Corona Quotes

Grady Means , The Hill : “ The conventional , and most likely , view of the COVID-19 outbreak is @ @ @ @ @ , China , near the most sophisticated Chinese bioweapons lab and then proceeded into the @ @ @ @ @ people to guess whether it originated in the lab and leaked.
” Geraldo Rivera : @ @ @ @ @ into your mouth , drinking water or other liquids will wash them down through your @ @ @ @ @ acid will kill virus.
” Check out all installments in the OppArt series .

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Grady Means, The Hill: “The conventional, and most likely, view of the COVID-19 outbreak is that it originated in Wuhan,
China, near the most sophisticated Chinese bioweapons lab and then proceeded into the world from there, leaving people to guess whether it originated in the lab and leaked.”
Donald Trump: “One day—it’s like a miracle—it will disappear.”
Geraldo Rivera: “Even if virus gets into your mouth, drinking water or other liquids will wash them down through your throat & into stomach where acid will kill virus.”
Current Issue View our current issue
Check out all installments in the OppArt series.


thenation--2020-04-20--The Devastating Emotional Toll of Suspending Prison Visits

Kelly Halverson , 48 , doesn ’ t know the next time she ’ ll see her fiancé , Mike Stevens .
He ’ s serving 17 years on a drug conviction at FCI Sandstone , a low-security federal prison in Minnesota .
In normal times , she sees him once or twice a month , far less than she ’ d like .
Sandstone is a four-hour drive from her home in Port Edwards , Wisconsin , and with bad weather it can take even longer .
“ Seeing him in person is what keeps me sane , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the place where our dreams , hopes , and plans are laid out .
It ’ s the place where we have our deepest connection.
” Halverson last saw Stevens on February 22 .
Since then , overcrowding and poor sanitary conditions have placed the US incarceration system on the front lines of the coronavirus pandemic .
Social distancing is often impossible , and many inmates reportedly lack access to hand sanitizer and protective gear .
Cases of Covid-19 are increasing rapidly .
As of April 8 , The New York Times had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inside in prisons and jails , numbers it said were “ most likely a vast undercount ” ; according to data compiled by the Marshall Project , there had been at least 63 deaths by April 16 .
Although thousands have been released early to slow the outbreak , about 2 million people remain incarcerated .
In order to insulate facilities from outside infections , prisons and jails have suspended in-person visits .
But for people with incarcerated loved ones , that measure carries a devastating emotional toll .
The physical contact that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to rushed phone calls , brief e-mail exchanges , and days of solitude and uncertainty .
Without the chance to interact face to face , inmates ’ friends and relatives—including some 2.7 million children—are forced to speculate from afar .
For them , mounting evidence of Covid-19 ’ s spread inside prisons hits particularly close to home .
They hear reports of dire conditions and rumors that some facilities quarantine healthy inmates in the same units as sick ones .
They read harrowing stories , like a mother whose 36-year-old son called from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flu-like symptoms , and passed away two days later .
It ’ s those nightmare scenarios that terrify Halverson and so many others .
When Sandstone suspended visits , Halverson , an engineering specialist at a telecom company , tried to make the best of the situation .
She recognized that seeing her fiancé in person could spread the virus to him and other inmates , and she understood the stakes : After surviving two bouts of bladder cancer , Stevens has a compromised immune system ; if he catches Covid-19 , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If Prison Conditions Don ’ t Improve , ‘ It Will Be Our Blood Running Through the Water ’ “ I can live without the visits for now , because I know it ’ s for the greater good , ” Halverson told me .
At first , she was relieved when Sandstone increased the number of minutes that inmates had to make phone calls .
On April 9 , the Federal Bureau of Prisons , with funding from Congress , also made outgoing voice and video calls from federal prisons free @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all federal prisons ) .
She thought she would be in constant contact with Stevens .
But that hasn ’ t been the case .
Stevens still only has a 15-minute window to use a computer or phone each day , so the amount of call time he ’ s officially allowed doesn ’ t matter .
In the morning , he puts his name on a waiting list just to get in line for the phone .
Because Sandstone has reduced its staff because of the pandemic , there ’ s no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As a result , Halverson and Stevens speak less than ever .
“ It ’ s been extremely stressful , ” Halverson said .
Over the past month she has suffered from frequent panic attacks and started taking anti-anxiety medication .
“ Going days on end with zero communication , not being able to talk things through with him , it ’ s really tough .
I try to tell myself that no news is good news , and that he ’ s fine .
But I ’ m so worried about what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sick , or something happened to someone in the family.
” Reform advocates say that prisons and jails could do more to keep families informed , particularly while in-person visits are suspended .
“ In this day and age , there ’ s no reason why these institutions can ’ t share updated information on their homepages , ” said Kevin Ring , the president of Families Against Mandatory Minimums ( FAMM ) , a nonprofit that advocates for criminal justice reform .
Even under normal circumstances , inmates ’ relatives often have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The prisons don ’ t respond , or you ’ re on hold for hours , ” Ring said .
“ It ’ s brutal .
These places are black holes.
” Justin Long , a spokesman for the Bureau of Prisons , wrote in an e-mail that in addition to increasing inmates ’ monthly allotted phone minutes from 300 to 500 , the bureau is updating its website and issuing regular press releases to keep families informed .
Long did not identify any outreach measures specific to the pandemic .
Letisha @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Florida , is familiar with the struggle to find out what ’ s happening behind bars .
Her best friend , Jeremiah Sailor , is serving a 30-year sentence at FCI Coleman , a medium-security federal prison .
Even before the coronavirus hit , the prison had reduced in-person visits , allowing two weekend days and one weekday per month .
That ’ s a national trend .
For the past several years , many prisons have phased out face-to-face visits in favor of “ video visits , ” provided , for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You sit there and wonder every day what ’ s going on in there , ” Bevins told me , adding that she ’ s tried and failed to get information about the prison ’ s response to the pandemic .
Earlier this year , Coleman faced outbreaks of Legionnaires ’ disease and scabies—a situation Bevins said was handled poorly .
Sailor , who is 43 , has high blood pressure and experiences heart palpitations—comorbidities that put him at risk should he catch Covid-19 .
Since Coleman canceled visits , Bevins and Sailor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an hour-long window to make calls or send e-mails , and lines up with about 150 others to access just a few phones and computers .
When they ’ ve managed to speak— ” never more than 5 minutes , ” according to Bevins—Sailor has expressed concern about his health .
“ He knows that if something happens , he won ’ t get adequate treatment , ” she said , noting that he couldn ’ t always obtain medication for his high blood pressure .
Because of overcrowding , “ if he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there ’ s just no way he could do it.
” Because Coleman had already reduced visits , Bevins is accustomed to seeing Sailor less .
But that hasn ’ t made the transition any easier .
“ The visits are vital , ” she told me , especially for Sailor ’ s three kids—two daughters , 15 and 13 , and a 19-year-old son .
“ That ’ s when he can really catch up on what ’ s going on at school , their extracurricular activities , and find out what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the community , ” she said .
How Private Equity Is Turning Public Prisons Into Big Profits There ’ s also the loss of tactile contact .
“ People don ’ t realize how much it means , just to hold someone ’ s hand , just to be next to him , ” Bevins said .
“ That ’ s something that , in normal circumstances , you only get three times a month , max .
And now that ’ s gone , too.
” Nonprofit organizations that work with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community and counseling for children with incarcerated parents , and working with jails to guarantee special areas for families during visiting hours—have struggled to navigate the pandemic .
The New York–based Osborne Association , for example , has paused most of its activities but has tried to adapt , connecting kids to their parents via video chat .
“ Kids feel like their parents are going to die in there , so just being able to hear the sound of their voice is so reassuring , ” Liz Gaynes , the president and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , whose ex-husband was incarcerated , recalled the “ guessing game ” of trying to find out what ’ s taking place behind bars .
For the families she works with , managing anxiety is often paramount .
“ People are referring to prisons as ‘ death camps , ’ saying that 100 people are sharing a shower , that there ’ s no sanitizer , ” she explained .
“ These things are correct to point out in advocating for release .
But they are terrifying to children and families .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on just how bad things are with how we can help kids cope with those fears.
” In-person visits are especially important for children .
Having an incarcerated parent “ completely disrupts you , it leaves you traumatized , stigmatized , and afraid , ” Ebony Underwood , whose father has been in prison for 31 years , said .
“ I can ’ t emphasize how important it was for a kid to be able to hug , kiss , and see their parent .
Not over a phone , not over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ That allowed my father to keep being a parent , ” despite being locked up .
‘ You ’ re Going to Let Me Die From This ’ : Prisoners Fight to Access a Hepatitis-C Cure Underwood , the founder of We Got Us Now , a nonprofit that works with children of incarcerated parents , has fought for years to preserve in-person visits .
She said that the fears that so many of us are facing now—the constant concerns about the health of loved ones , the gnawing uncertainty over when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next—should draw attention to what she ’ s endured since childhood : “ This new normal is the abnormal I ’ ve experienced my whole life.
” Although prisons and jails across the country are releasing inmates to reduce overcrowding , the coronavirus can have the perverse effect of prolonging incarceration .
Amanda Lugo , 24 , last saw her father in early February .
He was set to begin a work release program later this month , going to his job during the day but returning to his upstate prison in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s stay-at-home order , Lugo ’ s father remains incarcerated .
“ We ’ re not getting any information about what comes next , ” she said .
In the meantime , she ’ s worried about his health .
“ It ’ s an archaic facility , and I ’ m scared if something happens to him , he won ’ t get proper attention , ” she said .
In the year that her father has been incarcerated , in-person visits have been a lifeline .
“ On the phone it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Lugo said .
“ There ’ s always something you forget to say , and if you miss a call , or you get cut off , you can ’ t call him back , ever.
” On the phone , her father doesn ’ t like to open up .
“ When I ’ m there , we can really engage.
” She often visits with her sisters , and they take pictures , or bring his favorite snacks .
Ring , of the FAMM Foundation , hopes that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ temporary measures , like free calls from federal facilities or compassionate release , will become the norm and be generalized across the entire incarceration system .
“ Communications between incarcerated people and their loved ones won ’ t be any less valuable six months from now , ” he said .
“ In so many parts of our society , we had accepted that certain rules made sense .
With the pandemic , we ’ ve waived them , and , well , the sky didn ’ t fall.
” Bevins isn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only thing that will lead to change is what I fear the most : that so many people in prisons will die , that we ’ ll finally start to ask , ‘ Why do we have such a high prison population ?
’ ” But that reckoning seems distant .
“ To get there , people will need to see that they ’ re more than just inmates—that they ’ re not just a number , ” she said .
“ They ’ re fathers , brothers , and children , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t deserve to be cut off , or to die alone .
”

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
Kelly Halverson, 48, doesn’t know the next time she’ll see her fiancé, Mike Stevens. He’s serving 17 years on a drug conviction at FCI Sandstone, a low-security federal prison in Minnesota. In normal times, she sees him once or twice a month, far less than she’d like. Sandstone is a four-hour drive from her home in Port Edwards, Wisconsin, and with bad weather it can take even longer. “Seeing him in person is what keeps me sane,” she said. “It’s the place where our dreams, hopes, and plans are laid out. It’s the place where we have our deepest connection.”
Halverson last saw Stevens on February 22. Since then, overcrowding and poor sanitary conditions have placed the US incarceration system on the front lines of the coronavirus pandemic. Social distancing is often impossible, and many inmates reportedly lack access to hand sanitizer and protective gear. Cases of Covid-19 are increasing rapidly. As of April 8, The New York Times had identified at least 1,324 confirmed Covid-19 infections inside in prisons and jails, numbers it said were “most likely a vast undercount”; according to data compiled by the Marshall Project, there had been at least 63 deaths by April 16. Although thousands have been released early to slow the outbreak, about 2 million people remain incarcerated.
In order to insulate facilities from outside infections, prisons and jails have suspended in-person visits. But for people with incarcerated loved ones, that measure carries a devastating emotional toll. The physical contact that Halverson looks forward to has been reduced to rushed phone calls, brief e-mail exchanges, and days of solitude and uncertainty.
Without the chance to interact face to face, inmates’ friends and relatives—including some 2.7 million children—are forced to speculate from afar. For them, mounting evidence of Covid-19’s spread inside prisons hits particularly close to home. They hear reports of dire conditions and rumors that some facilities quarantine healthy inmates in the same units as sick ones. They read harrowing stories, like a mother whose 36-year-old son called from a New Jersey jail, complaining of flu-like symptoms, and passed away two days later. It’s those nightmare scenarios that terrify Halverson and so many others. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
When Sandstone suspended visits, Halverson, an engineering specialist at a telecom company, tried to make the best of the situation. She recognized that seeing her fiancé in person could spread the virus to him and other inmates, and she understood the stakes: After surviving two bouts of bladder cancer, Stevens has a compromised immune system; if he catches Covid-19, it’s more likely to kill him. Related Article If Prison Conditions Don’t Improve, ‘It Will Be Our Blood Running Through the Water’ Olivia Heffernan
“I can live without the visits for now, because I know it’s for the greater good,” Halverson told me. At first, she was relieved when Sandstone increased the number of minutes that inmates had to make phone calls. On April 9, the Federal Bureau of Prisons, with funding from Congress, also made outgoing voice and video calls from federal prisons free (video visitation is not available in all federal prisons). She thought she would be in constant contact with Stevens.
But that hasn’t been the case. Stevens still only has a 15-minute window to use a computer or phone each day, so the amount of call time he’s officially allowed doesn’t matter. In the morning, he puts his name on a waiting list just to get in line for the phone. Because Sandstone has reduced its staff because of the pandemic, there’s no communication at all on the weekends. As a result, Halverson and Stevens speak less than ever. Current Issue View our current issue
“It’s been extremely stressful,” Halverson said. Over the past month she has suffered from frequent panic attacks and started taking anti-anxiety medication. “Going days on end with zero communication, not being able to talk things through with him, it’s really tough. I try to tell myself that no news is good news, and that he’s fine. But I’m so worried about what would happen if either of us got sick, or something happened to someone in the family.”
Reform advocates say that prisons and jails could do more to keep families informed, particularly while in-person visits are suspended. “In this day and age, there’s no reason why these institutions can’t share updated information on their homepages,” said Kevin Ring, the president of Families Against Mandatory Minimums (FAMM), a nonprofit that advocates for criminal justice reform.
Even under normal circumstances, inmates’ relatives often have to fight to get basic information. “The prisons don’t respond, or you’re on hold for hours,” Ring said. “It’s brutal. These places are black holes.”
Justin Long, a spokesman for the Bureau of Prisons, wrote in an e-mail that in addition to increasing inmates’ monthly allotted phone minutes from 300 to 500, the bureau is updating its website and issuing regular press releases to keep families informed. Long did not identify any outreach measures specific to the pandemic.
Letisha Bivins, 43, an attorney in Florida, is familiar with the struggle to find out what’s happening behind bars. Her best friend, Jeremiah Sailor, is serving a 30-year sentence at FCI Coleman, a medium-security federal prison. Even before the coronavirus hit, the prison had reduced in-person visits, allowing two weekend days and one weekday per month. That’s a national trend. For the past several years, many prisons have phased out face-to-face visits in favor of “video visits,” provided, for a fee, by technology companies.
“You sit there and wonder every day what’s going on in there,” Bivins told me, adding that she’s tried and failed to get information about the prison’s response to the pandemic. Earlier this year, Coleman faced outbreaks of Legionnaires’ disease and scabies—a situation Bivins said was handled poorly. Sailor, who is 43, has high blood pressure and experiences heart palpitations—comorbidities that put him at risk should he catch Covid-19.
Since Coleman canceled visits, Bivins and Sailor have had limited contact. Sailor has an hour-long window to make calls or send e-mails, and lines up with about 150 others to access just a few phones and computers. When they’ve managed to speak—”never more than 5 minutes,” according to Bivins—Sailor has expressed concern about his health. “He knows that if something happens, he won’t get adequate treatment,” she said, noting that he couldn’t always obtain medication for his high blood pressure. Because of overcrowding, “if he wanted to isolate or get away, there’s just no way he could do it.”
Because Coleman had already reduced visits, Bivins is accustomed to seeing Sailor less. But that hasn’t made the transition any easier. “The visits are vital,” she told me, especially for Sailor’s three kids—two sons, 15 and 19, and a 13-year-old daughter. “That’s when he can really catch up on what’s going on at school, their extracurricular activities, and find out what’s happening in the household, in the community,” she said. Related Article How Private Equity Is Turning Public Prisons Into Big Profits Tim Requarth
There’s also the loss of tactile contact. “People don’t realize how much it means, just to hold someone’s hand, just to be next to him,” Bivins said. “That’s something that, in normal circumstances, you only get three times a month, max. And now that’s gone, too.”
Nonprofit organizations that work with families of incarcerated people—providing transportation, offering community and counseling for children with incarcerated parents, and working with jails to guarantee special areas for families during visiting hours—have struggled to navigate the pandemic. The New York–based Osborne Association, for example, has paused most of its activities but has tried to adapt, connecting kids to their parents via video chat.
“Kids feel like their parents are going to die in there, so just being able to hear the sound of their voice is so reassuring,” Liz Gaynes, the president and CEO of Osborne, said.
Gaynes, whose ex-husband was incarcerated, recalled the “guessing game” of trying to find out what’s taking place behind bars. For the families she works with, managing anxiety is often paramount. “People are referring to prisons as ‘death camps,’ saying that 100 people are sharing a shower, that there’s no sanitizer,” she explained. “These things are correct to point out in advocating for release. But they are terrifying to children and families. We have to balance the need to focus on just how bad things are with how we can help kids cope with those fears.”
In-person visits are especially important for children. Having an incarcerated parent “completely disrupts you, it leaves you traumatized, stigmatized, and afraid,” Ebony Underwood, whose father has been in prison for 31 years, said. “I can’t emphasize how important it was for a kid to be able to hug, kiss, and see their parent. Not over a phone, not over a video,” she explained. “That allowed my father to keep being a parent,” despite being locked up. Related Article ‘You’re Going to Let Me Die From This’: Prisoners Fight to Access a Hepatitis-C Cure Elizabeth Weill-Greenberg
Underwood, the founder of We Got Us Now, a nonprofit that works with children of incarcerated parents, has fought for years to preserve in-person visits. She said that the fears that so many of us are facing now—the constant concerns about the health of loved ones, the gnawing uncertainty over when we’ll see our family members next—should draw attention to what she’s endured since childhood: “This new normal is the abnormal I’ve experienced my whole life.”
Although prisons and jails across the country are releasing inmates to reduce overcrowding, the coronavirus can have the perverse effect of prolonging incarceration. Amanda Lugo, 24, last saw her father in early February. He was set to begin a work release program later this month, going to his job during the day but returning to his upstate prison in the evenings. But with New York’s stay-at-home order, Lugo’s father remains incarcerated. “We’re not getting any information about what comes next,” she said.
In the meantime, she’s worried about his health. “It’s an archaic facility, and I’m scared if something happens to him, he won’t get proper attention,” she said. In the year that her father has been incarcerated, in-person visits have been a lifeline. “On the phone it’s go, go, go. There’s always something you forget to say, and if you miss a call, or you get cut off, you can’t call him back, ever.” On the phone, her father doesn’t like to open up. “When I’m there, we can really engage.” She often visits with her sisters, and they take pictures, or bring his favorite snacks.
Ring, of the FAMM Foundation, hopes that the current moment will spur reform—and that some temporary measures, like free calls from federal facilities or compassionate release, will become the norm and be generalized across the entire incarceration system. “Communications between incarcerated people and their loved ones won’t be any less valuable six months from now,” he said. “In so many parts of our society, we had accepted that certain rules made sense. With the pandemic, we’ve waived them, and, well, the sky didn’t fall.”
Bivins isn’t so optimistic. “Maybe the only thing that will lead to change is what I fear the most: that so many people in prisons will die, that we’ll finally start to ask, ‘Why do we have such a high prison population?’” But that reckoning seems distant. “To get there, people will need to see that they’re more than just inmates—that they’re not just a number,” she said. “They’re fathers, brothers, and children, and they mean something to someone. They don’t deserve to be cut off, or to die alone.”


thenation--2020-04-20--10 Ways Trump Could Use His Power for Good, Not Evil

President Trump has made use of his authority under the Defense Production Act ( DPA ) to prod General Motors and other companies to aid in the pandemic response .
He has not gotten high marks for these typically fumbling responses .
Indeed , for a president who has spent three years crying “ emergency ” over relative nonissues like the Mexican border and steel imports , Trump has seemed oddly reluctant to break out the big policy guns in an actual crisis .
Setting aside whether reasonable people should trust Trump to use the authorities wisely ( a big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that a president could be doing that this one is not .
Here are 10 ways that the DPA and related statutes could be used .
Trump has told states that they ’ re essentially on their own when it comes to getting medical supplies .
This has led to bidding wars against each other at worst , and some limited state-to-state cooperation at best .
And because the relevant suppliers and distributors are private actors , the profit motive encourages selling on the basis of high price , not objective human need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the hard way that a decentralized approach leads to war profiteering ( during World War I ) and anarchy ( under the industrial policies of the early New Deal ) .
That was why , in 1941 , Congress delegated sweeping authorities to President Roosevelt to “ allocate any material or facility , in such manner , upon such conditions , and to such extent as he may deem necessary or appropriate to ” protect national defense .
The Coronavirus Strike Wave Could Shift Power to Workers—for Good This so-called allocation authority was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since , and its powers were used hundreds of thousands of times in war , by a wide range of agencies .
But in recent years , most agencies have reported that they never use it , and the Department of Health and Human Services ( HHS ) issued guidance as recently as the Obama administration essentially pledging that it never would .
The administration has broken with this tradition and said it would be using allocation authorities to block the export of medical supplies .
This is too little , too late—especially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) reported that some US medical exports to China saw a 1,094 percent month on month jump in February .
Rather than pleading with manufacturers to do the right thing or playing catch-up , the administration could instead tell firms to reserve 10 , 50 , or even 100 percent of their capacity to start producing the health supplies we need .
Google and other tech companies have developed technology that uses smartphone location data to show just where those obnoxious non-isolating spring breakers in Florida went after the keg stands were over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supposedly anonymized basis ) , this kind of data lets companies show who is—and who ’ s not—physically isolating .
The only problem : the same problem as always with Big Tech .
Utility-level tools that invade your privacy shouldn ’ t be in the hands of private monopoly profiteers .
Using the same DPA allocation powers , the administration could stipulate that 50 percent of tech firms ’ coding resources go to supplement Center for Disease Control tracking efforts for the duration of the crisis .
Another provision of the DPA allows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maintain , expand , or contract their activities in order to maximize domestic energy supplies when these are scarce , critical , and essential ( and the transition can not be reasonably accomplished otherwise ) .
The Clinton administration used this power during the 2001 energy crisis to ensure an ongoing supply of electrical power and natural gas to California utilities .
While the energy sector doesn ’ t appear to be in such dire straits just yet , a deep recession and cheap natural gas could impede progress on renewable energy projects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or if vital parts from China ’ s solar industry get backlogged , a president could order expansion of green production ( and perhaps pair this with other sweeteners , like the kind discussed below ) .
The DPA also gives the executive branch a wide range of powers to issue loans , loan guarantees , procurements , and subsidies to keep critical industries going .
While these authorities have for the most part been used sparingly in recent decades , they could be unleashed on a massive scale to publicly finance the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needed items .
Under the DPA ’ s voluntary Civil Reserve Airforce Fleet and Intermodal Sealift Agreement , airlines and carrier ships agree to put themselves at the government ’ s disposal in emergencies , in exchange for the government ’ s using their cargo services during normal times .
Almost every major US airline company participates , and the programs were activated to evacuate medical personnel and perform other services in both Operation Desert Storm and the Iraq War .
Members of Congress also asked the administration to use these authorities to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maria .
With consumer travel ground to a halt and experts warning that we could see severe humanitarian and economic crises in developing countries , the aviation and shipping industries could be put to work getting supplies to developing countries and serving as sea hospitals outside major urban outbreak centers .
With much of the service economy on ice , many are worried about widespread business collapse .
For instance , as celebrity chef David Chang warned , the crisis may see the end of restaurants as we know them .
This could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ snap up struggling small businesses or extend loans on onerous terms .
The DPA offers a way around that , authorizing federal authorities to green-light coordination between firms that would otherwise run afoul of antitrust rules .
This could mean , for instance , cartels of chefs , coffee shops , and bookstores that can coordinate with each other on prices and production—as a defense against predatory finance .
Another DPA provision allows the president to call forth a National Defense Executive Reserve ( NDER ) , where heads of industry and business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the duration of the emergency , with some normal civil service rules suspended .
Currently , no agency has an active NDER unit , but that could change .
Tired of tech and finance bros ’ floating unhelpful ideas to try to profit from the crisis ?
Take them out of their posh headquarters and get them at a desk processing DPA allocation orders .
All hands on deck .
In response to surging consumer demand , Amazon is rationing its services—prioritizing essential deliveries over others , much as the government would have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same time , prices have surged for certain categories of products , and essential workers are risking their lives for wage rates that treat them as disposable humans .
With a little assist from Congress , Trump could cap Amazon ’ s prices and raise Amazon workers ’ wages .
The original version of the DPA went much further than the version of the statute that survives today .
Regulators were allowed to put price ceilings for “ any material or service , and at the same time shall issue regulations and orders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compensation.
” The government was also allowed to negotiate tripartite deals between labor , management , and the public to keep the labor peace .
Regulators today could use these powers ( if reactivated ) to rein in Jeff Bezos and the Amazon Marketplace sellers , all while protecting workers .
It ’ s unlikely that Mitch McConnell ’ s Senate would go along with these proposals .
But it ’ s worth noting that when bipartisan majorities rolled back price control authorities in 1953 , they did so because they assumed Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a heartbeat .
9 .
Rent Control and Mortgage Stabilization for All Workers and the unemployed are rightfully worried about paying their rent during the crisis , while homeowners are panicked about paying their mortgages .
So far , the feds seem little inclined to do much about this , leaving it to the states to step into the breach .
But with mega-banks that cross state lines owning so many of the mortgages , subfederal authorities are limited in what they can do .
The DC Council , for instance , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to request rent deferrals if their landlords can get mortgage payments deferred .
But that ’ s possible only if the bank that holds the mortgage is regulated by DC—excluding most major banks .
When big banks are the problem , big government has to step in .
During the Truman administration , regulators were concerned that lenders might fuel speculative booms in real estate , and that housing quality ( especially for veterans ) might deteriorate .
As New Dealer Raymond Foley told Congress : “ While housing considerations must be subordinated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Nation ’ s housing standards should be maintained at as high a level as is consistent with defense needs.… It is of paramount importance that whatever restrictions are necessary are made equitably applied without requiring undue sacrifice from those least able to pay for housing.
” Accordingly , the original DPA gave the administration considerable control over consumer and real estate credit .
While these powers were repealed in the years after , Congress could repeal the repeal , so that people can stay in their homes and see financial relief .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ statutory game in town .
The Brennan Center at New York University has identified 123 special authorities that are triggered during emergencies .
These include opening up the Veterans Administration health and nursing home facilities to members of the armed forces , suspending student loan payments and interest accrual for active duty officers , and providing emergency services to farm workers .
The National Guard and other armed forces should definitely be granted all of this .
But in this health emergency , workers at hospitals , grocery stores , and takeout joints @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these authorities to ensure that all workers deemed essential get access to health care and debt forgiveness .

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President Trump has made use of his authority under the Defense Production Act (DPA) to prod General Motors and other companies to aid in the pandemic response. He has not gotten high marks for these typically fumbling responses. Indeed, for a president who has spent three years crying “emergency” over relative nonissues like the Mexican border and steel imports, Trump has seemed oddly reluctant to break out the big policy guns in an actual crisis.
Setting aside whether reasonable people should trust Trump to use the authorities wisely (a big caveat), there is a lot that a president could be doing that this one is not. Here are 10 ways that the DPA and related statutes could be used.
1. Nationalize Medical Supply Chains
Trump has told states that they’re essentially on their own when it comes to getting medical supplies. This has led to bidding wars against each other at worst, and some limited state-to-state cooperation at best. And because the relevant suppliers and distributors are private actors, the profit motive encourages selling on the basis of high price, not objective human need.
This is madness. Policy-makers learned the hard way that a decentralized approach leads to war profiteering (during World War I) and anarchy (under the industrial policies of the early New Deal). That was why, in 1941, Congress delegated sweeping authorities to President Roosevelt to “allocate any material or facility, in such manner, upon such conditions, and to such extent as he may deem necessary or appropriate to” protect national defense. Related Article The Coronavirus Strike Wave Could Shift Power to Workers—for Good Bryce Covert
This so-called allocation authority was extended, then renewed dozens of times since, and its powers were used hundreds of thousands of times in war, by a wide range of agencies. But in recent years, most agencies have reported that they never use it, and the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) issued guidance as recently as the Obama administration essentially pledging that it never would.
The administration has broken with this tradition and said it would be using allocation authorities to block the export of medical supplies. This is too little, too late—especially considering that Representative Katie Porter (D-CA) reported that some US medical exports to China saw a 1,094 percent month on month jump in February. Rather than pleading with manufacturers to do the right thing or playing catch-up, the administration could instead tell firms to reserve 10, 50, or even 100 percent of their capacity to start producing the health supplies we need. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
2. Convert Big Tech Into Big Public Epidemiology
Google and other tech companies have developed technology that uses smartphone location data to show just where those obnoxious non-isolating spring breakers in Florida went after the keg stands were over. More generally (and on a supposedly anonymized basis), this kind of data lets companies show who is—and who’s not—physically isolating. Current Issue View our current issue
The only problem: the same problem as always with Big Tech. Utility-level tools that invade your privacy shouldn’t be in the hands of private monopoly profiteers. Using the same DPA allocation powers, the administration could stipulate that 50 percent of tech firms’ coding resources go to supplement Center for Disease Control tracking efforts for the duration of the crisis.
3. Go Green
Another provision of the DPA allows the president to order energy companies to maintain, expand, or contract their activities in order to maximize domestic energy supplies when these are scarce, critical, and essential (and the transition cannot be reasonably accomplished otherwise). The Clinton administration used this power during the 2001 energy crisis to ensure an ongoing supply of electrical power and natural gas to California utilities.
While the energy sector doesn’t appear to be in such dire straits just yet, a deep recession and cheap natural gas could impede progress on renewable energy projects. If these markets break down, or if vital parts from China’s solar industry get backlogged, a president could order expansion of green production (and perhaps pair this with other sweeteners, like the kind discussed below).
4. Publicly Finance the Cure
The DPA also gives the executive branch a wide range of powers to issue loans, loan guarantees, procurements, and subsidies to keep critical industries going. While these authorities have for the most part been used sparingly in recent decades, they could be unleashed on a massive scale to publicly finance the cure for Covid-19 and to secure other needed items.
5. Turn the Transport Industry Into a Relief Organization
Under the DPA’s voluntary Civil Reserve Airforce Fleet and Intermodal Sealift Agreement, airlines and carrier ships agree to put themselves at the government’s disposal in emergencies, in exchange for the government’s using their cargo services during normal times. Almost every major US airline company participates, and the programs were activated to evacuate medical personnel and perform other services in both Operation Desert Storm and the Iraq War. Members of Congress also asked the administration to use these authorities to help Puerto Rico during Hurricanes Irma and Maria.
With consumer travel ground to a halt and experts warning that we could see severe humanitarian and economic crises in developing countries, the aviation and shipping industries could be put to work getting supplies to developing countries and serving as sea hospitals outside major urban outbreak centers.
6. Create Small-Business Squads
With much of the service economy on ice, many are worried about widespread business collapse. For instance, as celebrity chef David Chang warned, the crisis may see the end of restaurants as we know them. This could happen for instance, because hedge funds snap up struggling small businesses or extend loans on onerous terms. The DPA offers a way around that, authorizing federal authorities to green-light coordination between firms that would otherwise run afoul of antitrust rules. This could mean, for instance, cartels of chefs, coffee shops, and bookstores that can coordinate with each other on prices and production—as a defense against predatory finance.
7. Drain the C-Suites
Another DPA provision allows the president to call forth a National Defense Executive Reserve (NDER), where heads of industry and business experts are deputized into government service for the duration of the emergency, with some normal civil service rules suspended. Currently, no agency has an active NDER unit, but that could change. Tired of tech and finance bros’ floating unhelpful ideas to try to profit from the crisis? Take them out of their posh headquarters and get them at a desk processing DPA allocation orders. All hands on deck.
8. Cap Amazon Prices, Empower Amazon Workers
In response to surging consumer demand, Amazon is rationing its services—prioritizing essential deliveries over others, much as the government would have done in earlier crises. At the same time, prices have surged for certain categories of products, and essential workers are risking their lives for wage rates that treat them as disposable humans.
With a little assist from Congress, Trump could cap Amazon’s prices and raise Amazon workers’ wages. The original version of the DPA went much further than the version of the statute that survives today. Regulators were allowed to put price ceilings for “any material or service, and at the same time shall issue regulations and orders stabilizing wages, salaries, and other compensation.” The government was also allowed to negotiate tripartite deals between labor, management, and the public to keep the labor peace. Regulators today could use these powers (if reactivated) to rein in Jeff Bezos and the Amazon Marketplace sellers, all while protecting workers.
It’s unlikely that Mitch McConnell’s Senate would go along with these proposals. But it’s worth noting that when bipartisan majorities rolled back price control authorities in 1953, they did so because they assumed Congress would, obviously, reauthorize the powers in a heartbeat.
9. Rent Control and Mortgage Stabilization for All
Workers and the unemployed are rightfully worried about paying their rent during the crisis, while homeowners are panicked about paying their mortgages. So far, the feds seem little inclined to do much about this, leaving it to the states to step into the breach. But with mega-banks that cross state lines owning so many of the mortgages, subfederal authorities are limited in what they can do. The DC Council, for instance, recently passed legislation that allows residential tenants to request rent deferrals if their landlords can get mortgage payments deferred. But that’s possible only if the bank that holds the mortgage is regulated by DC—excluding most major banks.
When big banks are the problem, big government has to step in. During the Truman administration, regulators were concerned that lenders might fuel speculative booms in real estate, and that housing quality (especially for veterans) might deteriorate.
As New Dealer Raymond Foley told Congress: “While housing considerations must be subordinated to the necessities of national security, the Nation’s housing standards should be maintained at as high a level as is consistent with defense needs.… It is of paramount importance that whatever restrictions are necessary are made equitably applied without requiring undue sacrifice from those least able to pay for housing.”
Accordingly, the original DPA gave the administration considerable control over consumer and real estate credit. While these powers were repealed in the years after, Congress could repeal the repeal, so that people can stay in their homes and see financial relief.
10. Socialism for Essential Workers
The DPA isn’t the only statutory game in town. The Brennan Center at New York University has identified 123 special authorities that are triggered during emergencies. These include opening up the Veterans Administration health and nursing home facilities to members of the armed forces, suspending student loan payments and interest accrual for active duty officers, and providing emergency services to farm workers. The National Guard and other armed forces should definitely be granted all of this. But in this health emergency, workers at hospitals, grocery stores, and takeout joints are equally essential. Congress could amend these authorities to ensure that all workers deemed essential get access to health care and debt forgiveness.


thenation--2020-04-20--Organizing on the Coasts Won’t Save the Planet

When I got the call from the National Wildlife Federation back in 2010 asking me to help organize opposition to a large pipeline , I had never worked on climate change—or any environmental issue .
All of my work up to that moment had been focused on helping kids learn to read , pushing back against insurance companies denying women access to treatment for eating disorders , and getting the Democratic Party to invest resources in the youth vote .
I was an unlikely climate change advocate who was about to help organize an unlikely alliance of farmers , ranchers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stop one of the riskiest and largest fossil fuel projects in the middle of America : the Keystone XL pipeline.1 We did stop that pipeline—the Obama administration rejected it in 2015—but now we have to stop it again .
The governments , corporations , and banks behind Keystone XL are trying to revive the project through billions of dollars in subsidies and regulatory rollbacks that , in this pandemic moment , only magnify the threat it poses to the people , land , and water along the proposed route .
As my colleague @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s backers are exploiting the distraction stemming from the pandemic “ to do things they could not get away with at any other time.
” 2 The Keystone XL battle convinced me that we are at a moment in America and around the world where typical organizing is not enough anymore .
Showing charts of scientific data will not save the planet .
Sending e-mails , holding rallies , and tweeting will not save the planet .
And organizing around climate change mostly on the coasts will not save the planet .
Listening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the climate fight , especially those in red and rural communities , is absolutely what we need to do in every single state across our country.3 For the past 30 years , national climate groups have focused their education , energy , and financial resources organizing in urban communities and mostly on the coasts .
Their outreach has yielded amazing results—from shuttering coal plants in cities to blue-state governors signing historic climate change laws .
Yet most of our fights against fracking , pipelines , and other fossil fuel infrastructure are happening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to build out projects to provide the massive amounts of renewable energy we ’ re going to need to kick our fossil fuel addiction is in rural communities .
And the unlikely alliance we need to build for a true climate change movement is in rural communities.4 Randy Thompson , a Nebraska cattleman , would never in a million years have thought that he would become one of the leading faces and voices of the Keystone XL fight .
His parents worked for decades to earn enough money to purchase land of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agent with TransCanada , the company behind the pipeline , knocked on his mom ’ s door and told her if she did not take the company ’ s offer , that very day , TransCanada would seize her land through eminent domain and she would get nothing .
That one door knock changed Randy ’ s life forever , putting him on the front lines of what would become an international story and a true David and Goliath battle .
Randy did not enter that fight because of the carbon the pipeline @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to protect his family , to protect the land , and to protect the water.5 Most of us in Nebraska , myself included , did not get involved in stopping the Keystone XL pipeline because of climate change .
But through the relationships we formed with environmental groups , we started to educate ourselves about the climate implications of tar sands and pipelines .
Not once did McKibben , the cofounder of 350.org , or Tiernan Sittenfeld , the political director for the League of Conservation Voters , tell us we were not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the fight to protect property rights and water .
Instead , they changed their messaging to include us , and we in turn changed ours to also talk about the real consequences of climate change to our crops and homes.6 In my book , Harvest the Vote : How Democrats Can Win Again in Rural America , I go into great detail about how we formed an unlikely alliance to stop the Keystone XL pipeline and where we can go from here to build a true movement of activists to stop climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from an 80-acre work of crop art asking President Obama to side with the heartland over the pipeline to carving messages into pumpkins as a fun way to educate the public about the risks of tar sand oil .
As one of the leaders , I spent a tremendous amount of time visiting farmers , ranchers , and Indigenous allies .
My friend Frank LaMere , a Winnebago leader we lost last year , told me early on in the fight that the only way we can organize to win is if we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meant was that we need to go where the people are—and the people who would stop the Keystone XL pipeline were in rural communities , both Native and non-Native .
They rose up to the moment they were all called to lead because we organized together with creativity and a strong sense of place.7 I ’ m not a policy-maker , but I do have a unique perspective from my involvement in the fight against the Keystone XL pipeline , my work as an organizer , and my personal life as a neighbor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ folks are saying .
Organizing in rural communities is critical if we are serious about not only passing a Green New Deal but also , more important , implementing the ideas behind that policy framework .
Senator Jon Tester , a moderate Democrat from Montana , will make the Green New Deal stronger with his ideas .
Conversations between Tester and progressive champion Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez will result in rural America counting just as much as our coastal cities .
He can explain how farmers already confront climate change with cover crops , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other regenerative agricultural practices .
She can bring to the discussion the increased risks of asthma from polluting coal plants near communities of color .
These conversations will result in unlikely alliances that will change climate conversations and change the face of what a climate justice movement looks and sounds like.8 As progressives , we spend a lot of time talking about a just transition , yet the majority of the climate movement spends little time in rural communities listening and learning about what justice looks like for people—including tribal nations , farmers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ live and work in our small towns .
If we are serious about climate justice , then including rural voices and ideas at the table , from the beginning , must start to happen.9 Rural communities have the land needed to grow and build solar , wind , biofuel , and other renewable energy sources .
You will continue to see massive opposition to these large-scale projects because rural communities have not been included in the plans and discussions about the best places to build or the fairest way to structure profit sharing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ burden of the construction .
From most climate advocates who live on the coasts , I often hear , “ Windmills are so beautiful .
Why would anyone object to building them ?
” It is easy to say that if you do not live under a 300-turbine wind farm .
It is easy to say that if a share of the profits hadn ’ t been denied to all the residents of your community—and given instead only to those who own the land where the windmills were built.10 A Leader of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Red America Maybe it would be easier if we could just close a coal plant and build more wind and solar projects to power our communities , and that would be the end of that story .
But there are people , families , money , and land involved , so it is not that easy .
Our country has allowed big corporations to control the type of energy produced and where it is produced and who it is sold to .
We ’ ve been told we do not get a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flip on a light switch to power our homes , energy is there , and it is reliable , so we should remain quiet and happy .
The energy system worked for us for decades , but now the entire equation has to be flipped because we know the devastation climate change brings to our communities with continued fossil fuel development.11 Senator Bernie Sanders , when asked about climate change in 2017 by a coal worker , nailed the response .
He made it clear he believed in the reality of climate change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ declining since the 1970s , and then looked at the young miner and said , “ I don ’ t hold this gentleman and the coal miners responsible for climate change .
In fact , these guys are heroes .
I grew up in a rent-controlled apartment , and I will never forget the piles of coal that kept my house warm.
” 12 Sanders went on to describe how our nation must honor the pensions the coal miners earned ; he talked about the need to reinvest money in communities devastated by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hard work , not leave anyone behind , and make it clear where we stand on the changes we must make now .
We can build out massive new and necessary clean energy projects with the people who live on , love , and work the land—working for climate justice while working to confront climate change.13 Organizing in rural communities is not easy .
You can ’ t just parachute an organizer in thinking that magic—or anything—will happen quickly .
We have to move beyond theories of change and get to the work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power at the local level .
Part of that organizing is showing up and being ready to stand with rural people when they are hurting , listening to the ideas they have to solve the challenges we face .
We do not have to change our values or platform to win back rural voters ; instead , we need to stand with them as family farms are flooded and their land is being taken through eminent domain to build pipelines.14 When I interviewed Tester , the only working farmer in the US Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ Showing up is the foundation to building the house .
If you don ’ t start there , you are screwed .
If you are an attorney from Manhattan , then don ’ t pretend you are a backhoe operator from Indiana .
Don ’ t change who you are .
Just come to where we are.
” 15 Showing up for rural communities is the foundation of winning back not only the White House but also the Senate .
Unless we start to elect Democrats again from so-called red states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pushing for will be blocked in the Senate .
Which means we won ’ t be able to fix gerrymandering .
We can ’ t get rid of big money in politics .
We don ’ t get student debt forgiveness .
We don ’ t get fairness in voting rights .
We don ’ t get LGBTQ workplace protections .
Simply put , we can not win back the Senate without rural voters .
And we don ’ t win back rural voters without organizing and funding the groups and candidates on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why we should be funding red state organizing and rural candidates : The US population is moving to fewer , mostly coastal states .
By 2040 , the majority of Americans will live in just eight states .
But because the Constitution gives each state two senators , more and more power will be concentrated in less populous , mostly rural states .
In fact , just 30 percent of Americans will elect 70 percent of the Senate .
The rural states won ’ t just control the majority of the Senate ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governors ’ seats and state legislative seats , which in our federal system decide on everything from climate change to health care across the country .
If you think focusing on President Trump is the answer , think again.17 If we want structural change , we need to focus on the architecture of the political machine .
This means we need to organize and pour money into groups on the ground so we can begin to earn the trust of rural voters again .
Otherwise , we are ceding power to right-wing politicians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Funding the groups and candidates who are organizing in our rural communities should be near the top of the list for anyone who cares about climate change .
In Nebraska we created a block captain program in which over 650 volunteers are assigned 50 voters in their neighborhoods .
The block captains talk to their neighbors three times during the election cycle , helping them complete vote-by-mail applications and learn about the Democratic candidates.19 In 2018 over 850 Democrats were on the ballot in Nebraska , and 73 percent of them won their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the statewide or federal seats .
But we did take control of various county boards , mayor ’ s offices , and state legislative seats , resulting in , to cite one climate change example , denial of a permit that Costco wanted to build a massive industrial agriculture operation in Lancaster County .
This is how we organize and build power .
When we earn the trust of voters , when we show them we can govern and protect their interests over those of big corporations , that is when we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meet people where they are , and we acknowledge where we have differences and where we have common ground .
We build together.20 Energy and climate change are at the very heart of how our country will move forward .
Unlikely alliances among tribal nations , farmers , ranchers , and environmentalists—like the ones that developed during the Keystone XL campaign—can be a model for how to shape legislation and the necessary steps to effectively organize so our country can truly address climate change.21 Our kids and grandkids are depending on us to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people at the center , we can create an energy system that is fair and that is not killing the planet .
If we invest in rural organizing , we can start to elect candidates , from state legislatures to the US Senate , who understand and prioritize climate action and climate justice .
Or we can allow big corporations to keep lining the pockets of politicians who have a spine when campaigning but forget who elected them once in office.22 America should be leading the way to create an entirely new energy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do this is to bring rural people and tribal nations to the table .
They have the land .
They also will increasingly have the votes to approve or block the laws needed to spur clean energy and climate action .
Either we respect this or we keep spinning our wheels with white papers and fancy terms like “ just transition ” —when we could be organizing and putting power back in the hands of the people.23

This article appears in the May 4/11, 2020 issue.
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This story is published as part of Covering Climate Now, a global journalism collaboration strengthening coverage of the climate story.
When I got the call from the National Wildlife Federation back in 2010 asking me to help organize opposition to a large pipeline, I had never worked on climate change—or any environmental issue. All of my work up to that moment had been focused on helping kids learn to read, pushing back against insurance companies denying women access to treatment for eating disorders, and getting the Democratic Party to invest resources in the youth vote. I was an unlikely climate change advocate who was about to help organize an unlikely alliance of farmers, ranchers, tribal nations, and environmentalists to stop one of the riskiest and largest fossil fuel projects in the middle of America: the Keystone XL pipeline.1
We did stop that pipeline—the Obama administration rejected it in 2015—but now we have to stop it again. The governments, corporations, and banks behind Keystone XL are trying to revive the project through billions of dollars in subsidies and regulatory rollbacks that, in this pandemic moment, only magnify the threat it poses to the people, land, and water along the proposed route. As my colleague Bill McKibben wrote, Keystone XL’s backers are exploiting the distraction stemming from the pandemic “to do things they could not get away with at any other time.”2
The Keystone XL battle convinced me that we are at a moment in America and around the world where typical organizing is not enough anymore. Showing charts of scientific data will not save the planet. Sending e-mails, holding rallies, and tweeting will not save the planet. And organizing around climate change mostly on the coasts will not save the planet. Listening to the people on the front lines of the climate fight, especially those in red and rural communities, is absolutely what we need to do in every single state across our country.3
For the past 30 years, national climate groups have focused their education, energy, and financial resources organizing in urban communities and mostly on the coasts. Their outreach has yielded amazing results—from shuttering coal plants in cities to blue-state governors signing historic climate change laws. Yet most of our fights against fracking, pipelines, and other fossil fuel infrastructure are happening in rural communities. The land needed to build out projects to provide the massive amounts of renewable energy we’re going to need to kick our fossil fuel addiction is in rural communities. And the unlikely alliance we need to build for a true climate change movement is in rural communities.4 Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
An unlikely alliance: The fight to protect Nebraska’s land and water brought together tribal nations, ranchers, farmers, and environmentalists. (Dallas Goldtooth / Indigenous Rising Media)
Randy Thompson, a Nebraska cattleman, would never in a million years have thought that he would become one of the leading faces and voices of the Keystone XL fight. His parents worked for decades to earn enough money to purchase land of their own. Then one day a land agent with TransCanada, the company behind the pipeline, knocked on his mom’s door and told her if she did not take the company’s offer, that very day, TransCanada would seize her land through eminent domain and she would get nothing. That one door knock changed Randy’s life forever, putting him on the front lines of what would become an international story and a true David and Goliath battle. Randy did not enter that fight because of the carbon the pipeline would carry. He entered the fight to protect his family, to protect the land, and to protect the water.5
Most of us in Nebraska, myself included, did not get involved in stopping the Keystone XL pipeline because of climate change. But through the relationships we formed with environmental groups, we started to educate ourselves about the climate implications of tar sands and pipelines. Not once did McKibben, the cofounder of 350.org, or Tiernan Sittenfeld, the political director for the League of Conservation Voters, tell us we were not welcome at the table because we came to the fight to protect property rights and water. Instead, they changed their messaging to include us, and we in turn changed ours to also talk about the real consequences of climate change to our crops and homes.6 Current Issue View our current issue
In my book, Harvest the Vote: How Democrats Can Win Again in Rural America, I go into great detail about how we formed an unlikely alliance to stop the Keystone XL pipeline and where we can go from here to build a true movement of activists to stop climate change. We organized creative actions, from an 80-acre work of crop art asking President Obama to side with the heartland over the pipeline to carving messages into pumpkins as a fun way to educate the public about the risks of tar sand oil. As one of the leaders, I spent a tremendous amount of time visiting farmers, ranchers, and Indigenous allies. My friend Frank LaMere, a Winnebago leader we lost last year, told me early on in the fight that the only way we can organize to win is if we “collect road dust.” What he meant was that we need to go where the people are—and the people who would stop the Keystone XL pipeline were in rural communities, both Native and non-Native. They rose up to the moment they were all called to lead because we organized together with creativity and a strong sense of place.7
Home on the range: Cattleman Randy Thompson, an unlikely face of the battle against the Keystone XL pipeline. (Alex Matzke / Bold Nebraska)
I’m not a policy-maker, but I do have a unique perspective from my involvement in the fight against the Keystone XL pipeline, my work as an organizer, and my personal life as a neighbor in rural America who listens to what folks are saying. Organizing in rural communities is critical if we are serious about not only passing a Green New Deal but also, more important, implementing the ideas behind that policy framework. Senator Jon Tester, a moderate Democrat from Montana, will make the Green New Deal stronger with his ideas. Conversations between Tester and progressive champion Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez will result in rural America counting just as much as our coastal cities. He can explain how farmers already confront climate change with cover crops, water sensors, rotational grazing, and other regenerative agricultural practices. She can bring to the discussion the increased risks of asthma from polluting coal plants near communities of color. These conversations will result in unlikely alliances that will change climate conversations and change the face of what a climate justice movement looks and sounds like.8
As progressives, we spend a lot of time talking about a just transition, yet the majority of the climate movement spends little time in rural communities listening and learning about what justice looks like for people—including tribal nations, farmers, fisherfolk, and people of color—who live and work in our small towns. If we are serious about climate justice, then including rural voices and ideas at the table, from the beginning, must start to happen.9 Related Article A Leader of the Keystone Opposition Talks About Building Progressive Coalitions in Red America D.D. Guttenplan
Rural communities have the land needed to grow and build solar, wind, biofuel, and other renewable energy sources. You will continue to see massive opposition to these large-scale projects because rural communities have not been included in the plans and discussions about the best places to build or the fairest way to structure profit sharing for those communities that will bear the burden of the construction. From most climate advocates who live on the coasts, I often hear, “Windmills are so beautiful. Why would anyone object to building them?” It is easy to say that if you do not live under a 300-turbine wind farm. It is easy to say that if a share of the profits hadn’t been denied to all the residents of your community—and given instead only to those who own the land where the windmills were built.10
Maybe it would be easier if we could just close a coal plant and build more wind and solar projects to power our communities, and that would be the end of that story. But there are people, families, money, and land involved, so it is not that easy. Our country has allowed big corporations to control the type of energy produced and where it is produced and who it is sold to. We’ve been told we do not get a say in the process because when we flip on a light switch to power our homes, energy is there, and it is reliable, so we should remain quiet and happy. The energy system worked for us for decades, but now the entire equation has to be flipped because we know the devastation climate change brings to our communities with continued fossil fuel development.11
Senator Bernie Sanders, when asked about climate change in 2017 by a coal worker, nailed the response. He made it clear he believed in the reality of climate change, acknowledged that coal jobs had been declining since the 1970s, and then looked at the young miner and said, “I don’t hold this gentleman and the coal miners responsible for climate change. In fact, these guys are heroes. I grew up in a rent-controlled apartment, and I will never forget the piles of coal that kept my house warm.”12
Sanders went on to describe how our nation must honor the pensions the coal miners earned; he talked about the need to reinvest money in communities devastated by climate change. We can acknowledge the hard work, not leave anyone behind, and make it clear where we stand on the changes we must make now. We can build out massive new and necessary clean energy projects with the people who live on, love, and work the land—working for climate justice while working to confront climate change.13
Organizing in rural communities is not easy. You can’t just parachute an organizer in thinking that magic—or anything—will happen quickly. We have to move beyond theories of change and get to the work of old-fashioned actions that build trust and power at the local level. Part of that organizing is showing up and being ready to stand with rural people when they are hurting, listening to the ideas they have to solve the challenges we face. We do not have to change our values or platform to win back rural voters; instead, we need to stand with them as family farms are flooded and their land is being taken through eminent domain to build pipelines.14
When I interviewed Tester, the only working farmer in the US Senate, for my book, he said, “Showing up is the foundation to building the house. If you don’t start there, you are screwed. If you are an attorney from Manhattan, then don’t pretend you are a backhoe operator from Indiana. Don’t change who you are. Just come to where we are.”15
Showing up for rural communities is the foundation of winning back not only the White House but also the Senate. Unless we start to elect Democrats again from so-called red states, everything we care about and are pushing for will be blocked in the Senate. Which means we won’t be able to fix gerrymandering. We can’t get rid of big money in politics. We don’t get student debt forgiveness. We don’t get fairness in voting rights. We don’t get LGBTQ workplace protections. Simply put, we cannot win back the Senate without rural voters. And we don’t win back rural voters without organizing and funding the groups and candidates on the ground.16
Consider this when thinking about why we should be funding red state organizing and rural candidates: The US population is moving to fewer, mostly coastal states. By 2040, the majority of Americans will live in just eight states. But because the Constitution gives each state two senators, more and more power will be concentrated in less populous, mostly rural states. In fact, just 30 percent of Americans will elect 70 percent of the Senate. The rural states won’t just control the majority of the Senate; they will also have the majority of governors’ seats and state legislative seats, which in our federal system decide on everything from climate change to health care across the country. If you think focusing on President Trump is the answer, think again.17
If we want structural change, we need to focus on the architecture of the political machine. This means we need to organize and pour money into groups on the ground so we can begin to earn the trust of rural voters again. Otherwise, we are ceding power to right-wing politicians who figured out this equation decades ago.18
Funding the groups and candidates who are organizing in our rural communities should be near the top of the list for anyone who cares about climate change. In Nebraska we created a block captain program in which over 650 volunteers are assigned 50 voters in their neighborhoods. The block captains talk to their neighbors three times during the election cycle, helping them complete vote-by-mail applications and learn about the Democratic candidates.19
In 2018 over 850 Democrats were on the ballot in Nebraska, and 73 percent of them won their elections. We did not win any of the statewide or federal seats. But we did take control of various county boards, mayor’s offices, and state legislative seats, resulting in, to cite one climate change example, denial of a permit that Costco wanted to build a massive industrial agriculture operation in Lancaster County. This is how we organize and build power. When we earn the trust of voters, when we show them we can govern and protect their interests over those of big corporations, that is when we can start winning statewide again. We meet people where they are, and we acknowledge where we have differences and where we have common ground. We build together.20
Energy and climate change are at the very heart of how our country will move forward. Unlikely alliances among tribal nations, farmers, ranchers, and environmentalists—like the ones that developed during the Keystone XL campaign—can be a model for how to shape legislation and the necessary steps to effectively organize so our country can truly address climate change.21
Our kids and grandkids are depending on us to get this right. If we put people at the center, we can create an energy system that is fair and that is not killing the planet. If we invest in rural organizing, we can start to elect candidates, from state legislatures to the US Senate, who understand and prioritize climate action and climate justice. Or we can allow big corporations to keep lining the pockets of politicians who have a spine when campaigning but forget who elected them once in office.22
America should be leading the way to create an entirely new energy infrastructure. The only way we can do this is to bring rural people and tribal nations to the table. They have the land. They also will increasingly have the votes to approve or block the laws needed to spur clean energy and climate action. Either we respect this or we keep spinning our wheels with white papers and fancy terms like “just transition”—when we could be organizing and putting power back in the hands of the people.23
Correction: An earlier version of this article incorrectly credited the photographer of an image of a Nebraska cornfield and another capturing pipeline protesters. This article has been updated.