czar and Sanitation Commissioner Kathryn Garcia, citing the poor-quality meals of low nutritional value being haphazardly distributed to the most vulnerable in New York City during this pandemic.
Trinh Eng, a 13-year resident of the Hillman Housing Coop in the Lower East Side picks up 30 meals a day from the food bank at East Side Glatt to bring to her neighbors.
“We didn’t know if we could help anyone or if we could make a difference, but we wanted to push ourselves to say ‘yes’ to anyone who might need a little extra help or support,” said Trinh, a 45-year-old account manager. “One neighbor told us that she had been at home for two months by herself and mainly eating bread and that she could use a hot meal.”
New Yorkers deserve better than this. We are the richest city in the richest country on Earth. And yet hundreds of thousands of our neighbors are going hungry, to the point where many of them are lining up in the middle of the day for what could be their only nutritious meal of the day. It’s inexcusable.
Now more than ever, New York City’s leadership needs to take the initiative to ensure that no one goes hungry during this time, and that nutritious meals are available to all city residents.
Correction: A previous version of this article misidentified the New York City agency providing free meals for seniors. The meals are provided by the GetFoodNYC initiative, not the NYC Department for the Aging.


thenation--2020-06-05--On Protesting During a Pandemic

On Protesting During a Pandemic

The George Floyd video destroyed me .
I couldn ’ t even finish it .
The long , slow extinction of his life .
The face of Officer Derek Chauvin showing utter indifference to Floyd ’ s condition , hands in pockets as he murdered him , as if this were a casual killing .
It brought back images of lynchings attended as sport .
It triggered the hell out of me .
I couldn ’ t help but see myself in Floyd ’ s position , a cop ’ s knee on my neck in the street .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t stop twitching , couldn ’ t stop tweeting furiously .
And , worse , I felt alone .
I haven ’ t been able to see anyone for months because of the pandemic , and now I was home dealing with yet another police violence trauma .
I have so many of these black snuff films stored in my short-term memory , and being home alone with this new one and all the old ones running around in my mind was destroying my soul .
Then I saw a Twitter post about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ walk away from my place in Brooklyn .
There were hundreds of people in front of the Barclays Center .
Could I go ?
Quarantined , I hadn ’ t been around outsiders in months .
What if I brought the virus back home to my wife and two kids ?
How could I go out with the crowd and stay safe medically ?
But another voice popped up : How could you not go ?
This is too important .
I ’ ve been afraid of the coronavirus for three months , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting killed by police for four decades .
It was a moment to throw out that caution and stand up and fight .
So I ran out to the protest and found thousands of people who were angry and chanting about George Floyd and Breonna Taylor and preaching about how black lives matter .
And right there I was swept away into a new world , baptized into this community of like-minded strangers connected by energy and politics and an imperative to demand a revolution .
I didn ’ t process until later @ @ @ @ @ @ @ energized me , gave me the high I needed to escape the valley of mourning George Floyd .
The Missing Element for Police Accountability : Political Will We Can not Postpone Climate Talks Until 2021 More in this series After an hour or two at Barclays , the crowd moved .
Thousands marched to DeKalb Avenue , a central block in my neighborhood and in my life .
I can recall walking on DeKalb to a date with a girlfriend , strolling with my wife as she was pregnant , carrying our babies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s market .
And now DeKalb was teeming with angry people as far as the eye could see , chanting and marching in the street and stopping traffic .
For blocks and blocks , cars were stuck in a sea of people yelling , “ Black lives matter !
Say his name !
George Floyd !
Say her name !
Breonna Taylor !
” There is a unique joy in shutting down a street to boost your political ideas : It ’ s a thrilling show of power , an awesome display of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forcing others to stop their day and think about our cause .
We are interrupting you because this cause is too big to be ignored one second longer .
Protesting in the street with that revved-up crowd about ideas that I really believe in—ending police murder , changing the power of the police , making black lives matter—all of that was exhilarating .
And I must admit it felt good to see a giant number of white people marching and chanting , “ Black lives matter !
” My heart was pounding with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of strangers , had done .
At no point on that first night did I feel fear .
Well , not from any civilians .
I was afraid of the police and what they ’ d do , but I ’ m always scared of the police—even while walking down the street alone .
But now I was skirting danger by breaking the law right in front of the cops , and that was exciting , too .
It all gave me new energy—politically , all was not lost ; there were people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I had a community that could give me a virtual hug and say they were standing with me in a fight for my rights .
Every day after that first day I made time to run out into the streets of Brooklyn and march with the crowd and shut down more streets .
We shut down Flatbush on Saturday .
We shut down the Brooklyn Bridge on Monday .
But as time has gone on , the danger from cops has gotten real .
They have charged peaceful protesters ; they have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ curfew that gives them the right to be violent after a certain time .
All of this has made protesting seem more frightening , and that ’ s not exciting .
I feel like the city is trying to silence me and cut me off from a needed outlet for my pain .
I have continued to go out and protest every day because it has become the most fulfilling part of my day , the moment where I am engaging with the world in an important way .
And I have sheepishly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to risk arrest , and watched crowds on CNN chanting , “ Fuck your curfew !
” But even then , I am still drawing strength from the people , knowing that this is above me ; this is bigger than me ; this is a movement that will live on without me .
And it gives me a glimmer of hope that maybe , just maybe , this time will be different .

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The George Floyd video destroyed me. I couldn’t even finish it. The long, slow extinction of his life. The face of Officer Derek Chauvin showing utter indifference to Floyd’s condition, hands in pockets as he murdered him, as if this were a casual killing. It brought back images of lynchings attended as sport. It triggered the hell out of me.
I couldn’t help but see myself in Floyd’s position, a cop’s knee on my neck in the street. I couldn’t sleep, couldn’t stop twitching, couldn’t stop tweeting furiously. And, worse, I felt alone. I haven’t been able to see anyone for months because of the pandemic, and now I was home dealing with yet another police violence trauma. I have so many of these black snuff films stored in my short-term memory, and being home alone with this new one and all the old ones running around in my mind was destroying my soul.
Then I saw a Twitter post about a rally happening right then—just a five-minute walk away from my place in Brooklyn. There were hundreds of people in front of the Barclays Center. Could I go? Quarantined, I hadn’t been around outsiders in months. What if I brought the virus back home to my wife and two kids? How could I go out with the crowd and stay safe medically? But another voice popped up: How could you not go?
This is too important. I’ve been afraid of the coronavirus for three months, but I’ve been afraid of getting killed by police for four decades. It was a moment to throw out that caution and stand up and fight. So I ran out to the protest and found thousands of people who were angry and chanting about George Floyd and Breonna Taylor and preaching about how black lives matter. And right there I was swept away into a new world, baptized into this community of like-minded strangers connected by energy and politics and an imperative to demand a revolution. I didn’t process until later that this lifted my spirits; this energized me, gave me the high I needed to escape the valley of mourning George Floyd. The Federal Government Is “Affirming Everything That Black People Have Been Saying” Ibrahim Hirsi You Cannot Stop Us From Proclaiming “I, Too, Am America” Maya Wiley In Minneapolis, the Cycle of Police Violence Continues Alyssa Oursler and Anna DalCortivo
After an hour or two at Barclays, the crowd moved. Thousands marched to DeKalb Avenue, a central block in my neighborhood and in my life. I can recall walking on DeKalb to a date with a girlfriend, strolling with my wife as she was pregnant, carrying our babies as we went to the farmer’s market.
And now DeKalb was teeming with angry people as far as the eye could see, chanting and marching in the street and stopping traffic. For blocks and blocks, cars were stuck in a sea of people yelling, “Black lives matter! Say his name! George Floyd! Say her name! Breonna Taylor!”
There is a unique joy in shutting down a street to boost your political ideas: It’s a thrilling show of power, an awesome display of civil disobedience; it’s about forcing others to stop their day and think about our cause. We are interrupting you because this cause is too big to be ignored one second longer. Protesting in the street with that revved-up crowd about ideas that I really believe in—ending police murder, changing the power of the police, making black lives matter—all of that was exhilarating. And I must admit it felt good to see a giant number of white people marching and chanting, “Black lives matter!” My heart was pounding with pride about what we, a group of strangers, had done. Current Issue View our current issue
At no point on that first night did I feel fear. Well, not from any civilians. I was afraid of the police and what they’d do, but I’m always scared of the police—even while walking down the street alone. But now I was skirting danger by breaking the law right in front of the cops, and that was exciting, too. It all gave me new energy—politically, all was not lost; there were people who cared a lot. And personally. I had a community that could give me a virtual hug and say they were standing with me in a fight for my rights.
Every day after that first day I made time to run out into the streets of Brooklyn and march with the crowd and shut down more streets. We shut down Flatbush on Saturday. We shut down the Brooklyn Bridge on Monday. But as time has gone on, the danger from cops has gotten real. They have charged peaceful protesters; they have kettled—boxed in—protesters. They have enacted a curfew that gives them the right to be violent after a certain time. All of this has made protesting seem more frightening, and that’s not exciting. I feel like the city is trying to silence me and cut me off from a needed outlet for my pain.
I have continued to go out and protest every day because it has become the most fulfilling part of my day, the moment where I am engaging with the world in an important way. And I have sheepishly gone home before curfew, too cowardly to risk arrest, and watched crowds on CNN chanting, “Fuck your curfew!” But even then, I am still drawing strength from the people, knowing that this is above me; this is bigger than me; this is a movement that will live on without me. And it gives me a glimmer of hope that maybe, just maybe, this time will be different.


thenation--2020-06-05--Tom Cotton Is Preparing to Be Trump 2.0

Tom Cotton Is Preparing to Be Trump 2.0

Unlike some on the left , I never feared that Trump would be the American Mussolini .
As a self-absorbed reality-show star with minimal understanding of how government works , Trump lacks sufficient organizational ability .
Nor does he have the work habits you need to run an authoritarian government .
My fear , going back to Trump ’ s candidacy in 2016 , was that he would be the Yankee Gabriele D ’ Annunzio , a prefiguration of things to come , an inchoate and incoherent forerunner of the true American Duce who would one day destroy the republic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and adventurer , ran the separatist government that ruled the city of Fiume in 1919–20 .
Although short-lived , the Fiume escapade showed the vulnerability of the Italian government , and provided a road map that the more ruthless Mussolini would follow .
Trump has performed a similar function for the United States , giving an X-ray scan that makes all the weaknesses of the system evident .
It ’ s not hard to imagine that in the future a smarter and more policy-savvy demagogue could pick up Trump ’ s political agenda @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and determination that Trump lacks .
There are several plausible candidates for the role of Trump 2.0 .
One obvious name is Fox News host Tucker Carlson , who is telegenic and presents authoritarian nationalism with a nimble fluidity Trump lacks .
Missouri Senator Josh Hawley has been working hard to at least sound like an economic populist , although he rarely backs it up with policy .
Still , his attacks on big tech do smartly link the traditional cultural resentment of the American right with the left-wing fear of corporate monopoly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hide His Weakness How the CIA Learned to Rock Another senator strikes me as an even more likely Trump 2.0 : Tom Cotton of Arkansas .
A graduate of Harvard Law and veteran who served in Iraq and Afghanistan , Cotton has an instinctive understanding of the wounded national pride that is at the heart of Trumpism .
Just as Ronald Reagan ’ s appeal partly came from the promise he offered of recovering from the defeat of Vietnam , Trumpism is haunted by the frustrating quagmires in the Middle East .
Cotton @ @ @ @ @ @ @ America , but of a distinctly Trumpian cast .
He resorts to none of the lofty rhetoric of democracy that pervaded the Bush administration .
Instead , he knows the United States has been humiliated in the Middle East and he wants revenge .
Like some in the career military , he blames Iran for thwarting America ’ s agenda in the region .
This grudge fuels his constant efforts to wreak havoc on the Islamic republic .
Some Republicans defend Trump with a heavy heart .
They may not like his actions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they know it is in their political interest to defend their party ’ s leader .
Not so with Cotton .
He has become one of Trump ’ s heartiest and most enthusiastic advocates in Washington , eagerly taking up the main causes of Trumpism , like protectionism , immigration restriction , and a more nationalist foreign policy .
As Steve Bannon told The New Yorker in 2017 , “ Next to Trump , [ Cotton is ] the elected official who gets it the most—the economic nationalism .
Cotton was the one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and behind the scenes , from the beginning .
He understands that the Washington elite—this permanent political class of both parties , between the K Street consultants and politicians—needs to be shattered.
” Cotton , Bannon shrewdly noted , knows how to be both an insider and an outsider .
He has cultivated a strong network of support among conservative institutions in Washington , notably think tanks and neoconservative journalists .
He ’ s done that while cultivating ties with the more aggressively Trumpian right .
Bannon asks , “ How many guys @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Council on Foreign Relations and also get kudos in the pages of Breitbart ?
The answer is , one guy.
” As Robert Wright noted on his website Nonzero , Cotton is especially well connected with the network around William Kristol and the now-defunct magazine The Weekly Standard .
Wright observes , “ Cotton got elected to the Senate with the help of a million dollars from Kristol ’ s Emergency Committee for Israel , subsequently hired Kristol ’ s son Joseph as his legislative director , and has in various other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kristol ’ s network .
The Washington Free Beacon—whose founding editor is Matthew Continetti , Kristol ’ s son-in-law—highlights Cotton ’ s exploits so regularly that any given page of its Tom Cotton archives ( say , this year ’ s July-September page ) will feature an array of headlines that speak to the vast range of the senator ’ s expertise.
” If Cotton ran in 2024 or 2028 , he could heal many of the wounds within the Republican Party by bringing back into the fold Never Trump neoconservatives .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disregard for policy , but would be much more attracted to a figure like Cotton , a decorated veteran who could unify the GOP with a nationalist message directed against China and Iran .
The neoconservatives are , of course , small in number .
But , as an elite faction , they play a crucial role in staffing Republican administrations .
A President Cotton would have a much easier time filling the government with loyal henchmen than Trump has had .
That alone could make Cotton immensely more effective at achieving his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Weekly Standard connection helped Cotton with the latest caper : publishing an op-ed in The New York Times on Wednesday calling for the use of the American military to quell rioters against police violence .
The column was shepherded into print by Adam Rubenstein , a 25-year-old editor who previously worked at The Weekly Standard .
The column caused extreme consternation among Times readers and staffers .
A letter signed by nearly 500 New York Times employees explained , If Cotton ’ s call to arms is to be conveyed to our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subject to rigorous questioning and rebuttal of its shaky facts and gross assumptions .
For instance , Cotton writes that Antifa has “ infiltrated protest marches to exploit Floyd ’ s death for their own anarchic purposes.
” In fact , we have reported that this is misinformation .
Though Cotton claims protesters have been primarily responsible for violence , our own reporting shows that in many cities police have escalated violence .
Other claims , like that the “ riots were carnivals for the thrill-seeking rich , ” are not backed up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cotton misquotes the U.S. Constitution .
The New York Times eventually apologized for publishing the column .
But that in itself is a victory for Cotton : He now gets to play the free-speech martyr censored by the liberal media .
There ’ s reason to suspect that embarrassing the Times was , if not Cotton ’ s plan , certainly something he was pleased about .
In 2006 while serving in Iraq , Cotton wrote a letter to the Times calling for the prosecution of two Times reporters and an editor for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As Jeffrey Toobin noted in The New Yorker in 2017 , “ The letter combined outrage , overstatement , and savvy politics in a manner that Trump would perfect a decade later.
” Cotton is certainly as demagogic as Trump , but he combines rabble-rousing with a unique intelligence , one that is able to troll the liberal media at a high level .
If he ’ s the next Trump , America will be in trouble .

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Unlike some on the left, I never feared that Trump would be the American Mussolini. As a self-absorbed reality-show star with minimal understanding of how government works, Trump lacks sufficient organizational ability. Nor does he have the work habits you need to run an authoritarian government. My fear, going back to Trump’s candidacy in 2016, was that he would be the Yankee Gabriele D’Annunzio, a prefiguration of things to come, an inchoate and incoherent forerunner of the true American Duce who would one day destroy the republic.
D’Annunzio, a novelist and adventurer, ran the separatist government that ruled the city of Fiume in 1919–20. Although short-lived, the Fiume escapade showed the vulnerability of the Italian government, and provided a road map that the more ruthless Mussolini would follow.
Trump has performed a similar function for the United States, giving an X-ray scan that makes all the weaknesses of the system evident. It’s not hard to imagine that in the future a smarter and more policy-savvy demagogue could pick up Trump’s political agenda but pursue it with all the discipline and determination that Trump lacks.
There are several plausible candidates for the role of Trump 2.0. One obvious name is Fox News host Tucker Carlson, who is telegenic and presents authoritarian nationalism with a nimble fluidity Trump lacks. Missouri Senator Josh Hawley has been working hard to at least sound like an economic populist, although he rarely backs it up with policy. Still, his attacks on big tech do smartly link the traditional cultural resentment of the American right with the left-wing fear of corporate monopoly. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
Another senator strikes me as an even more likely Trump 2.0: Tom Cotton of Arkansas. A graduate of Harvard Law and veteran who served in Iraq and Afghanistan, Cotton has an instinctive understanding of the wounded national pride that is at the heart of Trumpism. Just as Ronald Reagan’s appeal partly came from the promise he offered of recovering from the defeat of Vietnam, Trumpism is haunted by the frustrating quagmires in the Middle East.
Cotton is perhaps the most hawkish senator in America, but of a distinctly Trumpian cast. He resorts to none of the lofty rhetoric of democracy that pervaded the Bush administration. Instead, he knows the United States has been humiliated in the Middle East and he wants revenge. Like some in the career military, he blames Iran for thwarting America’s agenda in the region. This grudge fuels his constant efforts to wreak havoc on the Islamic republic.
Some Republicans defend Trump with a heavy heart. They may not like his actions or what he stands for, but they know it is in their political interest to defend their party’s leader. Not so with Cotton. He has become one of Trump’s heartiest and most enthusiastic advocates in Washington, eagerly taking up the main causes of Trumpism, like protectionism, immigration restriction, and a more nationalist foreign policy. As Steve Bannon told The New Yorker in 2017, “Next to Trump, [Cotton is] the elected official who gets it the most—the economic nationalism. Cotton was the one most supportive of us, up front and behind the scenes, from the beginning. He understands that the Washington elite—this permanent political class of both parties, between the K Street consultants and politicians—needs to be shattered.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Related Article Jim Mattis vs. Tom Cotton: No Contest Joan Walsh
Cotton, Bannon shrewdly noted, knows how to be both an insider and an outsider. He has cultivated a strong network of support among conservative institutions in Washington, notably think tanks and neoconservative journalists. He’s done that while cultivating ties with the more aggressively Trumpian right. Bannon asks, “How many guys in town can give a speech at the Council on Foreign Relations and also get kudos in the pages of Breitbart? The answer is, one guy.”
As Robert Wright noted on his website Nonzero, Cotton is especially well connected with the network around William Kristol and the now-defunct magazine The Weekly Standard. Wright observes, “Cotton got elected to the Senate with the help of a million dollars from Kristol’s Emergency Committee for Israel, subsequently hired Kristol’s son Joseph as his legislative director, and has in various other ways settled into a cozy symbiosis with Kristol’s network. The Washington Free Beacon—whose founding editor is Matthew Continetti, Kristol’s son-in-law—highlights Cotton’s exploits so regularly that any given page of its Tom Cotton archives (say, this year’s July-September page) will feature an array of headlines that speak to the vast range of the senator’s expertise.”
If Cotton ran in 2024 or 2028, he could heal many of the wounds within the Republican Party by bringing back into the fold Never Trump neoconservatives. This faction despises Trump for his vulgarity and disregard for policy, but would be much more attracted to a figure like Cotton, a decorated veteran who could unify the GOP with a nationalist message directed against China and Iran.
The neoconservatives are, of course, small in number. But, as an elite faction, they play a crucial role in staffing Republican administrations. A President Cotton would have a much easier time filling the government with loyal henchmen than Trump has had. That alone could make Cotton immensely more effective at achieving his policy goals than Trump has been. Current Issue View our current issue
The Weekly Standard connection helped Cotton with the latest caper: publishing an op-ed in The New York Times on Wednesday calling for the use of the American military to quell rioters against police violence. The column was shepherded into print by Adam Rubenstein, a 25-year-old editor who previously worked at The Weekly Standard.
The column caused extreme consternation among Times readers and staffers. A letter signed by nearly 500 New York Times employees explained,
If Cotton’s call to arms is to be conveyed to our readers at all, it should be subject to rigorous questioning and rebuttal of its shaky facts and gross assumptions. For instance, Cotton writes that Antifa has “infiltrated protest marches to exploit Floyd’s death for their own anarchic purposes.” In fact, we have reported that this is misinformation. Though Cotton claims protesters have been primarily responsible for violence, our own reporting shows that in many cities police have escalated violence. Other claims, like that the “riots were carnivals for the thrill-seeking rich,” are not backed up by fact. At one point, Cotton misquotes the U.S. Constitution.
The New York Times eventually apologized for publishing the column. But that in itself is a victory for Cotton: He now gets to play the free-speech martyr censored by the liberal media.
There’s reason to suspect that embarrassing the Times was, if not Cotton’s plan, certainly something he was pleased about. In 2006 while serving in Iraq, Cotton wrote a letter to the Times calling for the prosecution of two Times reporters and an editor for publishing leaked information about Al Qaeda. As Jeffrey Toobin noted in The New Yorker in 2017, “The letter combined outrage, overstatement, and savvy politics in a manner that Trump would perfect a decade later.”
Cotton is certainly as demagogic as Trump, but he combines rabble-rousing with a unique intelligence, one that is able to troll the liberal media at a high level. If he’s the next Trump, America will be in trouble.
On Thursday night, Cotton tweeted, “I’m enjoying the @nytimes meltdown.”