thenation--2020-08-26--The Republican Convention Is a Political Ponzi Scheme

Donald Trump is a persistent liar .
But some of his lies are bigger than others , and the biggest of them all is the one he repeated at the opening of this week ’ s Republican National Convention .
Over disembodied mumbles of “ four more years , ” the president served up a heaping helping of xenophobia and economic nonsense as he claimed that he was presiding over a “ historic ” economic recovery before the coronavirus pandemic messed everything up .
“ We have to win .
Our country is counting on it .
This is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump said of the race he ’ s been nominated to run against former vice president Joe Biden .
“ The most successful economy in the history of our country ” ?
No .
It wasn ’ t that before the pandemic , and it isn ’ t that now .
Not even close .
Yet Trump is spreading the lie .
And speaker after speaker at this convoluted sometimes in-person , sometimes virtual convention is amplifying it .
The big lie is so vital to the president ’ s reelection run that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States National Economic Council , was dispatched to open the second night of the convention with false claims that Trump inherited a “ stagnant economy ” and that the “ economy was rebuilt in three years.
” Why ?
Republicans have staked their political future on a plan to get Americans who are fed up with the president to vote for him anyway .
At the heart of that plan is the fantasy that Trump is the essential man of American renewal—and the even bigger fantasy that the president who failed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mass unemployment this year will somehow get it right next year .
What ’ s unfolding is a political Ponzi scheme .
Inflated claims are being made about Trump ’ s economic “ accomplishments ” in order to persuade frightened and uncertain Americans to invest their votes in the scandal-plagued businessman ’ s reelection run .
If voters will just reelect the president , Trump and his willing co-conspirators claim , the payoff will come in the form of a booming economy .
“ If you ’ re looking for hope , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ look to the man who did what the failed Obama-Biden administration never could do and built the greatest economy our country has ever seen.
” “ Who better to lead us out of these times than the president who already built the strongest economy our country has ever seen ?
” bubbled House majority whip Steve Scalise of Louisiana .
“ Donald Trump did it before .
Donald Trump will deliver for us again.
” Former UN Ambassador Nikki Haley claimed that “ the President is the clear choice on jobs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Trump has never been the clear choice on jobs or the economy .
His economic track record is not a story of “ historic ” success .
That ’ s been well documented , because , of course , the president ’ s current lie is one he has told before .
In February , just before the pandemic hit , Trump was busy claiming that he ’ d built a thriving economy .
Multiple media outlets dinged him for rearranging the facts .
Trump inherited a thriving economy .
By just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under Trump did not do as well as it did under Presidents Dwight Eisenhower , Lyndon Johnson or Bill Clinton .
The gross domestic product grew at an annual rate of 2.3 % in 2019 , slipping from 2.9 % in 2018 and 2.4 % in 2017 .
But in 1997 , 1998 and 1999 , GDP grew 4.5 % , 4.5 % and 4.7 % , respectively .
Yet even that period paled in comparison against the 1950s and 1960s .
Growth between 1962 and 1966 ranged from 4.4 % to 6.6 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it was 8.7 % and 8 % , respectively .
Meanwhile , the unemployment rate reached a low of 3.5 % under Trump , but it dipped as low as 2.5 % in 1953 .
The BBC explained that Trump wasn ’ t even doing as well as his political nemesis , former President Barack Obama .
“ For 2019 , the data shows an annual average growth of 2.3 % , ending the year at 2.1 % for the fourth quarter .
This is significantly less than the 5.5 % peak achieved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Obama presidency .
And if you go further back , there were times in the 1950s and 1960s when GDP growth was even higher.
” Megan Black , an assistant professor of history at the London School of Economics , told the network , “ If you choose to look at the health of the economy based on GDP , Mr. Trump ’ s claims are suspect when compared to the national economic boom of the post-War years.
” If you choose to look at other measures , these pro-Trump assertions prove @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Join Us for the Republican National Convention We Need to Talk About the GOP ’ s ‘ Black Friends ’ Republicans Have Organized a Backlash Convention , and It ’ s Tearing This Country Apart More in this series During the last three years of the Obama administration , 8.1 million jobs were created , according to the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis .
During the first three years of the Trump administration , only 6.6 million jobs were created .
So Trump was underperforming even before the pandemic .
After @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response so badly that , while other countries have been getting back on their feet , this one is struggling with a 10.2 percent unemployment rate—higher than the rate Obama wrestled with during the Great Recession .
The rate has gone down from where it was in March and April when the Covid-19 crisis unfolded , but there are fears that it could spike anew this fall .
There is also the reality that the pandemic and its economic consequences continue to hit Black and brown communities hardest—with ProPublica reporting just this week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be unemployed but less likely to get unemployment benefits.
” Trump and his backers don ’ t have anything to brag about .
No matter where you look , to federal data , to financial analyses , to business journals , to the fact-checking industry—which has , admittedly , boomed under this president—Trump ’ s claims do not stand up .
He ’ s not a master of the universe , unless your universe is the Republican National Convention , where Donald Trump is cast as an economic superhero .
Don Jr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ father ’ s “ policies have been like rocket fuel to the economy.
” Kudlow announced that the economy , even with 30 million unemployed , is “ roaring back.
” And Vice President Mike Pence ambled in to proclaim , “ We ’ ve revived this economy through cutting taxes.
” Pence was lying .
And it was a dangerous lie at that .
According to Forbes , “ Trump ’ s entire premise that the tax cuts are trickling down to families and sparking an economic boom is baseless .
His @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers , they ’ ve inflated deficits , and by doing so they have put programs like Social Security and Medicare more at risk .
Another Trump tax cut would threaten these programs even more.
” The facts are not on this president ’ s side .
That is why the 2020 Republican National Convention has been framed around the big lie .
And that is why Trump and his hirelings will keep telling the lie right through November 3 .
What the Republicans are offering America is not a campaign .
It @ @ @ @ @ @

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Donald Trump is a persistent liar. But some of his lies are bigger than others, and the biggest of them all is the one he repeated at the opening of this week’s Republican National Convention.
Over disembodied mumbles of “four more years,” the president served up a heaping helping of xenophobia and economic nonsense as he claimed that he was presiding over a “historic” economic recovery before the coronavirus pandemic messed everything up.
“We have to win. Our country is counting on it. This is the biggest, this is it,” Trump said of the race he’s been nominated to run against former vice president Joe Biden.
“The most successful economy in the history of our country”? No. It wasn’t that before the pandemic, and it isn’t that now. Not even close.
Yet Trump is spreading the lie. And speaker after speaker at this convoluted sometimes in-person, sometimes virtual convention is amplifying it.
The big lie is so vital to the president’s reelection run that Larry Kudlow, the director of the United States National Economic Council, was dispatched to open the second night of the convention with false claims that Trump inherited a “stagnant economy” and that the “economy was rebuilt in three years.”
Why? Republicans have staked their political future on a plan to get Americans who are fed up with the president to vote for him anyway. At the heart of that plan is the fantasy that Trump is the essential man of American renewal—and the even bigger fantasy that the president who failed to respond effectively to the pandemic or to mass unemployment this year will somehow get it right next year.
What’s unfolding is a political Ponzi scheme. Inflated claims are being made about Trump’s economic “accomplishments” in order to persuade frightened and uncertain Americans to invest their votes in the scandal-plagued businessman’s reelection run. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
If voters will just reelect the president, Trump and his willing co-conspirators claim, the payoff will come in the form of a booming economy.
“If you’re looking for hope,” chirped Donald Trump Jr. on Monday night, “look to the man who did what the failed Obama-Biden administration never could do and built the greatest economy our country has ever seen.”
“Who better to lead us out of these times than the president who already built the strongest economy our country has ever seen?” bubbled House majority whip Steve Scalise of Louisiana. “Donald Trump did it before. Donald Trump will deliver for us again.”
Former UN Ambassador Nikki Haley claimed that “the President is the clear choice on jobs and the economy.”
The truth is that Trump has never been the clear choice on jobs or the economy.
His economic track record is not a story of “historic” success. That’s been well documented, because, of course, the president’s current lie is one he has told before.
In February, just before the pandemic hit, Trump was busy claiming that he’d built a thriving economy. Multiple media outlets dinged him for rearranging the facts.
The Washington Post noted:
Trump inherited a thriving economy. By just about any important measure, the economy under Trump did not do as well as it did under Presidents Dwight Eisenhower, Lyndon Johnson or Bill Clinton. The gross domestic product grew at an annual rate of 2.3% in 2019, slipping from 2.9% in 2018 and 2.4% in 2017. But in 1997, 1998 and 1999, GDP grew 4.5%, 4.5% and 4.7%, respectively. Yet even that period paled in comparison against the 1950s and 1960s. Growth between 1962 and 1966 ranged from 4.4% to 6.6%. In 1950 and 1951, it was 8.7% and 8%, respectively. Meanwhile, the unemployment rate reached a low of 3.5% under Trump, but it dipped as low as 2.5% in 1953.
The BBC explained that Trump wasn’t even doing as well as his political nemesis, former President Barack Obama. “For 2019, the data shows an annual average growth of 2.3%, ending the year at 2.1% for the fourth quarter. This is significantly less than the 5.5% peak achieved in the second quarter of 2014 during the Obama presidency. And if you go further back, there were times in the 1950s and 1960s when GDP growth was even higher.” Megan Black, an assistant professor of history at the London School of Economics, told the network, “If you choose to look at the health of the economy based on GDP, Mr. Trump’s claims are suspect when compared to the national economic boom of the post-War years.”
If you choose to look at other measures, these pro-Trump assertions prove to be equally false. 2020 RNC Biden Republicans Are a Political Illusion Jeet Heer GOP Convention: George Wallace Meets ‘Duck Dynasty’ Sasha Abramsky The ‘Abomination’ of a Convention Makes Clear the GOP Threat Eric Alterman
During the last three years of the Obama administration, 8.1 million jobs were created, according to the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis. During the first three years of the Trump administration, only 6.6 million jobs were created.
So Trump was underperforming even before the pandemic. After it hit, he mangled the US response so badly that, while other countries have been getting back on their feet, this one is struggling with a 10.2 percent unemployment rate—higher than the rate Obama wrestled with during the Great Recession. The rate has gone down from where it was in March and April when the Covid-19 crisis unfolded, but there are fears that it could spike anew this fall. There is also the reality that the pandemic and its economic consequences continue to hit Black and brown communities hardest—with ProPublica reporting just this week that “Black workers are more likely to be unemployed but less likely to get unemployment benefits.”
Trump and his backers don’t have anything to brag about. No matter where you look, to federal data, to financial analyses, to business journals, to the fact-checking industry—which has, admittedly, boomed under this president—Trump’s claims do not stand up. He’s not a master of the universe, unless your universe is the Republican National Convention, where Donald Trump is cast as an economic superhero. It’s the Economy Can Joe Biden Unrig the Economy? Mike Konczal
Don Jr. started the week by claiming that his father’s “policies have been like rocket fuel to the economy.” Kudlow announced that the economy, even with 30 million unemployed, is “roaring back.” And Vice President Mike Pence ambled in to proclaim, “We’ve revived this economy through cutting taxes.” Pence was lying. And it was a dangerous lie at that. According to Forbes, “Trump’s entire premise that the tax cuts are trickling down to families and sparking an economic boom is baseless. His tax cuts have not trickled down to workers, they’ve inflated deficits, and by doing so they have put programs like Social Security and Medicare more at risk. Another Trump tax cut would threaten these programs even more.”
The facts are not on this president’s side.
That is why the 2020 Republican National Convention has been framed around the big lie. And that is why Trump and his hirelings will keep telling the lie right through November 3.
What the Republicans are offering America is not a campaign. It’s a con job.


thenation--2020-08-26--The RNC’s Extremist Problem

The RNC’s Extremist Problem

Political conventions normally have a twofold goal : reenergizing the base of the party and making a pitch to wavering voters whose support might be won .
In this year ’ s , we ’ ve seen a stark contrast between the two parties in which aim they have prioritized .
Last week ’ s DNC was overwhelmingly focused on winning over centrists and disenchanted Republicans , with the ideological message put on the back burner in order to emphasize appeals to patriotism , civility , and decency .
In pursuit of this goal , prime-time space was given to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Michael Bloomberg , Cindy McCain , and Colin Powell .
The Republican convention , by contrast , has been an exercise in reinvigorating the base , with red-meat appeals on culture war issues that are the heart of Trumpism .
Rather than trying to win over potential converts , the goal is to get the church excited again with the old-time religion .
The difference between the two parties is surely due to the substantial lead Joe Biden has enjoyed all year , which widened further with the rise of Covid-19 in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has never had less than a 6 percent lead in the FiveThirtyEight aggregation of the polls .
This means Biden can feel secure that he has his base locked down and can go hunting for new voters .
Trump , on the other hand , can ’ t afford to lose any of the voters he has .
So the RNC has been geared toward battening down the hatches and making sure every facet of the GOP coalition is on board .
The problem for the GOP is that this approach means it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who have been attracted by the magnet of Trumpism .
The GOP convention has seen a consistent elevation of unhinged figures advocating causes like the QAnon conspiracy theory , opposition to woman ’ s suffrage , and anti-Semitism .
America ’ s Holy War Comes to the RNC The RNC ’ s Pitch to Black America Is Not Just Ridiculous—It ’ s Sick On Tuesday , GOP congressional candidate Marjorie Taylor Greene , an outspoken QAnon enthusiast , tweeted : “ I ’ m honored and thrilled to be invited to attend President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the White House.
” She posted a gaudy gold-tinted invitation signed by Trump .
QAnon , of course , is the conspiracy theory that Trump is fighting a covert war against pedophiles and cannibals who control the Democratic Party , Hollywood , and the “ deep state.
” Also on Tuesday , The Daily Beast broke the story that Mary Ann Mendoza , who had been scheduled to speak at the convention , had retweeted a string of anti-Semitic messages including a link to the Protocols of the Elders of Zionism , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her anti-Semitism , the very grounds for inviting Mendoza were dubious .
She was described as an “ angel parent ” —a term among nativists for Americans whose children had been killed by undocumented immigrants .
Mendoza ’ s son had been killed in a car accident involving an undocumented immigrant .
But the very category of “ angel parent ” is itself xenophobic , implying that death in these circumstances is inherently more tragic .
After Mendoza ’ s anti-Semitism was reported , the RNC pulled her from the speaking slot .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ speaker slated for Tuesday night , anti-abortion activist Abby Johnson .
According to the website 19th News , Johnson “ has advocated in recent months for a head-of-household voting system that has historically barred women and people of color from casting ballots.
” Johnson ’ s position is that only the head of a household , who would normally be the husband , should be allowed to cast votes .
On Twitter , Johnson was asked , “ But what happens when the husband is a Republican and the wife is a Democrat @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ Then they would have to decide on one vote .
In a Godly household , the husband would get the final say.
” Vice also reported that Johnson “ said in a recent video that it would be ‘ smart ’ for a police officer to racially profile her biracial son , because ‘ statistically , my brown son is more likely to commit a violent offense over my white sons.
’ ” The invitation to Greene and the speaking spots offered to Mendoza and Johnson illustrate the dangers of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In making such figures the face of the GOP , the Trump campaign risks alienating anyone outside the fold .

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Political conventions normally have a twofold goal: reenergizing the base of the party and making a pitch to wavering voters whose support might be won. In this year’s, we’ve seen a stark contrast between the two parties in which aim they have prioritized. Last week’s DNC was overwhelmingly focused on winning over centrists and disenchanted Republicans, with the ideological message put on the back burner in order to emphasize appeals to patriotism, civility, and decency. In pursuit of this goal, prime-time space was given to Republicans and former Republicans: John Kasich, Michael Bloomberg, Cindy McCain, and Colin Powell.
The Republican convention, by contrast, has been an exercise in reinvigorating the base, with red-meat appeals on culture war issues that are the heart of Trumpism. Rather than trying to win over potential converts, the goal is to get the church excited again with the old-time religion.
The difference between the two parties is surely due to the substantial lead Joe Biden has enjoyed all year, which widened further with the rise of Covid-19 in the spring. Since May, Biden has never had less than a 6 percent lead in the FiveThirtyEight aggregation of the polls. This means Biden can feel secure that he has his base locked down and can go hunting for new voters. Trump, on the other hand, can’t afford to lose any of the voters he has. So the RNC has been geared toward battening down the hatches and making sure every facet of the GOP coalition is on board.
The problem for the GOP is that this approach means it has to cater to extremists and goofballs who have been attracted by the magnet of Trumpism. The GOP convention has seen a consistent elevation of unhinged figures advocating causes like the QAnon conspiracy theory, opposition to woman’s suffrage, and anti-Semitism. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
On Tuesday, GOP congressional candidate Marjorie Taylor Greene, an outspoken QAnon enthusiast, tweeted: “I’m honored and thrilled to be invited to attend President Trump’s acceptance speech Thursday evening at the White House.” She posted a gaudy gold-tinted invitation signed by Trump. QAnon, of course, is the conspiracy theory that Trump is fighting a covert war against pedophiles and cannibals who control the Democratic Party, Hollywood, and the “deep state.”
Also on Tuesday, The Daily Beast broke the story that Mary Ann Mendoza, who had been scheduled to speak at the convention, had retweeted a string of anti-Semitic messages including a link to The Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a notorious anti-Jewish forgery. Apart from her anti-Semitism, the very grounds for inviting Mendoza were dubious. She was described as an “angel parent”—a term among nativists for Americans whose children had been killed by undocumented immigrants. Mendoza’s son had been killed in a car accident involving an undocumented immigrant. But the very category of “angel parent” is itself xenophobic, implying that death in these circumstances is inherently more tragic. After Mendoza’s anti-Semitism was reported, the RNC pulled her from the speaking slot.
Finally, there was controversy involving another speaker slated for Tuesday night, anti-abortion activist Abby Johnson. According to the website 19th News, Johnson “has advocated in recent months for a head-of-household voting system that has historically barred women and people of color from casting ballots.” Johnson’s position is that only the head of a household, who would normally be the husband, should be allowed to cast votes.
On Twitter, Johnson was asked, “But what happens when the husband is a Republican and the wife is a Democrat or vice versa?” She replied, “Then they would have to decide on one vote. In a Godly household, the husband would get the final say.”
Vice also reported that Johnson “said in a recent video that it would be ‘smart’ for a police officer to racially profile her biracial son, because ‘statistically, my brown son is more likely to commit a violent offense over my white sons.’”
The invitation to Greene and the speaking spots offered to Mendoza and Johnson illustrate the dangers of the strategy of riling up the base. In making such figures the face of the GOP, the Trump campaign risks alienating anyone outside the fold.


thenation--2020-08-25--Scholars of Poverty and Inequality Face Their Own Racial Reckoning

The United States is in the midst of a long-overdue racial reckoning , and the fight is not only happening in the streets .
The field of poverty scholarship , a discipline that includes researchers and academics across universities , think tanks , advocacy organizations , and governments , has become embroiled in its own debates over racism within its ranks .
The field has spent decades debating how much of the persistence of Black poverty can be attributed to “ cultural ” versus “ structural ” issues .
Cultural arguments place emphasis on individuals ’ behaviors , while structural @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racism .
Cultural arguments are now coming under deserved new scrutiny .
Blaming Black people for their own hardships is its own kind of tradition , and seems to make a comeback at very regular intervals .
Citing a “ culture of poverty ” and lack of “ marriage culture ” are two of its mainstays .
Which is why the response to a recent article in an academic journal by Dr. Lawrence Mead , a long-standing professor of public policy and politics at New York University , is noteworthy .
The hypothesis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Poverty and Culture , ” is that Black and Hispanic people are still disproportionately living in poverty decades after the civil rights movement because of their own cultural shortcomings .
Specifically , Mead says Black and Hispanic people lack “ individualism ” and “ ambition ” because these groups did not come from Europe ( notably , Mead provides no analysis of the downsides of “ individualism ” as primary human motivation ) .
He also provides almost no data to support his claims .
Understandably , outrage followed .
Following more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the scholarly journal that published the offensive piece decided to retract it—an unusual move in academia .
Those publicly rejecting Mead ’ s article included educators , scholars , researchers , advocates , and community leaders , along with folks within his own institution , NYU , who took to Twitter and signed petitions and denounced its racist conclusions .
But these ideas are not new for Mead : In his 1992 book The New Politics of Poverty : The Nonworking Poor in America , Mead asserted that “ the worldview of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attitudes contrary to work , and thus vulnerable to poverty and dependency.
” Still , the timing of the release of his newest article , in 2020 , against the backdrop of a global pandemic , political turmoil , and a spotlight on systemic racism , seems to have triggered an “ aha ” moment for much of the field .
This raises a hopeful possibility : Is 2020 the year researchers and academics finally confront their field ’ s complicity in peddling racist ideas about the causes of poverty , ideas that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of public policy ?
Just as phrenology–which was used to justify racism–was eventually discredited by scientists , could poverty scholars finally be ready to abandon theories about Black cultural pathology , and see them for what they really are ?
Mead ’ s ideas have been highly influential in welfare reform efforts .
He has consulted with federal , state , and local governments and testifies regularly to Congress on poverty , welfare , and social policy .
As recently as 2013 Mead testified before a House subcommittee in favor of “ workfare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ requirements on receiving welfare benefits .
His words are not treated merely as a matter of opinion ; rather , his arguments have had real-world implications for understanding poverty , and on the lives of poor people in the United States .
But this worldview goes far beyond Mead : Beliefs about Black cultural deficiencies , whether explicit or implied , show up regularly in the field of inequality and poverty studies .
Conventional research on racial inequality in poverty has a history of pointing to behavioral characteristics , such as nonmarital childbearing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by promoting welfare dependency and leading to the intergenerational transfer of inequality .
Given that Black and Hispanic women are more likely to have a nonmarital birth , these arguments serve as a type of dog-whistle politics .
Few scholars point to cultural differences between racialized groups as explicitly as Mead does , but many seem to arrive at similar conclusions .
Ron Haskins , a longtime figure at Brookings , has often linked the increase in nonmarital childbearing among Black families to racial inequality , while Sara McLanahan ’ s work has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the reproduction of inequality .
Isabel Sawhill ’ s concern over the cultural shift toward “ unwed ” childbearing is core to her work , along with an interest in reducing nonmarital births to “ fragile families.
” W. Bradford Wilcox has built what could be described as a scholarly empire promoting marriage and the importance of the supposedly best family structure ( nuclear ) , but critics have suggested that the integrity of his findings is compromised , and his approach , at minimum , opportunistic .
These are not fringe players @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , well-connected , and well-funded .
But when it comes to comparing their core ideas about the role of “ culture ” to those of someone like Mead , it ’ s reasonable to ask if we ’ re talking about a distinction without a difference .
All of this analysis , and these “ findings , ” after all , imply behavioral deficiencies among unmarried Black people .
Thus , like Mead , many scholars present the connection between behaviors and inequality in ways that lack broader historical context and ignore historical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
For instance , many scholars , like Mead , tend to ( 1 ) treat racial groups as biologically real rather than a social invention , ( 2 ) attribute adverse behaviors as fundamental to these supposedly real biological groups , and ( 3 ) ignore individuals ’ adaptive responses to racism .
To understand racial inequality , now and historically , it ’ s most important to recognize how historical forms of structural racism ( e.g.
, colonialism , slavery , and Jim Crow ) continue to shape contemporary forms of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , mass incarceration , poverty , etc. )
.
Joe Feagin , for example , connects historical racism with contemporary racial inequality by focusing on systemic racism .
Eduardo Bonilla-Silva , Michael Omi , and Howard Winant call for a more structural approach to racial inequality and to move away from biological or behavioral interpretations .
Thus , the response to Mead may reflect a growing awareness of the need to think more critically about the link between race or ethnicity and inequality , and to expose erroneous assumptions underlying his central arguments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s happening to Mead “ cancel culture , ” expressive of an intolerance for different viewpoints .
They will point to university debates about “ trigger warnings ” and worry about the slide into protecting students from unwelcome opinions .
But they are missing that the opposition to Mead ’ s work is substantive , and overdue .
There is no guarantee that the current level of activism and allyship will stick , inside or outside of academia , nor that it will be successful .
Though cautious optimism seems warranted , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the founding of our country many have consistently found new ways to extinguish , enslave , imprison , disenfranchise , disadvantage , and disparage Black people and their families and blame them for their own struggles .
But when we look at the considerable size of the adverse response to Mead ’ s paper and the conversations it has spurred , we see signs of hope .
As institutions are renamed , and iconic statues across the country torn down in the streets , this is exactly the right time for a critical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and listen to .

Nicole Sussner Rodgers, Deadric T. Williams

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The United States is in the midst of a long-overdue racial reckoning, and the fight is not only happening in the streets.
The field of poverty scholarship, a discipline that includes researchers and academics across universities, think tanks, advocacy organizations, and governments, has become embroiled in its own debates over racism within its ranks. The field has spent decades debating how much of the persistence of Black poverty can be attributed to “cultural” versus “structural” issues. Cultural arguments place emphasis on individuals’ behaviors, while structural arguments highlight the role of discrimination and racism. Cultural arguments are now coming under deserved new scrutiny.
Blaming Black people for their own hardships is its own kind of tradition, and seems to make a comeback at very regular intervals. Citing a “culture of poverty” and lack of “marriage culture” are two of its mainstays. Which is why the response to a recent article in an academic journal by Dr. Lawrence Mead, a long-standing professor of public policy and politics at New York University, is noteworthy.
The hypothesis of Mead’s commentary, titled “Poverty and Culture,” is that Black and Hispanic people are still disproportionately living in poverty decades after the civil rights movement because of their own cultural shortcomings. Specifically, Mead says Black and Hispanic people lack “individualism” and “ambition” because these groups did not come from Europe (notably, Mead provides no analysis of the downsides of “individualism” as primary human motivation). He also provides almost no data to support his claims. Understandably, outrage followed.
Following more than a week of increasingly visible pushback, the scholarly journal that published the offensive piece decided to retract it—an unusual move in academia. Those publicly rejecting Mead’s article included educators, scholars, researchers, advocates, and community leaders, along with folks within his own institution, NYU, who took to Twitter and signed petitions and denounced its racist conclusions.
But these ideas are not new for Mead: In his 1992 book The New Politics of Poverty: The Nonworking Poor in America, Mead asserted that “the worldview of blacks makes them uniquely prone to the attitudes contrary to work, and thus vulnerable to poverty and dependency.” Still, the timing of the release of his newest article, in 2020, against the backdrop of a global pandemic, political turmoil, and a spotlight on systemic racism, seems to have triggered an “aha” moment for much of the field. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
This raises a hopeful possibility: Is 2020 the year researchers and academics finally confront their field’s complicity in peddling racist ideas about the causes of poverty, ideas that remain far too influential in the development of public policy? Just as phrenology–which was used to justify racism–was eventually discredited by scientists, could poverty scholars finally be ready to abandon theories about Black cultural pathology, and see them for what they really are? Current Issue View our current issue
Mead’s ideas have been highly influential in welfare reform efforts. He has consulted with federal, state, and local governments and testifies regularly to Congress on poverty, welfare, and social policy. As recently as 2013 Mead testified before a House subcommittee in favor of “workfare,” which places strict work participation requirements on receiving welfare benefits. His words are not treated merely as a matter of opinion; rather, his arguments have had real-world implications for understanding poverty, and on the lives of poor people in the United States.
But this worldview goes far beyond Mead: Beliefs about Black cultural deficiencies, whether explicit or implied, show up regularly in the field of inequality and poverty studies. Conventional research on racial inequality in poverty has a history of pointing to behavioral characteristics, such as nonmarital childbearing, as the cause of racial inequities by promoting welfare dependency and leading to the intergenerational transfer of inequality. Given that Black and Hispanic women are more likely to have a nonmarital birth, these arguments serve as a type of dog-whistle politics.
Few scholars point to cultural differences between racialized groups as explicitly as Mead does, but many seem to arrive at similar conclusions. Ron Haskins, a longtime figure at Brookings, has often linked the increase in nonmarital childbearing among Black families to racial inequality, while Sara McLanahan’s work has underscored the importance of family structure in the reproduction of inequality. Isabel Sawhill’s concern over the cultural shift toward “unwed” childbearing is core to her work, along with an interest in reducing nonmarital births to “fragile families.” W. Bradford Wilcox has built what could be described as a scholarly empire promoting marriage and the importance of the supposedly best family structure (nuclear), but critics have suggested that the integrity of his findings is compromised, and his approach, at minimum, opportunistic.
These are not fringe players. They are giants of their fields—influential, well-connected, and well-funded. But when it comes to comparing their core ideas about the role of “culture” to those of someone like Mead, it’s reasonable to ask if we’re talking about a distinction without a difference. All of this analysis, and these “findings,” after all, imply behavioral deficiencies among unmarried Black people. Thus, like Mead, many scholars present the connection between behaviors and inequality in ways that lack broader historical context and ignore historical and contemporary forms of racism and discrimination. For instance, many scholars, like Mead, tend to (1) treat racial groups as biologically real rather than a social invention, (2) attribute adverse behaviors as fundamental to these supposedly real biological groups, and (3) ignore individuals’ adaptive responses to racism.
To understand racial inequality, now and historically, it’s most important to recognize how historical forms of structural racism (e.g., colonialism, slavery, and Jim Crow) continue to shape contemporary forms of inequitable conditions (e.g., residential segregation, mass incarceration, poverty, etc.). Joe Feagin, for example, connects historical racism with contemporary racial inequality by focusing on systemic racism. Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Michael Omi, and Howard Winant call for a more structural approach to racial inequality and to move away from biological or behavioral interpretations. Thus, the response to Mead may reflect a growing awareness of the need to think more critically about the link between race or ethnicity and inequality, and to expose erroneous assumptions underlying his central arguments.
Some will inevitably call what’s happening to Mead “cancel culture,” expressive of an intolerance for different viewpoints. They will point to university debates about “trigger warnings” and worry about the slide into protecting students from unwelcome opinions. But they are missing that the opposition to Mead’s work is substantive, and overdue.
There is no guarantee that the current level of activism and allyship will stick, inside or outside of academia, nor that it will be successful. Though cautious optimism seems warranted, it would be naive to ignore that since the founding of our country many have consistently found new ways to extinguish, enslave, imprison, disenfranchise, disadvantage, and disparage Black people and their families and blame them for their own struggles. But when we look at the considerable size of the adverse response to Mead’s paper and the conversations it has spurred, we see signs of hope.
As institutions are renamed, and iconic statues across the country torn down in the streets, this is exactly the right time for a critical rethinking of which scholars we revere, and listen to.


thenation--2020-08-25--The Climate Apocalypse Has Arrived

The Climate Apocalypse Has Arrived

In early autumn , California ’ s notorious Santa Ana winds kick up , often fanning fires .
Those fires have done tremendous damage over the years , but they are at least a known quantity , their patterns somewhat predictable .
For the past four years , however , California ’ s fires have come earlier , have touched areas of the state not normally affected by conflagrations , and have spread farther and faster than ever before .
Two months before fire season usually begins , as I ’ m writing this , the state ’ s second- @ @ @ @ @ @ @ burning simultaneously .
By the time this is published , on Tuesday , given the likelihood of more dry lightning storms throughout Northern California , those fires will probably have grown into the largest and second-largest of all time .
Around the state , several hundred fires are burning simultaneously .
Already , more than a million acres—1,500 square miles—have gone up in smoke .
The entire northern half of California is under a Red Flag warning , with fire-safety personnel urging all residents of the region to be ready to evacuate at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a smaller scale , fire apocalypse is playing out across the American West .
A dense , toxic haze now hangs over the land , from the Pacific to the middle of the country .
Thousands of miles to the east of California ’ s conflagration , the Gulf Coast has been hit by a tropical storm and is preparing for a hurricane—storms not spaced out by weeks but arriving at almost the same time .
Meanwhile , scientists charting Greenland ’ s ice melt released a study last week showing a staggering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of 2019—more than double the annual average in the years since 2003 , which in themselves have been higher than historical averages .
The Signal this week , as it was last week , is climate change .
Not in some abstract , still-uncertain future , but now .
Trump hasn ’ t just fiddled while modern-day Rome burns ; he has , in his criminally negligent environmental policy , lit one match after another and thrown them , with wanton glee , onto the pyre .
And don ’ t think this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a rethink .
If you ’ re waiting for Trump or any of the marquee speakers at this week ’ s GOP convention to acknowledge this reality , you ’ re almost certainly in for a long wait .
Instead , you ’ ll get rhetorical platters laden with Noise : conspiracy theories masquerading as fact ; accusations that environmentalists are part of an extremist agenda intended to deprive red-blooded Americans of cars , meat , and overseas travel ; a paranoid style masquerading as a politics of action .
In his warm-up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Food and Drug Administration for being part of an alleged “ deep state ” conspiracy to delay the development of vaccines against the coronavirus and expanded his war on the franchise from vote-by-mail to the use of drop-off boxes by states , attacks he repeated in his Charlotte rally on day one of the GOP convention .
And he ’ s embraced the followers of QAnon .
Just as California ’ s million-acre conflagration is likely merely a taste of things to come when the true fire season gets under way , so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just a teaser for a series of truly vile , made-for-TV moments in the days and weeks ahead .
Trump is in an increasingly precarious electoral position .
The Democratic convention successfully sold Biden ’ s brand ; the ex-VP emerged from the convention seen as likable by more voters than he was going in .
Trump , by contrast , is disliked by most voters , is presiding over a pandemic response most voters think has been a failure , and is president at a time of double-digit unemployment .
That ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with these realities , Trump ’ s only chance is to burn the political house down around him and hope that he ends up the last man standing in the smoking wreckage .
Stay focused .
However much fire and smoke he conjures , it ’ s crucial not to get lost in the miasma between now and November .

In early autumn, California’s notorious Santa Ana winds kick up, often fanning fires. Those fires have done tremendous damage over the years, but they are at least a known quantity, their patterns somewhat predictable. For the past four years, however, California’s fires have come earlier, have touched areas of the state not normally affected by conflagrations, and have spread farther and faster than ever before.
Two months before fire season usually begins, as I’m writing this, the state’s second- and third-largest fires of all time are burning simultaneously. By the time this is published, on Tuesday, given the likelihood of more dry lightning storms throughout Northern California, those fires will probably have grown into the largest and second-largest of all time. Around the state, several hundred fires are burning simultaneously. Already, more than a million acres—1,500 square miles—have gone up in smoke. The entire northern half of California is under a Red Flag warning, with fire-safety personnel urging all residents of the region to be ready to evacuate at a moment’s notice.
On a smaller scale, fire apocalypse is playing out across the American West. A dense, toxic haze now hangs over the land, from the Pacific to the middle of the country.
Thousands of miles to the east of California’s conflagration, the Gulf Coast has been hit by a tropical storm and is preparing for a hurricane—storms not spaced out by weeks but arriving at almost the same time. More Signal:Noise California Is Burning—and Trump Gathers Kindling Sasha Abramsky Trump’s Attacks on Science Will Hasten Climate Catastrophe Sasha Abramsky
Meanwhile, scientists charting Greenland’s ice melt released a study last week showing a staggering loss of ice cover in the summer of 2019—more than double the annual average in the years since 2003, which in themselves have been higher than historical averages.
The Signal this week, as it was last week, is climate change. Not in some abstract, still-uncertain future, but now. Trump hasn’t just fiddled while modern-day Rome burns; he has, in his criminally negligent environmental policy, lit one match after another and thrown them, with wanton glee, onto the pyre.
And don’t think this week’s catastrophic events will trigger a rethink. If you’re waiting for Trump or any of the marquee speakers at this week’s GOP convention to acknowledge this reality, you’re almost certainly in for a long wait. Instead, you’ll get rhetorical platters laden with Noise: conspiracy theories masquerading as fact; accusations that environmentalists are part of an extremist agenda intended to deprive red-blooded Americans of cars, meat, and overseas travel; a paranoid style masquerading as a politics of action. Current Issue View our current issue
In his warm-up performances this week, Trump denounced the Food and Drug Administration for being part of an alleged “deep state” conspiracy to delay the development of vaccines against the coronavirus and expanded his war on the franchise from vote-by-mail to the use of drop-off boxes by states, attacks he repeated in his Charlotte rally on day one of the GOP convention. And he’s embraced the followers of QAnon.
Just as California’s million-acre conflagration is likely merely a taste of things to come when the true fire season gets under way, so Trump’s recent actions are likely just a teaser for a series of truly vile, made-for-TV moments in the days and weeks ahead.
Trump is in an increasingly precarious electoral position. The Democratic convention successfully sold Biden’s brand; the ex-VP emerged from the convention seen as likable by more voters than he was going in. Trump, by contrast, is disliked by most voters, is presiding over a pandemic response most voters think has been a failure, and is president at a time of double-digit unemployment. That’s hardly a winning combination.
Faced with these realities, Trump’s only chance is to burn the political house down around him and hope that he ends up the last man standing in the smoking wreckage. Stay focused. However much fire and smoke he conjures, it’s crucial not to get lost in the miasma between now and November.


thenation--2020-08-25--Thanks to 2020, We’re All Losing It

Thanks to 2020, We’re All Losing It

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thenation--2020-08-25--How Trump Betrays the Working People Who Elected Him

Every night of this week ’ s virtual Republican convention is featuring President Trump as he labors to convince Americans to reelect him despite presiding over the worst economic collapse since the Great Depression , contributing to the deaths of at least 173,000 Americans from the pandemic , and facing huge demonstrations over the racial tensions that he loves to fan .
Even more challenging , he must once more beguile the victims of his greatest con : the working men and women who voted for him , believing his promise that he ’ d take on the establishment that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of snake oil , Trump won ’ t be confined by the truth .
He ’ ll sell a mythic past and a magical future .
Perhaps he ’ ll even float a miracle cure for the pandemic .
As for the calamity , he ’ s already told us , “ I don ’ t take responsibility at all.
” He ’ ll blame the Chinese , the “ deep state , ” Barack Obama , antifa , socialists .
What is hard to hide , however , is his betrayal of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office .
Trump promised to overturn the establishment that had rigged the economy against them .
He would bring back good jobs ( especially in manufacturing ) with “ America first “ trade policies and by taking on China .
He would replace Obamacare with a cheaper and better system .
He would rebuild America ’ s decrepit infrastructure , “ drain the swamp , ” and make America great again .
Read the full text of Katrina ’ s column here .

EDITOR’S NOTE: Each week we cross-post an excerpt from Katrina vanden Heuvel’s column at the WashingtonPost.com. Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.
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Every night of this week’s virtual Republican convention is featuring President Trump as he labors to convince Americans to reelect him despite presiding over the worst economic collapse since the Great Depression, contributing to the deaths of at least 173,000 Americans from the pandemic, and facing huge demonstrations over the racial tensions that he loves to fan. Even more challenging, he must once more beguile the victims of his greatest con: the working men and women who voted for him, believing his promise that he’d take on the establishment that failed them.
Like the proverbial peddler of snake oil, Trump won’t be confined by the truth. He’ll sell a mythic past and a magical future. Perhaps he’ll even float a miracle cure for the pandemic. As for the calamity, he’s already told us, “I don’t take responsibility at all.” He’ll blame the Chinese, the “deep state,” Barack Obama, antifa, socialists. What is hard to hide, however, is his betrayal of the working people who propelled him to office.
Trump promised to overturn the establishment that had rigged the economy against them. He would bring back good jobs (especially in manufacturing) with “America first“ trade policies and by taking on China. He would replace Obamacare with a cheaper and better system. He would rebuild America’s decrepit infrastructure, “drain the swamp,” and make America great again.
Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.


thenation--2020-08-25--At the RNC, Republicans Go All-In on Police Impunity

On Sunday night , video was released showing the attempted murder of Jacob Blake on a street in Kenosha , Wis .
The video shows Blake , a Black man , walking towards his parked vehicle followed by two police officers who have their guns drawn on him .
As Blake reaches his car door , one of the officers grabs Blake ’ s tank top and holds him in place as he , or the other officer , fires multiple shots into Blake at point-blank range .
In the video , seven shots can be heard .
Witnesses say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before to break up a fight between two women .
Cops , who were apparently called to the scene , claim that Blake was noncompliant with their instructions when they arrived .
Blake ’ s three young children were in the car when the police shot him .
Blake was taken to a hospital , where he remains in the intensive care unit .
Less than 24 hours later , on Monday , Republicans started their national nominating convention in a crowded , mask-optional room in Charlotte , N.C. Vice President Mike Pence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , declared , “ We ’ re gon na back the Blue.
” Pence , apparently , couldn ’ t say “ Black lives matter.
” Not only that , he insisted on elevating the police , which is a profession , to the level of an immutable ( if , yes , constructed ) characteristic like race , color , or ethnicity .
There ’ s no such thing as a “ blue ” life .
There are just people armed at the behest of the state who are supposed to follow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unarmed citizens .
Such was the first installment of the Republicans ’ days-long convention-as-culture war , which will cast cops , like the ones who shot Blake , as victims in need of “ protection ” from an unarmed citizenry .
If Blake ’ s story comes up at all , it will arrive in the form of red-faced denunciations of the protesters decrying Blake ’ s attempted murder , rather than outrage over the attempted murder of another unarmed Black man .
Pence didn ’ t even bother to offer “ thoughts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children or family .
When it comes to Black men gunned down by the cops , even the usual useless platitudes get caught in Republican throats .
Pence , presumably , isn ’ t at all sorry that a Black man was shot several times in the back as his children cried out in horror .
I imagine he , and most Republicans , think the murder was justified .
I can tell you exactly what the cops will say : They ’ ll say that they thought Blake was “ reaching for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( even though there was no gun ) .
The cops will say , with a straight face , that they shot a man in the back in “ self-defense.
” And that defense might work .
Betty Shelby , the cop who shot Terrence Crutcher in the middle of a Tulsa street when she was surrounded by fellow officers and a police helicopter , was acquitted .
Many Republicans just don ’ t think gunning down unarmed Black men is illegal .
Many of them probably think the Black guy had it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Republican Party has fully aligned itself with the most violent and racist elements in our society .
Everybody from the white supremacists who showed up in Charlottesville to QAnon conspiracy theorists to unashamed bigots like Laura Loomer—anybody , quite simply , who has violent impulses toward people of color—has a home in the modern Republican Party .
There ’ s a reason the New York Police Union openly endorsed Donald Trump for president .
It ’ s because cops know that Trump and the Republicans will take their side against any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do not want to protect Black people from the police .
Democrats haven ’ t always been champions of Black lives either .
But Republicans have stood , and continue to stand , against every suggested measure to address police brutality .
I ’ m not just talking about the big , structural changes that progressives have been pushing in recent years ; Republicans oppose even the small changes that would simply make it harder for cops to gun down Black people with impunity .
Republicans oppose measures that would bring more transparency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their disciplinary records .
Republicans oppose a national registry of “ bad apples ” so that they can ’ t be shuffled from one department to another .
Republicans oppose independent commissions set up to prosecute police .
Republicans oppose federal oversight and consent decrees entered into with the Department of Justice , oppose federal use-of-force regulations , and oppose strengthening Fourth Amendment protections to prevent cops from racial profiling or executing no-knock warrants .
It would be possible to support any or all of these positions and still be a “ law @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accountability , and oversight over policing are ideas everybody should agree to , whether they believe that systemic racism infects law enforcement or not .
But you won ’ t find those kinds of Republicans , or plans , at the convention .
Instead of an anti-police-brutality agenda , Republicans have Tim Scott , the Senator from South Carolina who happens to be Black .
Scott spoke last night at the convention .
Scott ’ s proposals to address police brutality are underwhelming , but if Scott represented the actual Republican agenda on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a starting point .
But Scott ’ s ideas were not adopted as part of the Republican Party platform .
In fact , the Republican Party in 2020 adopted no platform at all .
The GOP blamed ( wait for it ) coronavirus social-distancing rules for preventing it from gathering and agreeing on a 2020 agenda .
Instead of adopting actual policies , the Republicans just put out a blanket resolution “ enthusiastically ” supporting Donald Trump .
I ’ m not making that up .
The 2020 GOP is not a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a cult of personality set up to support Trump .
If there is one thing we know about Trump and the party that is now forever tied to his existence , it ’ s that they do not care if people die .
Black and brown people are , and have long been , at the top of that list of not caring , but the thing about death cults is that they tend to expand .
Today ’ s Republicans don ’ t care if people are killed by law enforcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people die in floods , hurricanes , or fires brought on by climate change .
They figuratively shrug their shoulders as our children are gunned down at school .
And just a few weeks back , we saw President Trump literally shrug his shoulders and say “ It is what it is ” when confronted with the reality of the Americans felled by Covid-19 on his watch .
The callousness of Trump and the Republicans is matched only by the nihilism of their supporters .
A recent poll found that 57 percent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) American deaths from Covid-19 as “ acceptable.
” How Yale Became the Latest Target in the Plot to Kill Affirmative Action The DNC Refuses to Address the Elephant in the Room America ’ s Racist Police Won ’ t Be Dismantled by 2 Weeks of Protests This willful indifference in the face of systemic suffering is the defining feature of the modern Republican Party .
By championing a kind of latter-day social Darwinism , Republicans try to absolve themselves of responsibility .
They don ’ t have to come up with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there was nothing that could be done anyway .
Grandma had to die of something , I guess .
They don ’ t have to respond to mass shootings if they act like school shooters are unpredictable lightning bolts from an angry God .
They don ’ t have to address police brutality if Black lives do not matter .
An unarmed Black man was shot seven times in the back in broad daylight on camera on the eve of the Republican National Convention , and the vice president of the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ points to suggest that cops are anything other than the victims of the protests against that kind of violence .
Two tropical storms will slam into the Gulf Coast , at nearly the same time , during the convention , and the Republicans will not adjust their speeches that portray climate change as a liberal hoax perpetrated by people who want to raise the cost of doing business .
And the entire convention will be held in an alternate reality where the coronavirus either doesn ’ t exist , or has already been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a miracle cure Trump will present to the nation “ very soon.
” The only response Republicans have to the human suffering they ’ ve caused is to spend a week pretending that the humans who died on their watch never existed in the first place .

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On Sunday night, video was released showing the attempted murder of Jacob Blake on a street in Kenosha, Wis. The video shows Blake, a Black man, walking towards his parked vehicle followed by two police officers who have their guns drawn on him. As Blake reaches his car door, one of the officers grabs Blake’s tank top and holds him in place as he, or the other officer, fires multiple shots into Blake at point-blank range. In the video, seven shots can be heard.
Witnesses say Blake had exited his car not long before to break up a fight between two women. Cops, who were apparently called to the scene, claim that Blake was noncompliant with their instructions when they arrived.
Blake’s three young children were in the car when the police shot him. Blake was taken to a hospital, where he remains in the intensive care unit.
Less than 24 hours later, on Monday, Republicans started their national nominating convention in a crowded, mask-optional room in Charlotte, N.C. Vice President Mike Pence, accepting his renomination to his office, declared, “We’re gonna back the Blue.” Pence, apparently, couldn’t say “Black lives matter.” Not only that, he insisted on elevating the police, which is a profession, to the level of an immutable (if, yes, constructed) characteristic like race, color, or ethnicity. There’s no such thing as a “blue” life. There are just people armed at the behest of the state who are supposed to follow constitutional guidelines while they protect and serve unarmed citizens.
Such was the first installment of the Republicans’ days-long convention-as-culture war, which will cast cops, like the ones who shot Blake, as victims in need of “protection” from an unarmed citizenry. If Blake’s story comes up at all, it will arrive in the form of red-faced denunciations of the protesters decrying Blake’s attempted murder, rather than outrage over the attempted murder of another unarmed Black man.
Pence didn’t even bother to offer “thoughts and prayers” to Blake or his children or family. When it comes to Black men gunned down by the cops, even the usual useless platitudes get caught in Republican throats. Current Issue View our current issue
Pence, presumably, isn’t at all sorry that a Black man was shot several times in the back as his children cried out in horror. I imagine he, and most Republicans, think the murder was justified. I can tell you exactly what the cops will say: They’ll say that they thought Blake was “reaching for a gun” somewhere in his vehicle (even though there was no gun). The cops will say, with a straight face, that they shot a man in the back in “self-defense.” And that defense might work. Betty Shelby, the cop who shot Terrence Crutcher in the middle of a Tulsa street when she was surrounded by fellow officers and a police helicopter, was acquitted.
Many Republicans just don’t think gunning down unarmed Black men is illegal. Many of them probably think the Black guy had it coming, for one reason or another. The Republican Party has fully aligned itself with the most violent and racist elements in our society. Everybody from the white supremacists who showed up in Charlottesville to QAnon conspiracy theorists to unashamed bigots like Laura Loomer—anybody, quite simply, who has violent impulses toward people of color—has a home in the modern Republican Party. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
There’s a reason the New York Police Union openly endorsed Donald Trump for president. It’s because cops know that Trump and the Republicans will take their side against any Black person they murder. Republicans simply do not want to protect Black people from the police.
Democrats haven’t always been champions of Black lives either. But Republicans have stood, and continue to stand, against every suggested measure to address police brutality. I’m not just talking about the big, structural changes that progressives have been pushing in recent years; Republicans oppose even the small changes that would simply make it harder for cops to gun down Black people with impunity. Republicans oppose measures that would bring more transparency to police forces through the disclosure of their disciplinary records. Republicans oppose a national registry of “bad apples” so that they can’t be shuffled from one department to another. Republicans oppose independent commissions set up to prosecute police. Republicans oppose federal oversight and consent decrees entered into with the Department of Justice, oppose federal use-of-force regulations, and oppose strengthening Fourth Amendment protections to prevent cops from racial profiling or executing no-knock warrants.
It would be possible to support any or all of these positions and still be a “law and order” Republican. Transparency, accountability, and oversight over policing are ideas everybody should agree to, whether they believe that systemic racism infects law enforcement or not.
But you won’t find those kinds of Republicans, or plans, at the convention. Instead of an anti-police-brutality agenda, Republicans have Tim Scott, the Senator from South Carolina who happens to be Black. Scott spoke last night at the convention. Scott’s proposals to address police brutality are underwhelming, but if Scott represented the actual Republican agenda on police violence, it would at least be a starting point.
But Scott’s ideas were not adopted as part of the Republican Party platform. In fact, the Republican Party in 2020 adopted no platform at all. The GOP blamed (wait for it) coronavirus social-distancing rules for preventing it from gathering and agreeing on a 2020 agenda. Instead of adopting actual policies, the Republicans just put out a blanket resolution “enthusiastically” supporting Donald Trump. I’m not making that up. The 2020 GOP is not a political party; it is, officially, a cult of personality set up to support Trump.
If there is one thing we know about Trump and the party that is now forever tied to his existence, it’s that they do not care if people die. Black and brown people are, and have long been, at the top of that list of not caring, but the thing about death cults is that they tend to expand. Today’s Republicans don’t care if people are killed by law enforcement. They don’t care if people die in floods, hurricanes, or fires brought on by climate change. They figuratively shrug their shoulders as our children are gunned down at school. And just a few weeks back, we saw President Trump literally shrug his shoulders and say “It is what it is” when confronted with the reality of the Americans felled by Covid-19 on his watch.
The callousness of Trump and the Republicans is matched only by the nihilism of their supporters. A recent poll found that 57 percent of Republicans viewed the 170,000 (and counting) American deaths from Covid-19 as “acceptable.” More from Mystal How Yale Became the Latest Target in the Plot to Kill Affirmative Action Elie Mystal The DNC Refuses to Address the Elephant in the Room Elie Mystal America’s Racist Police Won’t Be Dismantled by 2 Weeks of Protests Elie Mystal
This willful indifference in the face of systemic suffering is the defining feature of the modern Republican Party. By championing a kind of latter-day social Darwinism, Republicans try to absolve themselves of responsibility. They don’t have to come up with a national plan to combat the virus if there was nothing that could be done anyway. Grandma had to die of something, I guess. They don’t have to respond to mass shootings if they act like school shooters are unpredictable lightning bolts from an angry God. They don’t have to address police brutality if Black lives do not matter.
An unarmed Black man was shot seven times in the back in broad daylight on camera on the eve of the Republican National Convention, and the vice president of the United States didn’t even adjust his talking points to suggest that cops are anything other than the victims of the protests against that kind of violence. Two tropical storms will slam into the Gulf Coast, at nearly the same time, during the convention, and the Republicans will not adjust their speeches that portray climate change as a liberal hoax perpetrated by people who want to raise the cost of doing business. And the entire convention will be held in an alternate reality where the coronavirus either doesn’t exist, or has already been defeated, or will be defeated by a miracle cure Trump will present to the nation “very soon.”
The only response Republicans have to the human suffering they’ve caused is to spend a week pretending that the humans who died on their watch never existed in the first place.


thenation--2020-08-25--Letters From the September 7/14, 2020, Issue

Re “ McDonald ’ s Has a Real Sexual Harassment Problem ” by Bryce Covert [ August 10/17 ] : Economic evolution over the past 30 years or so has created a world in which people are considered inputs for production in the same way potatoes are for french fries : They are fungible and easily replaced.2 Whether the issue is sexual harassment , racism , or any other form of demeaning behavior , there is little incentive for McDonald ’ s or its franchisees to change their behavior or policies as long as the power structure is dominated by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the hands of workers.3 With the economic disruption of the current pandemic , the time for organized labor to expand its shield for workers is now.4 Re “ Will the Left Get a Say in the Biden Doctrine ?
” by David Klion [ August 10/17 ] : The only way that the US military monster will be cut down to size is a total financial collapse that will cut off the revenues necessary to support it .
Neither party has any interest in reducing military expenditures .
And we are not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ empires that drown in their own arrogance .
ichael obertson7 Katha Pollitt [ “ An Unhappy Family , ” August 10/17 ] continues to seek a better understanding of Donald Trump , as we all do , but Mary Trump ’ s book about her uncle evidently falls a bit short .
The diagnostic categories cited in her book do not fit nearly as well as narcissistic personality disorder .
Theodore Millon ’ s chapter on it in Disorders of Personality : DSM-IV and Beyond clarifies much for me about Trump , his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-19 pandemic , and what we should fear if a serious international conflict erupts .
Anyone who reads that chapter will likely be enlightened .
ary ohnson9 Re “ How to Define a Plague ” by Sonia Shah [ July 27/August 3 ] : Much of our media coverage , like the germ theory itself , tends to foster an anxious , passive victim mentality .
It is good to be reminded of the ways we may take action individually and as a society and how we can lessen the impact of future @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , much that is distressing about this outbreak—the inadequacy of our health care system and the income gap , for instance—is not new ; it is just showing up more clearly during this emergency.11 Some of these things are within our control.12

This article appears in the September 7/14, 2020 issue.
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Workers Are Not Inputs1
Re “McDonald’s Has a Real Sexual Harassment Problem” by Bryce Covert [August 10/17]: Economic evolution over the past 30 years or so has created a world in which people are considered inputs for production in the same way potatoes are for french fries: They are fungible and easily replaced.2
Whether the issue is sexual harassment, racism, or any other form of demeaning behavior, there is little incentive for McDonald’s or its franchisees to change their behavior or policies as long as the power structure is dominated by an employer, with little real power in the hands of workers.3
With the economic disruption of the current pandemic, the time for organized labor to expand its shield for workers is now.4
A dam C harney5 Current Issue View our current issue
Starving the Beast6
Re “Will the Left Get a Say in the Biden Doctrine?” by David Klion [August 10/17]: The only way that the US military monster will be cut down to size is a total financial collapse that will cut off the revenues necessary to support it. Neither party has any interest in reducing military expenditures. And we are not far from that collapse, like all empires that drown in their own arrogance.
M ichael R obertson7
Trump’s Disordered Personality 8
Katha Pollitt [“An Unhappy Family,” August 10/17] continues to seek a better understanding of Donald Trump, as we all do, but Mary Trump’s book about her uncle evidently falls a bit short. The diagnostic categories cited in her book do not fit nearly as well as narcissistic personality disorder. Theodore Millon’s chapter on it in Disorders of Personality: DSM-IV and Beyond clarifies much for me about Trump, his chaotic administration, his incompetence with the Covid-19 pandemic, and what we should fear if a serious international conflict erupts. Anyone who reads that chapter will likely be enlightened.
G ary J ohnson9
Taking Back Control10
Re “How to Define a Plague” by Sonia Shah [July 27/August 3]: Much of our media coverage, like the germ theory itself, tends to foster an anxious, passive victim mentality. It is good to be reminded of the ways we may take action individually and as a society and how we can lessen the impact of future outbreaks. As Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said, much that is distressing about this outbreak—the inadequacy of our health care system and the income gap, for instance—is not new; it is just showing up more clearly during this emergency.11
Some of these things are within our control.12


Birtherism 2.0

No citizen , though Oakland-born , Hints Donald and his claque— Just like Obama , culpable Of being born while @ @

This article appears in the September 7/14, 2020 issue.
Trump spreads doubt about Kamala Harris’s
citizenship. —news reports
No citizen, though Oakland-born,
Hints Donald and his claque—
Just like Obama, culpable
Of being born while black.


thenation--2020-08-28--Time for Democratic Deficit Hawks to Go the Way of the Dodo

Democrats just can ’ t help themselves .
On the eve of Joe Biden ’ s acceptance speech , a longtime confidant of the former vice president , Ted Kaufman , poured cold water on the idea that a future Biden administration would rid itself of the deficit fetishism that has plagued the Democratic Party since the days of Bill Clinton .
“ When we get in , the pantry is going to be bare , ” said Kaufman .
The Great Depression should have taught us that without government intervention , capitalist economies are prone to lengthy periods of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be relearned by some .
Today , we again have Great Depression levels of unemployment , coupled with nearly 30 million Americans going hungry because of the government ’ s withdrawal of crucial support programs .
This is all occurring against the backdrop of a pandemic that shows little sign of abating .
The idea that these crucial objectives should be held hostage to deficit hysteria is a grotesque abdication of responsible government .
It was nice to see Biden , early in his nomination acceptance speech , cite Franklin Delano Roosevelt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ New Democrats ” have ignored over the past few elections .
We need more FDR , less Bill Clinton .
To paraphrase one of FDR ’ s many great aphorisms , today Democrats have nothing to fear but fear of deficits themselves .
Embrace of a faulty paradigm will short-circuit the Democrats ’ agenda before you can blink .
Even the GOP has recognized that .
Democrats Need to Learn From Boris Johnson ’ s Success , Not Jeremy Corbyn ’ s Failure Why Democrats Need to Stop Worrying and Love the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back by Biden spokesman Andrew Bates , but with an incoherence that reflects badly on the Democratic nominee .
While reaffirming “ stimulus spending in the short term to repair the historic damage Donald Trump has done to our economy and to build back better , ” Bates followed that up with the old canard that “ the ongoing costs of his agenda [ would be ] paid for by having the wealthiest taxpayers and corporations pay their fair share for the future of our country.
” Short-term or long-term , the expenditures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the results of these actions on the economy and not to any fixed time frame or any arbitrary a priori assumption about what is “ financially sound ” or unsound .
The likelihood is that we shall have to embrace large deficits for many years to come , given the huge loss of economic output and the sheer scale of the incoming challenges facing a future Biden administration : Covid-19 , health care reform , mass unemployment , rotting public infrastructure , and climate change , to cite just the obvious ones @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the International Monetary Fund , Olivier Blanchard , has concluded : “ It ’ s clear that we can probably go where we are going , which is debt ratios above 100 percent in many countries .
And that ’ s not the end of the world.
” It ’ s certainly not .
Contrary to long discredited myths , huge increases in our deficits do not “ crowd out ” private investment .
Increases in the federal deficit have decreased , not increased , interest rates , because deficit spending leads to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ banking system ( and big deficits imply big injections ) .
If anything , with rates at multi-decade lows , the markets are crying for government spending to pick up the baton on growth from fearful consumers and businesses , who are seeking to ward off catastrophe .
Likewise , the Democratic agenda must not be held hostage to the idea that it can not move forward unless wealthy elites are taxed more heavily .
Rampant inequality is bad for democracy , because it further tilts the power into the hands of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to prioritize their own interests over the general well-being .
But that is separate from the issue of “ funding ” our deficits .
Faced with radical uncertainty , virtually all US consumers are spending less and saving more .
So long as they can ’ t know when the next job offer—or layoff—will come , that is highly unlikely to change .
Likewise , businesses will not invest while the future remains so unclear .
That leaves the government and , yes , years of budget deficits if that ’ s what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The problem with our deficits has never been their size but where the benefits have been distributed : Under Trump , these have disproportionately benefited corporations and high-income earners , while providing little relief to most Americans , who have been enduring relative declines in their living standards for decades , even before the economy experienced the body blow of a pandemic .
Everybody seems to get this now .
Even The New York Times no longer trumpets the virtues of fiscal responsibility ( as the “ Gray Lady ” once so often @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fairy tale that it is .
Everybody , that is , except perhaps for Joe Biden and the small cohort of deficit hawks advising him .
It ’ s time to turn these hawks into dodos and get on with fixing the big problems facing the country .

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Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
Sign up for our Wine Club today. Did you know you can support The Nation by drinking wine?
Democrats just can’t help themselves. On the eve of Joe Biden’s acceptance speech, a longtime confidant of the former vice president, Ted Kaufman, poured cold water on the idea that a future Biden administration would rid itself of the deficit fetishism that has plagued the Democratic Party since the days of Bill Clinton. “When we get in, the pantry is going to be bare,” said Kaufman.
That’s bunk.
The Great Depression should have taught us that without government intervention, capitalist economies are prone to lengthy periods of unemployment. Apparently, that lesson needs to be relearned by some. Today, we again have Great Depression levels of unemployment, coupled with nearly 30 million Americans going hungry because of the government’s withdrawal of crucial support programs. This is all occurring against the backdrop of a pandemic that shows little sign of abating. The idea that these crucial objectives should be held hostage to deficit hysteria is a grotesque abdication of responsible government.
It was nice to see Biden, early in his nomination acceptance speech, cite Franklin Delano Roosevelt, a figure whose New Deal legacy “New Democrats” have ignored over the past few elections. We need more FDR, less Bill Clinton. To paraphrase one of FDR’s many great aphorisms, today Democrats have nothing to fear but fear of deficits themselves. Embrace of a faulty paradigm will short-circuit the Democrats’ agenda before you can blink. Even the GOP has recognized that. More From Marshall Auerback Inflation Is Falling. So Why Are the Fiscal Austerians Back in the Headlines? Today 5:30 am Does Bitcoin’s Recent Crash Spell the Beginning of the End for Cryptocurrencies? May 27, 2021 Janet Yellen at Treasury Is One of Biden’s Best Appointments November 27, 2020
Kaufman’s gaffe was walked back by Biden spokesman Andrew Bates, but with an incoherence that reflects badly on the Democratic nominee. While reaffirming “stimulus spending in the short term to repair the historic damage Donald Trump has done to our economy and to build back better,” Bates followed that up with the old canard that “the ongoing costs of his agenda [would be] paid for by having the wealthiest taxpayers and corporations pay their fair share for the future of our country.”
Short-term or long-term, the expenditures must be undertaken with an eye only to the results of these actions on the economy and not to any fixed time frame or any arbitrary a priori assumption about what is “financially sound” or unsound. The likelihood is that we shall have to embrace large deficits for many years to come, given the huge loss of economic output and the sheer scale of the incoming challenges facing a future Biden administration: Covid-19, health care reform, mass unemployment, rotting public infrastructure, and climate change, to cite just the obvious ones.
Even the former chief economist of the International Monetary Fund, Olivier Blanchard, has concluded: “It’s clear that we can probably go where we are going, which is debt ratios above 100 percent in many countries. And that’s not the end of the world.” Current Issue View our current issue
It’s certainly not. Contrary to long discredited myths, huge increases in our deficits do not “crowd out” private investment. Increases in the federal deficit have decreased, not increased, interest rates, because deficit spending leads to a net injection of dollars into the banking system (and big deficits imply big injections). If anything, with rates at multi-decade lows, the markets are crying for government spending to pick up the baton on growth from fearful consumers and businesses, who are seeking to ward off catastrophe.
Likewise, the Democratic agenda must not be held hostage to the idea that it cannot move forward unless wealthy elites are taxed more heavily. Rampant inequality is bad for democracy, because it further tilts the power into the hands of the elites who, historically, have tended to prioritize their own interests over the general well-being. But that is separate from the issue of “funding” our deficits.
Faced with radical uncertainty, virtually all US consumers are spending less and saving more. So long as they can’t know when the next job offer—or layoff—will come, that is highly unlikely to change. Likewise, businesses will not invest while the future remains so unclear.
That leaves the government and, yes, years of budget deficits if that’s what it takes to restore economic growth.
The problem with our deficits has never been their size but where the benefits have been distributed: Under Trump, these have disproportionately benefited corporations and high-income earners, while providing little relief to most Americans, who have been enduring relative declines in their living standards for decades, even before the economy experienced the body blow of a pandemic.
Everybody seems to get this now. Even The New York Times no longer trumpets the virtues of fiscal responsibility (as the “Gray Lady” once so often did) but now recognizes it for the fairy tale that it is. Everybody, that is, except perhaps for Joe Biden and the small cohort of deficit hawks advising him. It’s time to turn these hawks into dodos and get on with fixing the big problems facing the country.