thenation--2020-07-14--Letters From the July 27/August 3, 2020, Issue

Re “ The Outrage Must Not End ” by Elie Mystal [ June 29/July 6 ] : I recall growing up in the 1960s and ’ 70s in central Texas and hearing conversations about equality , the NAACP , and civil rights .
My father believed in speaking out for what was right .
He taught his children the same .
On June 9 my 16-year-old granddaughter and I went to downtown Atlanta to protest police brutality disproportionately against people of color—and not just brutality but death .
Her protesting and standing up for equality with me has made civil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I hope all my grandchildren pass on to their children .
We must have the sincere belief that all people are entitled to live without the fear of being targeted because of the color of their skin .
For a country founded on democracy , we are morphing into a dictatorship .
Eamon Whalen in his article “ Meatheads ” in the June 29/July 6 issue describes the beef industry ’ s opposition to a diet without beef .
But he fails to note that red meat is a carcinogen .
A diet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expectancy , according to researchers at Harvard Medical School .
A study of more than 120,000 people suggested red meat increased the risk of death from cancer and heart problems .
Whalen should have noted that neither the low price of red meat nor its being part of the standard American diet should lead humans to risk exposing themselves to heart disease or cancer .
Jane McAlevey [ “ Taxes : From Wishful Thinking to Power , ” June 15/22 ] is right that progressive taxes are essential to reversing austerity and funding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unintentionally—disses three out of the four leaders of the coalition that made taxing the rich in California possible .
The campaign was jump-started by Reclaiming California ’ s Future , a coalition anchored by four organizations .
McAlevey gets right that one of them was California Calls .
However , she doesn ’ t get the role of the California Federation of Teachers , lumping it in with other unions that came in later and initially attempted to dissuade the CFT from participating in the millionaire tax and go with then-Governor Jerry Brown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Anthony Thigpenn was and remains a key leader in the progressive tax movement in California .
But to call him “ the brains behind the millionaire tax and its extension ” wrongly obscures the roles played by Amy Schur of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment , Rick Jacobs of the Courage Campaign , and especially CFT president Joshua Pechthalt and their respective organizations .
We are dealing with an emergency .
California government leaders are currently asserting the state has a $ 54 billion deficit and are responding by imposing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this deficit should be filled by passing an emergency tax on the rich , McAlevey focuses on only one proposal , a necessary reform to Prop 13 .
If this proposal is passed by voters in November , it will result in corporations paying $ 12 billion more a year in property taxes , but that money will not be raised right away .
She points out that any new taxes passed by the legislature require at least a two-thirds vote , but she fails to state that the Democrats , the supposed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office and have more than two-thirds of the seats in both legislative houses .
That means they could immediately pass a wealth tax on California ’ s billionaires , some of whom have seen their assets swell during the Covid-19 pandemic and who obviously do not need their billions .
I can ’ t imagine such a tax would be anything other than overwhelmingly popular .
Unfortunately , the Democrats in charge are sending the message that they prefer the billionaires keep their billions and that many others increasingly suffer .
Yes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those Fred Glass mentions .
It was a movement with a core of good labor and community leaders .
As the communications director for the CFT during the ballot initiative , I hope readers can appreciate the difference in analysis an author can give in a 1,500-word article versus a book chapter or book .
When I do the latter , all the very able and very smart people Glass lists will be sufficiently credited for their great work .
I should have simply referred to Thigpenn as “ one of the brains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as everyone Glass cites deserves heaps of credit , though I do mention the CFT and the other organizations he names .
My article never suggests that merely passing the Schools and Communities First ballot initiative was the only solution needed .
It says that ending the corporate loophole in 1978 ’ s Prop 13 is , however , key .
I couldn ’ t agree more with Rick Baum about needing a billionaire tax , a millionaire tax , and more .
Baum ’ s complaint is with the Democratic leaders of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them .
Hell , yes , they should do what Baum says .
The unions I work with are all supporting and demanding further taxes on the rich .
ane c levey new york city and the bay area “ How to Make ‘ Defund the Police ’ a Reality ” by Bryce Covert [ July 13/20 ] incorrectly stated that the New York Police Department ’ s budget was $ 7 million in 1981 .
Its budget was $ 714 million that year .

This article appears in the July 27/August 3, 2020 issue.
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A Family Legacy
Re “The Outrage Must Not End” by Elie Mystal [June 29/July 6]: I recall growing up in the 1960s and ’70s in central Texas and hearing conversations about equality, the NAACP, and civil rights. My father believed in speaking out for what was right. He taught his children the same. On June 9 my 16-year-old granddaughter and I went to downtown Atlanta to protest police brutality disproportionately against people of color—and not just brutality but death. Her protesting and standing up for equality with me has made civil rights a family legacy, one that I hope all my grandchildren pass on to their children.
We must have the sincere belief that all people are entitled to live without the fear of being targeted because of the color of their skin. For a country founded on democracy, we are morphing into a dictatorship.
S haron B ennett
marietta, ga.
The Beef With Red Meat
Eamon Whalen in his article “Meatheads” in the June 29/July 6 issue describes the beef industry’s opposition to a diet without beef. But he fails to note that red meat is a carcinogen. A diet high in red meat can shorten life expectancy, according to researchers at Harvard Medical School. A study of more than 120,000 people suggested red meat increased the risk of death from cancer and heart problems.
Whalen should have noted that neither the low price of red meat nor its being part of the standard American diet should lead humans to risk exposing themselves to heart disease or cancer. Current Issue View our current issue
F rank B elcastro
dubuque, iowa
Taxing Efforts
Jane McAlevey [“Taxes: From Wishful Thinking to Power,” June 15/22] is right that progressive taxes are essential to reversing austerity and funding a livable future. But she—no doubt unintentionally—disses three out of the four leaders of the coalition that made taxing the rich in California possible.
The campaign was jump-started by Reclaiming California’s Future, a coalition anchored by four organizations. McAlevey gets right that one of them was California Calls. However, she doesn’t get the role of the California Federation of Teachers, lumping it in with other unions that came in later and initially attempted to dissuade the CFT from participating in the millionaire tax and go with then-Governor Jerry Brown’s hodgepodge loser ballot measure instead. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Anthony Thigpenn was and remains a key leader in the progressive tax movement in California. But to call him “the brains behind the millionaire tax and its extension” wrongly obscures the roles played by Amy Schur of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, Rick Jacobs of the Courage Campaign, and especially CFT president Joshua Pechthalt and their respective organizations.
F red G lass
berkeley, calif.
We are dealing with an emergency. California government leaders are currently asserting the state has a $54 billion deficit and are responding by imposing more austerity.
Instead of addressing how this deficit should be filled by passing an emergency tax on the rich, McAlevey focuses on only one proposal, a necessary reform to Prop 13. If this proposal is passed by voters in November, it will result in corporations paying $12 billion more a year in property taxes, but that money will not be raised right away.
She points out that any new taxes passed by the legislature require at least a two-thirds vote, but she fails to state that the Democrats, the supposed alternative party, now hold every executive office and have more than two-thirds of the seats in both legislative houses. That means they could immediately pass a wealth tax on California’s billionaires, some of whom have seen their assets swell during the Covid-19 pandemic and who obviously do not need their billions.
I can’t imagine such a tax would be anything other than overwhelmingly popular. Unfortunately, the Democrats in charge are sending the message that they prefer the billionaires keep their billions and that many others increasingly suffer.
R ick B aum
oakland, calif.
McAlevey Responds
Yes, there were other key leaders, including those Fred Glass mentions. It was a movement with a core of good labor and community leaders. As the communications director for the CFT during the ballot initiative, I hope readers can appreciate the difference in analysis an author can give in a 1,500-word article versus a book chapter or book. When I do the latter, all the very able and very smart people Glass lists will be sufficiently credited for their great work. I should have simply referred to Thigpenn as “one of the brains” versus “the brain,” as everyone Glass cites deserves heaps of credit, though I do mention the CFT and the other organizations he names.
My article never suggests that merely passing the Schools and Communities First ballot initiative was the only solution needed. It says that ending the corporate loophole in 1978’s Prop 13 is, however, key. I couldn’t agree more with Rick Baum about needing a billionaire tax, a millionaire tax, and more. Baum’s complaint is with the Democratic leaders of California. Please take it up with them. Hell, yes, they should do what Baum says. The unions I work with are all supporting and demanding further taxes on the rich.
J ane M c A levey
new york city and the bay area
Correction
“How to Make ‘Defund the Police’ a Reality” by Bryce Covert [July 13/20] incorrectly stated that the New York Police Department’s budget was $7 million in 1981. Its budget was $714 million that year.


thenation--2020-07-14--Donald Trump: Confederate From Queens

Donald Trump: Confederate From Queens

Trump says he will fight efforts to remove Confederate statues and to change the names of military bases named after @ @ @ @ @ that they fought to keep folks slaves , He says they are our heritage , @ @ @ @ @ s true about his heritage at least : He is the rare Confederate from Queens @ @ @ @ @ dropped Old Dixie ’ s flag , Acknowledging just what that symbol means .
He @ @ @ @ @ what is white .
He is the rare Confederate from Queens .

This article appears in the July 27/August 3, 2020 issue.
Trump says he will fight efforts to remove Confederate statues
and to change the names of military bases named after Confederate
generals. —news reports
No matter that they fought to keep folks slaves,
He says they are our heritage, our genes.
It’s true about his heritage at least:
He is the rare Confederate from Queens.
Now Mississippi’s dropped Old Dixie’s flag,
Acknowledging just what that symbol means.
He still will always fight for what is white.
He is the rare Confederate from Queens.


thenation--2020-07-15--John Early Is the Left’s Funniest Comedian

John Early doesn ’ t claim to be an expert on socialism .
He ’ s a performer , not an activist , and he admits that his politics are often hastily strung together by tweets he ’ s reading while on the toilet—but he feels his convictions deeply nonetheless .
The comedian is best known for his role on Search Party , which just dropped a third season on HBO Max .
He plays Elliot Goss , a pathological liar often consumed by narcissism .
This season , Search Party ’ s satirization of entitled millennials and white privilege @ @ @ @ @ @ @ American criminal justice system as the main characters reckon with the consequences of their choices in the show ’ s grisly second season.1 In reality , Early represents a different kind of millennial .
Amid a national movement against police brutality and anti-Blackness and during a pandemic that has put most shows on hold and left countless people unemployed , he is , like many comedians , figuring out how to use his voice for the cause .
He has arrived at his politics not just through the current moment but also through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders , Wallace Shawn , and Deborah Eisenberg .
Early is an active Democratic Socialists of America–Los Angeles member who has been fundraising for various causes through comedy shows , along with using his social media platform to signal boost activists .
This month he encouraged fans to bid on three Britney Spears songs for him to sing , in support of DSA LA ’ s fundraiser to redistribute stimulus checks to immigrants in the city.2 We talked to Early about his politicization , Sanders , and the relationship between comedy and politics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been edited for clarity and length.3 ima arikh : What brought you to your leftism ?
5 John Early : My politicization has happened hugely in the last four or five years , and I think so much of it for me is because of a closet Bernie love .
In 2016 , I very emotionally voted Bernie in the New York [ Democratic presidential ] primary , and that felt so right to me and so deeply exciting to me in a way that politics had never felt to me .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ platitudes , and it always felt either so corny and manipulative—and therefore a turn-off—or so complex and overwhelming and unapproachable .
Bernie Sanders was the first person for me that changed that .
It ’ s probably not the chicest thing to say .
I feel like the chicest thing to say is , “ It ’ s not about Bernie .
It ’ s about the movement.
” But there ’ s no denying that he ’ s brought so many people further left .
Even though I was so excited to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I was so scared to talk about that online .
I very newly had a platform .
That was when Search Party was about to come out and I had just done The Characters on Netflix , so I was starting to get more followers on Twitter and Instagram , and therefore I was also a little more paralyzed.6 Previously , I was tweeting at 3 am drunk , alone in my apartment , and now I felt like , “ Oh , God , this is actually scary .
People might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ m saying.
” And I got so scared of sharing criticisms of the Democratic Party , criticisms about Hillary Clinton .
I was never public about my love for Bernie .
And I was so disappointed in myself for holding that in .
That was when I started to question , like , “ OK , well , why am I scared to support Bernie ?
What are the cultural forces that make this feel in any way controversial when it ’ s so clearly not ?
” 7 Also , my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a genius , has always worshipped Wallace Shawn as a playwright and essayist .
I produced a production of Marie and Bruce , his play , and Theda was in it .
And it was through that play that I fell madly in love with Wallace Shawn and started reading his writing outside of his plays , and I started reading his partner Deborah Eisenberg ’ s writing .
Their writing is very critical of these moments in United States history—the Iraq War , our intervention in Latin America .
As a privileged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grew up thinking that everything ’ s OK , assuming that these wars and interventions were too complicated for me to ever understand with my dumb little gay comedian brain .
And it was a beautiful conflagration of my private sadness around the compromise about not being vocal about Bernie in his first go-round and this artistic entryway into Wallace Shawn ’ s and Deborah Eisenberg ’ s work that has sparked my curiosity.8 RP : Do you feel comedy and politics are mixing in a new , very online way ?
9 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weird , weird , time to be a comedian .
I feel there ’ s no greater testament to the fact that our public institutions have failed us than the fact that comedians are somehow moral authorities of this moment .
We give so much power to comedians and their platforms , and I ’ m absolutely horrified by it .
Our government has obviously failed us , our institutions have failed , and we don ’ t have public intellectuals shaping our collective consciousness .
We have , like , a bunch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s just to say , please don ’ t ever listen to me.10 RP : Do you think that this is going to stick ?
11 JE : I don ’ t know .
I think it ’ s definitely a generational thing .
The moment is so dire , and it forces people into some sort of political stance or viewpoint .
Because people can literally see the sea levels rising , and then you have Donald Trump in office .
It ’ s impossible for young people to remain apolitical .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ entertainment are always focused on youth .
The entertainment industry has always pointed toward people in their early 20s or teenagers , so I think it ’ s a very natural result that comedy ’ s just becoming more political.12 RP : In March you put out a video of your beloved character Vicky endorsing Sanders .
How did that idea come about ?
13 JE : I was shooting Search Party in New York , and I was alone in my Airbnb during that time .
I was watching the primaries unfold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ insane—and moments of unbridled hope , too .
But I was feeling very confused , like when I would talk to people in my family .
I ’ m from Nashville , and my parents are left-leaning progressive ministers .
But at the same time , they ’ re in Tennessee , and they ’ re right up against truly right-wing people .
They have this crazy senator , Marsha Blackburn .
And it makes sense to me that on an electoral level , they ’ d be more cautious and moderate .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to see people I grew up around in Nashville who are smart enough to understand that mass incarceration is a result of Democratic legislation in the ’ 90s , people who understand that [ former New York mayor ] Michael Bloomberg is responsible for stop-and-frisk , which led to so much more incarceration and ruined so many Black lives , just willfully ignore these things that they knew .
They would hold their nose in order to vote for a [ Joe ] Biden or a Bloomberg in the primary .
That was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a little alienated by the tone of certain comedic political content .
I feel like it ’ s usually very didactic , or I feel people lose their sensibility in an effort to make something that ’ s political .
I wanted to do something , and it was like , “ OK , well , nothing that I do will be truly meaningful.
” Nothing ’ s more important than just dropping your life and becoming an activist or organizer .
That ’ s truly the only option , but because I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doing my career , I was like , “ Well , maybe I could do something funny ?
” Because there are people like me in 2016 who are closet socialists or are looking around the world and are horrified by it .
And they see how commonsense these ideas are now , like defunding the police and Medicare for All .
We are largely made to believe that those opinions are not patriotic , that they ’ re radical and disruptive and will set us back , that anything that ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And I think that people need different voices to lure them out of the closet , so to speak.15 I always felt a lot of people were choosing to feel alienated by the mythical Bernie bro as a last-ditch effort to not come over to the left .
I know so many smart people who held on to a knee-jerk aversion to Bernie , even if they completely aligned with his policies , they believed in this one type of righteous , misogynistic Bernie supporter that was unfairly projected onto all of us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the diversity of his coalition but also the compassion and warmth that are inherently baked into socialist policy .
And I say that because I felt exactly like that in 2016 .
I felt so privately moved and inspired by the compassion and clarity in his platform but publicly was desperately hanging on to this , like , disgust for the mansplaining brocialist because , ultimately , I still had that nagging feeling that a lot of us who grew up during the [ Bill ] Clinton years might think policies like universal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or impractical or that private prisons are in any way moral or necessary .
And to disagree with that could be seen as unproductive or naive .
And I needed a Vicky in 2016 to welcome me into the movement , a movement that I now recognize as actually very broad and in my immediate community , very queer and very loving.16 In the same way that my socialist or anti-capitalist heroes like Wallace Shawn and Deborah Eisenberg have kind of eased me into leftist politics through writing and thinking about it in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the current , very limited , and very alienating Internet language .
So I thought maybe Vicky could do that for the gay who secretly loved Bernie but felt they were supposed to love Amy Klobuchar for some reason because it ’ s safer and more practical in the face of fascism to stand for absolutely nothing .
I felt Vicky was a good person to help remind people about the love part of all of it and the populist part of all of it.17 RP : And then you sent that to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of people think it was an official campaign video , but I released it from my YouTube account .
And I perhaps illegally used their official campaign logo on the video .
I made it with this great guy , Jack Klink , who ’ s made local campaign videos in Indiana , so he knew how to get the royalty-free inspiring music , and he knew how to lift the logo from the campaign videos and put it on mine .
So many people reached out , like , “ I can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , ” and I was like , “ Uh-oh.
” I did send it to someone from the campaign who followed me , and she tweeted it out while the campaign was still going , which made me feel like , “ OK , they ’ re not mad.
” 19 RP : How do you feel about the efficacy of recent comedy fundraiser shows in mobilizing viewers to be more politically engaged ?
20 JE : I know I was sounding very cynical about the power of comedy to do anything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I do think comedians are by nature really good at organizing .
I spent all of my 20s in New York contacting venues , reaching out to comedians and artists that I admire , and then advertising my shows , doing it all by myself for free , and slowly building a following through that .
Those skills are very easily applied to more politically minded events .
Like I was saying with the Vicky video , I do think there are some people who are not going to be brought in through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political content .
And in the moment , when no shows can actually happen , there ’ s kind of no way to know if they ’ re working , because there ’ s no audience .
You just feel like you ’ re doing it for no one .
There ’ s no way to know how entertaining these shows actually are , but I do think they ’ ve been very successful at fundraising .
I don ’ t know the final numbers as of today , but as of last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 31,000 to reroute stimulus checks to immigrants in LA .
[ Editor ’ s note : As of July 15 , the total for the DSA LA fundraiser is over $ 60,000 . ]
Whether or not those people who donated actually watch the show , they ’ re raising money.21 RP : You play Elliott Goss on Search Party , who sucks in every way .
But the audience somehow still feels worried about him .
How do you go about portraying an unlikable character as someone who still deserves empathy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a mistake that a lot of actors often fall into—of trying to distance themselves from an unlikable character by sending up their ability in a vain way of pointing to their actual humanity .
I think that ends up actually preventing any empathy with the audience .
So I feel I don ’ t think much about it at all .
I just show up , and I ’ m silly , and I think that at the end of the day , people are just really sympathetic .
If I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s that he ’ s really bad at being a liar .
I think that makes him likable .
Maybe if he were more slick , if he were as good as he thinks that he is at covering up his lies , then he would be less likable .
But because he ’ s so bad at it , you can ’ t help but see the innocence .
He ’ s very savvy in some ways , but he ’ s also lazy and dumb .
He ’ s been canceled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reinsert himself into the conversation like he doesn ’ t have the grace or the PR savvy to step back and accept his cancellation with humility .
He just had big dumb baby bird eyes a lot of the time , and you see underneath all that blasé posturing and manic lying is actually someone who ’ s very , very scared.23

John Early doesn’t claim to be an expert on socialism. He’s a performer, not an activist, and he admits that his politics are often hastily strung together by tweets he’s reading while on the toilet—but he feels his convictions deeply nonetheless. The comedian is best known for his role on Search Party, which just dropped a third season on HBO Max. He plays Elliot Goss, a pathological liar often consumed by narcissism. This season, Search Party’s satirization of entitled millennials and white privilege plunges into the darker territory of the American criminal justice system as the main characters reckon with the consequences of their choices in the show’s grisly second season.1
In reality, Early represents a different kind of millennial. Amid a national movement against police brutality and anti-Blackness and during a pandemic that has put most shows on hold and left countless people unemployed, he is, like many comedians, figuring out how to use his voice for the cause. He has arrived at his politics not just through the current moment but also through the guidance of his leftist heroes Bernie Sanders, Wallace Shawn, and Deborah Eisenberg. Early is an active Democratic Socialists of America–Los Angeles member who has been fundraising for various causes through comedy shows, along with using his social media platform to signal boost activists. This month he encouraged fans to bid on three Britney Spears songs for him to sing, in support of DSA LA’s fundraiser to redistribute stimulus checks to immigrants in the city.2
We talked to Early about his politicization, Sanders, and the relationship between comedy and politics in this moment. This conversation has been edited for clarity and length.3
—Rima Parikh4
R ima P arikh: What brought you to your leftism? 5
John Early: My politicization has happened hugely in the last four or five years, and I think so much of it for me is because of a closet Bernie love. In 2016, I very emotionally voted Bernie in the New York [Democratic presidential] primary, and that felt so right to me and so deeply exciting to me in a way that politics had never felt to me. It had always seemed like a place for platitudes, and it always felt either so corny and manipulative—and therefore a turn-off—or so complex and overwhelming and unapproachable. Bernie Sanders was the first person for me that changed that. It’s probably not the chicest thing to say. I feel like the chicest thing to say is, “It’s not about Bernie. It’s about the movement.” But there’s no denying that he’s brought so many people further left. Even though I was so excited to vote for him [in 2016], I was so scared to talk about that online. I very newly had a platform. That was when Search Party was about to come out and I had just done The Characters on Netflix, so I was starting to get more followers on Twitter and Instagram, and therefore I was also a little more paralyzed.6 Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Previously, I was tweeting at 3 am drunk, alone in my apartment, and now I felt like, “Oh, God, this is actually scary. People might actually be more critical of what I’m saying.” And I got so scared of sharing criticisms of the Democratic Party, criticisms about Hillary Clinton. I was never public about my love for Bernie. And I was so disappointed in myself for holding that in. That was when I started to question, like, “OK, well, why am I scared to support Bernie? What are the cultural forces that make this feel in any way controversial when it’s so clearly not?”7
Also, my friend Theda Hammel, who’s a genius, has always worshipped Wallace Shawn as a playwright and essayist. I produced a production of Marie and Bruce, his play, and Theda was in it. And it was through that play that I fell madly in love with Wallace Shawn and started reading his writing outside of his plays, and I started reading his partner Deborah Eisenberg’s writing. Their writing is very critical of these moments in United States history—the Iraq War, our intervention in Latin America. As a privileged millennial growing up with means, I grew up thinking that everything’s OK, assuming that these wars and interventions were too complicated for me to ever understand with my dumb little gay comedian brain. And it was a beautiful conflagration of my private sadness around the compromise about not being vocal about Bernie in his first go-round and this artistic entryway into Wallace Shawn’s and Deborah Eisenberg’s work that has sparked my curiosity.8
RP: Do you feel comedy and politics are mixing in a new, very online way? 9
JE: It’s just a weird, weird, time to be a comedian. I feel there’s no greater testament to the fact that our public institutions have failed us than the fact that comedians are somehow moral authorities of this moment. We give so much power to comedians and their platforms, and I’m absolutely horrified by it. Our government has obviously failed us, our institutions have failed, and we don’t have public intellectuals shaping our collective consciousness. We have, like, a bunch of dumb comedians tweeting. That’s just to say, please don’t ever listen to me.10
RP: Do you think that this is going to stick?11
JE: I don’t know. I think it’s definitely a generational thing. The moment is so dire, and it forces people into some sort of political stance or viewpoint. Because people can literally see the sea levels rising, and then you have Donald Trump in office. It’s impossible for young people to remain apolitical. At the same time, comedy and entertainment are always focused on youth. The entertainment industry has always pointed toward people in their early 20s or teenagers, so I think it’s a very natural result that comedy’s just becoming more political.12
RP: In March you put out a video of your beloved character Vicky endorsing Sanders. How did that idea come about? 13
JE: I was shooting Search Party in New York, and I was alone in my Airbnb during that time. I was watching the primaries unfold, and I was just feeling absolutely insane—and moments of unbridled hope, too. But I was feeling very confused, like when I would talk to people in my family. I’m from Nashville, and my parents are left-leaning progressive ministers. But at the same time, they’re in Tennessee, and they’re right up against truly right-wing people. They have this crazy senator, Marsha Blackburn. And it makes sense to me that on an electoral level, they’d be more cautious and moderate. But it was really hard for me to see people I grew up around in Nashville who are smart enough to understand that mass incarceration is a result of Democratic legislation in the ’90s, people who understand that [former New York mayor] Michael Bloomberg is responsible for stop-and-frisk, which led to so much more incarceration and ruined so many Black lives, just willfully ignore these things that they knew. They would hold their nose in order to vote for a [Joe] Biden or a Bloomberg in the primary. That was heartbreaking to me.14
I was also feeling a little alienated by the tone of certain comedic political content. I feel like it’s usually very didactic, or I feel people lose their sensibility in an effort to make something that’s political. I wanted to do something, and it was like, “OK, well, nothing that I do will be truly meaningful.” Nothing’s more important than just dropping your life and becoming an activist or organizer. That’s truly the only option, but because I’m selfish and want to keep doing my career, I was like, “Well, maybe I could do something funny?” Because there are people like me in 2016 who are closet socialists or are looking around the world and are horrified by it. And they see how commonsense these ideas are now, like defunding the police and Medicare for All. We are largely made to believe that those opinions are not patriotic, that they’re radical and disruptive and will set us back, that anything that’s not incremental is destructive or childish. And I think that people need different voices to lure them out of the closet, so to speak.15
I always felt a lot of people were choosing to feel alienated by the mythical Bernie bro as a last-ditch effort to not come over to the left. I know so many smart people who held on to a knee-jerk aversion to Bernie, even if they completely aligned with his policies, they believed in this one type of righteous, misogynistic Bernie supporter that was unfairly projected onto all of us and seemed willfully ignorant of not just the diversity of his coalition but also the compassion and warmth that are inherently baked into socialist policy. And I say that because I felt exactly like that in 2016. I felt so privately moved and inspired by the compassion and clarity in his platform but publicly was desperately hanging on to this, like, disgust for the mansplaining brocialist because, ultimately, I still had that nagging feeling that a lot of us who grew up during the [Bill] Clinton years might think policies like universal health care was in any way controversial or impractical or that private prisons are in any way moral or necessary. And to disagree with that could be seen as unproductive or naive. And I needed a Vicky in 2016 to welcome me into the movement, a movement that I now recognize as actually very broad and in my immediate community, very queer and very loving.16
In the same way that my socialist or anti-capitalist heroes like Wallace Shawn and Deborah Eisenberg have kind of eased me into leftist politics through writing and thinking about it in a way that is completely uninfluenced by the current, very limited, and very alienating Internet language. So I thought maybe Vicky could do that for the gay who secretly loved Bernie but felt they were supposed to love Amy Klobuchar for some reason because it’s safer and more practical in the face of fascism to stand for absolutely nothing. I felt Vicky was a good person to help remind people about the love part of all of it and the populist part of all of it.17
RP: And then you sent that to Sanders? 18
JE: A lot of people think it was an official campaign video, but I released it from my YouTube account. And I perhaps illegally used their official campaign logo on the video. I made it with this great guy, Jack Klink, who’s made local campaign videos in Indiana, so he knew how to get the royalty-free inspiring music, and he knew how to lift the logo from the campaign videos and put it on mine. So many people reached out, like, “I can’t believe they let you do that,” and I was like, “Uh-oh.” I did send it to someone from the campaign who followed me, and she tweeted it out while the campaign was still going, which made me feel like, “OK, they’re not mad.”19
RP: How do you feel about the efficacy of recent comedy fundraiser shows in mobilizing viewers to be more politically engaged? 20
JE: I know I was sounding very cynical about the power of comedy to do anything at all in this moment, but I do think comedians are by nature really good at organizing. I spent all of my 20s in New York contacting venues, reaching out to comedians and artists that I admire, and then advertising my shows, doing it all by myself for free, and slowly building a following through that. Those skills are very easily applied to more politically minded events. Like I was saying with the Vicky video, I do think there are some people who are not going to be brought in through dry or didactic or kind of platitude-y political content. And in the moment, when no shows can actually happen, there’s kind of no way to know if they’re working, because there’s no audience. You just feel like you’re doing it for no one. There’s no way to know how entertaining these shows actually are, but I do think they’ve been very successful at fundraising. I don’t know the final numbers as of today, but as of last night, they raised, like, $31,000 to reroute stimulus checks to immigrants in LA. [Editor’s note: As of July 15, the total for the DSA LA fundraiser is over $60,000.] Whether or not those people who donated actually watch the show, they’re raising money.21
RP: You play Elliott Goss on Search Party, who sucks in every way. But the audience somehow still feels worried about him. How do you go about portraying an unlikable character as someone who still deserves empathy? 22
JE: I think that’s a mistake that a lot of actors often fall into—of trying to distance themselves from an unlikable character in a vain way by pointing to their actual humanity. If I am doing something consciously, it’s that he’s really bad at being a liar. I think that makes him likable. Maybe if he were more slick, if he were as good as he thinks that he is at covering up his lies, then he would be less likable. But because he’s so bad at it, you can’t help but see the innocence. He’s very savvy in some ways, but he’s also lazy and dumb. He’s been canceled literally every season and has somehow managed to reinsert himself into the conversation like he doesn’t have the grace or the PR savvy to step back and accept his cancellation with humility. He just had big dumb baby bird eyes a lot of the time, and you see underneath all that blasé posturing and manic lying is actually someone who’s very, very scared.23


thenation--2020-07-15--When Is a Bake Sale a Protest?

When Is a Bake Sale a Protest?

A bake sale has no inherent politics .
There have been bake sales against affirmative action and to raise money for Planned Parenthood .
Cakes have collected funds to create a “ 51st state ” for Christian conservatives and support getting an anti-nuclear activist out of jail , inadvertently starting the radical food-sharing collective Food Not Bombs .
That ’ s the thing about a capitalist enterprise : It swings both ways .
Since the 2016 election , though , the concept of the bake sale has been given a radical sheen .
With a low barrier to entry and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve become a go-to way to use social capital to drive attention to various causes and organizations explicitly working for progressive change .
Whether it ’ s pastry chef Natasha Pickowicz ’ s Planned Parenthood fundraisers or the more recent million-dollar success of Bakers Against Racism , there ’ s been a push to make these types of money-collecting activities widely accessible .
There was a time when baked goods and plates of food were sold in order to support boots on the ground .
That ’ s why the work of Georgia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who sold pies during the civil rights movement in order to raise money for those participating in the Montgomery bus boycott , is usually cited in order to present the potentially progressive nature of these events , which had in more recent years come to be associated with suburban soccer moms selling cupcakes to buy school uniforms .
But in a moment of political and civil unrest , when mutual aid and community fridges are ideas hitting the mainstream , what role does the bake sale play ?
The idea of “ mutual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Russian anarchist Peter Kropotkin at the turn of the 20th century , is built on solidarity rather than charity ; everyone in a community gives freely of what they can , with no person ’ s contribution considered more or less worthwhile than another ’ s .
This goes against the idea of top-down charity , of which the bake sale is a small-scale model .
There ’ s a crucial difference between giving a neighbor a loaf of bread because they ’ re hungry and selling a neighbor a loaf of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to an organization .
Although a recent Food & Wine headline recently declared , “ The Bake Sale Returns to Its Political Roots , ” the reality is not as clear-cut .
Bake sales as we recognize them today originated in the 1800s , when women used their facilities in the domestic sphere to perform charity , then understood as a moral obligation in some circles .
When the early 1900s rolled around , suffragettes in Virginia seeking white women ’ s right to vote “ especially favored bake sales as a fund-raising @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Southern Strategies : Southern Women and the Woman Suffrage Question .
“ It allowed them to demonstrate that their advocacy of woman suffrage did not impair their competency in the kitchen.
” Nowadays , when the role of pastry chef in restaurant kitchens is dominated by women , many have seen bake sales as a means of using that professional talent to raise funds for projects that help women contend with white male authority .
“ Bake sales aren ’ t inherently a form of protest , but they are organizational frameworks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a cause or fundraise for something specifically , ” the founders of the Bake Sale Project , Pickowicz , Lindsey Peckham , and Tina Byrne , said in an e-mail .
( Their original flyer referred to bake sales as a “ grassroots form of protest.
” ) “ Bake sales traditionally feel domestic and ‘ small ’ by nature , ” they wrote , “ and we ’ re fascinated by how people are subverting this particular trope of domesticity in order to draw attention to more progressive organizations and causes.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ restaurants and bakeries are closed , there are more amateurs picking up their whisks , and the Bake Sale Project wants to arm them with the tools needed to turn that home-baked talent into a project that can do some good in the world .
The Bake Sale Project , while still in its infancy , aims to provide would-be progressive bakers with information and tools they can use to raise funds for whatever cause they believe in .
“ We work to create an equitable , free , collaborative , inclusive , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and communal practices , ” its website reads .
“ Think : an online library of templates , resources , collateral , recipes , contacts , videos , and more .
Free talks , reflections from specialists , and engaged feedback in real time.
” Its goal is to make it easier for people who want to help but don ’ t know how , and the founders of the Bake Sale Project are aware that for some participants , removing capital from the equation and moving toward mutual aid is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ easy to look at bake sales and assume that in their fund-raising aspects they are purely capitalist endeavors , in much the way exhortations to support Black-owned businesses have been , there is some truth to the idea that bake sales can be a simple ( and sweet ) access point into direct action for people who haven ’ t previously been introduced to it .
“ The most generous read is that it ’ s not only a capitalist impulse but an understanding that sustained divestment and investment of individual dollars can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parallel changes in policy , ” said Ruth Gebreyesus , a food writer for KQED in the Bay Area , who wrote a critique of those Black-owned business lists .
“ The least generous read is that these types of bake sales maintain a status quo through the anatomy of charity where both the benevolence and the wealth of a group of people must be appealed to .
Reparations , resource transfers , and mutual aid , which don ’ t perpetuate that dynamic , are too confrontational for the fairly neutral bake @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bake sale as non-neutral , despite being a rather common means of exchanging capital , has been what ’ s compelling about its post-Trump makeover .
Without explicitly advocating for more direct forms of resource sharing , it continues to be only a fundraiser .
Some bakers are more openly recognizing their place in political movements as a middleman who can extract and redistribute wealth , through sales of goods and other means .
As Tiffany Lethabo King and Ewuare Osayande wrote in the essay “ The Filth on Philanthropy ” in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Funded : Beyond the Non-Profit Industrial Complex , “ What are the implications for a social justice movement in which power and resources are transferred based on one ’ s ability to develop a relationship with the right white people ?
” Even as mutual aid has become a robust reality , those relationships with people who have disposable income have remained key—and bakers tend to have that access , by the very nature of their work .
In Minneapolis , in the heart of the area where the recent Black Lives Matter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ George Floyd , Dulce Monterrubio , who had recently closed her Dulceria Bakery , dedicated her resources to local aid .
“ I live very close to Lake Street where the epicenter of the uprising happened , ” and when she saw that an effort led by Navigate Minnesota and seven other grassroots organizations needed funds , she reactivated her bakery ’ s Instagram page and raised $ 6,000 in 24 hours to provide not just food for local volunteers but diapers and other necessities as well for a community that had lost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Instagram site continues to be a local resource , sharing what is needed in Monterrubio ’ s community as well as calls for action to dial the City Council and tell it to abolish the police force .
This hyperlocalized approach , born of baking , is the kind of activism that the Bake Sale Project has the potential to inspire .
And while it is only implied that the many people who participated in Bakers Against Racism or who will use the tools from the Bake Sale Project have politics aligned with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inclusive , ” the bake sale may be coming into its own as a force for good .
As its many historical guises have taught us , the bake sale has not always been used to support the most progressive undertakings .
A bake sale can be a first step toward justice-oriented action like mutual aid and reparations , even if it is not the last .

A bake sale has no inherent politics. There have been bake sales against affirmative action and to raise money for Planned Parenthood. Cakes have collected funds to create a “51st state” for Christian conservatives and support getting an anti-nuclear activist out of jail, inadvertently starting the radical food-sharing collective Food Not Bombs. That’s the thing about a capitalist enterprise: It swings both ways.
Since the 2016 election, though, the concept of the bake sale has been given a radical sheen. With a low barrier to entry and an implicitly enticing premise, they’ve become a go-to way to use social capital to drive attention to various causes and organizations explicitly working for progressive change. Whether it’s pastry chef Natasha Pickowicz’s Planned Parenthood fundraisers or the more recent million-dollar success of Bakers Against Racism, there’s been a push to make these types of money-collecting activities widely accessible.
There was a time when baked goods and plates of food were sold in order to support boots on the ground. That’s why the work of Georgia Gilmore and the Club From Nowhere, who sold pies during the civil rights movement in order to raise money for those participating in the Montgomery bus boycott, is usually cited in order to present the potentially progressive nature of these events, which had in more recent years come to be associated with suburban soccer moms selling cupcakes to buy school uniforms.
But in a moment of political and civil unrest, when mutual aid and community fridges are ideas hitting the mainstream, what role does the bake sale play? The idea of “mutual aid,” a term introduced by the Russian anarchist Peter Kropotkin at the turn of the 20th century, is built on solidarity rather than charity; everyone in a community gives freely of what they can, with no person’s contribution considered more or less worthwhile than another’s. This goes against the idea of top-down charity, of which the bake sale is a small-scale model. There’s a crucial difference between giving a neighbor a loaf of bread because they’re hungry and selling a neighbor a loaf of bread in order to give the money to an organization. Although a recent Food & Wine headline recently declared, “The Bake Sale Returns to Its Political Roots,” the reality is not as clear-cut.
Bake sales as we recognize them today originated in the 1800s, when women used their facilities in the domestic sphere to perform charity, then understood as a moral obligation in some circles. When the early 1900s rolled around, suffragettes in Virginia seeking white women’s right to vote “especially favored bake sales as a fund-raising technique,” wrote Elna C. Green in Southern Strategies: Southern Women and the Woman Suffrage Question. “It allowed them to demonstrate that their advocacy of woman suffrage did not impair their competency in the kitchen.” Nowadays, when the role of pastry chef in restaurant kitchens is dominated by women, many have seen bake sales as a means of using that professional talent to raise funds for projects that help women contend with white male authority. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
“Bake sales aren’t inherently a form of protest, but they are organizational frameworks that can be used to draw attention to a cause or fundraise for something specifically,” the founders of the Bake Sale Project, Pickowicz, Lindsey Peckham, and Tina Byrne, said in an e-mail. (Their original flyer referred to bake sales as a “grassroots form of protest.”)
“Bake sales traditionally feel domestic and ‘small’ by nature,” they wrote, “and we’re fascinated by how people are subverting this particular trope of domesticity in order to draw attention to more progressive organizations and causes.” Now that many if not most restaurants and bakeries are closed, there are more amateurs picking up their whisks, and the Bake Sale Project wants to arm them with the tools needed to turn that home-baked talent into a project that can do some good in the world.
The Bake Sale Project, while still in its infancy, aims to provide would-be progressive bakers with information and tools they can use to raise funds for whatever cause they believe in. “We work to create an equitable, free, collaborative, inclusive, and radical framework for learning, engagement, and communal practices,” its website reads. “Think: an online library of templates, resources, collateral, recipes, contacts, videos, and more. Free talks, reflections from specialists, and engaged feedback in real time.”
Its goal is to make it easier for people who want to help but don’t know how, and the founders of the Bake Sale Project are aware that for some participants, removing capital from the equation and moving toward mutual aid is the ultimate goal. While it can be easy to look at bake sales and assume that in their fund-raising aspects they are purely capitalist endeavors, in much the way exhortations to support Black-owned businesses have been, there is some truth to the idea that bake sales can be a simple (and sweet) access point into direct action for people who haven’t previously been introduced to it.
“The most generous read is that it’s not only a capitalist impulse but an understanding that sustained divestment and investment of individual dollars can make an impact and mirror or encourage parallel changes in policy,” said Ruth Gebreyesus, a food writer for KQED in the Bay Area, who wrote a critique of those Black-owned business lists. “The least generous read is that these types of bake sales maintain a status quo through the anatomy of charity where both the benevolence and the wealth of a group of people must be appealed to. Reparations, resource transfers, and mutual aid, which don’t perpetuate that dynamic, are too confrontational for the fairly neutral bake sale space.” The successful branding of the bake sale as non-neutral, despite being a rather common means of exchanging capital, has been what’s compelling about its post-Trump makeover. Without explicitly advocating for more direct forms of resource sharing, it continues to be only a fundraiser.
Some bakers are more openly recognizing their place in political movements as a middleman who can extract and redistribute wealth, through sales of goods and other means. As Tiffany Lethabo King and Ewuare Osayande wrote in the essay “The Filth on Philanthropy” in the collection The Revolution Will Not Be Funded: Beyond the Non-Profit Industrial Complex, “What are the implications for a social justice movement in which power and resources are transferred based on one’s ability to develop a relationship with the right white people?” Even as mutual aid has become a robust reality, those relationships with people who have disposable income have remained key—and bakers tend to have that access, by the very nature of their work.
In Minneapolis, in the heart of the area where the recent Black Lives Matter protests began after the police murder of George Floyd, Dulce Monterrubio, who had recently closed her Dulceria Bakery, dedicated her resources to local aid. “I live very close to Lake Street where the epicenter of the uprising happened,” and when she saw that an effort led by Navigate Minnesota and seven other grassroots organizations needed funds, she reactivated her bakery’s Instagram page and raised $6,000 in 24 hours to provide not just food for local volunteers but diapers and other necessities as well for a community that had lost its markets.
The bakery’s Instagram site continues to be a local resource, sharing what is needed in Monterrubio’s community as well as calls for action to dial the City Council and tell it to abolish the police force. This hyperlocalized approach, born of baking, is the kind of activism that the Bake Sale Project has the potential to inspire.
And while it is only implied that the many people who participated in Bakers Against Racism or who will use the tools from the Bake Sale Project have politics aligned with words like “radical” and “inclusive,” the bake sale may be coming into its own as a force for good. As its many historical guises have taught us, the bake sale has not always been used to support the most progressive undertakings. A bake sale can be a first step toward justice-oriented action like mutual aid and reparations, even if it is not the last.


thenation--2020-07-15--Nixon Didn’t Even Go As Far as Trump

Nixon Didn’t Even Go As Far as Trump

Donald Trump ’ s commutation of Roger Stone ’ s jail sentence is an act of blatant corruption .
The federal judge who presided over his trial stated that Stone was prosecuted for “ covering up for Trump.
” Trump ’ s commutation is a reward to Stone , his close political adviser , for that cover-up .
By using the pardon power to shield himself from accountability , Trump perverted and abused that power .
The commutation may also be a crime .
During his 2019 confirmation hearings , Attorney General Bill Barr said as much .
“ Do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a pardon in exchange for the recipient ’ s promise to not incriminate him ?
” Senator Pat Leahy asked him .
“ No , ” Barr replied .
“ That would be a crime.
” We now know Barr and others advised Trump against commuting Stone ’ s sentence .
This week , Stone denied any such quid pro quo , but that ’ s simply not credible .
Pardoning a confederate to protect oneself was foreseen by the framers of our Constitution—and they spelled out the consequences : impeachment .
Apparently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remedy would protect the country by deterring any president contemplating such a course of action—or , if it didn ’ t act as a deterrent , to prompt the removal of the president .
But the Republican-controlled Senate has clearly shown its unwillingness to remove Trump from office , regardless of the gravity of his misconduct .
Stone has lots of damaging information about Donald Trump and his campaign ’ s outreach to Russia for help in the 2016 presidential election .
Stone essentially admitted that recently , when he told a journalist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enormous pressure to turn on him .
It would have eased my situation considerably .
But I didn ’ t. ” He must have figured that his life would be even easier if he covered up for Donald Trump .
Pots of gold would lie at the end of that rainbow .
As we now know from the recently released portions of the Mueller report , Stone could have driven a knife through the heart of the Trump presidency .
Witnesses said that Trump spoke with Stone on several occasions about Wikileaks ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidential candidate Hillary Clinton .
( The e-mails had come from Russian hacking . )
The witnesses described a Trump who welcomed the information he received from Stone and did not object to receiving and benefiting from Russian hacks and Wikileaks ’ releases .
Stone could fill in the details of those conversations .
Stone also communicated directly with the GRU , Russia ’ s military intelligence agency responsible for interfering in the 2016 election , and could describe those communications and Trump ’ s response if and when he shared them with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provided truthful information , it could have led to Trump ’ s impeachment , defeat at the polls this November , and/or prosecution , when he leaves office .
In Watergate , along with hush-money payments , President Richard Nixon secretly authorized offers of pardons to the burglars to keep them quiet .
Although the pardons were never granted , authorizing them was one of the grounds for the House Judiciary Committee ’ s bipartisan impeachment vote against Nixon—and it was part of Nixon ’ s obstruction of justice .
Nixon short-circuited the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ford stopped any possibility of prosecuting Nixon by pardoning him .
Pardoning Nixon—an unpardonable act , in my view—caused Ford ’ s defeat in the next presidential election .
In the end , the American people demanded accountability for Nixon ’ s presidential crimes and abuses of power .
Nixon paid a price for Watergate by resigning in disgrace , and Ford lost his election for protecting Nixon .
The same thing may and should happen to Donald Trump .
Americans need to understand the outrage Trump has committed against our democracy .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ our 2016 elections by soliciting and receiving Russian interference on his behalf , dangling the possibility of a pardon to encourage Stone to lie and cover up before a congressional committee investigating collusion with Russia , and then commuting Stone ’ s sentence so that he would never have to go to prison for covering up .
Trump seems to have been concerned that Stone might decide to turn , even at the last minute , to avoid jail—something Trump could not risk .
Unfortunately , the Department of Justice ’ s Office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protecting presidents , has opined that a president can not be prosecuted while in office .
But the Constitution makes it clear that a president can be prosecuted after leaving office .
A new attorney general , committed to protecting the integrity of our elections , can and should investigate the pardon , either directly or through a special counsel .
A new Congress should review the Constitution ’ s pardon power and propose amendments that would prevent its use by a president to protect any campaign adviser or aide , presidential appointee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should also be clearly banned , as should a pardon by any succeeding president of the prior president .
And finally , the American people need to reject Donald Trump ’ s cynical and criminal presidency by voting him out of office in November .
We need to start undoing the horrific damage he has done to our country and our democracy—and we can ’ t start soon enough .

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Donald Trump’s commutation of Roger Stone’s jail sentence is an act of blatant corruption. The federal judge who presided over his trial stated that Stone was prosecuted for “covering up for Trump.” Trump’s commutation is a reward to Stone, his close political adviser, for that cover-up. By using the pardon power to shield himself from accountability, Trump perverted and abused that power. The commutation may also be a crime.
During his 2019 confirmation hearings, Attorney General Bill Barr said as much. “Do you believe a president could lawfully issue a pardon in exchange for the recipient’s promise to not incriminate him?” Senator Pat Leahy asked him. “No,” Barr replied. “That would be a crime.” We now know Barr and others advised Trump against commuting Stone’s sentence. This week, Stone denied any such quid pro quo, but that’s simply not credible.
Pardoning a confederate to protect oneself was foreseen by the framers of our Constitution—and they spelled out the consequences: impeachment. Apparently, they thought that such a drastic remedy would protect the country by deterring any president contemplating such a course of action—or, if it didn’t act as a deterrent, to prompt the removal of the president. But the Republican-controlled Senate has clearly shown its unwillingness to remove Trump from office, regardless of the gravity of his misconduct.
Stone has lots of damaging information about Donald Trump and his campaign’s outreach to Russia for help in the 2016 presidential election. Stone essentially admitted that recently, when he told a journalist, “He knows I was under enormous pressure to turn on him. It would have eased my situation considerably. But I didn’t.” He must have figured that his life would be even easier if he covered up for Donald Trump. Pots of gold would lie at the end of that rainbow.
As we now know from the recently released portions of the Mueller report, Stone could have driven a knife through the heart of the Trump presidency. Witnesses said that Trump spoke with Stone on several occasions about Wikileaks’ release of e-mails that were harmful to presidential candidate Hillary Clinton. (The e-mails had come from Russian hacking.) The witnesses described a Trump who welcomed the information he received from Stone and did not object to receiving and benefiting from Russian hacks and Wikileaks’ releases. Stone could fill in the details of those conversations.
Stone also communicated directly with the GRU, Russia’s military intelligence agency responsible for interfering in the 2016 election, and could describe those communications and Trump’s response if and when he shared them with him. If Stone had turned and provided truthful information, it could have led to Trump’s impeachment, defeat at the polls this November, and/or prosecution, when he leaves office. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
In Watergate, along with hush-money payments, President Richard Nixon secretly authorized offers of pardons to the burglars to keep them quiet. Although the pardons were never granted, authorizing them was one of the grounds for the House Judiciary Committee’s bipartisan impeachment vote against Nixon—and it was part of Nixon’s obstruction of justice. Current Issue View our current issue
Nixon short-circuited the impeachment effort by resigning, and President Ford stopped any possibility of prosecuting Nixon by pardoning him. Pardoning Nixon—an unpardonable act, in my view—caused Ford’s defeat in the next presidential election. In the end, the American people demanded accountability for Nixon’s presidential crimes and abuses of power. Nixon paid a price for Watergate by resigning in disgrace, and Ford lost his election for protecting Nixon.
The same thing may and should happen to Donald Trump. Americans need to understand the outrage Trump has committed against our democracy. To every appearance, Trump has undermined our 2016 elections by soliciting and receiving Russian interference on his behalf, dangling the possibility of a pardon to encourage Stone to lie and cover up before a congressional committee investigating collusion with Russia, and then commuting Stone’s sentence so that he would never have to go to prison for covering up. Trump seems to have been concerned that Stone might decide to turn, even at the last minute, to avoid jail—something Trump could not risk.
Unfortunately, the Department of Justice’s Office of Legal Counsel, which bends to protecting presidents, has opined that a president cannot be prosecuted while in office. But the Constitution makes it clear that a president can be prosecuted after leaving office.
A new attorney general, committed to protecting the integrity of our elections, can and should investigate the pardon, either directly or through a special counsel.
A new Congress should review the Constitution’s pardon power and propose amendments that would prevent its use by a president to protect any campaign adviser or aide, presidential appointee, or family member. A self-pardon should also be clearly banned, as should a pardon by any succeeding president of the prior president.
And finally, the American people need to reject Donald Trump’s cynical and criminal presidency by voting him out of office in November. We need to start undoing the horrific damage he has done to our country and our democracy—and we can’t start soon enough.


thenation--2020-07-15--The Covid Crisis Reveals the Need to Abolish Abortion Restrictions

ashington , Last November , I drove more than 12 hours for an abortion .
It wasn ’ t mine ( I had mine in 2005 ) ; I picked up a young woman in rural Pennsylvania whom I ’ ll call Raquel .
She needed a ride to a clinic in Maryland to get some pills that she would take back at her home to have a medication abortion .
As we drove to the clinic , I told Raquel about what to expect during the appointment ; after I finished I paused and said , “ As much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on this drive , did you know you could safely do this at home but the government won ’ t let you ?
” She was surprised .
Like many people , she knew about limitations on abortion but didn ’ t know that very safe and basic methods are being restricted because of outdated FDA regulations on how they can be dispensed .
The drive bonded us—we still keep in touch , and she approved the inclusion of her story here—but it was an unnecessary exercise , one that antiabortion politicians created @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inaccessible as possible .
The cruelty of the barricades along the journey is the point .
Since Covid-19 hit , I ’ ve thought a lot about that drive with Raquel , particularly as people have reached out needing abortions .
States have limited travel , issued stay-at-home orders , and required people to quarantine for at least two weeks .
While several states declared abortion an essential service , others exploited the pandemic to shutter clinics .
The future we have worried about was upon us in an instant .
Patients had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it , or who knew about abortion funds , were able to travel to other states for care .
The moment was both unprecedented and familiar .
The uselessness of our nation ’ s health care system was showing , and became even more burdensome on abortion patients .
In a just society , Raquel ( and anyone wanting an abortion but anxious about contracting Covid-19 ) could have ordered the necessary pills via telemedicine , online , or at a pharmacy , and completed the abortion at home .
That ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do abortion , because it ’ s incredibly safe and simple .
That ’ s how Americans once did it .
Concoctions were advertised in newspapers and shipped through the mail , or herbs such as pennyroyal and black cohosh root were made into teas .
But since the late 1800s , abortion has been deeply criminalized , and if Raquel had ordered the pills online , she and the person who sent them would have risked prosecution and jail .
Recently , Polish abortion activists reminded me that all of our laws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ To be sure , those are different from medical practice regulations that ensure procedures are performed correctly . )
Rules dictate how , when , where , and why someone can have an abortion , and mandate a series of physical and legal barriers one must cross .
Wait too long because you can ’ t afford the procedure ?
You can be criminalized .
Take pills at home with a parent because you couldn ’ t afford a procedure ?
You both can be criminalized .
Have a miscarriage , but a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You can be criminalized .
It doesn ’ t matter whether the rules are medically necessary or just , and of course , enforcement and punishment are significantly more severe with overpoliced communities of color and those who live in poverty .
What kind of nation allows people to be prosecuted for health care ?
On July 13 , just as this article was nearing publication , a federal judge issued an injunction on in-person requirements for dispensing pills necessary for a medication abortion , saying they create a “ substantial obstacle ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unconstitutional undue burden during a pandemic .
The ruling allows providers to mail or deliver the pills to patients—an important step , however temporary , in jurisprudence and in people ’ s lives .
More in this series But this moment has radicalized me .
I ’ ve never supported restrictions—I ’ ve experienced the panic they create when I was unsure if I could afford an abortion—but I ’ ve realized that it ’ s time for us to push for decriminalization of abortion and the abolition of all abortion restrictions .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of these laws restricting abortion .
They just create a tightrope for people to fall from and then invite the police into the experience .
As Black Lives Matter protests have swept our country , we are having a national dialogue about the spaces and places police hang around to control Black and brown people—schools , hospitals , grocery stores , coffee shops , and our homes .
Police are heavily involved in our inability to exercise reproductive freedom ; they brutalize us while pregnant ; spray us with tear gas , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who choose to terminate a pregnancy outside of the narrow confines of the law ; shoot our children ; and shackle us during labor .
We deserve police-free pregnancies .
This is why the fight for reproductive justice is critical .
It addresses systemic issues that have long prevented families of color from thriving on our own terms .
It ’ s worth recalling that antiabortion white supremacists pivoted from rallying for school segregation to protesting abortion ; they want to control our futures .
If we are serious about protecting abortion access @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fight to abolish abortion laws .
Our ancestors worked hard to ensure we had access to abortion to space our pregnancies , save our lives , and free us from the rape and violence of chattel slavery .
It is in their tradition that we must continue to make abortion free and available , whenever and wherever someone needs it .
Covid-19 brought a taste of what life would be like if abortion were illegal again , but it always has been in some form through the criminalization of Black and brown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will realize that to have reproductive justice , we have to take extreme efforts to decriminalize our health care , defund the police , and create communities that love people who have abortions , unapologetically .
Scenes From a Pandemic is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind , a living memorial to radical journalist Andrew Kopkind , who from 1982–94 was the magazine ’ s chief political writer and analyst .
This series of dispatches from Kopkind ’ s far-flung network of participants , advisers , guests , and friends is edited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ JoAnn Wypijewski , and appears weekly on thenation.com and kopkind.org .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
W ashington, D.C.— Last November, I drove more than 12 hours for an abortion. It wasn’t mine (I had mine in 2005); I picked up a young woman in rural Pennsylvania whom I’ll call Raquel. She needed a ride to a clinic in Maryland to get some pills that she would take back at her home to have a medication abortion. As we drove to the clinic, I told Raquel about what to expect during the appointment; after I finished I paused and said, “As much as I love getting to know you on this drive, did you know you could safely do this at home but the government won’t let you?” She was surprised. Like many people, she knew about limitations on abortion but didn’t know that very safe and basic methods are being restricted because of outdated FDA regulations on how they can be dispensed. The drive bonded us—we still keep in touch, and she approved the inclusion of her story here—but it was an unnecessary exercise, one that antiabortion politicians created to make yet another constitutional right as inaccessible as possible. The cruelty of the barricades along the journey is the point.
Since Covid-19 hit, I’ve thought a lot about that drive with Raquel, particularly as people have reached out needing abortions. States have limited travel, issued stay-at-home orders, and required people to quarantine for at least two weeks. While several states declared abortion an essential service, others exploited the pandemic to shutter clinics. The future we have worried about was upon us in an instant. Patients had appointments canceled. Those who could afford it, or who knew about abortion funds, were able to travel to other states for care. The moment was both unprecedented and familiar. The uselessness of our nation’s health care system was showing, and became even more burdensome on abortion patients.
In a just society, Raquel (and anyone wanting an abortion but anxious about contracting Covid-19) could have ordered the necessary pills via telemedicine, online, or at a pharmacy, and completed the abortion at home. That’s the way many people around the world do abortion, because it’s incredibly safe and simple. That’s how Americans once did it. Concoctions were advertised in newspapers and shipped through the mail, or herbs such as pennyroyal and black cohosh root were made into teas. But since the late 1800s, abortion has been deeply criminalized, and if Raquel had ordered the pills online, she and the person who sent them would have risked prosecution and jail. Recently, Polish abortion activists reminded me that all of our laws governing abortion actually promote criminalization. (To be sure, those are different from medical practice regulations that ensure procedures are performed correctly.) Rules dictate how, when, where, and why someone can have an abortion, and mandate a series of physical and legal barriers one must cross. Wait too long because you can’t afford the procedure? You can be criminalized. Take pills at home with a parent because you couldn’t afford a procedure? You both can be criminalized. Have a miscarriage, but a doctor thinks you self-managed an abortion? You can be criminalized. It doesn’t matter whether the rules are medically necessary or just, and of course, enforcement and punishment are significantly more severe with overpoliced communities of color and those who live in poverty. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
What kind of nation allows people to be prosecuted for health care?
On July 13, just as this article was nearing publication, a federal judge issued an injunction on in-person requirements for dispensing pills necessary for a medication abortion, saying they create a “substantial obstacle” for patients, and may be an unconstitutional undue burden during a pandemic. The ruling allows providers to mail or deliver the pills to patients—an important step, however temporary, in jurisprudence and in people’s lives. Scenes From a Pandemic Untethered, or The Year of Living Virtually Patricia J. Williams The Art of the Meal Mary Lewis Maybe We Shouldn’t Go Back to Normal Bri M.
But this moment has radicalized me. I’ve never supported restrictions—I’ve experienced the panic they create when I was unsure if I could afford an abortion—but I’ve realized that it’s time for us to push for decriminalization of abortion and the abolition of all abortion restrictions. There is no medical necessity for any of these laws restricting abortion. They just create a tightrope for people to fall from and then invite the police into the experience.
As Black Lives Matter protests have swept our country, we are having a national dialogue about the spaces and places police hang around to control Black and brown people—schools, hospitals, grocery stores, coffee shops, and our homes. Police are heavily involved in our inability to exercise reproductive freedom; they brutalize us while pregnant; spray us with tear gas, which can affect our fertility; arrest people who choose to terminate a pregnancy outside of the narrow confines of the law; shoot our children; and shackle us during labor. We deserve police-free pregnancies. This is why the fight for reproductive justice is critical. It addresses systemic issues that have long prevented families of color from thriving on our own terms. It’s worth recalling that antiabortion white supremacists pivoted from rallying for school segregation to protesting abortion; they want to control our futures. Current Issue View our current issue
If we are serious about protecting abortion access, we have to become serious about the fight to abolish abortion laws. Our ancestors worked hard to ensure we had access to abortion to space our pregnancies, save our lives, and free us from the rape and violence of chattel slavery. It is in their tradition that we must continue to make abortion free and available, whenever and wherever someone needs it.
Covid-19 brought a taste of what life would be like if abortion were illegal again, but it always has been in some form through the criminalization of Black and brown bodies. I hope that more people will realize that to have reproductive justice, we have to take extreme efforts to decriminalize our health care, defund the police, and create communities that love people who have abortions, unapologetically.
Scenes From a Pandemic is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind, a living memorial to radical journalist Andrew Kopkind, who from 1982–94 was the magazine’s chief political writer and analyst. This series of dispatches from Kopkind’s far-flung network of participants, advisers, guests, and friends is edited by Nation contributor and Kopkind program director JoAnn Wypijewski, and appears weekly on thenation.com and kopkind.org.