thenation--2020-08-31--Jacob Blake Was Shot in Kenosha, a City Adrift in a Moral Desert

enosha , is.—Reverend Jesse Jackson came to Kenosha last week on a moral mission .
He stood in the parking lot of Bert and Rudy ’ s Auto Service in the heart of this shaken Wisconsin city , near the locations where two nights earlier a 17-year-old white vigilante shot and killed two men who were protesting the police shooting of Jacob Blake , a 29-year-old Black man who is now paralyzed from the waist down .
Jackson ’ s anguish was evident .
He decried “ a system of racism in law enforcement ” in Kenosha and nationwide .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , following the arrest of the gunman who was charged with multiple counts of homicide in the shooting of the protesters : Anthony Huber , 26 , and Joseph Rosenbaum , 36 .
Huber and Rosenbaum were gunned down on the third night of demonstrations that had rocked Kenosha since the Sunday evening shooting of Blake , whose three young sons watched from the back seat of his vehicle .
Yet , Jackson noted , the police officer who “ shot Jacob seven times in the back—seven times , seven times in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for accountability for that officer and two others who were at the scene .
“ We must protest until the three of them have been indicted , ” he said .
Jackson spoke , as well , of a crisis that extends far beyond Kenosha .
“ Today , there ’ s a moral desert , top-down .
The acid rain is coming , top-down , ” he said .
“ That kind of moral desert hurts all of America.
” Republicans Have Organized a Backlash Convention , and It ’ s Tearing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump , who referenced Kenosha on Thursday night in a “ law-and-order ” rant at the Republican National Convention in which the commander-in-chief declared , “ In the strongest possible terms , the Republican Party condemns the rioting , looting , arson , and violence we have seen in Democrat-run cities like Kenosha… ” The president did not bother to mention Jacob Blake ’ s name last week .
Yet , this week , according to the White House , Trump will swoop into Kenosha .
Trump is set to meet with local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from recent riots.
” Concerns that Trump ’ s visit will open wounds in the city and the state led Wisconsin Governor Tony Evers , a Democrat , to urge the president not to come to Kenosha .
“ Now is not the time for divisiveness , ” wrote Evers , in a remarkable letter sent Sunday evening .
“ Now is not the time for elected officials to ignore armed militants and out-of-state instigators who want to contribute to our anguish.
” Trump ’ s trip to Kenosha is steeped in politics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a swing state , as Trump and his campaign strategists well understand .
“ They ’ re coming to shoot the commercial , ” says Representative Gwen Moore , a Democrat who represents Milwaukee and who was born in the neighboring city of Racine .
Recalling the appeals to backlash votes by Republicans in the past , Moore portrayed Trump ’ s trip as “ a page torn straight out of [ Richard Nixon ’ s ] playbook.
” Trump ’ s name is the most prominent one on a long list @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have prevented action to address police brutality and systemic racism in the three months since the killing of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer .
Even as millions of Americans have joined Black Lives Matter demonstrations in cities across the country—including Kenosha , where there was significant organizing and activism before the shooting of Jacob Blake—policing reforms remain stalled at the federal and state levels .
That ’ s a source of profound frustration for activists who have protested and petitioned over the course of a long hot summer .
Now , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , there is a demand for action .
Thousands marched through the city Saturday , behind a banner that read : “ Justice for Jacob Blake.
” They were answering the call of Jacob Blake Sr. and the Blake family for a response that recognizes the need to address police violence and systemic racism .
That message was framed earlier in the week by Letetra Widman , Jacob Blake ’ s sister , when she recalled that : So many people have reached out to me telling me they ’ re sorry this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t be sorry , ‘ cause this has been happening to my family for a long time—longer than I can account for .
It happened to Emmett Till—Emmett Till is my family .
Philando [ Castile ] .
Mike Brown .
Sandra [ Bland ] .
This has been happening to my family , and I ’ ve shed tears for every single one of these people that it ’ s happened to .
This is nothing new .
I ’ m not sad .
I ’ m not sorry .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m tired .
I haven ’ t cried one time [ since Jacob Blake ’ s shooting ] .
I stopped crying years ago .
I am numb .
I have been watching police murder people that look like me for years .
I ’ m also a Black history minor .
So not only have I been watching it in the 30 years that I ’ ve been on this planet , but I ’ ve been watching it for years before we were even alive .
I ’ m not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your pity .
I want change .
Much change is needed in Kenosha , a historic industrial city of 100,000 located south of Milwaukee .
Kenosha County Sheriff David Beth , an elected Republican who two years ago claimed that “ society has to come to a threshold where there ’ s some people that aren ’ t worth saving , ” announced Friday that he had not watched the video of the Blake shooting .
That statement led Representative Mark Pocan , a Wisconsin Democrat who was born and raised in Kenosha @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s either lying or an incompetent law enforcement officer.
” The American Civil Liberties Union of Wisconsin has called on Beth to resign , explaining : “ Sheriff David Beth ’ s deputies not only fraternized with white supremacist counter-protesters on Tuesday , but allowed the shooter to leave as people yelled that he was the shooter.
” The group also wants the resignation of Kenosha Police Chief Daniel Miskinis , noting , “ During the Kenosha Police Department ’ s first press conference in response to the Blake shooting and subsequent murders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Miskinis blamed the unidentified victims in Tuesday night ’ s shooting for their own deaths , saying the violence was the result of the ‘ persons involved violating curfew.
’ ” “ Their actions uphold and defend white supremacy , while demonizing people who were murdered for exercising their First Amendment rights and speaking out against police violence , ” says Wisconsin ACLU executive director Chris Ott .
If they don ’ t resign , argues Ott , Kenosha Mayor John Antaramian should demand that Kenosha ’ s Police and Fire Commission remove @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should remove the sheriff .
But it will take more than resignations and removals to repair law enforcement in Kenosha—and Wisconsin as a whole .
While media scrutiny has focused on Kenosha in recent days , the crisis extends far beyond its city limits .
“ What happened in Kenosha is an example of our policing system continuing to go wrong , ” argues Pocan .
US Law Enforcement ’ s Warrior Complex Is on Full Display in the Streets—and in Leaked Documents Professional Athletes Are Showing America Just How Powerful Labor Really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s “ inequities in criminal justice and policing , in health care , or in economic well-being , ” Lieutenant Governor Mandela Barnes , a Democrat from Milwaukee , says , “ The social and economic consequences of these deep-seated inequities reach every community in our state and eliminating them will require action at every level of government.
” A major barrier to action in this politically-divided state can be found in the farm country 25 miles west of Kenosha .
That ’ s the home district of Wisconsin Assembly Speaker Robin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ determination to exploit crises rather than address them .
In June , Evers proposed legislation to establish statewide use of force standards for all law enforcement agencies , making clear that : This week , Evers asked that a special session of the legislature address reforms .
Vos again objected .
Frustration with legislative inaction was a focus of a high-profile protest by Milwaukee Bucks team members who refused to play game five of their first-round NBA playoff series in Orlando .
The basketball players declared that it “ is imperative for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of inaction and take up meaningful measures to address issues of police accountability , brutality , and criminal justice reform.
” While the leader of the Republican-controlled state Senate suggested he will let months pass before acting , Vos proposed another task force to examine issues that have already been reviewed .
Stalling tactics don ’ t sit well with Kenosha ’ s state representative Tod Ohnstad .
“ We need real change and now , ” says the Democrat .
“ The special session legislation that has been proposed is an important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Ohnstad wants “ urgent action to address the very issues brought forward by the shooting of Jacob Blake.
” Unfortunately , the moral desert that Rev .
Jackson describes extends from the White House to the speaker ’ s chair in the Wisconsin legislature .

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K enosha, W is.—Reverend Jesse Jackson came to Kenosha last week on a moral mission. He stood in the parking lot of Bert and Rudy’s Auto Service in the heart of this shaken Wisconsin city, near the locations where two nights earlier a 17-year-old white vigilante shot and killed two men who were protesting the police shooting of Jacob Blake, a 29-year-old Black man who is now paralyzed from the waist down. Jackson’s anguish was evident. He decried “a system of racism in law enforcement” in Kenosha and nationwide.
The veteran civil rights leader spoke Thursday following the arrest of the gunman who was charged with multiple counts of homicide in the shooting of the protesters: Anthony Huber, 26, and Joseph Rosenbaum, 36. Huber and Rosenbaum were gunned down on the third night of demonstrations that had rocked Kenosha since the Sunday evening shooting of Blake, whose three young sons watched from the back seat of his vehicle.
Yet, Jackson noted, the police officer who “shot Jacob seven times in the back—seven times, seven times in the back” remains free. Jackson called for accountability for that officer and two others who were at the scene. “We must protest until the three of them have been indicted,” he said.
Jackson spoke, as well, of a crisis that extends far beyond Kenosha. “Today, there’s a moral desert, top-down. The acid rain is coming, top-down,” he said. “That kind of moral desert hurts all of America.” More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
Jackson was addressing President Trump, who referenced Kenosha on Thursday night in a “law-and-order” rant at the Republican National Convention in which the commander-in-chief declared, “In the strongest possible terms, the Republican Party condemns the rioting, looting, arson, and violence we have seen in Democrat-run cities like Kenosha.”
The president did not bother to mention Jacob Blake’s name last week. Yet this week, according to the White House, Trump will swoop into Kenosha. Trump is set to meet with local law enforcement officials and “survey damage from recent riots.”
Concerns that Trump’s visit will open wounds in the city and the state led Wisconsin Governor Tony Evers, a Democrat, to urge the president not to come to Kenosha. “Now is not the time for divisiveness,” wrote Evers, in a remarkable letter sent Sunday evening. “Now is not the time for elected officials to ignore armed militants and out-of-state instigators who want to contribute to our anguish.”
Trump’s trip to Kenosha is steeped in politics. Kenosha Country is a swing county in a swing state, as Trump and his campaign strategists well understand. “They’re coming to shoot the commercial,” says Representative Gwen Moore, a Democrat who represents Milwaukee and who was born in the neighboring city of Racine. Recalling the appeals to backlash votes by Republicans in the past, Moore portrayed Trump’s trip as “a page torn straight out of [Richard Nixon’s] playbook.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
Trump’s name is the most prominent one on a long list of powerful national and state Republicans who have prevented action to address police brutality and systemic racism in the three months since the killing of George Floyd by a Minneapolis police officer. Even as millions of Americans have joined Black Lives Matter demonstrations in cities across the country—including Kenosha, where there was significant organizing and activism before the shooting of Jacob Blake—policing reforms remain stalled at the federal and state levels. That’s a source of profound frustration for activists who have protested and petitioned over the course of a long hot summer.
Now, after the shooting of another Black man, there is a demand for action. Thousands marched through the city Saturday, behind a banner that read: “Justice for Jacob Blake.” They were answering the call of Jacob Blake Sr. and the Blake family for a response that recognizes the need to address police violence and systemic racism. That message was framed earlier in the week by Letetra Widman, Jacob Blake’s sister:
So many people have reached out to me telling me they’re sorry this happened to my family. Well, don’t be sorry, ’cause this has been happening to my family for a long time—longer than I can account for. It happened to Emmett Till—Emmett Till is my family. Philando [Castile]. Mike Brown. Sandra [Bland]. This has been happening to my family, and I’ve shed tears for every single one of these people that it’s happened to. This is nothing new. I’m not sad. I’m not sorry. I’m angry, and I’m tired. I haven’t cried one time [since Jacob Blake’s shooting]. I stopped crying years ago. I am numb. I have been watching police murder people that look like me for years. I’m also a Black history minor. So not only have I been watching it in the 30 years that I’ve been on this planet, but I’ve been watching it for years before we were even alive. I’m not sad. I don’t want your pity. I want change.
Much change is needed in Kenosha, a historic industrial city of 100,000 located south of Milwaukee. Kenosha County Sheriff David Beth, an elected Republican who two years ago claimed that “society has to come to a threshold where there’s some people that aren’t worth saving,” announced Friday that he had not watched the video of the Blake shooting. That statement led Representative Mark Pocan, a Wisconsin Democrat who was born and raised in Kenosha, to say, “He’s either lying or an incompetent law enforcement officer.”
The American Civil Liberties Union of Wisconsin has called on Beth to resign, explaining, “Sheriff David Beth’s deputies not only fraternized with white supremacist counter-protesters on Tuesday, but allowed the shooter to leave as people yelled that he was the shooter.” The group also wants the resignation of Kenosha Police Chief Daniel Miskinis, noting, “During the Kenosha Police Department’s first press conference in response to the Blake shooting and subsequent murders committed at protests, Police Chief Daniel Miskinis blamed the unidentified victims in Tuesday night’s shooting for their own deaths, saying the violence was the result of the ‘persons involved violating curfew.’”
“Their actions uphold and defend white supremacy, while demonizing people who were murdered for exercising their First Amendment rights and speaking out against police violence,” says Wisconsin ACLU Executive Director Chris Ott. If they don’t resign, argues Ott, Kenosha Mayor John Antaramian should demand that Kenosha’s Police and Fire Commission remove the chief and Wisconsin’s governor should remove the sheriff.
But it will take more than resignations and removals to repair law enforcement in Kenosha—and Wisconsin as a whole. While media scrutiny has focused on Kenosha in recent days, the crisis extends far beyond its city limits. “What happened in Kenosha is an example of our policing system continuing to go wrong,” argues Pocan. Black Lives Matter Sinead O'Connor Began Singing Her Black Lives Matter Anthem in 1990 John Nichols This New Magazine Aims to Be a Home for the Black Left Dani McClain It’s Time to End the Outrageous Militarization of America’s Police Force Katrina vanden Heuvel
Referencing Wisconsin’s “inequities in criminal justice and policing, in health care, or in economic well-being,” Lieutenant Governor Mandela Barnes, a Democrat from Milwaukee, says, “The social and economic consequences of these deep-seated inequities reach every community in our state and eliminating them will require action at every level of government.”
A major barrier to action in this politically divided state can be found in the farm country 25 miles west of Kenosha. That’s the home district of Wisconsin Assembly Speaker Robin Vos, a Republican with a Trump-like determination to exploit crises rather than address them.
In June, Evers proposed legislation to establish statewide use of force standards for all law enforcement agencies, making clear
that the primary duty of law enforcement is to preserve the life of all individuals; that deadly force is to be used only as the last resort; that officers should use skills and tactics that minimize the likelihood that force will become necessary; that, if officers must use physical force, it should be the least amount of force necessary to safely address the threat; and that law enforcement officers must take reasonable action to stop or prevent any unreasonable use of force by their colleagues.
Vos blocked legislative action.
This week, Evers asked that a special session of the legislature address reforms. Vos again objected.
Frustration with legislative inaction was a focus of a high-profile protest by Milwaukee Bucks team members who refused to play game five of their first-round NBA playoff series in Orlando. The basketball players declared that it “is imperative for the Wisconsin State Legislature to reconvene after months of inaction and take up meaningful measures to address issues of police accountability, brutality, and criminal justice reform.”
While the leader of the Republican-controlled state Senate suggested he will let months pass before acting, Vos proposed another task force to examine issues that have already been reviewed. Stalling tactics don’t sit well with Kenosha’s state representative Tod Ohnstad. “We need real change and now,” says the Democrat. “The special session legislation that has been proposed is an important first step that we should take immediately.”
Ohnstad wants “urgent action to address the very issues brought forward by the shooting of Jacob Blake.” Unfortunately, the moral desert that the Rev. Jackson describes extends from the White House to the speaker’s chair in the Wisconsin legislature.


thenation--2020-08-31--The Sports Strikes Against Racism Have Not Been Coopted

The story of the 2020 wave of sports strikes against racism is already one of both inspiration and cooptation .
It ’ s also a story that is being written in pencil , not pen .
In other words , it ’ s a story that still does not have an ending , and we should be wary of anyone who thinks they have an ironclad analysis of where all of this is headed .
But to even have a sense of where it might go , we need to understand why it detonated in the first place .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police murder of George Floyd—which has led to the most important social uprising in decades and the largest series of marches in the history of the United States , a social uprising that ’ s been met with terrible violence thanks to this president , his cohorts in the police , and the violent white militia movement .
The NBA and WNBA players argued back in June about whether to play in this Covid-free bubble or if they should just sit out the season so as not to distract from the demonstrations in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ course , decide to go back and , as part of the deal , the owners and commissioner Adam Silver incorporated Black Lives Matter into their messaging , with “ BLM ” written on the court , players kneeling during the anthem , and slogans written on the uniforms .
Call it woke capitalism .
Call it woke marketing—if you like .
It was corporate symbolism in the model of so many companies that put out statements against racism following Floyd ’ s killing .
But after the police shooting of Jacob Blake @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Players in the NBA and the WNBA—which have led on all of these political questions—felt like chumps .
They were in a figurative and literal bubble away from their families and friends , living in dorms , saying to one another , “ Here we are playing with BLM on our uniforms and nothing changes.
” The Milwaukee Bucks and Brewers Strike for Racial Justice That led to the Milwaukee Bucks ’ decision not to play Wednesday in their playoff game against the Orlando Magic .
Other NBA teams followed suit .
Then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be sitting out , which was stirring , but not surprising .
Then Major League Baseball joined the strike , which really was stunning given its conservative history and paucity of Black American players .
Then Major League Soccer and , gobsmackingly , the National Hockey League .
Naomi Osaka , the tennis star of Japanese-Haitian descent , also bowed out of her tournament and tweeted the following , which summed up so many of the feelings across the sports world : The sports media largely called these “ boycotts.
” But they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
These athletes are not consumers but workers , and they were withholding their labor in protest of police murder and white supremacy .
Some people on the left have cynically rolled their eyes at this .
After all , as they say , these are very wealthy people .
They ’ re not real workers… What could they really accomplish ?
( This dismissiveness , unfortunately , mirrors the racist drivel from Jared Kushner and his implication that the players ’ efforts are somehow inauthentic because of their wealth and fame .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ignoring that racism affects all Black and brown people and not just the poor , misses three objectives that the players have already achieved : Professional Athletes Are Showing America Just How Powerful Labor Really Is The Milwaukee Bucks and Brewers Strike for Racial Justice Masai Ujiri and Police Who Live Above the Law • Recentering the conversation around Jacob Blake and not on “ anarchists ” burning cities and all the ways the right has tried to reframe what is happening .
• Giving a sense of hope during a period of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to that feeling that we marched after Floyd ’ s murder yet here we are .
Nothing changes .
That is all incredibly important .
Especially the second point .
As I wrote before , I received half a dozen calls from labor folk asking how to contact the players .
It raises a challenge to labor officialdom to no longer be on the sidelines in the fight for Black lives .
But the radical potential of this moment also means that within hours of these strikes , the forces of cooptation were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who tend to be to the right of Ghengis Khan , were scrambling to show their support for the players .
Entire teams started putting out statements and talking about action plans that came out of conversations between management and labor .
Instead of players striking , it was teams announcing that they would not be playing : “ labor and management against racism !
” The Baltimore Ravens are a great example of this , putting out on the team letterhead a statement decrying racism , calling for the arrest of Breonna @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the aim—at least for now—of appeasing some fed-up football players whose season is supposed to start in less than two weeks .
The players in all the leagues , in an absence of a lead from the broader labor movement , have been left operating in a vacuum , trying to wrest concessions from ownership to join the struggle for Black lives .
As one could imagine when dealing with billionaires , this had led to tamping down of demands , with much of the energy being channeled toward the November election and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ open up stadiums as voting centers .
There has also been a great deal of publicity about the appearance of President Barack Obama , who spoke with LeBron James and Chris Paul , encouraging them to go back to work , use their platform through playing basketball , and start a social justice committee .
This is Obama trying to neutralize a struggle and channel it in a safer direction , less likely to offend the white majority , and less likely to spread .
But the intervention of Obama has also led @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story that has ended with cooptation , of selling out .
That is wrong .
Again , this is a story written in pencil , not pen .
We still don ’ t know where this is going .
We need to understand that this situation is on a knife ’ s edge .
The players now have incredible leverage to use their spotlight , to extract concessions from management , or to go back out on strike again , especially if police and militias aren ’ t brought to heel .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been .
We don ’ t know where this is heading .
Instead of decrying this for what it isn ’ t , we need instead to be holding up these players ’ example to inspire the rest of the labor movement to act with similar urgency at this political moment , and not expect athletes to do it for us .
What we can also do , though , is acknowledge that any action that lays down a gauntlet and challenges the labor movement to act should be seen as a step @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now on the table , not as an abstraction but as a goal worth fighting for .

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The story of the 2020 wave of sports strikes against racism is already one of both inspiration and cooptation. It’s also a story that is being written in pencil, not pen. In other words, it’s a story that still does not have an ending, and we should be wary of anyone who thinks they have an ironclad analysis of where all of this is headed. But to even have a sense of where it might go, we need to understand why it detonated in the first place.
It starts by understanding the impact of the police murder of George Floyd—which has led to the most important social uprising in decades and the largest series of marches in the history of the United States, a social uprising that’s been met with terrible violence thanks to this president, his cohorts in the police, and the violent white militia movement.
The NBA and WNBA players argued back in June about whether to play in this Covid-free bubble or if they should just sit out the season so as not to distract from the demonstrations in the streets. They did, of course, decide to go back and, as part of the deal, the owners and commissioner Adam Silver incorporated Black Lives Matter into their messaging, with “BLM” written on the court, players kneeling during the anthem, and slogans written on the uniforms. Call it woke capitalism. Call it woke marketing—if you like. It was corporate symbolism in the model of so many companies that put out statements against racism following Floyd’s killing.
But after the police shooting of Jacob Blake, that contradiction became too intense. Players in the NBA and the WNBA—which have led on all of these political questions—felt like chumps. They were in a figurative and literal bubble away from their families and friends, living in dorms, saying to one another, “Here we are playing with BLM on our uniforms and nothing changes.” Strike! The Milwaukee Bucks and Brewers Strike for Racial Justice Dave Zirin
That led to the Milwaukee Bucks’ decision not to play Wednesday in their playoff game against the Orlando Magic. Other NBA teams followed suit. Then the WNBA teams announced that they would be sitting out, which was stirring, but not surprising. Then Major League Baseball joined the strike, which really was stunning given its conservative history and paucity of Black American players. Then Major League Soccer and, gobsmackingly, the National Hockey League. Naomi Osaka, the tennis star of Japanese-Haitian descent, also bowed out of her tournament and tweeted the following, which summed up so many of the feelings across the sports world:
She continued, adding hashtags:
Watching the continued genocide of Black people at the hand of the police is honestly making me sick to my stomach. I’m exhausted of having a new hashtag pop up every few days and I’m extremely tired of having this same conversation over and over again. When will it ever be enough?
The sports media largely called these “boycotts.” But they are not boycotts. They are strikes. These athletes are not consumers but workers, and they were withholding their labor in protest of police murder and white supremacy. Some people on the left have cynically rolled their eyes at this. After all, as they say, these are very wealthy people. They’re not real workers… What could they really accomplish? (This dismissiveness, unfortunately, mirrors the racist drivel from Jared Kushner and his implication that the players’ efforts are somehow inauthentic because of their wealth and fame.) This analysis, in addition to ignoring that racism affects all Black and brown people and not just the poor, misses three objectives that the players have already achieved: More From Dave Zirin “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash August 15, 2023 Why the Right Wanted the USWNT to Lose August 10, 2023 Carli Lloyd’s Attacks on the USWNT Are Personal—and Political August 1, 2023
Recentering the conversation around Jacob Blake and not on “anarchists” burning cities and all the ways the right has tried to reframe what is happening. Capturing people’s imagination about labor striking for Black lives. Giving a sense of hope during a period of profound sadness and helplessness—from the Kenosha shootings to that feeling that we marched after Floyd’s murder yet here we are. Nothing changes.
That is all incredibly important. Especially the second point. As I wrote before, I received half a dozen calls from labor folk asking how to contact the players. It raises a challenge to labor officialdom to no longer be on the sidelines in the fight for Black lives.
But the radical potential of this moment also means that within hours of these strikes, the forces of cooptation were also working overtime. Sports owners, who tend to be to the right of Ghengis Khan, were scrambling to show their support for the players. Entire teams started putting out statements and talking about action plans that came out of conversations between management and labor. Instead of players striking, it was teams announcing that they would not be playing: “labor and management against racism!” The Baltimore Ravens are a great example of this, putting out on the team letterhead a statement decrying racism, calling for the arrest of Breonna Taylor’s killers, all with the aim—at least for now—of appeasing some fed-up football players whose season is supposed to start in less than two weeks.
The players in all the leagues, in an absence of a lead from the broader labor movement, have been left operating in a vacuum, trying to wrest concessions from ownership to join the struggle for Black lives. As one could imagine when dealing with billionaires, this had led to tamping down of demands, with much of the energy being channeled toward the November election and electoralism, most notably an agreement to open up stadiums as voting centers. Current Issue View our current issue
There has also been a great deal of publicity about the appearance of President Barack Obama, who spoke with LeBron James and Chris Paul, encouraging them to go back to work, use their platform through playing basketball, and start a social justice committee. This is Obama trying to neutralize a struggle and channel it in a safer direction, less likely to offend the white majority, and less likely to spread.
But the intervention of Obama has also led to an analysis that this is a story that has ended with cooptation, of selling out. That is wrong. Again, this is a story written in pencil, not pen. We still don’t know where this is going. We need to understand that this situation is on a knife’s edge. The players now have incredible leverage to use their spotlight, to extract concessions from management, or to go back out on strike again, especially if police and militias aren’t brought to heel. And of course, they haven’t been.
We don’t know where this is heading. Instead of decrying this for what it isn’t, we need instead to be holding up these players’ example to inspire the rest of the labor movement to act with similar urgency at this political moment, and not expect athletes to do it for us. What we can also do, though, is acknowledge that any action that lays down a gauntlet and challenges the labor movement to act should be seen as a step forward. Striking for Black lives is now on the table, not as an abstraction but as a goal worth fighting for.


thenation--2020-08-31--The Inevitable Whitelash Against Racial Justice Has Started

Now comes the part where white people abandon us .
Now comes the part where the white majority impatiently demands a return to normalcy .
Now comes the part where white people say , “ I believe that Black Lives Matter , but… ” Now comes the part where white people start literally telling Black people to stop protesting because some “ bad ” people are also protesting .
In the immediate aftermath of George Floyd ’ s murder , white people seemingly joined Black people in their calls for justice and change .
But that support was always soft @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white people would abandon the movement long before justice was done or change achieved .
It was so predictable that I , in fact , predicted it back in June .
I knew a majority of white people would revert to form and regress to their mean , because a majority of white people were always going to value their own comfort over justice for Black people .
And I knew that white people would eventually find a way to blame Black people for making them not care about us .
Because not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can go out like Floyd .
In many ways , Floyd was the perfect victim for white America .
Floyd didn ’ t die quickly ; he was subdued in a “ nonthreatening ” position for eight minutes and 46 seconds while he died .
He died pleading for his life .
He died calling out to his mother .
That ’ s how white people like us to die : face down , begging .
They don ’ t like us to die on our feet .
They don ’ t like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They certainly don ’ t like us to die while trying to defend ourselves .
Jacob Blake was not the perfect victim for white people .
He was trying to walk away .
Sure , he was shot at seven times , from behind , right into the back , but quickly .
He was not tortured on camera long enough for white people to consider other alternatives .
If his three children ( who were in the car and saw the whole thing ) cried out for their father , their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the car horn blaring under the weight of Blake ’ s bullet-riddled body .
The police and white-wing forces have gone into overdrive smearing Blake ’ s character , and the mainstream media has lapped it up .
Just a few months after Floyd was murdered , we ’ re back to shaming the victims of police brutality .
The police have brought up past criminal allegations that have nothing to do with why they shot him in the back .
Days after the shooting , they invented a knife they now claim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ narrative that Blake was a “ dangerous criminal , ” the police chained Blake to his hospital bed by his legs—legs that no longer work because the cops paralyzed him from the waist down .
He ’ ll never be able to walk away from the cops again .
The smearing of Blake is not being done solely to make the cops look justified for shooting an unarmed man in the back seven times .
It ’ s being done to make the people who protest and call for justice on behalf of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s being done to let white people off the hook for having to give a damn .
This is usually the point where some white people start firing off “ not all white people ” tweets at me .
Black people share the collective burden of being shot at or choked out or beaten up by armed agents of a white supremacist police state , but white people like for their complicity in that oppression to be meted out in individualized shares based on a case-by-case analysis of their personal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t abandon the calls for racial justice get bent out of shape at being lumped in with those who will , even though my point is that all white people can opt out of their concern for justice if they choose to .
I can ’ t .
I have two Black kids .
I don ’ t have the luxury of getting distracted or bored or exhausted by the conversation about whether they can ride their bikes past a cop without being shot to death .
I don ’ t have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white teenager ’ s decision to gun down defenders of Black lives in the street , with at least the tacit consent of the cops , helps or hurts Joe Biden ’ s presidential campaign .
I have to stay laser-focused on keeping my family safe , and since all white people are seemingly authorized by the state to snatch my life from me if I piss them off too much , I don ’ t have a lot of time left over to break white folks up into their preferred groupings .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of time .
Instead of maintaining focus on the state-sponsored terrorism faced by Black people , or the calls to end it , the media can ’ t help itself from devolving into cynical horse-race coverage that centers on white voters and their reactions to the protests .
The Atlantic ran a piece preemptively blaming protests for a Biden electoral defeat .
The New York Times ran a piece warning that “ chaos ” was swaying white voters in Wisconsin .
Andrew Sullivan wrote that the Democrats walked into a “ trap ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the street , thus somehow proving that the Democrats do not respect “ law and order.
” “ Law and order ” is the whitest possible way to describe shooting a Black man seven times in the back .
“ Chaos ” is a weird euphemism for the uprising of a people who are sick of being brutalized at the hands of the state .
Electoral politics is an interesting lens through which to view the effects of white terrorism on our nation .
There are something like 70 BLM protests a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you don ’ t hear about them unless something burns or somebody gets shot .
Most of those protests don ’ t fit the racist white media narrative that “ chaos ” is upending “ law and order ” to the “ electoral detriment ” of Joe Biden .
None of this is all that surprising , however .
White people blaming Black people for the horrors white people inflict upon Black people is as American as apple pie .
They blamed the slave who ran away for forcing the master to whip @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agitating for freedom for causing the Civil War .
They blamed the Freedom Riders trying to register Black people to vote for getting themselves killed .
Now , Black people are being blamed as being too violent to police our own communities , and too strident to build a coalition with “ moderate ” whites who would totally be on our side if we weren ’ t all arsonists who wanted to eat white people , or something .
It ’ s all working , after a fashion .
Social media was aflutter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ School poll of Wisconsin voters that showed white support for the Black Lives Matter movement declining to 49 percent , down from a high of 59 percent support a few months ago .
Other polls show some slippage in white support , nationally .
It ’ s worth noting that Black support for BLM remains where it ’ s always been .
It ’ s also worth noting that the conflation of BLM and support for racial justice is an intellectually lazy way for a pollster to shape the question .
Black Lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s also a statement .
Either you agree with it or you don ’ t .
If your response to that statement is “ it depends , ” then you don ’ t agree with it , and never did .
If you are like Nikki Haley and care only about the Black lives that die in the manner that seems best to you , then you were never on the side of racial justice and equality .
Pollsters can not account for slippage from white “ supporters ” who were lying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demands for an end to police brutality in white feelings is offensive and crazy-making .
One does not consult the foxes for their opinions on the measures taken to stop them from murdering all the hens .
America ’ s Racist Police Won ’ t Be Dismantled by 2 Weeks of Protests We Need to Talk About the GOP ’ s ‘ Black Friends ’ At the RNC , Republicans Go All In on Police Impunity But , since we ’ re here , I would ask whites what they would have us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support for the notion that we shouldn ’ t be gunned down by the police .
Not get shot in the back by the cops ?
Yeah , we ’ ve tried that .
Not get pissed off when we get shot in the back ?
When that happens , y ’ all just let our murderers go back to the work of murdering us .
Protest , but don ’ t be civilly disobedient when we do ?
We do that , and those protests are never covered .
The only time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when Bill Barr gasses them so the president can take a photo-op .
Engage in civil disobedience , but don ’ t be violent ?
We try that , and we are met with tear gas , flash bangs , rubber bullets , and armed vigilantes who shoot at us with their AR-15s and then get a drink of water from the police .
There is no way to protest white supremacy in a way that will meet the approval of white supremacists .
There is no way to protest institutional racism that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ White people have a lot of thoughts on the proper way for Black folks to die ; where they come up short is imagining a society that allows Black people to live in peace without harassment and brutality from the police or any other white guy with a gun .
And so here we are , barely three months after George Floyd was choked to death , and already white allyship is waning .
Derek Chauvin stared right into a camera phone and forced white America to look at itself in a mirror @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white people were horrified with what they saw .
But that moment has passed now .
White people could only look at themselves for so long before looking away .
A majority of white folks could only contemplate the system of brutality and oppression they tacitly support for a brief time before concluding , as they always do , that Black people deserve it , that killing Black people is self-defense , that even a paralyzed Black man is still a threat who needs to be shackled .
Essentially , the months after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ summer fling for a majority of white people .
It ’ s like they went on safari in Ghana , saw some lions , had sex with a Black person who works there , and learned a lot about the transatlantic slave trade .
But now playtime ’ s over , and the white majority has to get back to the serious work of enforcing white supremacy and privilege and reelecting a bigoted president .
If you thought Floyd ’ s murder was going to lead to structural change , then you don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as I do .

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Now comes the part where white people abandon us. Now comes the part where the white majority impatiently demands a return to normalcy. Now comes the part where white people say, “I believe that Black Lives Matter, but…” Now comes the part where white people start literally telling Black people to stop protesting because some “bad” people are also protesting.
In the immediate aftermath of George Floyd’s murder, white people seemingly joined Black people in their calls for justice and change. But that support was always soft. It was entirely predictable that most white people would abandon the movement long before justice was done or change achieved. It was so predictable that I, in fact, predicted it back in June. I knew a majority of white people would revert to form and regress to their mean, because a majority of white people were always going to value their own comfort over justice for Black people.
And I knew that white people would eventually find a way to blame Black people for making them not care about us. Because not every Black person brutalized by the cops can go out like Floyd. In many ways, Floyd was the perfect victim for white America. Floyd didn’t die quickly; he was subdued in a “nonthreatening” position for eight minutes and 46 seconds while he died. He died pleading for his life. He died calling out to his mother.
That’s how white people like us to die: face down, begging.
They don’t like us to die on our feet. They don’t like us to die trying to get away. They certainly don’t like us to die while trying to defend ourselves.
Jacob Blake was not the perfect victim for white people. He was trying to walk away. Sure, he was shot at seven times, from behind, right into the back, but quickly. He was not tortured on camera long enough for white people to consider other alternatives. If his three children (who were in the car and saw the whole thing) cried out for their father, their wails and screams were drowned out by the car horn blaring under the weight of Blake’s bullet-riddled body.
The police and white-wing forces have gone into overdrive smearing Blake’s character, and the mainstream media has lapped it up. Just a few months after Floyd was murdered, we’re back to shaming the victims of police brutality. The police have brought up past criminal allegations that have nothing to do with why they shot him in the back. Days after the shooting, they invented a knife they now claim he was brandishing. To complete the narrative that Blake was a “dangerous criminal,” the police chained Blake to his hospital bed by his legs—legs that no longer work because the cops paralyzed him from the waist down. He’ll never be able to walk away from the cops again. Current Issue View our current issue
The smearing of Blake is not being done solely to make the cops look justified for shooting an unarmed man in the back seven times. It’s being done to make the people who protest and call for justice on behalf of Blake and all Black people seem wrong. It’s being done to let white people off the hook for having to give a damn. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
This is usually the point where some white people start firing off “not all white people” tweets at me. Black people share the collective burden of being shot at or choked out or beaten up by armed agents of a white supremacist police state, but white people like for their complicity in that oppression to be meted out in individualized shares based on a case-by-case analysis of their personal wokeness. The white people who won’t abandon the calls for racial justice get bent out of shape at being lumped in with those who will, even though my point is that all white people can opt out of their concern for justice if they choose to.
I can’t. I have two Black kids. I don’t have the luxury of getting distracted or bored or exhausted by the conversation about whether they can ride their bikes past a cop without being shot to death. I don’t have the option of speculating about whether a white teenager’s decision to gun down defenders of Black lives in the street, with at least the tacit consent of the cops, helps or hurts Joe Biden’s presidential campaign. I have to stay laser-focused on keeping my family safe, and since all white people are seemingly authorized by the state to snatch my life from me if I piss them off too much, I don’t have a lot of time left over to break white folks up into their preferred groupings.
The mainstream media does have that kind of time. Instead of maintaining focus on the state-sponsored terrorism faced by Black people, or the calls to end it, the media can’t help itself from devolving into cynical horse-race coverage that centers on white voters and their reactions to the protests. The Atlantic ran a piece preemptively blaming protests for a Biden electoral defeat. The New York Times ran a piece warning that “chaos” was swaying white voters in Wisconsin. Andrew Sullivan wrote that the Democrats walked into a “trap” because a 17-year-old white boy shot people in the street, thus somehow proving that the Democrats do not respect “law and order.”
“Law and order” is the whitest possible way to describe shooting a Black man seven times in the back. “Chaos” is a weird euphemism for the uprising of a people who are sick of being brutalized at the hands of the state. Electoral politics is an interesting lens through which to view the effects of white terrorism on our nation. There are something like 70 BLM protests a week throughout America right now, but you don’t hear about them unless something burns or somebody gets shot. Most of those protests don’t fit the racist white media narrative that “chaos” is upending “law and order” to the “electoral detriment” of Joe Biden.
None of this is all that surprising, however. White people blaming Black people for the horrors white people inflict upon Black people is as American as apple pie. They blamed the slave who ran away for forcing the master to whip him. They blamed the Black people agitating for freedom for causing the Civil War. They blamed the Freedom Riders trying to register Black people to vote for getting themselves killed. Now, Black people are being blamed as being too violent to police our own communities, and too strident to build a coalition with “moderate” whites who would totally be on our side if we weren’t all arsonists who wanted to eat white people, or something.
It’s all working, after a fashion. Social media was aflutter this weekend about a Marquette University Law School poll of Wisconsin voters that showed white support for the Black Lives Matter movement declining to 49 percent, down from a high of 59 percent support a few months ago. Other polls show some slippage in white support, nationally. It’s worth noting that Black support for BLM remains where it’s always been. It’s also worth noting that the conflation of BLM and support for racial justice is an intellectually lazy way for a pollster to shape the question. Black Lives Matter is a movement, but it’s also a statement. Either you agree with it or you don’t. If your response to that statement is “it depends,” then you don’t agree with it, and never did. If you are like Nikki Haley and care only about the Black lives that die in the manner that seems best to you, then you were never on the side of racial justice and equality. Pollsters cannot account for slippage from white “supporters” who were lying in the first place.
Centering Black demands for an end to police brutality in white feelings is offensive and crazy-making. One does not consult the foxes for their opinions on the measures taken to stop them from murdering all the hens. More from Mystal America’s Racist Police Won’t Be Dismantled by 2 Weeks of Protests Elie Mystal We Need to Talk About the GOP’s ‘Black Friends’ Elie Mystal At the RNC, Republicans Go All In on Police Impunity Elie Mystal
But, since we’re here, I would ask whites what they would have us do to secure their tepid and revocable support for the notion that we shouldn’t be gunned down by the police. Not get shot in the back by the cops? Yeah, we’ve tried that. Not get pissed off when we get shot in the back? When that happens, y’all just let our murderers go back to the work of murdering us. Protest, but don’t be civilly disobedient when we do? We do that, and those protests are never covered. The only time the media shows our daytime protests is when Bill Barr gasses them so the president can take a photo-op. Engage in civil disobedience, but don’t be violent? We try that, and we are met with tear gas, flash bangs, rubber bullets, and armed vigilantes who shoot at us with their AR-15s and then get a drink of water from the police.
There is no way to protest white supremacy in a way that will meet the approval of white supremacists. There is no way to protest institutional racism that will be accepted by racist institutions. White people have a lot of thoughts on the proper way for Black folks to die; where they come up short is imagining a society that allows Black people to live in peace without harassment and brutality from the police or any other white guy with a gun.
And so here we are, barely three months after George Floyd was choked to death, and already white allyship is waning. Derek Chauvin stared right into a camera phone and forced white America to look at itself in a mirror, and for a few minutes, white people were horrified with what they saw.
But that moment has passed now. White people could only look at themselves for so long before looking away. A majority of white folks could only contemplate the system of brutality and oppression they tacitly support for a brief time before concluding, as they always do, that Black people deserve it, that killing Black people is self-defense, that even a paralyzed Black man is still a threat who needs to be shackled.
Essentially, the months after Floyd’s murder have been a summer fling for a majority of white people. It’s like they went on safari in Ghana, saw some lions, had sex with a Black person who works there, and learned a lot about the transatlantic slave trade. But now playtime’s over, and the white majority has to get back to the serious work of enforcing white supremacy and privilege and reelecting a bigoted president.
If you thought Floyd’s murder was going to lead to structural change, then you don’t know white people as well as I do.


thenation--2020-08-31--Trump Embraces the Samson Option

Trump Embraces the Samson Option

Last week ’ s Republican National Convention gave us a muzzled Donald Trump .
Although his concluding speech had some red meat for the base , it wasn ’ t a freewheeling rant of the sort the president usually delivers when he has a crowd in front of him .
Instead , Trump stuck to script and kept to his best behavior , in keeping with the larger thrust of the convention , which was to win back wavering Republicans .
A recurring theme of the convention was to focus on Trump ’ s actions delivering results for Republicans—rather than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that my dad ’ s communication style is not to everyone ’ s taste , and I know that his tweets can feel a bit unfiltered , but the results , the results speak for themselves , ” Ivanka Trump said .
But now that the RNC has ended , Trump is unmuzzled and in full frothing form , particularly on Twitter .
As Peter Barker of The New York Times noted on Sunday , Some of Trump ’ s tweets are pure incitement .
Trump “ liked ” a tweet that praised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been arrested for killing two protesters last week in Kenosha , Wis .
The incitement sometimes has a racist dimension .
One retweet is of a short video clip of a black man shoving a white woman in the subway .
The video is from a year ago and is not political but simply an image of a street crime .
The caption on the video reads “ Black Lives Matter / Antifa.
” The person whose tweet Trump is elevating is a white nationalist .
The election is a little over two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ natural to see Trump ’ s incendiary comments purely in electoral terms .
New York Times reporter Maggie Haberman notes , “ Trump is trying to change the focus to violence and unrest in cities from months of coverage of COVID.
” That ’ s a fair enough analysis , since Trump ’ s behavior does indeed spring in large part from a campaign gamble .
Trump and his advisers are forthright about the fact that they see the upsurge in political violence as a winning issue .
Last Thursday , Trump adviser @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The more chaos and anarchy and vandalism and violence reigns , the better it is for the very clear choice on who ’ s best on public safety and law and order.
” But it ’ s by no means clear that Trump and Conway are right that rioting will be their ace in the hole .
After all , protests , sometimes including riots , have been continuous since George Floyd ’ s killing on May 25 .
But in the three months since that pivotal tragedy , Joe Biden has maintained @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nate Silver of FiveThirtyEight offers five reasons for thinking that protest violence won ’ t help Trump : “ 1 .
The unrest is happening while he is president ; 2 .
Trump ’ s standing in the polls WORSENED in June amid outbreaks of violence ; 3 .
Polls show voters give Trump poor marks on protest handling ; 4 .
Polls show voters give Trump poor marks on race relations ; 5 .
Trump is often careless in his messaging and in crisis management.
” Harry Enten of CNN , another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is any solid evidence of a Trump bounce even from the convention , let alone from urban unrest .
“ What I see right now is Ipsos favs indicating no movement for Trump , YouGov panel indicating 2.5 pt movement to Trump , MC indicating 4 pt , USC ( only partially post-convention ) indicating no movement , ” Enten says .
“ Not exactly screaming BIG BOUNCE.
” Biden has shrewdly underscored the two most obvious objections to Trump ’ s attempt to blame Democrats for violent protests : This is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is clearly and visibly trying to make the situation worse .
What does President Trump think will happen when he continues to insist on fanning the flames of hate and division in our society and using the politics of fear to whip up his supporters ?
He is recklessly encouraging violence .
He may believe tweeting about law and order makes him strong—but his failure to call on his supporters to stop seeking conflict shows just how weak he is .
He may think that war in our streets is good for his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidential leadership–or even basic human compassion .
Biden ’ s case is convincing enough , and has a good chance of blunting Trump ’ s efforts to exploit rioting and looting .
But the point about failed leadership can be pushed further , especially if we ask why Trump is engaged in incitement .
Aside from the obvious political advantage Trump is trying to extract , his incitement of violence serves another purpose that goes beyond simple electoral calculation .
Trump is trying to make the United States ungovernable in order to rob @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Inciting violence is Trump ’ s Samson option .
Like the biblical hero who famously brought the Philistine temple down on his head , Trump would prefer that everything collapse around him rather than to surrender .
The Samson option fits naturally with Trump ’ s personal narcissism and also his political racism .
Trump ’ s motivation for his presidency all along has been to erase the achievement of the first African American president and to reassert white dominance of American society .
Now facing the prospect of electoral defeat , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any Democratic restoration tainted and difficult .
Voter suppression and chaos at the post office will make the results of the election murky .
Conspiracy theories will cause further doubt .
The proliferation of violence will make America ungovernable and hobble any successor regime .
Trump has turned an election into a low-intensity civil war , which will ensure that the racial strife he thrives on will dominate American politics for years to come .
Trump ’ s current campaign of incitement isn ’ t just about the election but also the long-term @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a chronic condition of the body politic .
As Trump tries to tear down the temple of American democracy , his political opponents have to realize that the task they face goes beyond winning the fall election—as urgent as that is .
The securing of civil peace will require Biden , the Democrats , and whatever allies they can find among disaffected Republicans to focus their political energies after Trump is defeated on marginalizing Trump ’ s message of hate-mongering .
Trump himself has to be treated as not a normal ex-president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deserves no respect and no forgiveness .
Any calls to “ move on ” by shutting down investigations into Trump ’ s crimes or offering him a pardon have to be resisted .
Social media networks that irresponsibly spread hatred and lies , notably Facebook , should come under increased congressional scrutiny .
Federal law enforcement will have to be given a clear mandate to investigate right-wing political violence and treat it as a systematic problem .
In sum , Biden has to be prepared to wage a long war on Trumpism , @ @ @ @ @ @ @

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Last week’s Republican National Convention gave us a muzzled Donald Trump. Although his concluding speech had some red meat for the base, it wasn’t a freewheeling rant of the sort the president usually delivers when he has a crowd in front of him. Instead, Trump stuck to script and kept to his best behavior, in keeping with the larger thrust of the convention, which was to win back wavering Republicans. A recurring theme of the convention was to focus on Trump’s actions delivering results for Republicans—rather than his incendiary tweets. “I recognize that my dad’s communication style is not to everyone’s taste, and I know that his tweets can feel a bit unfiltered, but the results, the results speak for themselves,” Ivanka Trump said.
But now that the RNC has ended, Trump is unmuzzled and in full frothing form, particularly on Twitter. As Peter Barker of The New York Times noted on Sunday,
President Trump unleashed an especially intense barrage of Twitter messages over the weekend, embracing fringe conspiracy theories claiming that the coronavirus death toll has been exaggerated and that street protests are actually an organized coup d’état against him. In a concentrated predawn burst, the president posted or reposted 89 messages between 5:49 a.m. and 8:04 a.m. on Sunday on top of 18 the night before, many of them inflammatory comments or assertions about violent clashes in Portland, Ore., where a man wearing the hat of a far-right, pro-Trump group was shot and killed Saturday after a large group of Mr. Trump’s supporters traveled through the streets. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
Some of Trump’s tweets are pure incitement. Trump “liked” a tweet that praised Kyle Rittenhouse, a 17-year-old who has been arrested for killing two protesters last week in Kenosha, Wis.
The incitement sometimes has a racist dimension. One retweet is of a short video clip of a black man shoving a white woman in the subway. The video is from a year ago and is not political but simply an image of a street crime. The caption on the video reads “Black Lives Matter / Antifa.” The person whose tweet Trump is elevating is a white nationalist.
The election is a little over two months away, and it’s natural to see Trump’s incendiary comments purely in electoral terms. New York Times reporter Maggie Haberman notes, “Trump is trying to change the focus to violence and unrest in cities from months of coverage of COVID.” That’s a fair enough analysis, since Trump’s behavior does indeed spring in large part from a campaign gamble. Trump and his advisers are forthright about the fact that they see the upsurge in political violence as a winning issue. Current Issue View our current issue
Last Thursday, Trump adviser Kellyanne Conway told Fox News, “The more chaos and anarchy and vandalism and violence reigns, the better it is for the very clear choice on who’s best on public safety and law and order.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
But it’s by no means clear that Trump and Conway are right that rioting will be their ace in the hole. After all, protests, sometimes including riots, have been continuous since George Floyd’s killing on May 25. But in the three months since that pivotal tragedy, Joe Biden has maintained a solid national lead.
Polling maven Nate Silver of FiveThirtyEight offers five reasons for thinking that protest violence won’t help Trump: “1. The unrest is happening while he is president; 2. Trump’s standing in the polls WORSENED in June amid outbreaks of violence; 3. Polls show voters give Trump poor marks on protest handling; 4. Polls show voters give Trump poor marks on race relations; 5. Trump is often careless in his messaging and in crisis management.”
Harry Enten of CNN, another close poll watcher, is skeptical that there is any solid evidence of a Trump bounce even from the convention, let alone from urban unrest. “What I see right now is Ipsos favs indicating no movement for Trump, YouGov panel indicating 2.5 pt movement to Trump, MC indicating 4 pt, USC (only partially post-convention) indicating no movement,” Enten says. “Not exactly screaming BIG BOUNCE.”
Biden has shrewdly underscored the two most obvious objections to Trump’s attempt to blame Democrats for violent protests: This is happening on Trump’s watch—and he is clearly and visibly trying to make the situation worse.
In a statement released on Sunday, Biden asked:
What does President Trump think will happen when he continues to insist on fanning the flames of hate and division in our society and using the politics of fear to whip up his supporters? He is recklessly encouraging violence. He may believe tweeting about law and order makes him strong—but his failure to call on his supporters to stop seeking conflict shows just how weak he is. He may think that war in our streets is good for his reelection chances, but that is not presidential leadership–or even basic human compassion.
Biden’s case is convincing enough, and has a good chance of blunting Trump’s efforts to exploit rioting and looting. But the point about failed leadership can be pushed further, especially if we ask why Trump is engaged in incitement.
Aside from the obvious political advantage Trump is trying to extract, his incitement of violence serves another purpose that goes beyond simple electoral calculation. Trump is trying to make the United States ungovernable in order to rob his political foes of any meaningful victory.
Inciting violence is Trump’s Samson option. Like the biblical hero who famously brought the Philistine temple down on his head, Trump would prefer that everything collapse around him rather than to surrender.
The Samson option fits naturally with Trump’s personal narcissism and also his political racism. Trump’s motivation for his presidency all along has been to erase the achievement of the first African American president and to reassert white dominance of American society. Now facing the prospect of electoral defeat, Trump is pursuing actions that would render any Democratic restoration tainted and difficult. Voter suppression and chaos at the post office will make the results of the election murky. Conspiracy theories will cause further doubt. The proliferation of violence will make America ungovernable and hobble any successor regime.
Trump has turned an election into a low-intensity civil war, which will ensure that the racial strife he thrives on will dominate American politics for years to come. Trump’s current campaign of incitement isn’t just about the election but also the long-term future of Trumpism, which will now be a chronic condition of the body politic.
As Trump tries to tear down the temple of American democracy, his political opponents have to realize that the task they face goes beyond winning the fall election—as urgent as that is. The securing of civil peace will require Biden, the Democrats, and whatever allies they can find among disaffected Republicans to focus their political energies after Trump is defeated on marginalizing Trump’s message of hate-mongering.
Trump himself has to be treated as not a normal ex-president but a uniquely destructive political figure who deserves no respect and no forgiveness. Any calls to “move on” by shutting down investigations into Trump’s crimes or offering him a pardon have to be resisted. Social media networks that irresponsibly spread hatred and lies, notably Facebook, should come under increased congressional scrutiny. Federal law enforcement will have to be given a clear mandate to investigate right-wing political violence and treat it as a systematic problem.
In sum, Biden has to be prepared to wage a long war on Trumpism, one that goes beyond the election.


thenation--2020-09-01--‘The Nation’ Names Kaveh Akbar Poetry Editor

New York , N.Y.—September 1 , 2020—The Nation , America ’ s leading source of progressive politics and culture , today announced the appointment of Kaveh Akbar as its newest poetry editor .
Taking over the magazine ’ s storied poetry section—which has published the likes of Sylvia Plath , Anne Sexton , Amiri Baraka , Langston Hughes , William Butler Yeats , and Allen Ginsberg—Akbar starts today , September 1 , 2020 .
He will begin accepting submissions for both the website and for print immediately .
( See guidelines . )
“ Some Nation editors have given poetry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said editor D.D .
Guttenplan .
“ Thanks to an undergraduate encounter with the irresistible Kenneth Koch , I ’ ve been reading poetry for pleasure for decades , and so I am thrilled to welcome Kaveh to The Nation , a poet , editor , and propagandist for the republic of letters for whom I already have enormous admiration.
” “ The Nation is delighted to have Kaveh come on board , ” added literary editor David Marcus .
“ An accomplished poet and writer , who writes with heart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talented and ambitious editor , and we ’ re excited to see what he will do in the magazine ’ s pages.
” “ Poetry slows down our metabolization of language—it reminds us language has texture , history , integrity , ” said Akbar .
“ The poet M. NourbeSe Philip talks about poets ‘ decontaminating ’ language , ‘ managing the brutal history that casts a long and deep shadow around the language.
’ I can ’ t improve upon that .
I ’ m excited to introduce Nation readers ( and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vanguard of such decontamination , voices challenging received notions of what poetry can do and be .
I ’ m especially eager to hear from voices marginalized by traditional channels of American publishing , including international poets , incarcerated poets , undocumented poets , Black , indigenous , and POC poets , trans and queer poets , and disabled poets .
Above all , I believe in poetry ’ s power to substantively contribute to The Nation ’ s mission of ‘ raising up the promise of a radical tomorrow while agitating for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tehran , Iran , Akbar currently teaches at Purdue University and in the low-residency MFA programs at Randolph and Warren Wilson College .
His poems have appeared in The Nation , The New Yorker , Best American Poetry , The Paris Review , The New York Times , and elsewhere , and his newest collection is Pilgrim Bell ( Graywolf , 2021 ) .
Akbar is also the author of Calling a Wolf a Wolf ( Alice James , 2017 ) and editor of the forthcoming The Penguin Book of Spiritual Verse : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , 2022 ) .
The Nation has long been part of the lifeblood of American letters and literature , with some of the most esteemed poets and writers appearing in our pages .
Notable voices include : John Ashbery , W.H .
Auden , Amiri Baraka , John Berryman , Elizabeth Bishop , Hart Crane , Mahmoud Darwish , Emily Dickinson , Robert Frost , Allen Ginsberg , Langston Hughes , Denise Levertov , Claude McKay , W.S .
Merwin , Marianne Moore , Pablo Neruda , Frank O ’ Hara , Sylvia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Wallace Stevens , Alice Walker , William Carlos Williams , and William Butler Yeats , among others .
The poetry editor position cycles on two to three year terms .
Akbar replaces outgoing co-editors Stephanie Burt and Carmen Giménez Smith who , in their time at the magazine , worked to nurture early career talents as well as established writers , commission a wide range of American and international poetry , and helped insert questions of poetry into the national conversation .
For interview requests or further information , please see contact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abolitionists in 1865 , The Nation has chronicled the breadth and depth of political and cultural life , from the debut of the telegraph to the rise of Twitter , serving as a critical , independent , and progressive voice in American journalism .

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Contact: Caitlin Graf, The Nation, press [at] thenation.com, 212-209-5400
New York, N.Y.—September 1, 2020—The Nation, America’s leading source of progressive politics and culture, today announced the appointment of Kaveh Akbar as its newest poetry editor. Taking over the magazine’s storied poetry section—which has published the likes of Sylvia Plath, Anne Sexton, Amiri Baraka, Langston Hughes, William Butler Yeats, and Allen Ginsberg—Akbar starts today, September 1, 2020. He will begin accepting submissions for both the website and for print immediately. (See guidelines.)
“Some Nation editors have given poetry a wide berth. Not this one,” said editor D.D. Guttenplan. “Thanks to an undergraduate encounter with the irresistible Kenneth Koch, I’ve been reading poetry for pleasure for decades, and so I am thrilled to welcome Kaveh to The Nation, a poet, editor, and propagandist for the republic of letters for whom I already have enormous admiration.”
“The Nation is delighted to have Kaveh come on board,” added literary editor David Marcus. “An accomplished poet and writer, who writes with heart and dedication, he is also a talented and ambitious editor, and we’re excited to see what he will do in the magazine’s pages.”
“Poetry slows down our metabolization of language—it reminds us language has texture, history, integrity,” said Akbar. “The poet M. NourbeSe Philip talks about poets ‘decontaminating’ language, ‘managing the brutal history that casts a long and deep shadow around the language.’ I can’t improve upon that. I’m excited to introduce Nation readers (and myself) to new voices at the vanguard of such decontamination, voices challenging received notions of what poetry can do and be. I’m especially eager to hear from voices marginalized by traditional channels of American publishing, including international poets, incarcerated poets, undocumented poets, Black, indigenous, and POC poets, trans and queer poets, and disabled poets. Above all, I believe in poetry’s power to substantively contribute to The Nation’s mission of ‘raising up the promise of a radical tomorrow while agitating for meaningful change today.’”
Born in Tehran, Iran, Akbar currently teaches at Purdue University and in the low-residency MFA programs at Randolph and Warren Wilson College. His poems have appeared in The Nation, The New Yorker, Best American Poetry, The Paris Review, The New York Times, and elsewhere, and his newest collection is Pilgrim Bell (Graywolf, 2021). Akbar is also the author of Calling a Wolf a Wolf (Alice James, 2017) and editor of the forthcoming The Penguin Book of Spiritual Verse: 100 Poets on the Divine (Penguin, 2022).
The Nation has long been part of the lifeblood of American letters and literature, with some of the most esteemed poets and writers appearing in our pages. Notable voices include: John Ashbery, W.H. Auden, Amiri Baraka, John Berryman, Elizabeth Bishop, Hart Crane, Mahmoud Darwish, Emily Dickinson, Robert Frost, Allen Ginsberg, Langston Hughes, Denise Levertov, Claude McKay, W.S. Merwin, Marianne Moore, Pablo Neruda, Frank O’Hara, Sylvia Plath, Adrienne Rich, Anne Sexton, Wallace Stevens, Alice Walker, William Carlos Williams, and William Butler Yeats, among others. Current Issue View our current issue
The poetry editor position cycles on two to three year terms. Akbar replaces outgoing co-editors Stephanie Burt and Carmen Giménez Smith who, in their time at the magazine, worked to nurture early career talents as well as established writers, commission a wide range of American and international poetry, and helped insert questions of poetry into the national conversation.
For interview requests or further information, please see contact information above.
ABOUT: Founded by abolitionists in 1865, The Nation has chronicled the breadth and depth of political and cultural life, from the debut of the telegraph to the rise of Twitter, serving as a critical, independent, and progressive voice in American journalism.
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