thenation--2020-06-22--As Bill Barr Flails, Trump Is Losing His Roy Cohn

Early in 2018 , as Robert Mueller ’ s investigation intensified , a pitiful , angry Donald Trump cried out in desperation : “ Where ’ s my Roy Cohn ?
” He longed for a legal fixer as shrewd and amoral as the late Cohn , a Joe McCarthy enforcer who was one of Trump ’ s political and ethical mentors , The New York Times reported .
Desperate to fire Attorney General Jeff Sessions , the right-wing toady who mostly did Trump ’ s bidding but recused himself ( correctly ) from the investigation of Russian election interference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ afford to jettison another law enforcement official , his political advisers said .
That November ’ s blue wave election swept away congressional Republicans , as well as Trump ’ s reservations about dumping Sessions .
He quickly fired him and nominated Washington establishment figure Bill Barr as his successor .
One thing that made Barr scary was the perception that the former George H.W .
Bush attorney general was smarter than Trump or Sessions , admittedly a low bar .
But even that ’ s not so obvious anymore .
Barr ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Massacre , firing Southern District of New York US Attorney Geoffrey Berman , blew up in his face when Berman , a 2016 Trump supporter , refused to go along with the cover story that he had resigned .
That forced Barr to get Trump to fire Berman—which meant he couldn ’ t appoint a more pliant replacement .
Berman will be succeeded by his deputy , longtime prosecutor Audrey Strauss , widely known for her independence .
Ironically , or not , one of the notches on Strauss ’ s belt is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Roy Cohn in a mob-related case .
No one can say for sure why Barr and Trump wanted Berman out .
A former law partner of Rudy Giuliani , Berman seemed to run afoul of Team Trump starting with his prosecution of longtime Trump lawyer Michael Cohen , as well as his indictments of Giuliani associates Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman on charges that they illegally donated more than $ 300,000 in foreign money to GOP campaigns .
His office was widely believed to be investigating Giuliani on related issues , particularly the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officials to provide “ dirt ” on former vice president Joe Biden , Trump ’ s 2020 opponent .
There were reports that his office was investigating Deutsche Bank , a longtime Trump partner .
Oh , and Berman also obtained indictments against a Turkish bank that Trump wanted protected , John Bolton ’ s new book reveals .
Whatever the motive , the ham-handed way Barr came for Berman made sure he ’ ll get little or nothing of what he and his boss wanted .
On Friday night , Barr announced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ confirm Securities and Exchange Chair Jay Clayton , a Trump golfing buddy who ’ s never been a prosecutor ( but who did work for Deutsche Bank ) , in Berman ’ s role ; until then , the acting head of the office would be another US Attorney , Craig Carpenito .
But because Berman had to be fired , the job automatically goes to his deputy , Strauss .
As for eventually confirming Clayton ?
Trump ’ s best Senate friend , Senate Judiciary Committee chair Lindsey Graham , said he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home state senators ( a once-bipartisan courtesy that ’ s mostly gone missing in the age of Trump ) , Chuck Schumer and Kirsten Gillibrand , who want to block the move and deny Clayton a hearing .
It ’ s been a terrible weekend for Trump , beyond the Berman mess .
His planned Tulsa coronapalooza fizzled Saturday , in part apparently because teens used social media to scarf up tickets they didn ’ t intend to use .
But I think it ’ s mainly that with coronavirus cases spiking in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to risk their lives for their leader .
The sight of a bright blue sea of empty seats rattled Trump , according to many reports , and it should .
It ’ s more evidence that the blue wave we saw in November 2018 could still be coming for him .
Meanwhile , as Barr has gotten more brazen in his attempts to subvert the law , he ’ s gotten sloppier .
His four-page memo of lies about the Mueller report last year fooled too much of the media , at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ skepticism about his shocking interventions to reduce his department ’ s own sentencing request for Roger Stone , and to drop perjury charges against former national security adviser Michael Flynn ( though Flynn admitted the crime ) .
Both moves resulted in career attorneys resigning and widespread criticism from the legal establishment and the media .
Then there was his decision to brutally clear Lafayette Park of peaceful protesters so Trump could have his silly Bible photo-op outside St. John ’ s Episcopal Church .
Even the administration ’ s top military advisers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ essentially assuming battlefield control over a hodgepodge of security forces in Washington for days from a command center he set up , according to people who received briefings inside the center , ” The New York Times reported .
Barr ’ s decline into blatant but ineffectual lawlessness is proof that Trumpism is a degenerative disease .
It ’ s hard not to believe some or all of these actions merit an impeachment inquiry .
But House Judiciary Chair Jerry Nadler disappointed a lot of Barr critics when he seemed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He told CNN ’ s Jake Tapper that Barr deserves to be impeached , but it would be “ a waste of time ” since there ’ s no chance the GOP-led Senate would convict him .
I confess to being agnostic on impeaching Barr .
On one level , you ’ d love to see it .
He is certainly impeachable .
The reality is that it ’ s already June 22 ; we ’ re still fighting Covid-19 ; there ’ s a rising movement against police violence ; plus there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but also tight races for the House and Senate and to flip state legislatures .
I ’ m not sure legislators or the media have the bandwidth .
( Read my friend Will Bunch on why impeaching Barr is essential . )
I am sure that Democrats must hold hearings in which they call Berman and other US Attorneys who ’ ve left the Department of Justice over Barr ’ s political meddling .
And they must pledge to continue to investigate Trump , Barr , and other administration wrongdoers , and prosecute @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve left office .
Here ’ s hoping that ’ s just seven months away .

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Early in 2018, as Robert Mueller’s investigation intensified, a pitiful, angry Donald Trump cried out in desperation: “Where’s my Roy Cohn?” He longed for a legal fixer as shrewd and amoral as the late Cohn, a Joe McCarthy enforcer who was one of Trump’s political and ethical mentors, The New York Times reported. Desperate to fire Attorney General Jeff Sessions, the right-wing toady who mostly did Trump’s bidding but recused himself (correctly) from the investigation of Russian election interference, the cornered president couldn’t afford to jettison another law enforcement official, his political advisers said.
That November’s blue wave election swept away congressional Republicans, as well as Trump’s reservations about dumping Sessions. He quickly fired him and nominated Washington establishment figure Bill Barr as his successor. One thing that made Barr scary was the perception that the former George H.W. Bush attorney general was smarter than Trump or Sessions, admittedly a low bar. But even that’s not so obvious anymore.
Barr’s disastrous attempt at a Friday Night Massacre, firing Southern District of New York US Attorney Geoffrey Berman, blew up in his face when Berman, a 2016 Trump supporter, refused to go along with the cover story that he had resigned. That forced Barr to get Trump to fire Berman—which meant he couldn’t appoint a more pliant replacement. Berman will be succeeded by his deputy, longtime prosecutor Audrey Strauss, widely known for her independence.
Ironically, or not, one of the notches on Strauss’s belt is the successful prosecution of none other than Roy Cohn in a mob-related case.
No one can say for sure why Barr and Trump wanted Berman out. A former law partner of Rudy Giuliani, Berman seemed to run afoul of Team Trump starting with his prosecution of longtime Trump lawyer Michael Cohen, as well as his indictments of Giuliani associates Lev Parnas and Igor Fruman on charges that they illegally donated more than $300,000 in foreign money to GOP campaigns. His office was widely believed to be investigating Giuliani on related issues, particularly the trio’s attempts to coerce Ukranian officials to provide “dirt” on former vice president Joe Biden, Trump’s 2020 opponent. There were reports that his office was investigating Deutsche Bank, a longtime Trump partner. Oh, and Berman also obtained indictments against a Turkish bank that Trump wanted protected, John Bolton’s new book reveals.
Whatever the motive, the ham-handed way Barr came for Berman made sure he’ll get little or nothing of what he and his boss wanted. On Friday night, Barr announced that the White House would seek to confirm Securities and Exchange Chair Jay Clayton, a Trump golfing buddy who’s never been a prosecutor (but who did work for Deutsche Bank), in Berman’s role; until then, the acting head of the office would be another US Attorney, Craig Carpenito. But because Berman had to be fired, the job automatically goes to his deputy, Strauss. As for eventually confirming Clayton? Trump’s best Senate friend, Senate Judiciary Committee chair Lindsey Graham, said he’d defer to Clayton’s home state senators (a once-bipartisan courtesy that’s mostly gone missing in the age of Trump), Chuck Schumer and Kirsten Gillibrand, who want to block the move and deny Clayton a hearing. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
When you’ve lost Lindsey Graham… Current Issue View our current issue
It’s been a terrible weekend for Trump, beyond the Berman mess. His planned Tulsa coronapalooza fizzled Saturday, in part apparently because teens used social media to scarf up tickets they didn’t intend to use. But I think it’s mainly that with coronavirus cases spiking in Tulsa, even red-state voters decided not to risk their lives for their leader. The sight of a bright blue sea of empty seats rattled Trump, according to many reports, and it should. It’s more evidence that the blue wave we saw in November 2018 could still be coming for him.
Meanwhile, as Barr has gotten more brazen in his attempts to subvert the law, he’s gotten sloppier. His four-page memo of lies about the Mueller report last year fooled too much of the media, at least temporarily. There’s been more skepticism about his shocking interventions to reduce his department’s own sentencing request for Roger Stone, and to drop perjury charges against former national security adviser Michael Flynn (though Flynn admitted the crime). Both moves resulted in career attorneys resigning and widespread criticism from the legal establishment and the media.
Then there was his decision to brutally clear Lafayette Park of peaceful protesters so Trump could have his silly Bible photo-op outside St. John’s Episcopal Church. Even the administration’s top military advisers had reservations, and Barr took command, “essentially assuming battlefield control over a hodgepodge of security forces in Washington for days from a command center he set up, according to people who received briefings inside the center,” The New York Times reported.
Barr’s decline into blatant but ineffectual lawlessness is proof that Trumpism is a degenerative disease.
It’s hard not to believe some or all of these actions merit an impeachment inquiry. But House Judiciary Chair Jerry Nadler disappointed a lot of Barr critics when he seemed to take that off the table Sunday. He told CNN’s Jake Tapper that Barr deserves to be impeached, but it would be “a waste of time” since there’s no chance the GOP-led Senate would convict him.
I confess to being agnostic on impeaching Barr. On one level, you’d love to see it. He is certainly impeachable. The reality is that it’s already June 22; we’re still fighting Covid-19; there’s a rising movement against police violence; plus there is not only an imminent presidential election but also tight races for the House and Senate and to flip state legislatures. I’m not sure legislators or the media have the bandwidth. (Read my friend Will Bunch on why impeaching Barr is essential.)
I am sure that Democrats must hold hearings in which they call Berman and other US Attorneys who’ve left the Department of Justice over Barr’s political meddling. And they must pledge to continue to investigate Trump, Barr, and other administration wrongdoers, and prosecute them if indicated, even after they’ve left office. Here’s hoping that’s just seven months away.


thenation--2020-06-22--Bubba Wallace, NASCAR’s Only Black Driver, Is Threatened With a Noose

Earlier this month , NASCAR driver Bubba Wallace , the only full-time black driver on the stock car racing circuit , shocked the world .
Not by winning a race but by winning an argument : the argument that the ubiquitous Confederate flag , so present at NASCAR events , so central to the branding of the sport for decades , should be banned from all racing premises .
Even more amazingly , he garnered the near-universal agreement of his fellow racers that the time to take the Confederate flag out of the sport had long come to pass .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ good night .
Late on Sunday evening , in a punch to the gut for everyone who saw progress on NASCAR ’ s horizon , it was announced that a noose had been found in Wallace ’ s garage stall the night before the big race in Talladega .
In a lengthy statement posted to social media , which should be read in full , Wallace wrote , “ Today ’ s despicable act of racism and hatred leaves me incredibly saddened and serves as a painful reminder of how much further we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how persistent we must be in the fight against racism.
” NASCAR , desperate from a financial perspective to break out of its Confederate confines in Dixie and join the 21st century , also released the comment that the company couldn ’ t “ state strongly enough how seriously we take this heinous act ” and whoever did it would be banned for life from the sport .
“ We have launched an immediate investigation , and will do everything we can to identify the person ( s ) responsible and eliminate them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stated unequivocally , there is no place for racism in NASCAR , and this act only strengthens our resolve to make the sport open and welcoming to all.
” Wallace had just debuted his new car , which has “ Black Lives Matter ” emblazoned on the sides and a graphic of black and white hands clasping each other in a show of unity .
He has also inspired NASCAR icons like Dale Earnhardt Jr. and Jimmie Johnson to support the Black Lives Matter movement and pledge to listen to what the streets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must have made Confederate bigots grind their teeth to dust .
After the noose was found , Earnhardt , Johnson , and people across both NASCAR and the sports world from LeBron James to Billie Jean King tweeted words of solidarity for Wallace .
Earnhardt said that he hopes Wallace wins at Talladega .
That would , of course , be a poetic ending to this nightmare , but a victory on the track is not nearly enough .
Wallace ’ s fellow racers , fans , and people who give a damn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than offer solidarity .
They have to be willing to , if need be , physically defend Wallace from harm .
This is not a prank and this is not a game .
There are violent people currently experiencing spasms of realizing their own dead-end irrelevance , and losing NASCAR as a place where they can let their Confederate freak flag fly is salt in their wounds .
As statues of Confederate leaders fall , they are left with depressing Trump rallies and tiki torch burnings as their only safe spaces .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence , and it is going to take more than tweets to keep Wallace safe .
Fortunately , the one person who truly seems to understand the political nature of what he is currently facing is Wallace himself .
As he said in his statement , Nothing is more important and we will not be deterred by the reprehensible actions of those who seek to spread hate .
As my mother told me today , ‘ They are just trying to scare you.
” This will not break me , I will not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I will continue to proudly stand for what I believe in .

Earlier this month, NASCAR driver Bubba Wallace, the only full-time black driver on the stock car racing circuit, shocked the world. Not by winning a race but by winning an argument: the argument that the ubiquitous Confederate flag, so present at NASCAR events, so central to the branding of the sport for decades, should be banned from all racing premises. Even more amazingly, he garnered the near-universal agreement of his fellow racers that the time to take the Confederate flag out of the sport had long come to pass.
But racists never go gentle into that good night. Late on Sunday evening, in a punch to the gut for everyone who saw progress on NASCAR’s horizon, it was announced that a noose had been found in Wallace’s garage stall the night before the big race in Talladega. In a lengthy statement posted to social media, which should be read in full, Wallace wrote, “Today’s despicable act of racism and hatred leaves me incredibly saddened and serves as a painful reminder of how much further we have to go as a society and how persistent we must be in the fight against racism.”
NASCAR, desperate from a financial perspective to break out of its Confederate confines in Dixie and join the 21st century, also released the comment that the company couldn’t “state strongly enough how seriously we take this heinous act” and whoever did it would be banned for life from the sport. “We have launched an immediate investigation, and will do everything we can to identify the person(s) responsible and eliminate them from the sport. As we have stated unequivocally, there is no place for racism in NASCAR, and this act only strengthens our resolve to make the sport open and welcoming to all.”
Wallace had just debuted his new car, which has “Black Lives Matter” emblazoned on the sides and a graphic of black and white hands clasping each other in a show of unity. He has also inspired NASCAR icons like Dale Earnhardt Jr. and Jimmie Johnson to support the Black Lives Matter movement and pledge to listen to what the streets are trying to say, something that must have made Confederate bigots grind their teeth to dust.
After the noose was found, Earnhardt, Johnson, and people across both NASCAR and the sports world from LeBron James to Billie Jean King tweeted words of solidarity for Wallace. Earnhardt said that he hopes Wallace wins at Talladega. That would, of course, be a poetic ending to this nightmare, but a victory on the track is not nearly enough.
Wallace’s fellow racers, fans, and people who give a damn about racism in sports need to do more than offer solidarity. They have to be willing to, if need be, physically defend Wallace from harm. This is not a prank and this is not a game. There are violent people currently experiencing spasms of realizing their own dead-end irrelevance, and losing NASCAR as a place where they can let their Confederate freak flag fly is salt in their wounds. As statues of Confederate leaders fall, they are left with depressing Trump rallies and tiki torch burnings as their only safe spaces. Feeling cornered, they could turn to violence, and it is going to take more than tweets to keep Wallace safe.
Fortunately, the one person who truly seems to understand the political nature of what he is currently facing is Wallace himself. As he said in his statement,
Nothing is more important and we will not be deterred by the reprehensible actions of those who seek to spread hate. As my mother told me today, ‘They are just trying to scare you.” This will not break me, I will not give in nor will I back down. I will continue to proudly stand for what I believe in.
Ignore this, please


thenation--2020-06-22--The World Is Finally Catching Up to Spike Lee

Spike Lee is enjoying a moment , a resurgence of interest in his work he ’ s achieved by the simple feat of being ahead of the world by a few decades .
Last year he won his first competitive Academy Award , Best Adapted Screenplay for BlacKkKlansman .
His new movie , Da 5 Bloods , a thriller about Vietnam War vets who return to their old battlefield searching for buried gold , is being showered with rave reviews after being released on Netflix , where it has been one of the most watched movies on the streaming service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his first Oscar ended Lee ’ s remarkable record of being shut out of official Hollywood recognition for decades , despite making dozens of feature films and documentaries , many of a high quality , since his first movie She ’ s Got ta Have It ( 1986 ) .
Prior to BlackKkKlansman ’ s garnering three nominations for Lee ( Best Director and Best Picture in addition to Best Adapted Screenplay ) , he had only ever been nominated for Best Original Screenplay for Do the Right Thing ( 1989 ) .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Do the Right Thing wasn ’ t even deemed worthy of a Best Director or Best Picture nomination .
In 1997 , Lee received a Best Documentary nomination for 4 Little Girls , his film about the Birmingham church bombings .
Prolific and protean , always jumping from genre to genre , eager to make risky explorations into explosive topics , Lee has produced an uneven oeuvre .
But that unevenness can hardly explain his being snubbed by the Oscars for such compelling films as 25th Hour ( 2002 ) and Inside Man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lee was given in 2016 was doubtless intended as compensation for this neglect .
Lee doesn ’ t need Hollywood ’ s approbation .
He possesses something more valuable , the stature that only true prophets have .
In the age of Black Lives Matter , when worldwide protests have broken out against police racism , there are few films that sum up the moment better than Do the Right Thing , even though it was made more than three decades ago .
Da 5 Bloods takes up many of the same themes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to their continuing urgency .
And just as Do the Right Thing is both a response to and critique of a certain type of New York film ( from Elia Kazan ’ s On the Waterfront to Martin Scorsese ’ s Mean Streets ) , so Da 5 Bloods is Lee ’ s answer to earlier Vietnam War movies .
Following a multiracial cast of characters in Bedford-Stuyvesant on a scorching summer day that ends with the police choking a young black man to death and the local residents burning down a pizzeria @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most convincing portrait of street-level race relations in America .
It ’ s hard to think of another movie that offers so textured a picture of the way different ethnic groups negotiate and navigate through social interactions with each other , sometimes with friendly jibing , sometimes with glowering threats .
Lee is a humanist but not a softy .
He extends a wide empathy to his characters , including even to racists , but he probes their blindness and jabs at their sore spots .
It is a signature Lee touch that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Do the Right Thing is between the two most likable characters : Sal ( soulfully portrayed by the late Danny Aiello ) , the paternal pizzeria owner who takes pride in feeding the neighborhood , and Mookie ( played by Lee himself ) , the genial delivery man .
Both Sal and Mookie are peaceable types , surrounded by hotheads who egg them on to be more aggressive .
But Sal ’ s friendliness doesn ’ t preclude his stubborn refusal to recognize that the neighborhood is changing , or his failure to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The argument over the “ Hall of Fame ” photos in the pizzeria ( exclusively devoted to Italian-American idols like Frank Sinatra , Joe DiMaggio , and Liza Minnelli ) anticipates current battles all over the world over statues .
Sal ’ s sin is a subtle one : In his possessiveness over his wall and in his hostility toward the boom box playing rap music , he is unwilling to give recognition to the reality of black cultural expressions that surround him .
But that seemingly minor flaw , that failure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chasm .
It is the path to conflict , killing , and rioting .
Do the Right Thing is haunted by the memory of the stalled civil rights revolution of the 1960s , a heroic era whose murdered martyrs are a reproach to the living .
The famous photo of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X shows up again and again .
The film ends with dueling quotes from the two giants , offering conflicting advice on the necessity of nonviolence and of self-defense .
Da 5 Bloods is also a movie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 60s .
Here again King and Malcolm X are presented as beacons to guide the characters through a murky world where it is difficult to discern what is , in fact , the right thing .
The film tracks four black survivors of a military unit who live in the shadow of a fallen comrade , a guru-warrior who was both “ our Malcolm and our Martin.
” All the performances in Da 5 Bloods are strong , but the outstanding one is Delroy Lindo as Paul , a man so traumatized by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all that remain of his personality .
Lindo is simply superb , mesmerizing in making visible the inner life of a man addicted to his own pain .
Da 5 Bloods isn ’ t in the same league as Do the Right Thing .
Like many of Lee ’ s recent movies , it suffers from being overstuffed .
The plot is extremely busy and , in haste to make his points , Lee at times descends into heavy-handedness and mawkishness .
Still , for all its flaws , it ’ s a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few Hollywood films to capture the experience of black soldiers—and to recognize the justice of the Vietnamese struggle for independence .
As in Do the Right Thing , peacemakers are contrasted with provocateurs .
Paul , always spoiling for a fight , is counterbalanced by the stolid , conflict-averse Otis ( Clarke Peters ) .
But Lee , as always , does not pick a side .
His interest remains in showing an injustice and the range of responses it can provoke .
He eschews offering any easy remedy .
The black soldiers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used as cannon fodder by a country that didn ’ t respect their rights .
Getting the gold is a form of reparation .
But should reparation be about individual enrichment or go to community betterment ?
And don ’ t the Vietnamese have an equal claim to reparation ?
These are not easy questions to answer , and Lee , as is his preference , finds more value in raising them than in providing solutions .
No other living filmmaker has so consistently probed the hard problems that face us , which @ @ @ @ @ @

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Spike Lee is enjoying a moment, a resurgence of interest in his work he’s achieved by the simple feat of being ahead of the world by a few decades. Last year he won his first competitive Academy Award, Best Adapted Screenplay for BlacKkKlansman. His new movie, Da 5 Bloods, a thriller about Vietnam War vets who return to their old battlefield searching for buried gold, is being showered with rave reviews after being released on Netflix, where it has been one of the most watched movies on the streaming service since premiering on June 12.
Winning his first Oscar ended Lee’s remarkable record of being shut out of official Hollywood recognition for decades, despite making dozens of feature films and documentaries, many of a high quality, since his first movie She’s Gotta Have It (1986). Prior to BlackKkKlansman’s garnering three nominations for Lee (Best Director and Best Picture in addition to Best Adapted Screenplay), he had only ever been nominated for Best Original Screenplay for Do the Right Thing (1989). Now widely recognized as a classic, Do the Right Thing wasn’t even deemed worthy of a Best Director or Best Picture nomination. In 1997, Lee received a Best Documentary nomination for 4 Little Girls, his film about the Birmingham church bombings.
Prolific and protean, always jumping from genre to genre, eager to make risky explorations into explosive topics, Lee has produced an uneven oeuvre. But that unevenness can hardly explain his being snubbed by the Oscars for such compelling films as 25th Hour (2002) and Inside Man (2006). The honorary Oscar Lee was given in 2016 was doubtless intended as compensation for this neglect.
Lee doesn’t need Hollywood’s approbation. He possesses something more valuable, the stature that only true prophets have. In the age of Black Lives Matter, when worldwide protests have broken out against police racism, there are few films that sum up the moment better than Do the Right Thing, even though it was made more than three decades ago. Da 5 Bloods takes up many of the same themes as Do the Right Thing, testifying to their continuing urgency. And just as Do the Right Thing is both a response to and critique of a certain type of New York film (from Elia Kazan’s On the Waterfront to Martin Scorsese’s Mean Streets), so Da 5 Bloods is Lee’s answer to earlier Vietnam War movies.
Following a multiracial cast of characters in Bedford-Stuyvesant on a scorching summer day that ends with the police choking a young black man to death and the local residents burning down a pizzeria, Do the Right Thing remains the most convincing portrait of street-level race relations in America. It’s hard to think of another movie that offers so textured a picture of the way different ethnic groups negotiate and navigate through social interactions with each other, sometimes with friendly jibing, sometimes with glowering threats. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Lee is a humanist but not a softy. He extends a wide empathy to his characters, including even to racists, but he probes their blindness and jabs at their sore spots. It is a signature Lee touch that the real point of racial conflict in Do the Right Thing is between the two most likable characters: Sal (soulfully portrayed by the late Danny Aiello), the paternal pizzeria owner who takes pride in feeding the neighborhood, and Mookie (played by Lee himself), the genial delivery man.
Both Sal and Mookie are peaceable types, surrounded by hotheads who egg them on to be more aggressive. But Sal’s friendliness doesn’t preclude his stubborn refusal to recognize that the neighborhood is changing, or his failure to see his customers as who they are. The argument over the “Hall of Fame” photos in the pizzeria (exclusively devoted to Italian-American idols like Frank Sinatra, Joe DiMaggio, and Liza Minnelli) anticipates current battles all over the world over statues. Current Issue View our current issue
Sal’s sin is a subtle one: In his possessiveness over his wall and in his hostility toward the boom box playing rap music, he is unwilling to give recognition to the reality of black cultural expressions that surround him. But that seemingly minor flaw, that failure of cultural recognition, widens into a chasm. It is the path to conflict, killing, and rioting.
Do the Right Thing is haunted by the memory of the stalled civil rights revolution of the 1960s, a heroic era whose murdered martyrs are a reproach to the living. The famous photo of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X shows up again and again. The film ends with dueling quotes from the two giants, offering conflicting advice on the necessity of nonviolence and of self-defense.
Da 5 Bloods is also a movie about the unsettled business of the ’60s. Here again King and Malcolm X are presented as beacons to guide the characters through a murky world where it is difficult to discern what is, in fact, the right thing. The film tracks four black survivors of a military unit who live in the shadow of a fallen comrade, a guru-warrior who was both “our Malcolm and our Martin.” All the performances in Da 5 Bloods are strong, but the outstanding one is Delroy Lindo as Paul, a man so traumatized by the war that hurt and grievance are all that remain of his personality. Lindo is simply superb, mesmerizing in making visible the inner life of a man addicted to his own pain.
Da 5 Bloods isn’t in the same league as Do the Right Thing. Like many of Lee’s recent movies, it suffers from being overstuffed. The plot is extremely busy and, in haste to make his points, Lee at times descends into heavy-handedness and mawkishness. Still, for all its flaws, it’s a superior movie, certainly one of the few Hollywood films to capture the experience of black soldiers—and to recognize the justice of the Vietnamese struggle for independence.
As in Do the Right Thing, peacemakers are contrasted with provocateurs. Paul, always spoiling for a fight, is counterbalanced by the stolid, conflict-averse Otis (Clarke Peters). But Lee, as always, does not pick a side. His interest remains in showing an injustice and the range of responses it can provoke. He eschews offering any easy remedy.
The black soldiers have a justified grievance: They were used as cannon fodder by a country that didn’t respect their rights. Getting the gold is a form of reparation. But should reparation be about individual enrichment or go to community betterment? And don’t the Vietnamese have an equal claim to reparation?
These are not easy questions to answer, and Lee, as is his preference, finds more value in raising them than in providing solutions. No other living filmmaker has so consistently probed the hard problems that face us, which is why Lee remains essential.


thenation--2020-06-23--Why Is GOP Money Going to Democratic Congressman Eliot Engel?

Today ’ s primary election in New York ’ s Sixteenth Congressional District sees insurgent candidate Jamaal Bowman challenge 16-term incumbent congressman Eliot Engel .
While they ’ re both Democrats , a review of Engel ’ s foreign policy record shows just how much he has in common with the Republican Party .
Last week , The Intercept reported that a Republican-aligned super PAC funneled $ 100,000 to another super PAC , Democratic Majority for Israel , which itself has spent more than $ 600,000 attacking Bowman and promoting Engel .
Engel and the GOP have repeatedly worked together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy .
In 2010 , Engel held a press conference with now-Vice President Mike Pence , in which they opposed any UN investigation into the Israeli government ’ s raid on a flotilla operated by activists seeking to provide humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip .
Israeli commandos killed nine people , whom Engel dismissed as “ violent protesters.
” Republican Congress members Peter King , Eric Cantor , and Ted Poe joined the press conference to voice their support .
Engel ’ s enthusiasm for Israel is not something he hides .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ unremarkable financial disclosure in 2019 shows that he possesses as much as $ 15,000 in Israeli government bonds .
When President Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as Israel ’ s capital—a move which prominent Democrats like Senators Dianne Feinstein and Dick Durbin criticized as dangerous and likely to foment unrest—Engel voiced his support .
But it ’ s not just Israel policy on which Engel sides with Republicans .
In 2019 , Engel expressed “ outrage ” at the Venezuelan government for blocking humanitarian aid—the same thing he defended when the Israeli government did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nicolas Maduro continues to block the entry of food and medical supplies into Venezuela , ” Engel said in testimony before the foreign affairs committee .
“ We urge Maduro to immediately allow humanitarian aid to reach the Venezuelan people.
” Engel also supported the Trump administration ’ s decision to recognize Venezuelan opposition figure Juan Guaidó as president of Venezuela , even though Guaidó was never elected .
( The UN has declined to recognize Guaidó . )
Engel was also a proponent of the Iraq War , saying on the House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be a monumental mistake not to support ” it .
When the US military found no chemical or biological weapons , Engel echoed a Bush administration talking point , arguing that it “ wouldn ’ t surprise me if those weapons of mass destruction that we can not find in Iraq wound up and are today in Syria.
” Senator Chuck Schumer and former Senator Hillary Clinton have both endorsed Engel , a sign of Democratic leadership ’ s concern over the election .
As Chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy , which represents one of the few ways Congress can oversee the intelligence community .
The Foreign Affairs Committee is also able to question foreign policy officials , vividly embodied by Representative Ilhan Omar ’ s 2019 grilling of Trump ’ s Special Representative for Venezuela , Elliott Abrams , over his support for authoritarian regimes in Central America and his involvement in the Iran-Contra scandal .
At the time , a congressional staffer told me that Engel tried to strip Omar of her committee assignment , though ultimately unsuccessful .
Last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Evo Morales , Engel joined the Trump administration in welcoming his resignation , even as it was condemned by progressive leaders like Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio Cortez as a coup .
Engel justified the transition as necessary , citing Bolivia ’ s “ flawed presidential election ” —an allusion to allegations of vote rigging .
But a New York Times report earlier this month found no evidence of fraud .
( Engel has not publicly addressed the report . )
Jamaal Bowman Wants to Spend Less on the Pentagon and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military coup was not the only one Engel soft pedaled .
In 2013 , he issued a joint statement with Republican Representative Ed Royce backing the Egyptian military coup that overthrew the President Mohamed Morsi , the country ’ s first elected leader .
Engel clashed with the Barack Obama administration on a variety foreign policy issues .
When Obama sought to hold the Egyptian military accountable by suspending military aid , Engel , bristled .
“ I am disappointed that the Administration is planning to partially suspend military aid to Egypt , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ significant : US law mandates a suspension of military aid to coup regimes , but the law can be circumvented if Congress recognizes the government .
As the Democrats ’ then-ranking Foreign Affairs Committee member , Engel ’ s statement held sway , and Congress would later certify the legitimacy of the new government .
Engel also joined Republicans in opposing the Iran deal .
When in late 2016 , the Obama administration simply abstained from a largely symbolic UN resolution condemning Israeli settlements , Engel excoriated Obama .
“ It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Engel said of the abstention .
In 2016 , Engel was one of just 16 Democrats to join with 200 Republicans to defeat legislation that would have outlawed the export of cluster bombs to Saudi Arabia .
Cluster bombs are banned by over 100 countries due to their indiscriminate nature .
Many also do not detonate and can pose a threat to civilians decades later .
After Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman reportedly ordered the grisly murder of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi , many high-profile Democrats called for the Saudi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ again , Engel sided with the Trump administration , saying that he did not want to see the leader punished .
Several prominent Obama administration officials have voiced support for Engel ’ s challenger .
A recent report by The Daily Beast quotes Tommy Vietor , a former Obama administration spokesperson , as saying , “ We need fresh thinking on that [ Engel ’ s ] committee.
” Vietor added : “ I also think that [ the Foreign Affairs Committee ] should be more progressive when it comes to oversight , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] , supporting diplomacy like the [ Iran Deal ] , and unwinding parts of the US-Saudi relationship that allow for the continued humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.
” The report also quotes Ben Rhodes , the deputy national security adviser under Obama , criticizing Engel for his opposition to the Iran deal .
While it would be unfair to call Engel a Republican—he recently came out in support of Medicare-for-All—his positions on foreign affairs stand out for their alignment with the Republican Party .

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Today’s primary election in New York’s 16th congressional district sees insurgent candidate Jamaal Bowman challenge 16-term incumbent Representative Eliot Engel. While they’re both Democrats, a review of Engel’s foreign policy record shows just how much he has in common with the Republican Party.
Last week, The Intercept reported that a Republican-aligned super PAC funneled $100,000 to another super PAC, Democratic Majority for Israel, which itself has spent more than $600,000 attacking Bowman and promoting Engel.
Engel and the GOP have repeatedly worked together to further an interventionist, pro-Israel foreign policy. In 2010, Engel held a press conference with now–Vice President Mike Pence, in which they opposed any UN investigation into the Israeli government’s raid on a flotilla operated by activists seeking to provide humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip. Israeli commandos killed nine people, whom Engel dismissed as “violent protesters.” Republican Representatives Peter King, Eric Cantor, and Ted Poe joined the press conference to voice their support.
Engel’s enthusiasm for Israel is not something he hides. A review of Engel’s otherwise unremarkable financial disclosure in 2019 shows that he possesses as much as $15,000 in Israeli government bonds. When President Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as Israel’s capital—a move that prominent Democrats like Senators Dianne Feinstein and Dick Durbin criticized as dangerous and likely to foment unrest—Engel voiced his support.
But it’s not just Israel policy on which Engel sides with Republicans. In 2019, Engel expressed “outrage” at the Venezuelan government for blocking humanitarian aid—the same thing he defended when the Israeli government did it.
“We are outraged that Nicolas Maduro continues to block the entry of food and medical supplies into Venezuela,” Engel said in testimony before the foreign affairs committee. “We urge Maduro to immediately allow humanitarian aid to reach the Venezuelan people.”
Engel also supported the Trump administration’s decision to recognize Venezuelan opposition figure Juan Guaidó as president of Venezuela, even though Guaidó was never elected. (The UN has declined to recognize Guaidó.) Current Issue View our current issue
Engel was also a proponent of the Iraq War, saying on the House floor in October 2002, “It would be a monumental mistake not to support” it. When the US military found no chemical or biological weapons, Engel echoed a Bush administration talking point, arguing that it “wouldn’t surprise me if those weapons of mass destruction that we cannot find in Iraq wound up and are today in Syria.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Senator Chuck Schumer and former senator Hillary Clinton have both endorsed Engel, a sign of Democratic leadership’s concern over the election. As chair of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Engel receives classified briefings regarding foreign policy, which represents one of the few ways Congress can oversee the intelligence community.
The Foreign Affairs Committee is also able to question foreign policy officials, vividly embodied by Representative Ilhan Omar’s 2019 grilling of Trump’s special representative for Venezuela, Elliott Abrams, over his support for authoritarian regimes in Central America and his involvement in the Iran/Contra scandal. At the time, a congressional staffer told me that Engel tried to strip Omar of her committee assignment, though he was ultimately unsuccessful.
When the Bolivian military ousted President Evo Morales last year, Engel joined the Trump administration in welcoming his resignation, even as it was condemned by progressive leaders like Senator Bernie Sanders and Representative Alexandria Ocasio Cortez as a coup. Engel justified the transition as necessary, citing Bolivia’s “flawed presidential election”—an allusion to allegations of vote rigging. But a New York Times report earlier this month found no evidence of fraud. (Engel has not publicly addressed the report.) Related Article Jamaal Bowman Wants to Spend Less on the Pentagon and More on the Bronx John Nichols
Bolivia’s military coup was not the only one Engel soft pedaled. In 2013, he issued a joint statement with Republican Representative Ed Royce backing the Egyptian military coup that overthrew President Mohamed Morsi, the country’s first elected leader.
Engel clashed with the Obama administration on a variety foreign policy issues. When Obama sought to hold the Egyptian military accountable by suspending military aid, Engel, bristled. “I am disappointed that the Administration is planning to partially suspend military aid to Egypt,” Engel said.
The statement was significant: US law mandates a suspension of military aid to coup regimes, but the law can be circumvented if Congress recognizes the government. As the Democrats’ then-ranking Foreign Affairs Committee member, Engel’s statement held sway, and Congress would later certify the legitimacy of the new government.
Engel also joined Republicans in opposing the Iran deal. When, in late 2016, the Obama administration simply abstained from a largely symbolic UN resolution condemning Israeli settlements, Engel excoriated Obama. “It’s a parting shot out the door,” Engel said of the abstention.
In 2016, Engel was one of just 16 Democrats to join with 200 Republicans to defeat legislation that would have outlawed the export of cluster bombs to Saudi Arabia. Cluster bombs are banned by over 100 countries because of their indiscriminate nature. Many also do not detonate and can pose a threat to civilians decades later.
After Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman reportedly ordered the grisly murder of Washington Post journalist Jamal Khashoggi, many high-profile Democrats called for the Saudi leader to be held accountable. But again, Engel sided with the Trump administration, saying that he did not want to see the leader punished.
Several prominent Obama administration officials have voiced support for Engel’s challenger. A recent report by The Daily Beast quotes Tommy Vietor, a former Obama administration spokesperson, as saying, “We need fresh thinking on that [Engel’s] committee.”
Vietor added: “I also think that [the Foreign Affairs Committee] should be more progressive when it comes to oversight, fighting annexation [of the West Bank], supporting diplomacy like the [Iran deal], and unwinding parts of the U.S.-Saudi relationship that allow for the continued humanitarian catastrophe in Yemen.”
The report also quotes Ben Rhodes, the deputy national security adviser under Obama, criticizing Engel for his opposition to the Iran deal.
While it would be unfair to call Engel a Republican—he recently came out in support of Medicare for All—his positions on foreign affairs stand out for their alignment with the Republican Party.


thenation--2020-06-23--Long Live Seattle’s Autonomous Zone

Long Live Seattle’s Autonomous Zone

eattle—On the evening of June 8 , the street barricades in Seattle that had encircled tear-gas-laced standoffs for over a week became the boundaries of a new social order .
The city ’ s police department had just evacuated their east precinct on Capitol Hill , the former epicenter of protest frictions and the most densely populated residential neighborhood in Washington state .
With the cops suddenly absent , activists protesting the police killing of George Floyd seized a six-block area around the police station .
Before long , they had erected signs that read , “ You are now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spray-painted the precinct house entrance , relabeling it : “ The Seattle People ’ s Department.
” What has emerged inside those borders is an alternative society known as the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone ( CHAZ ) —now the Capitol Hill Organized/Occupied Protest ( CHOP ) , an anti-capitalist vision of community sovereignty without police .
Day by day , new projects spring up around the premises .
On one corner , people of different races gather at a cluster of couches known as the “ Decolonization Conversation Cafe.
” Across the street @ @ @ @ @ @ @ water , clothing , books , and medicine from volunteer tents lining the sidewalks .
To some , the space represents a small utopia .
For others , it ’ s an anarchic violation of law and order .
Despite the recent hype that has drawn tourists to check out the scene and has inspired the formation of similar encampments in other parts of the country , the CHOP is not an unprecedented or isolated event .
It shares a history of resistance with Indigenous-led movements across the Americas .
Seattle ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resistance organizing rooted in Latin America .
The Zapatista National Liberation Army ( EZLN ) of southern Mexico began creating their own self-determined territories in the 1980s , after a century and a half of structural violence from the Mexican state .
In 1994 , 3,000 Zapatista members wearing black ski masks or red bandanas stormed public arenas , government buildings , and police stations in the state of Chiapas , in southern Mexico .
The historic siege was sparked by the government ’ s decision to sign the North American Free Trade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a deal that would further exploit rural and Maya communities .
( Chiapas remains the poorest state in Mexico , and despite its enormous wealth of natural resources , 70 percent of its Indigenous population suffers extreme malnutrition . )
The Zapatistas understood that NAFTA would bring a mass influx of cheap corn imported from the United States and annihilate local farm economies and ecosystems ; at the time , then-EZLN leader Subcomandante Marcos described it as a death sentence for Indigenous people .
Similar to Black Lives Matter leaders who are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believed the answer to neoliberal trade deals was to reject the colonial and capitalist model that had marginalized their communities for generations .
The only solution was to build a new vision of society from the ground up .
Throughout Chiapas , many Zapatista members now live and work in caracoles , autonomous and guarded areas where state and corporate presences are not allowed .
They created their own self-governance structure , culturally specific education system , and infrastructure to achieve stronger food sovereignty .
The Zapatistas changed global consciousness by showing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could succeed in building an alternative society .
In Seattle , the occupation on Capitol Hill is also proving that possibility .
Instead of employing a punitive system that criminalizes people experiencing homelessness or mental illness , the CHOP community regulates itself with collective safety and de-escalation strategies .
A group that calls itself the Seattle Bike Brigade patrols streets bordering the area beside volunteers with walkie-talkies .
Whenever a suspicious or disruptive person is identified—a white supremacist on one occasion , a suspected informant caught photographing people ’ s faces on another—people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the premises .
After two chaotic gunfire episodes , CHOP organizers drafted guidelines to limit late-night activity and substance use .
Their efforts keep evolving as they work to translate the vision of a just and free society into practice .
Yet the CHOP differs significantly from the Zapatistas and similar movements because protesters are collaborating with city authorities and have no intention to make themselves fully sovereign .
The space was formed not by a takeover but mostly because the police had evacuated .
Organizers changed the name from the Capitol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Organized Protest ” in part to deflect from the conservative media ’ s fear-mongering claims that the community intended to secede .
As one activist , who requested anonymity , explained , “ We are not doing this to separate ourselves from America .
It ’ s because we are American that we want to make this space where we can come together , to be joyous , to have justice and equality.
” Every day at 3 pm , a people ’ s council meets outside the precinct house to strategize about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change outside of CHOP itself .
There is no single person or group ostensibly leading the CHOP .
Instead , the project strives for bottom-up organizing , echoing the Zapatista governance principle of “ mandar obedeciendo ” —to lead by obeying .
Inside the CHOP , community members are prioritizing the voices of black , Indigenous , and people of color ( BIPOC ) speakers and striving for intersectionality .
On June 14 , they held a cultural day in which Pacific Northwest Native people from numerous tribes sang songs and drummed around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in support of black lives .
“ We don ’ t care about oppression Olympics , ” an Indigenous woman reminded the crowd .
“ It ’ s about realizing that our struggles are parallel to our black relatives ’ struggles.
” Protesters emphasized that the same militarized police forces that kill BIPOC people in the United States also defend the fossil fuel industry and other extractive projects that destroy Indigenous lands around the world .
( Both groups suffer disproportionate violence at the hands of US police . )
Environmental defenders , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at alarming rates , particularly in Latin America .
The impetus and goal of many resistance movements in the region is to protect and recover ancestral territory from the powers that usurped it—from Colombia ’ s Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca ( CRIC ) to the Landless Workers Movement ( MST ) of Brazil .
For most of them , the first step to reversing exploitation , erasure , and genocide is securing land rights to have the physical space where they can manage their own resources and governance .
The CHOP , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ several levels : Police no longer rule a central hub of the city ; Indigenous leaders are teaching the community to honor the Duwamish and Suquamish land they stand on ( Seattle is named for Chief Sealth of the same tribes ) ; and , surrounded by luxury townhouses that have gone up in the past decade , the protest area is also a symbol of resistance in the face of gentrification , where , unlike much of the city , new Amazon wealth hasn ’ t pushed people of color and low-income @ @ @ @ @ @ @ core demands : defunding the police , freeing protesters , and investing in BIPOC communities , CHOP activists hope to turn the east precinct building into a community center .
At a press conference on Monday , Mayor Jenny Durkan and Seattle Police Department ( SPD ) chief Carmen Best both said the City would be transitioning to end the experiment on Capitol Hill , citing the recent shooting incidents .
They both emphasized that Seattle would commit to reinventing community safety by listening to BIPOC activists ’ guidance .
Regardless of when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organizing coming from CHOP has already succeeded .
Seattle City Council member Kshama Sawant announced on Twitter on June 15 that the council had unanimously ruled in favor of legislation banning the SPD from buying tear gas and other protest-control weapons .
Three days later , the Martin Luther King County Labor Council voted to expel the SPD union .
Prominent activist Nikkita Oliver reminded demonstrators on June 14 that their efforts at CHOP represented a symbolic victory , but only a starting point .
She shared the recommendation that Seattle ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told her : “ We should be spending 25 percent of our time dismantling the system and 75 percent building the world we want to see.
” As a lived expression of imagining radical change , CHOP has proven to Seattle the famous Zapatista axiom , “ otro mundo es posible ” — “ another world is possible .
”

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S eattle—On the evening of June 8, the street barricades in Seattle that had encircled tear-gas-laced standoffs for over a week became the boundaries of a new social order. The city’s police department had just evacuated their east precinct on Capitol Hill, the former epicenter of protest frictions and the most densely populated residential neighborhood in Washington state. With the cops suddenly absent, activists protesting the police killing of George Floyd seized a six-block area around the police station. Before long, they had erected signs that read, “You are now entering a free Capitol Hill” and spray-painted the precinct house entrance, relabeling it: “The Seattle People’s Department.”
What has emerged inside those borders is an alternative society known as the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone (CHAZ)—now the Capitol Hill Organized/Occupied Protest (CHOP), an anti-capitalist vision of community sovereignty without police. Day by day, new projects spring up around the premises. On one corner, people of different races gather at a cluster of couches known as the “Decolonization Conversation Cafe.” Across the street, they can access free food, water, clothing, books, and medicine from volunteer tents lining the sidewalks.
To some, the space represents a small utopia. For others, it’s an anarchic violation of law and order. Despite the recent hype that has drawn tourists to check out the scene and has inspired the formation of similar encampments in other parts of the country, the CHOP is not an unprecedented or isolated event. It shares a history of resistance with Indigenous-led movements across the Americas.
Seattle’s occupied zone replicates a long legacy of resistance organizing rooted in Latin America. The Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) of southern Mexico began creating their own self-determined territories in the 1980s, after a century and a half of structural violence from the Mexican state. In 1994, 3,000 Zapatista members wearing black ski masks or red bandanas stormed public arenas, government buildings, and police stations in the state of Chiapas, in southern Mexico. The historic siege was sparked by the government’s decision to sign the North American Free Trade Agreement with the United States and Canada, a deal that would further exploit rural and Maya communities. (Chiapas remains the poorest state in Mexico, and despite its enormous wealth of natural resources, 70 percent of its Indigenous population suffers extreme malnutrition.) Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
The Zapatistas understood that NAFTA would bring a mass influx of cheap corn imported from the United States and annihilate local farm economies and ecosystems; at the time, then-EZLN leader Subcomandante Marcos described it as a death sentence for Indigenous people. Similar to Black Lives Matter leaders who are calling for police abolition, the Zapatistas believed the answer to neoliberal trade deals was to reject the colonial and capitalist model that had marginalized their communities for generations. The only solution was to build a new vision of society from the ground up.
Zapatista women attend an event marking the anniversary of the resistance movement in Chiapas, Mexico, on December 31, 2019. (Hanna Wallis)
Throughout Chiapas, many Zapatista members now live and work in caracoles, autonomous and guarded areas where state and corporate presences are not allowed. They created their own self-governance structure, culturally specific education system, and infrastructure to achieve stronger food sovereignty. The Zapatistas changed global consciousness by showing the rest of the world that the people could succeed in building an alternative society.
In Seattle, the occupation on Capitol Hill is also proving that possibility. Instead of employing a punitive system that criminalizes people experiencing homelessness or mental illness, the CHOP community regulates itself with collective safety and de-escalation strategies. A group that calls itself the Seattle Bike Brigade patrols streets bordering the area beside volunteers with walkie-talkies. Whenever a suspicious or disruptive person is identified—a white supremacist on one occasion, a suspected informant caught photographing people’s faces on another—people swarm the culprit to peacefully escort them from the premises. After two chaotic gunfire episodes, CHOP organizers drafted guidelines to limit late-night activity and substance use. Their efforts keep evolving as they work to translate the vision of a just and free society into practice.
The entrance to the Seattle Police Department’s east precinct building on Capitol Hill. (Hanna Wallis)
Yet the CHOP differs significantly from the Zapatistas and similar movements because protesters are collaborating with city authorities and have no intention to make themselves fully sovereign. The space was formed not by a takeover but mostly because the police had evacuated. Organizers changed the name from the Capitol Hill “Autonomous Zone” to “Organized Protest” in part to deflect from the conservative media’s fear-mongering claims that the community intended to secede. As one activist, who requested anonymity, explained, “We are not doing this to separate ourselves from America. It’s because we are American that we want to make this space where we can come together, to be joyous, to have justice and equality.”
Every day at 3 pm, a people’s council meets outside the precinct house to strategize about how the community can accomplish long-term policy change outside of CHOP itself. There is no single person or group ostensibly leading the CHOP. Instead, the project strives for bottom-up organizing, echoing the Zapatista governance principle of “mandar obedeciendo”—to lead by obeying. Inside the CHOP, community members are prioritizing the voices of black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) speakers and striving for intersectionality. On June 14, they held a cultural day in which Pacific Northwest Native people from numerous tribes sang songs and drummed around a sacred fire encircled in cedar branches in support of black lives. “We don’t care about oppression Olympics,” an Indigenous woman reminded the crowd. “It’s about realizing that our struggles are parallel to our black relatives’ struggles.”
Protesters emphasized that the same militarized police forces that kill BIPOC people in the United States also defend the fossil fuel industry and other extractive projects that destroy Indigenous lands around the world. (Both groups suffer disproportionate violence at the hands of US police.) Environmental defenders, many of them Indigenous, are murdered at alarming rates, particularly in Latin America. The impetus and goal of many resistance movements in the region is to protect and recover ancestral territory from the powers that usurped it—from Colombia’s Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC) to the Landless Workers Movement (MST) of Brazil. For most of them, the first step to reversing exploitation, erasure, and genocide is securing land rights to have the physical space where they can manage their own resources and governance.
Drummers from numerous tribal nations hold a ceremony at the CHOP as part of an effort to unite black and Native struggles. (Hanna Wallis)
The CHOP, too, represents a reclamation effort on several levels: Police no longer rule a central hub of the city; Indigenous leaders are teaching the community to honor the Duwamish and Suquamish land they stand on (Seattle is named for Chief Sealth of the same tribes); and, surrounded by luxury townhouses that have gone up in the past decade, the protest area is also a symbol of resistance in the face of gentrification, where, unlike much of the city, new Amazon wealth hasn’t pushed people of color and low-income residents out. Along with their three core demands: defunding the police, freeing protesters, and investing in BIPOC communities, CHOP activists hope to turn the east precinct building into a community center.
At a press conference on Monday, Mayor Jenny Durkan and Seattle Police Department (SPD) chief Carmen Best both said the City would be transitioning to end the experiment on Capitol Hill, citing the recent shooting incidents. They both emphasized that Seattle would commit to reinventing community safety by listening to BIPOC activists’ guidance. Regardless of when and how the occupation disbands, the organizing coming from CHOP has already succeeded. Seattle City Council member Kshama Sawant announced on Twitter on June 15 that the council had unanimously ruled in favor of legislation banning the SPD from buying tear gas and other protest-control weapons. Three days later, the Martin Luther King County Labor Council voted to expel the SPD union.
Prominent activist Nikkita Oliver reminded demonstrators on June 14 that their efforts at CHOP represented a symbolic victory, but only a starting point. She shared the recommendation that Seattle’s former Black Panther leader Aaron Dixon had told her: “We should be spending 25 percent of our time dismantling the system and 75 percent building the world we want to see.” As a lived expression of imagining radical change, CHOP has proven to Seattle the famous Zapatista axiom, “otro mundo es posible”—“another world is possible.”


thenation--2020-06-23--America’s Digital Divide Is an Emergency

The virus has made us go virtual .
We bank online , shop for groceries online , spend time with loved ones online , attend schools online , and even access a ballot online .
Today , the Internet is an essential service , a public good .
Like electricity or water , no one should be excluded from using it .
But far too many Americans are cut off from access to affordable high-speed Internet even as more of our core systems go digital .
Unchecked , the result will be an America even more unequal than the one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expanded in some places , but consumer access to broadband is receding .
The reason ?
American broadband rates are some of the most expensive in the world .
The Federal Communications Commission ’ s decision to roll back net neutrality in 2018 made it possible for broadband companies to charge more for certain services or content .
Now , a trend of “ tier flattening ” means that the range of plans at different price points is being eliminated .
This undermines the right of consumers to the option of an affordable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people of color .
To qualify for home broadband , for instance , consumers must pass a credit check , a system shot through historically with racial inequities .
As a result , black and Latino households are less likely to have access to broadband .
According to a 2016 Free Press report , nearly half of Americans without at-home Internet are in black and Hispanic households .
Read the full text of Katrina ’ s column here .

EDITOR’S NOTE: Each week we cross-post an excerpt from Katrina vanden Heuvel’s column at the WashingtonPost.com. Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.
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The virus has made us go virtual. We bank online, shop for groceries online, spend time with loved ones online, attend schools online, and even access a ballot online. Today, the Internet is an essential service, a public good. Like electricity or water, no one should be excluded from using it. But far too many Americans are cut off from access to affordable high-speed Internet even as more of our core systems go digital. Unchecked, the result will be an America even more unequal than the one we see today.
Broadband infrastructure has expanded in some places, but consumer access to broadband is receding. The reason? American broadband rates are some of the most expensive in the world. The Federal Communications Commission’s decision to roll back net neutrality in 2018 made it possible for broadband companies to charge more for certain services or content. Now, a trend of “tier flattening” means that the range of plans at different price points is being eliminated. This undermines the right of consumers to the option of an affordable plan.
roadblocks to access disproportionately impact people of color. To qualify for home broadband, for instance, consumers must pass a credit check, a system shot through historically with racial inequities. As a result, black and Latino households are less likely to have access to broadband. According to a 2016 Free Press report, nearly half of Americans without at-home Internet are in black and Hispanic households.
Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.


thenation--2020-06-23--Bolton Tells All Too Late

Bolton Tells All Too Late

Behind the scenes .
After the fact .

Bolton Tells All Too Late
Bolton Tells All Too Late
Behind the scenes. After the fact.


thenation--2020-06-23--The Arena Was Half Empty. Trump Was Still Full of It.

If a demagogue shouts and no one ’ s in the auditorium , does he make a Noise ?
Before his Saturday rally in Tulsa , Okla. , Donald Trump marketed this return to amphitheater politics as a turning point in his Summer of Hate campaign .
His team boasted that a million people had requested tickets .
Instead , according to the city ’ s fire department , a mere 6,200 tickets were scanned , for an arena with capacity of 19,000 .
The outdoor rally that Trump ’ s campaign had planned for his surplus crowd—those Kool-Aid-drinkers unlucky @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the indoor , undistanced , mask-optional Führerfest—also had to be canceled .
Inside the arena , those present were treated to a stream of consciousness from the president about flag-burning , the importance of preserving Confederate statues , the texture of his shoe soles when he slow-walked down a ramp at West Point last week , and a bizarrely unguarded riff about how he had tried to slow down coronavirus testing so that the number of positive results would be lower .
It was , from start to finish , a Trumpian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But there are many matters of global importance that the Leader of the Free World did not talk about .
The Wilder the Conspiracy , the More Trump Likes It He didn ’ t mention the death of George Floyd , or the protests for racial justice that have transformed American politics over the past month .
He didn ’ t mention the skyrocketing coronavirus infection rates around the country , particularly in states governed by those who share Trump ’ s skepticism about masks , and who sped ahead with economic reopening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and South Carolina are nearing capacity for hospital and ICU beds , and the numbers for new infections per day are soaring .
In Florida—where Trump hopes to hold the Republican National Convention in August—the number of cases just surpassed 100,000 .
All of this is a recipe for intense stress on health providers , of the kind that New York experienced in the spring .
Yet Trump had nothing to say on any of it .
He didn ’ t mention the escalating climate crisis—including the fact that the other day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hit triple digits .
Or the fact that the Arctic region is currently experiencing one of the world ’ s worst ecological catastrophes , after a fuel reservoir in Russia collapsed in late May and released over 21,000 tons of oil into northern waters .
Trump also didn ’ t mention the increasingly unstable international situation .
Last week , Chinese and Indian troops brawled high in the Himalayas ; the Indian military claims that 20 Indian soldiers were killed during the conflict .
On June 16 , North Korea blew up its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a part of its recently stated goal of eradicating all communication with its neighbor .
There are a whole lot of nuclear powers playing chicken right now—but Trump was silent about this on Saturday .
He was also silent on the cascading humanitarian crises of hunger , poverty , and lack of health care in developing nations that are being exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic .
All of this escalating chaos and misery ought to be the Signal .
America under Trump is increasingly absent on the global stage , leaving other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump seems determined to seal off the United States .
The day after Trump ’ s rally , John Bolton—the president ’ s former national security adviser and author of a newly released book about the administration—told ABC News that Trump represented a “ danger for the republic.
” One could have equally said the same of Bolton and his hyper-aggressive , shoot-from-the-hip foreign policy .
Even so , Bolton is not wrong about this .
Imagine having a podium that gives you the power to influence the world , and using that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ display of self-titillation .
Trump ’ s Tulsa rally was pathetic—not just for the puniness of the crowd , but also for the smallness of the political and moral imagination on display .

If a demagogue shouts and no one’s in the auditorium, does he make a Noise?
Before his Saturday rally in Tulsa, Okla., Donald Trump marketed this return to amphitheater politics as a turning point in his Summer of Hate campaign. His team boasted that a million people had requested tickets. Instead, according to the city’s fire department, a mere 6,200 tickets were scanned, for an arena with capacity of 19,000. The outdoor rally that Trump’s campaign had planned for his surplus crowd—those Kool-Aid-drinkers unlucky enough not to be able to squeeze into the indoor, undistanced, mask-optional Führerfest—also had to be canceled.
Inside the arena, those present were treated to a stream of consciousness from the president about flag-burning, the importance of preserving Confederate statues, the texture of his shoe soles when he slow-walked down a ramp at West Point last week, and a bizarrely unguarded riff about how he had tried to slow down coronavirus testing so that the number of positive results would be lower. It was, from start to finish, a Trumpian riff on the greatness of Trump.
But there are many matters of global importance that the Leader of the Free World did not talk about. Related Article The Wilder the Conspiracy, the More Trump Likes It Sasha Abramsky
He didn’t mention the death of George Floyd, or the protests for racial justice that have transformed American politics over the past month.
He didn’t mention the skyrocketing coronavirus infection rates around the country, particularly in states governed by those who share Trump’s skepticism about masks, and who sped ahead with economic reopening. States such as Arizona, Texas, and South Carolina are nearing capacity for hospital and ICU beds, and the numbers for new infections per day are soaring. In Florida—where Trump hopes to hold the Republican National Convention in August—the number of cases just surpassed 100,000. All of this is a recipe for intense stress on health providers, of the kind that New York experienced in the spring. Yet Trump had nothing to say on any of it. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
He didn’t mention the escalating climate crisis—including the fact that the other day, the temperature in parts of Siberia hit triple digits. Or the fact that the Arctic region is currently experiencing one of the world’s worst ecological catastrophes, after a fuel reservoir in Russia collapsed in late May and released over 21,000 tons of oil into northern waters. Current Issue View our current issue
Trump also didn’t mention the increasingly unstable international situation. Last week, Chinese and Indian troops brawled high in the Himalayas; the Indian military claims that 20 Indian soldiers were killed during the conflict. On June 16, North Korea blew up its joint liaison office with South Korea, as a part of its recently stated goal of eradicating all communication with its neighbor. There are a whole lot of nuclear powers playing chicken right now—but Trump was silent about this on Saturday. He was also silent on the cascading humanitarian crises of hunger, poverty, and lack of health care in developing nations that are being exacerbated by the Covid-19 pandemic.
All of this escalating chaos and misery ought to be the Signal. America under Trump is increasingly absent on the global stage, leaving other actors to shape a world from which Trump seems determined to seal off the United States.
The day after Trump’s rally, John Bolton—the president’s former national security adviser and author of a newly released book about the administration—told ABC News that Trump represented a “danger for the republic.” One could have equally said the same of Bolton and his hyper-aggressive, shoot-from-the-hip foreign policy. Even so, Bolton is not wrong about this.
Imagine having a podium that gives you the power to influence the world, and using that opportunity for nothing greater than a two-hour display of self-titillation. Trump’s Tulsa rally was pathetic—not just for the puniness of the crowd, but also for the smallness of the political and moral imagination on display.