thenation--2020-12-10--Personnel as Policy: What Biden’s Picks So Far Tell Us

“ The grown-ups are back in charge , ” announced a relieved Financial Times editorial board , hailing the early cabinet appointments of President-elect Joe Biden .
So far , his picks have all been known quantities : experienced , smart , and competent—no small relief after the madcap chaos of the Trump years .
However , they will inherit cascading calamities that require new thinking and dramatic change .
And their experience in office is a testament to the failure and follies of the so-called best and brightest .
Notably absent is anyone from the Democratic Party ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sanders and Elizabeth Warren , opponents of the war in Iraq , activists from the Black Lives Matter and climate change movements , or advocates of deep structural reforms .
Biden doesn ’ t consider that a problem .
Discounting the idea of Sanders or Warren joining the administration , Biden boasted , “ We already have significant representation among progressives in our administration.
” New thinking , he claimed , is guaranteed because “ we ’ re going to have the first woman lead the intelligence community , the first Latino and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Security , and a groundbreaking diplomat at the United Nations.
” Assembling a cabinet that looks like America is vital , but diversity of gender and ethnicity does not ensure new vision or ideas .
Biden ’ s picks to date largely reflect the former but not the latter .
Here is a summary of the good , the bad , and the ugly .
The Good : Biden ’ s economic team is much better than many had feared .
Janet Yellen , his nominee for treasury secretary , won ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wall Street , but as a reputable economist and former head of the Federal Reserve , she has treated maximum employment as a priority .
Jared Bernstein and Heather Boushey , nominated for the Council of Economic Advisers , cut their teeth at the labor-backed , progressive Economic Policy Institute and have extensive experience and expertise on poverty , work , and family .
Cecilia Rouse , the council ’ s proposed chair , is one of the leading economists on education in the United States .
Biden ’ s choice to head @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the oligopolistic asset management firm BlackRock , gives finance a seat at the table ( but even he has received high praise from Bill McKibben , a leader in the climate change movement ) .
Together they provide real expertise to backstop Biden ’ s progressive economic campaign promises .
The nomination of former senator and secretary of state John Kerry to a new post as special envoy on climate change signals that issue ’ s priority .
Biden ’ s pandemic crisis team fulfills his promise to put the experts back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Xavier Becerra ’ s surprise nomination to head the Department of Health and Human Services elevates someone with fierce intelligence and extensive congressional experience .
The Bad : When it comes to national security , the Blob is back .
In nominating Antony Blinken as secretary of state , Jake Sullivan as national security adviser , and Avril Haines as director of national intelligence , Biden has resuscitated the national security establishment that Donald Trump scorned .
Putting Raytheon board member and retired general Lloyd Austin at Defense oils the revolving door while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Pentagon .
All see America as the indispensable nation .
All were proponents of the debacles of recent decades—forever wars in Afghanistan and Iraq , interventions in Syria and Libya , the genocidal assault on Yemen , the accelerated drone assassination program .
All embraced the conventional wisdom on corporate globalization—and the ruinous trade deals that accompanied it .
And , of course , all claim to have learned from their misadventures .
These appointments—and the striking absence of anyone who got it right at the time—do not augur well .
Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ follies by returning to the Paris climate accord and the World Health Organization , attempting to revive the Iran nuclear deal and nuclear arms control , and reengaging with America ’ s allies .
But the forever wars will go on , with more drones and fewer troops .
Conflicts with Russia and China will intensify .
And despite ritual denials , America ’ s commitment to policing the world will continue to distort our politics and priorities .
The Ugly : Biden has gained a cheap grace by not selecting the most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Fierce pushback from progressives impeded Michèle Flournoy at Defense—an unrepentant hawk who has been making her fortune as a strategic adviser to defense firms .
The nomination of Neera Tanden , the president and CEO of the Center for American Progress , to head the Office of Management and Budget is a gratuitous thumb in the eye of Sanders , whom she has scurrilously slurred over the past five years .
But even she is preferable to Bruce Reed , a stalwart of the neoliberal Democratic Leadership Council ( the group that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Leisure Class ” ) and the former executive director of the Bowles-Simpson commission , which peddled a truly perverse austerity program in the midst of the country ’ s halting recovery from the Great Recession .
Democratic Voters Want More Than the Status Quo Progressives Won ’ t Wait for Biden to Set the Course It ’ s Not Just the Supreme Court That ’ s at Stake The Biden camp has also floated the name of disgraced former Chicago mayor Rahm Emanuel , straight from his vile mishandling of the police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ secretary .
Emanuel routinely scorns progressives , whom he once dismissed as “ fucking retarded.
” That he hasn ’ t been formally put forward—yet—has earned Biden no small credit from progressive activists .
Biden will continue to roll out his appointments over the coming weeks .
Progressives have been pushing hard for Representative Deb Haaland , a Native American member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus , to be named secretary of the interior .
Appointments at agencies that regulate banks , protect consumers and the environment , enforce labor laws , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a better sense of the president-elect ’ s willingness to challenge the entrenched interests that dominate Washington .
The shape of the administration , however , is already emerging .
Biden campaigned on a return to normalcy , even while acknowledging that the country faces threats as great as those during the Great Depression .
He ’ s brought back the Democratic establishment , claiming it can be a source of new vision and new thinking , while the leaders , activists , and intellectuals who challenged the conventional wisdom and got it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mix .
Progressives will be pushing from the outside , not the inside .
Even as they work with the administration to combat Republican obstruction , progressives must organize independently to champion reforms commensurate with the challenges we face—and continue to build the movements needed to drive them .

This article appears in the December 28, 2020/January 4, 2021 issue.
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“The grown-ups are back in charge,” announced a relieved Financial Times editorial board, hailing the early cabinet appointments of President-elect Joe Biden. So far, his picks have all been known quantities: experienced, smart, and competent—no small relief after the madcap chaos of the Trump years. However, they will inherit cascading calamities that require new thinking and dramatic change. And their experience in office is a testament to the failure and follies of the so-called best and brightest.
Notably absent is anyone from the Democratic Party’s rising left: advisers to Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, opponents of the war in Iraq, activists from the Black Lives Matter and climate change movements, or advocates of deep structural reforms.
Biden doesn’t consider that a problem. Discounting the idea of Sanders or Warren joining the administration, Biden boasted, “We already have significant representation among progressives in our administration.” New thinking, he claimed, is guaranteed because “we’re going to have the first woman lead the intelligence community, the first Latino and immigrant to lead the Department of Homeland Security, and a groundbreaking diplomat at the United Nations.” Assembling a cabinet that looks like America is vital, but diversity of gender and ethnicity does not ensure new vision or ideas. Biden’s picks to date largely reflect the former but not the latter. Here is a summary of the good, the bad, and the ugly.
The Good: Biden’s economic team is much better than many had feared. Janet Yellen, his nominee for treasury secretary, won’t be a bulldog like Warren in curbing Wall Street, but as a reputable economist and former head of the Federal Reserve, she has treated maximum employment as a priority. Jared Bernstein and Heather Boushey, nominated for the Council of Economic Advisers, cut their teeth at the labor-backed, progressive Economic Policy Institute and have extensive experience and expertise on poverty, work, and family. Cecilia Rouse, the council’s proposed chair, is one of the leading economists on education in the United States. Biden’s choice to head the National Economic Council, Brian Deese of the oligopolistic asset management firm BlackRock, gives finance a seat at the table (but even he has received high praise from Bill McKibben, a leader in the climate change movement). Together they provide real expertise to backstop Biden’s progressive economic campaign promises. The nomination of former senator and secretary of state John Kerry to a new post as special envoy on climate change signals that issue’s priority. Biden’s pandemic crisis team fulfills his promise to put the experts back in charge, and California Attorney General Xavier Becerra’s surprise nomination to head the Department of Health and Human Services elevates someone with fierce intelligence and extensive congressional experience. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Related Article Progressives Shouldn’t Be Afraid of Fighting Biden’s Nominees Jeet Heer
The Bad: When it comes to national security, the Blob is back. In nominating Antony Blinken as secretary of state, Jake Sullivan as national security adviser, and Avril Haines as director of national intelligence, Biden has resuscitated the national security establishment that Donald Trump scorned. Putting Raytheon board member and retired general Lloyd Austin at Defense oils the revolving door while trampling the principle of civilian control of the Pentagon. All see America as the indispensable nation. All were proponents of the debacles of recent decades—forever wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, interventions in Syria and Libya, the genocidal assault on Yemen, the accelerated drone assassination program. All embraced the conventional wisdom on corporate globalization—and the ruinous trade deals that accompanied it. And, of course, all claim to have learned from their misadventures.
These appointments—and the striking absence of anyone who got it right at the time—do not augur well. Biden will reverse many of Trump’s follies by returning to the Paris climate accord and the World Health Organization, attempting to revive the Iran nuclear deal and nuclear arms control, and reengaging with America’s allies. But the forever wars will go on, with more drones and fewer troops. Conflicts with Russia and China will intensify. And despite ritual denials, America’s commitment to policing the world will continue to distort our politics and priorities.
The Ugly: Biden has gained a cheap grace by not selecting the most egregious candidates floated for some key positions. Fierce pushback from progressives impeded Michèle Flournoy at Defense—an unrepentant hawk who has been making her fortune as a strategic adviser to defense firms. Current Issue View our current issue
The nomination of Neera Tanden, the president and CEO of the Center for American Progress, to head the Office of Management and Budget is a gratuitous thumb in the eye of Sanders, whom she has scurrilously slurred over the past five years. But even she is preferable to Bruce Reed, a stalwart of the neoliberal Democratic Leadership Council (the group that Jesse Jackson indelibly dubbed “Democrats for the Leisure Class”) and the former executive director of the Bowles-Simpson commission, which peddled a truly perverse austerity program in the midst of the country’s halting recovery from the Great Recession. More From Robert L. Borosage Jesse Jackson Is Keeping Hope Alive July 13, 2023 The Left Should Support Ending Violence in Ukraine April 27, 2023 Biden, Go Bold in the State of the Union February 6, 2023
The Biden camp has also floated the name of disgraced former Chicago mayor Rahm Emanuel, straight from his vile mishandling of the police murder of Laquan McDonald, as transportation secretary. Emanuel routinely scorns progressives, whom he once dismissed as “fucking retarded.” That he hasn’t been formally put forward—yet—has earned Biden no small credit from progressive activists.
Biden will continue to roll out his appointments over the coming weeks. Progressives have been pushing hard for Representative Deb Haaland, a Native American member of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, to be named secretary of the interior. Appointments at agencies that regulate banks, protect consumers and the environment, enforce labor laws, and prosecute antitrust and white-collar crime will give a better sense of the president-elect’s willingness to challenge the entrenched interests that dominate Washington.
The shape of the administration, however, is already emerging. Biden campaigned on a return to normalcy, even while acknowledging that the country faces threats as great as those during the Great Depression. He’s brought back the Democratic establishment, claiming it can be a source of new vision and new thinking, while the leaders, activists, and intellectuals who challenged the conventional wisdom and got it right have been left out of the mix. Progressives will be pushing from the outside, not the inside. Even as they work with the administration to combat Republican obstruction, progressives must organize independently to champion reforms commensurate with the challenges we face—and continue to build the movements needed to drive them.


thenation--2020-12-11--Don’t Cheer Trump’s 11th-Hour Troop Withdrawals

Last Friday , the Pentagon announced that nearly all US military forces in Somalia , by order of the president , will leave the country by January 15 .
The announcement came on the heels of a similar decision in November to halve America ’ s military presence in Iraq and Afghanistan , to about 2,500 personnel in each country .
Together , the moves amount to a last-minute attempt by Trump , who will be replaced in the White House on January 20 , to make good on his pledges to scale back foreign wars .
Even to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this may come as welcome news .
America ’ s military is overcommitted in too many corners of the globe , and our wars have gone on more than long enough .
I participated directly in the conflicts in Afghanistan and East Africa , as an intelligence officer with special operations units between 2013 and 2015 , and that was my first reaction to the announcement : Fine .
Good .
On further thought , though , the details of the announcement didn ’ t add up .
Trump may grandstand about bringing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reasons—the hurried nature of the withdrawals , especially—it struck me that the president ’ s moves have much more to do with his own interests than the nation ’ s .
To explain , let ’ s get one thing straight from the get-go : Trump is no peacemaker .
This year has seen more air strikes targeting Al Shabaab militants in Somalia than in the entirety of the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations combined .
Because the Trump administration has loosened restrictions preventing casualties , civilian deaths from air strikes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ documented by journalists and advocacy groups .
In Afghanistan , meanwhile , civilian casualties increased by 330 percent between 2016 and 2019 , according to a new report by the Brown University Costs of War Project ; in 2019 alone , 700 civilians were killed by air strikes , more than in any year since the beginning of that war in 2001 .
Donald Trump Has Never Understood the Military—and He ’ s Not Going to Be Able to Co-opt It for a Coup How America Turned on Itself Can Kentucky Slip the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it ’ s not clear that the Trump administration ’ s withdrawal of forces from Somalia will end this violence .
The Pentagon ’ s statement indicated that many of the roughly 700 troops deployed to Somalia—mostly representing special operations units—would be relocated to neighboring countries ( so not even brought back to the States ) and available for cross-border counterterrorism operations .
The statement didn ’ t mention air strikes but stated vaguely that the US “ will retain the capability to conduct targeted counterterrorism operations in Somalia , ” meaning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s rhetoric about costly foreign interventions aside , the withdrawal begins to look like a surface technicality .
As the defense department said itself : “ While a change in force posture , this action is not a change in US policy.
” In any case , for some , regardless of partisan allegiance , how America gets its troops out of various foreign combat zones might seem to matter less than the simple fact of doing it .
Certainly , the strategic shifts and careful balancing of military and diplomatic efforts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in America ’ s out-of-control war on terror .
On this front , it ’ s worth unpacking how exactly American troops function in Somalia .
This is not , as some might imagine , a case of American troops wandering the streets and kicking in doors with impunity , à la Iraq and Afghanistan .
Overwhelmingly , service members in Somalia are there supporting Somali security forces and those of the African Union Mission in Somalia , or AMISOM , a peacekeeping force comprised of soldiers from African nations including Kenya , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and Sierra Leone .
This so-called “ advise and assist ” mission can take the form of training , intelligence sharing , tactical advisory , and material support ; direct participation in combat is very rare , though not unheard of .
Whether these efforts have been effective is fairly a matter of debate .
On the one hand , US support has enabled the Somali government to reclaim Mogadishu , the country ’ s capital , and other important population centers .
On the other , Al Shabaab retains large swaths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executed a steady stream of high-profile attacks across the region—in 2013 , an assault on a Nairobi , Kenya shopping center that killed 63 ; in 2015 , an attack on a Kenyan university that killed 148 ; and , in 2017 , a truck bomb attack in Mogadishu that killed 587 .
Lest we doubt America ’ s own security interests in the region , recall that it was from East Africa in 1998 that Al Qaeda orchestrated attacks on the American embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam , Tanzania—precursors to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Al Shabaab swore allegiance to Al Qaeda in 2014 and is generally considered one of the terrorist group ’ s most capable affiliates .
Let ’ s entertain for a moment that Trump ’ s drawdown could derive from an earnest philosophical disagreement with American misadventures and perhaps fear that the incoming Biden administration will perpetuate these conflicts .
If that were the case , then why did the president not act sooner and with greater effort to alter the status quo ?
A Russian Bounty Is Bad .
What ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ What seems more likely is that Trump , ever on the lookout for Number One , needs some kind of policy victory , having precious little otherwise on which to construct his legacy .
He has railed against America ’ s costly wars , so perhaps now he can count “ bringing home the troops ” as a promise kept in the simplest of terms .
Never mind the dangerous realities on the ground or any other context that might suggest a slower and better-managed exit from these countries .
And never mind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and whom we now abandon with no advance notice whatsoever .
In Somalia ’ s case , according to BBC News , US inspectors in November recommended against a withdrawal from the country , because local forces likely wouldn ’ t be able to suppress attacks without support .
To boot , a presidential election in the country is scheduled for February , which Al Shabaab will almost certainly seek to disrupt .
As one Somali senator put it , speaking to the BBC , Trump ’ s last-minute decision is “ extremely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ context in Iraq and Afghanistan is no better .
In Iraq , the security situation is extremely volatile ; as a result of their hurried exit , US military leaders fear an uptick in attacks by Iran and its proxies , not to mention the possibility of a resurgent ISIS .
In Afghanistan , the Taliban is stronger now than in years , and Al Qaeda is perhaps stronger than we think , yet Trump has repeatedly forced forward negotiations with the Taliban .
“ It seems either arbitrary , so [ Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or maybe he doesn ’ t care if things go off the rails , ” Ben Rhodes , a former Obama aide , observed on a recent episode of Crooked Media ’ s Pod Save The World podcast .
“ There ’ s no limit to Trump ’ s cynicism , so you actually might need to consider the reality that he ’ s going to leave circumstances almost deliberately more difficult for [ Joe ] Biden .
He gets to say , ‘ I drew down troops , ’ and then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ISIS problem gets worse.
” If that sounds conspiratorial , remember that the truth is often stranger than fiction with this president .
It would hardly be the only wrench Trump is throwing in the gears on his way out .
How America Turned on Itself Yet media reports , broadly , have taken Trump ’ s troop withdrawals at face value , framing them as part and parcel of Trump ’ s “ America First ” ideology , while also giving short shrift to the facts of missions and still salient @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is trending a contextless headline about a war most Americans don ’ t even know is happening , ” the journalist Jonathan Myerson Katz complained on the social media platform , referring to Somalia .
“ Twitter is not alone in this , of course , ” he added , referencing The New York Times ’ essentially credulous coverage of the announcement .
“ In four years , some people still haven ’ t figured out how to pay more attention to what a lying president does than what he says.
” To @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proponent of indefinite or ill-defined troop deployments , and in this magazine I ’ ve argued on multiple counts against forever war .
I believe America should pursue every responsible option to leave Afghanistan and that a thorough review of our footprints in East Africa and elsewhere is long overdue .
Drawdown shouldn ’ t look like this , though .
To our foreign partners , whom we have trained and fought with ; to the people of these countries whom we have asked to trust America , even despite the enormous human @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speaking from just one veteran ’ s perspective , to all the military men and women who have served and died in these conflicts over the years , America ’ s leaders owe a great deal more than a slipshod , self-interested rush out the door .
The consequences of the president ’ s actions will likely come back around in time .
If and when they do , Trump and his allies will tell a simple story that he was the man who tried to end war .
We , instead , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chose to ignore .
Then we should insist on placing the blame squarely where it belongs .

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Last Friday, the Pentagon announced that nearly all US military forces in Somalia, by order of the president, will leave the country by January 15. The announcement came on the heels of a similar decision in November to halve America’s military presence in Iraq and Afghanistan, to about 2,500 personnel in each country. Together, the moves amount to a last-minute attempt by Trump, who will be replaced in the White House on January 20, to make good on his pledges to scale back foreign wars.
Even to the president’s most vigorous critics, this may come as welcome news. America’s military is overcommitted in too many corners of the globe, and our wars have gone on more than long enough. I participated directly in the conflicts in Afghanistan and East Africa, as an intelligence officer with special operations units between 2013 and 2015, and that was my first reaction to the announcement: Fine. Good.
On further thought, though, the details of the announcement didn’t add up. Trump may grandstand about bringing the troops home, but for many reasons—the hurried nature of the withdrawals, especially—it struck me that the president’s moves have much more to do with his own interests than the nation’s.
To explain, let’s get one thing straight from the get-go: Trump is no peacemaker. This year has seen more air strikes targeting Al Shabaab militants in Somalia than in the entirety of the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations combined. Because the Trump administration has loosened restrictions preventing casualties, civilian deaths from air strikes have seen a considerable uptick, as documented by journalists and advocacy groups. In Afghanistan, meanwhile, civilian casualties increased by 330 percent between 2016 and 2019, according to a new report by the Brown University Costs of War Project; in 2019 alone, 700 civilians were killed by air strikes, more than in any year since the beginning of that war in 2001. More From Andrew McCormick Nations Are Nowhere on Their Climate Commitments, and Too Few Journalists Are Holding Them Accountable May 19, 2022 You Can’t Isolate the Food Crisis From the Climate Crisis April 1, 2022 Climate Looms Large Over Biden’s First State of the Union. Will the Coverage Say So? March 1, 2022
Anyway, it’s not clear that the Trump administration’s withdrawal of forces from Somalia will end this violence. The Pentagon’s statement indicated that many of the roughly 700 troops deployed to Somalia—mostly representing special operations units—would be relocated to neighboring countries (so not even brought back to the States) and available for cross-border counterterrorism operations. The statement didn’t mention air strikes but stated vaguely that the US “will retain the capability to conduct targeted counterterrorism operations in Somalia,” meaning strikes are likely to continue. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
Trump’s rhetoric about costly foreign interventions aside, the withdrawal begins to look like a surface technicality. As the defense department said itself: “While a change in force posture, this action is not a change in US policy.”
In any case, for some, regardless of partisan allegiance, how America gets its troops out of various foreign combat zones might seem to matter less than the simple fact of doing it. Certainly, the strategic shifts and careful balancing of military and diplomatic efforts that preceded Trump did little to rein in America’s out-of-control war on terror.
On this front, it’s worth unpacking how exactly American troops function in Somalia. This is not, as some might imagine, a case of American troops wandering the streets and kicking in doors with impunity, à la Iraq and Afghanistan. Overwhelmingly, service members in Somalia are there supporting Somali security forces and those of the African Union Mission in Somalia, or AMISOM, a peacekeeping force comprised of soldiers from African nations including Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Burundi, and Sierra Leone. This so-called “advise and assist” mission can take the form of training, intelligence sharing, tactical advisory, and material support; direct participation in combat is very rare, though not unheard of. Current Issue View our current issue
Whether these efforts have been effective is fairly a matter of debate. On the one hand, US support has enabled the Somali government to reclaim Mogadishu, the country’s capital, and other important population centers. On the other, Al Shabaab retains large swaths of territory and over the years has executed a steady stream of high-profile attacks across the region—in 2013, an assault on a Nairobi, Kenya shopping center that killed 63; in 2015, an attack on a Kenyan university that killed 148; and, in 2017, a truck bomb attack in Mogadishu that killed 587. Lest we doubt America’s own security interests in the region, recall that it was from East Africa in 1998 that Al Qaeda orchestrated attacks on the American embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania—precursors to the attacks of September 11, 2001. Al Shabaab swore allegiance to Al Qaeda in 2014 and is generally considered one of the terrorist group’s most capable affiliates.
Let’s entertain for a moment that Trump’s drawdown could derive from an earnest philosophical disagreement with American misadventures and perhaps fear that the incoming Biden administration will perpetuate these conflicts. If that were the case, then why did the president not act sooner and with greater effort to alter the status quo? Forever Wars A Russian Bounty Is Bad. What’s Shocking and Outrageous Is the War. Andrew McCormick
What seems more likely is that Trump, ever on the lookout for Number One, needs some kind of policy victory, having precious little otherwise on which to construct his legacy. He has railed against America’s costly wars, so perhaps now he can count “bringing home the troops” as a promise kept in the simplest of terms. Never mind the dangerous realities on the ground or any other context that might suggest a slower and better-managed exit from these countries. And never mind consequences for allies we spent years cultivating and whom we now abandon with no advance notice whatsoever.
In Somalia’s case, according to BBC News, US inspectors in November recommended against a withdrawal from the country, because local forces likely wouldn’t be able to suppress attacks without support. To boot, a presidential election in the country is scheduled for February, which Al Shabaab will almost certainly seek to disrupt. As one Somali senator put it, speaking to the BBC, Trump’s last-minute decision is “extremely regrettable” for his country.
The context in Iraq and Afghanistan is no better. In Iraq, the security situation is extremely volatile; as a result of their hurried exit, US military leaders fear an uptick in attacks by Iran and its proxies, not to mention the possibility of a resurgent ISIS. In Afghanistan, the Taliban is stronger now than in years, and Al Qaeda is perhaps stronger than we think, yet Trump has repeatedly forced forward negotiations with the Taliban. “It seems either arbitrary, so [Trump] can say he drew down forces, or maybe he doesn’t care if things go off the rails,” Ben Rhodes, a former Obama aide, observed on a recent episode of Crooked Media’s Pod Save The World podcast. “There’s no limit to Trump’s cynicism, so you actually might need to consider the reality that he’s going to leave circumstances almost deliberately more difficult for [Joe] Biden. He gets to say, ‘I drew down troops,’ and then he gets to blame Joe Biden when the ISIS problem gets worse.”
If that sounds conspiratorial, remember that the truth is often stranger than fiction with this president. It would hardly be the only wrench Trump is throwing in the gears on his way out. Civil War How America Turned on Itself Andrew McCormick
Yet media reports, broadly, have taken Trump’s troop withdrawals at face value, framing them as part and parcel of Trump’s “America First” ideology, while also giving short shrift to the facts of missions and still salient threats. “Oh cool, Twitter is trending a contextless headline about a war most Americans don’t even know is happening,” the journalist Jonathan Myerson Katz complained on the social media platform, referring to Somalia. “Twitter is not alone in this, of course,” he added, referencing The New York Times’ essentially credulous coverage of the announcement. “In four years, some people still haven’t figured out how to pay more attention to what a lying president does than what he says.”
To be clear, I’m no proponent of indefinite or ill-defined troop deployments, and in this magazine I’ve argued on multiple counts against forever war. I believe America should pursue every responsible option to leave Afghanistan and that a thorough review of our footprints in East Africa and elsewhere is long overdue. Drawdown shouldn’t look like this, though. To our foreign partners, whom we have trained and fought with; to the people of these countries whom we have asked to trust America, even despite the enormous human tragedies war has wrought; and, speaking from just one veteran’s perspective, to all the military men and women who have served and died in these conflicts over the years, America’s leaders owe a great deal more than a slipshod, self-interested rush out the door.
The consequences of the president’s actions will likely come back around in time. If and when they do, Trump and his allies will tell a simple story that he was the man who tried to end war. We, instead, should remember the context and complications he chose to ignore. Then we should insist on placing the blame squarely where it belongs.


thenation--2020-12-11--Senator Ron Johnson No Longer Has Constituents; He Has a Boss, a Don

Senator Ron Johnson has stopped representing the people of Wisconsin on January 20 , 2017 .
The two-term Republican decided on that day that he would serve one man : Donald Trump .
Over the past four years , Johnson has done Trump ’ s bidding .
No matter how reckless , extreme , or just plain crazy the presidential dictate may be , the senator has served as the boss ’ s most ardent lackey .
And Johnson is not prepared to abandon his role as henchman .
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Check out The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s journalism while you complete your gift list .
So it is that , as Trump becomes more delusional , and more dangerous to democracy , so , too , does Johnson .
The chair of the powerful Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee has now announced that he will convene a hearing to amplify the president ’ s false claims about “ irregularities ” in the November 3 election where voters replaced the Republican with Democrat Joe Biden .
Trump ’ s Last Gasp Is a Scheme to Disenfranchise 20,756,421 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Crooked David Perdue Is Afraid to Debate His Record of Self-Dealing The election was not close .
Biden beat Trump by more than 7 million votes nationally , winning a higher percentage of the popular vote than any challenger to a sitting president since Franklin Roosevelt ousted Herbert Hoover in 1932 .
This coming Monday , the Electoral College will confirm Biden ’ s 306-232 victory and initiate the formal process of transferring power to the duly elected 46th president of the United States .
But Trump , the worst loser in American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fact that he has been well and truly rejected .
The president is not just lying about supposed “ voter fraud ” ; he is supporting legal challenges to the results , challenges that have been labeled “ constitutionally , legally and factually wrong ” by the Republican attorney general of Georgia and “ insane ” by conservative lawyer George Conway .
This is the time when Republican senators need to explicitly reject Trump ’ s electoral fever dreams , and some are .
Senator Mitt Romney has described Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as “ madness ” and objected that it is “ dangerous and destructive of the cause of democracy.
” Other Republican senators , though less outspoken than Romney , are starting to acknowledge that the Electoral College vote should be decisive .
Then there is Ron Johnson , who intends to hold his hearing two days after the Electoral College votes .
Why ?
Because , Johnson says , “ a large percentage of the American public does not view the 2020 election result as legitimate because of apparent irregularities that have not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anyone does not view the result as legitimate is because Trump and his lawyers keep lying about it .
And contrary to what Johnson claims , allegations of irregularities have been fully examined , and fully rejected by the courts .
So why is the senator from Wisconsin organizing this circus ?
The answer , unfortunately , is that Johnson seems to be setting himself up to launch a bigger circus next month on the floor of the Senate .
On January 6 , the Senate must certify the Electoral College vote .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Alabama ’ s Mo Brooks , plan to object .
If they are joined by a member of the Senate , presumably Johnson , that will force a contentious debate and vote on the certification—continuing the assault of reality , and democracy , into 2021 .
Johnson claims that he ’ ll decide whether to object based on what he learns at next week ’ s hearing .
“ I would say it depends on what we found out , ” he tells reporters .
“ I need more information .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that ’ s a lie .
The information has already been gathered , reported , reviewed , and analyzed .
The issues have been resolved , at the polls , in the counts and recounts of ballots , and in local , state , and federal courts .
Johnson is simply looking for an excuse to continue serving Trump—and to reject the will of the people of Wisconsin , who voted to give their electoral votes and the presidency to Biden .
None of this is sitting well with Wisconsin officials .
Representative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who is the former head of the Congressional Progressive Caucus , says , “ [ Johnson ’ s ] desperate need for Donald Trump ’ s approval is beyond being a sycophant and bordering on being a cult follower or stalker .
Either way , not a good look for a US Senator.
” Newly elected Wisconsin state Representative Francesca Hong is just a bit blunter .
Voicing the sentiments of Wisconsinites who have grown increasingly frustrated with Johnson ’ s allegiance to Trump over the state he is supposed to be representing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mass unemployment , she says , “ This delusional scum continues to crawl further into 45 ’ s asshole instead of representing the people of WI who need survival checks and relief .
”

Senator Ron Johnson stopped representing the people of Wisconsin on January 20, 2017. The two-term Republican decided on that day that he would serve one man: Donald Trump.
Over the past four years, Johnson has done Trump’s bidding. No matter how reckless, extreme, or just plain crazy the presidential dictate may be, the senator has served as the boss’s most ardent lackey. And Johnson is not prepared to abandon his role as henchman. Looking for holiday gifts with a conscience? Check out The Nation Shop and help support The Nation’s journalism while you complete your gift list.
So it is that, as Trump becomes more delusional, and more dangerous to democracy, so, too, does Johnson.
The chair of the powerful Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee has now announced that he will convene a hearing to amplify the president’s false claims about “irregularities” in the November 3 election where voters replaced the Republican with Democrat Joe Biden. More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
The election was not close. Biden beat Trump by more than 7 million votes nationally, winning a higher percentage of the popular vote than any challenger to a sitting president since Franklin Roosevelt ousted Herbert Hoover in 1932. This coming Monday, the Electoral College will confirm Biden’s 306-232 victory and initiate the formal process of transferring power to the duly elected 46th president of the United States.
But Trump, the worst loser in American political history, is refusing to accept the fact that he has been well and truly rejected. The president is not just lying about supposed “voter fraud”; he is supporting legal challenges to the results, challenges that have been labeled “constitutionally, legally and factually wrong” by the Republican attorney general of Georgia and “insane” by conservative lawyer George Conway.
This is the time when Republican senators need to explicitly reject Trump’s electoral fever dreams, and some are. Senator Mitt Romney has described Trump’s attempts to discredit and overturn the results as “madness” and objected that it is “dangerous and destructive of the cause of democracy.” Other Republican senators, though less outspoken than Romney, are starting to acknowledge that the Electoral College vote should be decisive. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
Then there is Ron Johnson, who intends to hold his hearing two days after the Electoral College votes. Why? Because, Johnson says, “a large percentage of the American public does not view the 2020 election result as legitimate because of apparent irregularities that have not been fully examined.” Current Issue View our current issue
The only reason anyone does not view the result as legitimate is because Trump and his lawyers keep lying about it. And contrary to what Johnson claims, allegations of irregularities have been fully examined, and fully rejected by the courts. So why is the senator from Wisconsin organizing this circus? The answer, unfortunately, is that Johnson seems to be setting himself up to launch a bigger circus next month on the floor of the Senate. On January 6, the Senate must certify the Electoral College vote. Republican members of the House, led by Alabama’s Mo Brooks, plan to object. If they are joined by a member of the Senate, presumably Johnson, that will force a contentious debate and vote on the certification—continuing the assault of reality, and democracy, into 2021.
Johnson claims that he’ll decide whether to object based on what he learns at next week’s hearing. “I would say it depends on what we found out,” he tells reporters. “I need more information. The American people need more information.” But that’s a lie. The information has already been gathered, reported, reviewed, and analyzed. The issues have been resolved, at the polls, in the counts and recounts of ballots, and in local, state, and federal courts. Johnson is simply looking for an excuse to continue serving Trump—and to reject the will of the people of Wisconsin, who voted to give their electoral votes and the presidency to Biden.
None of this is sitting well with Wisconsin officials.
Representative Mark Pocan, a Democrat from Madison who is the former head of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, says, “[Johnson’s] desperate need for Donald Trump’s approval is beyond being a sycophant and bordering on being a cult follower or stalker. Either way, not a good look for a US Senator.”
Newly elected Wisconsin state Representative Francesca Hong is just a bit blunter. Voicing the sentiments of Wisconsinites who have grown increasingly frustrated with Johnson’s allegiance to Trump over the state he is supposed to be representing as they struggle with a pandemic and mass unemployment, she says, “This delusional scum continues to crawl further into 45’s asshole instead of representing the people of WI who need survival checks and relief.”


thenation--2020-12-11--How the Safe Bet Lost in North Carolina

How the Safe Bet Lost in North Carolina

On October 9 , Cal Cunningham , the Democratic candidate in North Carolina ’ s 2020 Senate race , gave an online press conference to reporters .
It was a critical moment in his campaign : Over the past week , the generic but apparently wholesome Southern Democrat whose eventual victory over Republican incumbent Thom Tillis seemed all but preordained had become a man under siege .
Cunningham was now primarily occupied with dealing with the fallout from a leaked series of explicitly sexual—but not exactly sexually explicit—text messages that he ’ d exchanged with a woman who was not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” by the media , the texts found Cunningham telling the woman , Arlene Guzman Todd , things like “ You are historically sexy 😘 , ” and “ Sounds so hot and fun !
” Since then , even more texts relating to the Cunningham–Guzman Todd affair have been leaked , accompanied by Guzman Todd ’ s confirmation to the Associated Press that she and Cunningham had engaged in physical intercourse at the candidate ’ s North Carolina home .
On October 7 , the Army Reserve , in which Cunningham is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had opened an investigation into his conduct—adultery is technically illegal under military law .
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Check out The Nation Shop and help support The Nation ’ s journalism while you complete your gift list .
Sitting in a white-walled office adorned by a North Carolina state flag , Cunningham was asked to discuss the allegations against him .
He responded , “ I ’ ve taken responsibility for the hurt that I ’ ve caused in my personal life .
I ’ ve apologized to it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and I know that our campaign is about things that are bigger and more important than me.
” Another reporter asked if news of other affairs might break soon .
Cunningham answered , “ [ Tillis ] wants to talk about this rather than his failed record.
” Then another reporter asked the same question .
“ Let me be clear .
I have taken responsibility for the hurt that I ’ ve caused in my personal life , ” he said .
He received the question a third time , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clear .
I ’ m hearing from North Carolinians that have told me in no uncertain terms that they want their Senate candidate talking about the issues like those that we ’ re talking about today.
” And then a fourth time , to which he answered , “ Once again , I ’ ve taken responsibility for the hurt that I ’ ve caused in my personal life .
I ’ ve apologized for it .
I ’ ve said what I ’ m gon na say about it .
I ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Clintonesque exercise in stringing together words that technically form coherent sentences yet manage to convey absolutely zero information .
Unfortunately for Cunningham , it arguably made the situation worse .
A month later , after a protracted period of vote tallying in North Carolina , Tillis was reelected to the United States Senate , beating Cunningham by just under 95,000 votes .
North Carolina is an odd state politically , as the 2020 election results show .
Its governor , the Democrat Roy Cooper , was reelected with 51.5 percent of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with 49.9 percent .
Tillis , a Republican seeking his second term , ended up winning with 48.7 percent , earning nearly 20,000 votes fewer than Biden got in a state that the president-elect lost .
With Tillis officially declared the victor , Republicans will go into 2021 with at least 50 seats in the Senate , denying Democrats the opportunity for an outright majority in the chamber and pinning the party ’ s hopes on any sort of advantage in the chamber upon a pair of runoff elections in Georgia to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ normal election , 48.7 percent of the electorate does not a winner make .
And despite the ultimate outcome , the narrow margin lends credence to a suspicion held by Democrats and the media leading up to the 2020 election that the first-term senator was vulnerable .
“ He was definitely beatable , ” said Douglas Wilson , the former political director of the North Carolina Democratic Party and a consultant who worked as a political adviser to the Cunningham campaign .
“ Tillis had a record that people could see.
” To @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was clear that since 2016 Tillis had never quite managed the art of navigating the political minefield that stretches before you when you belong to the same party as Donald Trump .
As noted by The Intercept , Tillis had enraged the president ’ s base by announcing that he ’ d vote against a resolution to declare a state of emergency at the US/Mexico border , only to turn around and alienate the anti-Trump center by doing stuff like going on Twitter and asking people to sign a birthday card for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had a negative approval rating going into the election .
But Tillis ’ s opponent was Cunningham , a moderate Democrat whose pitch to voters was perhaps excessively personal .
Cunningham telegraphed his intention to bring integrity and honesty to a state whose political identity has been defined by its Republican Party ’ s propensity for rigging elections , explicitly racist gerrymandering , and ratifying far-right cultural grievance into law .
For much of summer 2020 , the strategy seemed to be working .
In July , polls from both Marist College and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ points over Tillis , on pace to cruise to a relatively easy victory .
Cunningham ’ s claim to decency , though , had begun to ring hollow after the sexts emerged .
Rumors of some sort of scandal relating to Cunningham had been circulating among Raleigh ’ s political press before the news broke , multiple members of North Carolina ’ s media told me .
With the über-ribald Donald Trump in the White House , the Senate majority potentially at stake , and Tillis bound to Trump by contact tracing—the senator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most likely as a result of attending the infamous White House Rose Garden event in honor of Amy Coney Barrett—a few embarrassing texts might not have meant too much on their own .
But as the story got worse , and Cunningham shrank away from the public eye , it began to seem as if his entire campaign had been based solely on the presumption that he wasn ’ t as bad a guy as Tillis .
With that gone , he didn ’ t have much left .
His website was long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposals .
The lone exception seemed to be a focus on the environment , but in the press he mentioned such issues less than the fact that he wanted to bolster police funding , was opposed to Medicare for All , and , despite being unable to articulate how his campaign differed from Biden ’ s , that he was “ confident there will be some places where Joe Biden and I diverge.
” And so , with Cunningham unwilling or unable to offer North Carolinians any good reason to vote for him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democrat , plenty of people didn ’ t .
“ I ’ m sure there are lots of people who wonder if Cal Cunningham was the right guy to make the heir apparent here , ” said Travis Fain , the state house reporter for the Raleigh-area NBC affiliate WRAL .
“ That ’ s a fairly obvious thing to say after he lost and after the affair , but certainly , there were questions.
” Though Cunningham entered the 2020 primary with the unspoken blessing of Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s first choice to run for the seat .
That would have been Jeff Jackson , a young state senator from Charlotte , N.C. , who works as an attorney while serving as an Army Reservist on the side .
While Jackson ’ s political stances are fairly standard for a North Carolina Democrat—he ’ s into expanding Medicaid , raising teacher pay , and establishing an independent commission to redraw the state ’ s electoral districts , which are heavily gerrymandered in Republicans ’ favor—his natural charm and popularity on social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the state party .
According to audio from an off-record talk that Jackson gave to a journalism class at UNC-Charlotte that was later leaked to the National Review , Jackson was keen on running against Tillis and had gone so far as to meet with Schumer personally in order to discuss obtaining funding from the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee , whose deep pockets can very easily determine the winner of a primary race before it ’ s even held .
In the talk , Jackson , who declined to speak with me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told Schumer that he wanted to focus his time and energy in the campaign going around the state speaking with voters and learning about their political priorities .
Schumer , he claimed , told him that the DSCC instead expected him “ to spend the next 16 months in a windowless basement raising money and then we ’ re going to spend 80 percent of it on negative ads about Tillis.
” It ’ s possible that Jackson was paraphrasing Schumer somewhat uncharitably .
The minority leader may have been asking him to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the practice of candidates directly calling potential donors and asking for money ; traditionally , this is done in rooms where there are minimal distractions to the candidate ( including windows ) .
Even still , the conversation discouraged Jackson from running , leaving Senate Democrats in the early summer of 2019 without a preferred candidate in the primary .
Enter Cunningham , who announced his candidacy in June 2019 .
On paper , he was less qualified than the two candidates who ’ d already entered the race , Trevor Fuller , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s financial hub of Charlotte , and Erica Smith , a third-term state senator who represented the northeastern part of North Carolina .
Fuller and Smith were both Black and progressive ; Cunningham was white and moderate .
Despite the optics of it all , Cunningham immediately became the front-runner .
“ Part of the allure of a candidate like Cunningham is he seems so milquetoast and uncontroversial , ” said a staffer for a prominent Republican state legislator , who asked to remain anonymous because they had not been authorized to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elected office only once , back in 2000 , when he served a single term as a state senator , but had built his profile by coming in a close second to Secretary of State Elaine Marshall in the 2010 Democratic primary to run against Richard Burr for Senate .
Professionally , he was a vice president and general counsel for the recycling company WasteZero , had a stake in a controversial Durham , N.C. , housing development , and had earned a Gen. Douglas MacArthur Award while overseas as a military attorney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidate , Cunningham had two things going for him .
One , he was about as close to a Jeff Jackson stand-in as the party could get : a former state senator who had worked as an attorney while serving as an Army Reservist on the side .
And two , he had money—and judging by his ability to raise it , he seemed well-acquainted with Schumer ’ s proverbial windowless basement .
It was like he ’ d been “ grown in a petri dish to run for higher office , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ d lost his 2010 Senate primary against Marshall , Cunningham had managed to amass roughly $ 1.4 million during that run , per his FEC filings , and prior to jumping into the 2020 race , he ’ d already begun building a war chest for a planned run for lieutenant governor that he ’ d begun in 2018 .
North Carolina campaign finance data indicates that Cunningham raised well over $ 300,000 that year , thanks largely to the generosity of his wife , his family , and himself .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ officially announced the launch of his campaign , Cunningham brought in $ 52,400 , almost all of it in increments of $ 2,800—the maximum campaign contribution from an individual allowed by the FEC .
Two days later , Cunningham dropped $ 200,000 into the campaign ’ s coffers .
“ Having the resources to reach voters where they are , I don ’ t think people have an appreciation of how valuable that is , ” said Wilson , the Democratic strategist who worked with the Cunningham campaign .
“ When you have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a primary of multiple candidates.
” Indeed , Cunningham easily won the March 3 Democratic primary , despite a last-minute blitz of attack ads against him from GOP-affiliated dark-money groups in an attempt to tip the scales in favor of Smith .
( Smith denounced the ads . )
As the coronavirus pandemic began to spread throughout the nation , to the indifference and outright profiteering of President Donald Trump and the Republican Party , Cunningham started shooting up in the polls .
By August , FiveThirtyEight projected that he had a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his seat .
In September , Politico reported that Cunningham had “ doubled Tillis ’ s fundraising this year ” and , despite the fact that Tillis was seen as more moderate ( or at least , more normal ) than Trump , suggested that Cunningham was poised to pick up the same conservative voters that Biden was chasing with his presidential campaign .
Regardless of the separation between Tillis and Trump politically , almost every available indicator suggested that Biden and Cunningham , barring some unforeseen disaster , would have the advantage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unforeseen disaster came in the form of those leaked text messages , which were published on October 1 by National File , a conservative news outlet founded in 2019 whose editor in chief , Tom Pappert , has guest-hosted for InfoWars , and which counts among its contributors alumni of Breitbart and InfoWars , as well as Ann Coulter ’ s niece .
“ I ’ m always amazed with political candidates , ” said Travis Fain of WRAL , whose colleague Laura Leslie had participated in Cunningham ’ s disastrous press conference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people are willing to engage in a pretty extreme amount of forgiveness .
But if you don ’ t make it clear what you ’ re apologizing for , at least with the media , the apology isn ’ t going to work.
” “ The very reasonable assumption when someone won ’ t answer a question is that it ’ s bad enough that they ’ d rather not answer it , ” Fain continued .
“ Cunningham was extremely limited in how he could make his arguments in the last month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to answer questions from the press.
” Instead , he assumed a position of complete radio silence , withdrawing from the campaign trail , save for a last-minute appearance in Charlotte with the rapper Common .
( The rapper ’ s publicist did not return my requests for comment . )
As a whole , Democrats had taken a step back from in-person campaigning because of the coronavirus , leaving Cunningham without volunteers or staffers in the field to knock on doors and send the implicit message that , despite it all , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and voters should too .
Meanwhile , Tillis went on an all-out blitz during the final weeks of the campaign , appearing at rallies throughout the state with Vice President Mike Pence , Senator Ted Cruz , right-wing social media personalities Diamond and Silk , and Trump himself .
“ He worked hard that last month of the campaign , ” Fain told me .
“ I assume [ the Tillis team ] saw that Cunningham had left a vacuum .
They were bound to fill it.
” In an alternate universe , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been as transparent as possible with North Carolina ’ s voters , owned his personal failings , continued to run with his head held high , and maybe even won .
After all , in 2009 , South Carolina Governor Mark Sanford went missing for six days , and , after his staff ’ s initial excuse that he was off on a hiking trip fell flat on its face , it was revealed that he had traveled to South America for an extramarital rendezvous with an Argentinian woman .
Sanford then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Press in which he detailed the tryst in arguably excruciating detail , declaring that it had been “ a love story…a forbidden one , a tragic one , but a love story at the end of the day.
” Four years later , he was elected to Congress .
“ There ’ s power in telling and reclaiming your story , ” said Jenna Wadsworth , the 2020 Democratic candidate for the position of North Carolina commissioner of agriculture , who ran on a platform of marijuana legalization , fighting climate change , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Despite her losing the race , Wadsworth ’ s presence on the ballot was the rare bright spot for the progressive left this year .
She won her primary over Walter Smith , the perennial challenger to longtime Republican incumbent Steve Troxler , and ultimately earned more votes than Smith ever had through proposing a radical reinvention of what ’ s often looked at as a staid , borderline-nonpartisan office .
( Wadsworth , who ’ s in her early 30s and is a lifelong farmer , told me a friend once @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s AOC , but on a tractor.
” ) Regardless of her ideological differences with Cunningham , Wadsworth found herself being lumped in with him by a right-wing media apparatus eager to imply wide-scale moral degradation on the part of the North Carolina Democratic party .
Her offense ?
Posting a video of herself on TikTok making fun of Donald Trump for getting Covid-19 .
The clip made its way to Gateway Pundit , as well as Tillis ’ s own Twitter feed , where , the day after Cunningham ’ s initial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ video as “ beyond disgusting ” without addressing his opponent ’ s scandal in his feed whatsoever .
( Wadsworth has since deleted the TikTok post , as well as the tweet where she reposted the video . )
Both the Fox News website and state-level conservative radio discussed Wadsworth ’ s TikTok and Cunningham ’ s sexts as two parts of a greater whole , and quickly , the online scrutiny morphed into real-life threats to Wadsworth ’ s physical safety .
Even though things got so dire that she couldn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three weeks and was accompanied by an escort in public , she kept campaigning .
“ I was authentic .
I was unapologetically who I am , ” she told me .
She pointed to a third-quarter spending blitz by Troxler of $ 459,722—over $ 300,000 more than he ’ d spent during the third quarter of his 2016 campaign—as proof that even with the TikTok imbroglio , she posed a serious threat to her opponent ’ s incumbency .
With early voting already underway , it would have been logistically difficult , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to drop out of the race and be replaced by an untarnished Democratic candidate .
So Cunningham , whose campaign did not return my requests for comment , kept his head down , ducked questions from reporters , and stayed out of the public eye .
Presumably , he and the North Carolina Democratic Party hoped that the matter would blow over and he ’ d eke out a win thanks to the popularity of Governor Cooper and a projected Biden victory .
Instead , Cunningham became a case study in what happens @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidate running on personal character and a vague platform loses their primary asset : their reputation .
Cunningham wound up with a mere 47 percent of the vote , with 4.37 percent choosing to vote third party—about three times more votes than third-party candidates received in either the presidential or gubernatorial race .
Whether that was a result of Cunningham ’ s infidelity , Donald Trump ’ s intense focus on North Carolina in the month of October , or the raw personal magnetism of the Libertarian candidate , Shannon W. Bray , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , what doomed Cunningham may very well be the same thing that made him an attractive candidate in the first place : He never took a firm position on anything , even himself .
In all likelihood , Wadsworth will have a future in Democratic politics if she chooses to .
This is the Trump era , where it ’ s been proven that if you make enough big , wildly unrealistic bets at enough tables , the odds that one of them will pay off and you ’ ll just barely squeak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that option may not be available to Cunningham , who officially conceded to Tillis on November 10 .
In an early-December call with donors , Chuck Schumer singled out Ruth Bader Ginsburg ’ s death and the fact that Cunningham “ couldn ’ t keep his zipper up ” as the two reasons the Democrats lost the Senate .
But what if it wasn ’ t just Cunningham ’ s zipper that did him in—what if it was the whole package ?
As one commenter on Cunningham ’ s Facebook post announcing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ You ’ ve jeopardized our state ’ s AND country ’ s democracy out of selfishness.… Next time , I hope someone who is truly progressive and a decent person wins the nomination .
”

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On October 9, Cal Cunningham, the Democratic candidate in North Carolina’s 2020 Senate race, gave an online press conference to reporters. It was a critical moment in his campaign: Over the past week, the generic but apparently wholesome Southern Democrat whose eventual victory over Republican incumbent Thom Tillis seemed all but preordained had become a man under siege. Cunningham was now primarily occupied with dealing with the fallout from a leaked series of explicitly sexual—but not exactly sexually explicit—text messages that he’d exchanged with a woman who was not his wife. Though labeled “sexts” by the media, the texts found Cunningham telling the woman, Arlene Guzman Todd, things like “You are historically sexy 😘,” and “Sounds so hot and fun!”
Since then, even more texts relating to the Cunningham–Guzman Todd affair have been leaked, accompanied by Guzman Todd’s confirmation to the Associated Press that she and Cunningham had engaged in physical intercourse at the candidate’s North Carolina home. On October 7, the Army Reserve, in which Cunningham is a lieutenant colonel, announced that it had opened an investigation into his conduct—adultery is technically illegal under military law. Looking for holiday gifts with a conscience? Check out The Nation Shop and help support The Nation’s journalism while you complete your gift list.
Sitting in a white-walled office adorned by a North Carolina state flag, Cunningham was asked to discuss the allegations against him. He responded, “I’ve taken responsibility for the hurt that I’ve caused in my personal life. I’ve apologized to it, I’ve apologized for it, and I know that our campaign is about things that are bigger and more important than me.”
Another reporter asked if news of other affairs might break soon. Cunningham answered, “[Tillis] wants to talk about this rather than his failed record.” party time Democrats No Longer Have a Coalition Musa al-Gharbi
Then another reporter asked the same question. “Let me be clear. I have taken responsibility for the hurt that I’ve caused in my personal life,” he said.
He received the question a third time, and responded, “Let me be very clear. I’m hearing from North Carolinians that have told me in no uncertain terms that they want their Senate candidate talking about the issues like those that we’re talking about today.”
And then a fourth time, to which he answered, “Once again, I’ve taken responsibility for the hurt that I’ve caused in my personal life. I’ve apologized for it. I’ve said what I’m gonna say about it. I’ve answered the question.” Current Issue View our current issue
It was a Clintonesque exercise in stringing together words that technically form coherent sentences yet manage to convey absolutely zero information. Unfortunately for Cunningham, it arguably made the situation worse.
A month later, after a protracted period of vote tallying in North Carolina, Tillis was reelected to the United States Senate, beating Cunningham by just under 95,000 votes.
North Carolina is an odd state politically, as the 2020 election results show. Its governor, the Democrat Roy Cooper, was reelected with 51.5 percent of the vote, while Trump carried the state with 49.9 percent. Tillis, a Republican seeking his second term, ended up winning with 48.7 percent, earning nearly 20,000 votes fewer than Biden got in a state that the president-elect lost. With Tillis officially declared the victor, Republicans will go into 2021 with at least 50 seats in the Senate, denying Democrats the opportunity for an outright majority in the chamber and pinning the party’s hopes on any sort of advantage in the chamber upon a pair of runoff elections in Georgia to be held on January 5. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
In a normal election, 48.7 percent of the electorate does not a winner make. And despite the ultimate outcome, the narrow margin lends credence to a suspicion held by Democrats and the media leading up to the 2020 election that the first-term senator was vulnerable. “He was definitely beatable,” said Douglas Wilson, the former political director of the North Carolina Democratic Party and a consultant who worked as a political adviser to the Cunningham campaign. “Tillis had a record that people could see.”
To those who were paying attention, it was clear that since 2016 Tillis had never quite managed the art of navigating the political minefield that stretches before you when you belong to the same party as Donald Trump. As noted by The Intercept, Tillis had enraged the president’s base by announcing that he’d vote against a resolution to declare a state of emergency at the US/Mexico border, only to turn around and alienate the anti-Trump center by doing stuff like going on Twitter and asking people to sign a birthday card for the president’s adult son. He had a negative approval rating going into the election.
But Tillis’s opponent was Cunningham, a moderate Democrat whose pitch to voters was perhaps excessively personal. Cunningham telegraphed his intention to bring integrity and honesty to a state whose political identity has been defined by its Republican Party’s propensity for rigging elections, explicitly racist gerrymandering, and ratifying far-right cultural grievance into law. For much of summer 2020, the strategy seemed to be working. In July, polls from both Marist College and Morning Consult had Cunningham up by nine points over Tillis, on pace to cruise to a relatively easy victory.
Cunningham’s claim to decency, though, had begun to ring hollow after the sexts emerged. Rumors of some sort of scandal relating to Cunningham had been circulating among Raleigh’s political press before the news broke, multiple members of North Carolina’s media told me. With the über-ribald Donald Trump in the White House, the Senate majority potentially at stake, and Tillis bound to Trump by contact tracing—the senator had recently tested positive for Covid-19, most likely as a result of attending the infamous White House Rose Garden event in honor of Amy Coney Barrett—a few embarrassing texts might not have meant too much on their own. But as the story got worse, and Cunningham shrank away from the public eye, it began to seem as if his entire campaign had been based solely on the presumption that he wasn’t as bad a guy as Tillis. With that gone, he didn’t have much left. His website was long on platitudes but short on actual policy proposals. The lone exception seemed to be a focus on the environment, but in the press he mentioned such issues less than the fact that he wanted to bolster police funding, was opposed to Medicare for All, and, despite being unable to articulate how his campaign differed from Biden’s, that he was “confident there will be some places where Joe Biden and I diverge.”
And so, with Cunningham unwilling or unable to offer North Carolinians any good reason to vote for him beyond the fact that he was a Democrat, plenty of people didn’t.
“I’m sure there are lots of people who wonder if Cal Cunningham was the right guy to make the heir apparent here,” said Travis Fain, the state house reporter for the Raleigh-area NBC affiliate WRAL. “That’s a fairly obvious thing to say after he lost and after the affair, but certainly, there were questions.”
Though Cunningham entered the 2020 primary with the unspoken blessing of Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer, he was not the institutional Democratic Party’s first choice to run for the seat. That would have been Jeff Jackson, a young state senator from Charlotte, N.C., who works as an attorney while serving as an Army Reservist on the side. While Jackson’s political stances are fairly standard for a North Carolina Democrat—he’s into expanding Medicaid, raising teacher pay, and establishing an independent commission to redraw the state’s electoral districts, which are heavily gerrymandered in Republicans’ favor—his natural charm and popularity on social media have made him a rising star of the state party.
According to audio from an off-record talk that Jackson gave to a journalism class at UNC-Charlotte that was later leaked to the National Review, Jackson was keen on running against Tillis and had gone so far as to meet with Schumer personally in order to discuss obtaining funding from the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, whose deep pockets can very easily determine the winner of a primary race before it’s even held. In the talk, Jackson, who declined to speak with me for this story, claimed that he told Schumer that he wanted to focus his time and energy in the campaign going around the state speaking with voters and learning about their political priorities. Schumer, he claimed, told him that the DSCC instead expected him “to spend the next 16 months in a windowless basement raising money and then we’re going to spend 80 percent of it on negative ads about Tillis.”
It’s possible that Jackson was paraphrasing Schumer somewhat uncharitably. The minority leader may have been asking him to focus on “call time,” the practice of candidates directly calling potential donors and asking for money; traditionally, this is done in rooms where there are minimal distractions to the candidate (including windows). Even still, the conversation discouraged Jackson from running, leaving Senate Democrats in the early summer of 2019 without a preferred candidate in the primary.
Enter Cunningham, who announced his candidacy in June 2019. On paper, he was less qualified than the two candidates who’d already entered the race, Trevor Fuller, a third-term county commissioner in the state’s financial hub of Charlotte, and Erica Smith, a third-term state senator who represented the northeastern part of North Carolina. Fuller and Smith were both Black and progressive; Cunningham was white and moderate. Despite the optics of it all, Cunningham immediately became the front-runner.
“Part of the allure of a candidate like Cunningham is he seems so milquetoast and uncontroversial,” said a staffer for a prominent Republican state legislator, who asked to remain anonymous because they had not been authorized to speak with me. Cunningham had won elected office only once, back in 2000, when he served a single term as a state senator, but had built his profile by coming in a close second to Secretary of State Elaine Marshall in the 2010 Democratic primary to run against Richard Burr for Senate. Professionally, he was a vice president and general counsel for the recycling company WasteZero, had a stake in a controversial Durham, N.C., housing development, and had earned a Gen. Douglas MacArthur Award while overseas as a military attorney in the Army Reserves.
As a candidate, Cunningham had two things going for him. One, he was about as close to a Jeff Jackson stand-in as the party could get: a former state senator who had worked as an attorney while serving as an Army Reservist on the side. And two, he had money—and judging by his ability to raise it, he seemed well-acquainted with Schumer’s proverbial windowless basement. It was like he’d been “grown in a petri dish to run for higher office,” said the Republican staffer.
Though he’d lost his 2010 Senate primary against Marshall, Cunningham had managed to amass roughly $1.4 million during that run, per his FEC filings, and prior to jumping into the 2020 race, he’d already begun building a war chest for a planned run for lieutenant governor that he’d begun in 2018. North Carolina campaign finance data indicates that Cunningham raised well over $300,000 that year, thanks largely to the generosity of his wife, his family, and himself. On June 12, five days before he officially announced the launch of his campaign, Cunningham brought in $52,400, almost all of it in increments of $2,800—the maximum campaign contribution from an individual allowed by the FEC. Two days later, Cunningham dropped $200,000 into the campaign’s coffers.
“Having the resources to reach voters where they are, I don’t think people have an appreciation of how valuable that is,” said Wilson, the Democratic strategist who worked with the Cunningham campaign. “When you have that, it will set you apart in a primary of multiple candidates.” Indeed, Cunningham easily won the March 3 Democratic primary, despite a last-minute blitz of attack ads against him from GOP-affiliated dark-money groups in an attempt to tip the scales in favor of Smith. (Smith denounced the ads.)
As the coronavirus pandemic began to spread throughout the nation, to the indifference and outright profiteering of President Donald Trump and the Republican Party, Cunningham started shooting up in the polls. By August, FiveThirtyEight projected that he had a 68 percent chance of ousting Tillis from his seat. In September, Politico reported that Cunningham had “doubled Tillis’s fundraising this year” and, despite the fact that Tillis was seen as more moderate (or at least, more normal) than Trump, suggested that Cunningham was poised to pick up the same conservative voters that Biden was chasing with his presidential campaign. Regardless of the separation between Tillis and Trump politically, almost every available indicator suggested that Biden and Cunningham, barring some unforeseen disaster, would have the advantage in North Carolina come November.
That unforeseen disaster came in the form of those leaked text messages, which were published on October 1 by National File, a conservative news outlet founded in 2019 whose editor in chief, Tom Pappert, has guest-hosted for InfoWars, and which counts among its contributors alumni of Breitbart and InfoWars, as well as Ann Coulter’s niece.
“I’m always amazed with political candidates,” said Travis Fain of WRAL, whose colleague Laura Leslie had participated in Cunningham’s disastrous press conference. “It seems like the American people are willing to engage in a pretty extreme amount of forgiveness. But if you don’t make it clear what you’re apologizing for, at least with the media, the apology isn’t going to work.”
“The very reasonable assumption when someone won’t answer a question is that it’s bad enough that they’d rather not answer it,” Fain continued. “Cunningham was extremely limited in how he could make his arguments in the last month, because he didn’t want to answer questions from the press.” Instead, he assumed a position of complete radio silence, withdrawing from the campaign trail, save for a last-minute appearance in Charlotte with the rapper Common. (The rapper’s publicist did not return my requests for comment.)
As a whole, Democrats had taken a step back from in-person campaigning because of the coronavirus, leaving Cunningham without volunteers or staffers in the field to knock on doors and send the implicit message that, despite it all, real people were sticking behind Cunningham, and voters should too. Meanwhile, Tillis went on an all-out blitz during the final weeks of the campaign, appearing at rallies throughout the state with Vice President Mike Pence, Senator Ted Cruz, right-wing social media personalities Diamond and Silk, and Trump himself. “He worked hard that last month of the campaign,” Fain told me. “I assume [the Tillis team] saw that Cunningham had left a vacuum. They were bound to fill it.”
In an alternate universe, it’s possible that Cunningham could have been as transparent as possible with North Carolina’s voters, owned his personal failings, continued to run with his head held high, and maybe even won. After all, in 2009, South Carolina Governor Mark Sanford went missing for six days, and, after his staff’s initial excuse that he was off on a hiking trip fell flat on its face, it was revealed that he had traveled to South America for an extramarital rendezvous with an Argentinian woman. Sanford then gave a tearful interview to the Associated Press in which he detailed the tryst in arguably excruciating detail, declaring that it had been “a love story…a forbidden one, a tragic one, but a love story at the end of the day.” Four years later, he was elected to Congress.
“There’s power in telling and reclaiming your story,” said Jenna Wadsworth, the 2020 Democratic candidate for the position of North Carolina commissioner of agriculture, who ran on a platform of marijuana legalization, fighting climate change, and achieving justice for immigrant farm workers. Despite her losing the race, Wadsworth’s presence on the ballot was the rare bright spot for the progressive left this year. She won her primary over Walter Smith, the perennial challenger to longtime Republican incumbent Steve Troxler, and ultimately earned more votes than Smith ever had through proposing a radical reinvention of what’s often looked at as a staid, borderline-nonpartisan office. (Wadsworth, who’s in her early 30s and is a lifelong farmer, told me a friend once jokingly called her “the South’s AOC, but on a tractor.”)
Regardless of her ideological differences with Cunningham, Wadsworth found herself being lumped in with him by a right-wing media apparatus eager to imply wide-scale moral degradation on the part of the North Carolina Democratic party. Her offense? Posting a video of herself on TikTok making fun of Donald Trump for getting Covid-19. The clip made its way to Gateway Pundit, as well as Tillis’s own Twitter feed, where, the day after Cunningham’s initial texts leaked, he referred to the video as “beyond disgusting” without addressing his opponent’s scandal in his feed whatsoever. (Wadsworth has since deleted the TikTok post, as well as the tweet where she reposted the video.)
Both the Fox News website and state-level conservative radio discussed Wadsworth’s TikTok and Cunningham’s sexts as two parts of a greater whole, and quickly, the online scrutiny morphed into real-life threats to Wadsworth’s physical safety. Even though things got so dire that she couldn’t sleep at her own home for three weeks and was accompanied by an escort in public, she kept campaigning. “I was authentic. I was unapologetically who I am,” she told me. She pointed to a third-quarter spending blitz by Troxler of $459,722—over $300,000 more than he’d spent during the third quarter of his 2016 campaign—as proof that even with the TikTok imbroglio, she posed a serious threat to her opponent’s incumbency.
With early voting already underway, it would have been logistically difficult, and perhaps electorally disastrous, for Cunningham to drop out of the race and be replaced by an untarnished Democratic candidate. So Cunningham, whose campaign did not return my requests for comment, kept his head down, ducked questions from reporters, and stayed out of the public eye. Presumably, he and the North Carolina Democratic Party hoped that the matter would blow over and he’d eke out a win thanks to the popularity of Governor Cooper and a projected Biden victory.
Instead, Cunningham became a case study in what happens when the stakes are high and a candidate running on personal character and a vague platform loses their primary asset: their reputation. Cunningham wound up with a mere 47 percent of the vote, with 4.37 percent choosing to vote third party—about three times more votes than third-party candidates received in either the presidential or gubernatorial race. Whether that was a result of Cunningham’s infidelity, Donald Trump’s intense focus on North Carolina in the month of October, or the raw personal magnetism of the Libertarian candidate, Shannon W. Bray, we may never know. But ultimately, what doomed Cunningham may very well be the same thing that made him an attractive candidate in the first place: He never took a firm position on anything, even himself.
In all likelihood, Wadsworth will have a future in Democratic politics if she chooses to. This is the Trump era, where it’s been proven that if you make enough big, wildly unrealistic bets at enough tables, the odds that one of them will pay off and you’ll just barely squeak by are actually pretty good. Meanwhile, that option may not be available to Cunningham, who officially conceded to Tillis on November 10. In an early-December call with donors, Chuck Schumer singled out Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death and the fact that Cunningham “couldn’t keep his zipper up” as the two reasons the Democrats lost the Senate. But what if it wasn’t just Cunningham’s zipper that did him in—what if it was the whole package? As one commenter on Cunningham’s Facebook post announcing the candidate’s concession put it, “You’ve jeopardized our state’s AND country’s democracy out of selfishness.… Next time, I hope someone who is truly progressive and a decent person wins the nomination.”