thenation--2020-11-11--Democratic Voters Want More Than the Status Quo

The revelry in the streets when Donald Trump was finally declared the loser won ’ t dispel Democratic gloom at the 2020 election results .
Even in victory , Democrats once more failed to assemble a governing coalition .
Joe Biden , with over 75 million votes and counting , racked up the highest total vote of any presidential candidate in history , but Donald Trump captured the second-greatest total , over 71 million , despite running on a record of 230,000 dead from the pandemic , a collapsed economy , and unparalleled mendacity and incompetence .
Democratic grand hopes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the outcome of two Georgia runoff elections in early January .
Rather than expanding their majority , House Democrats lost seats .
And , most damaging , Democrats gained no ground in state legislative bodies , leaving Republicans in charge of designing five times as many congressional districts as Democrats after the new Census .
With the exception of Biden ’ s razor-thin victory , Donald Trump ’ s Republican Party consolidated its minority power .
Recriminations began even as Trump continued to deny defeat .
First-term Representative Abigail Spanberger , a former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ losses in contested suburban House districts , because of talk about “ socialism ” and “ defunding the police.
” James Clyburn , the third-ranking member of the House , even cautioned against running on the increasingly popular proposal of “ Medicare for all ” or “ socialized medicine.
” Conor Lamb , who survived a tough race in a district northwest of Pittsburgh , bemoaned the attacks on fracking , arguing that the left needed message discipline .
Say what ?
Democrats chose Joe Biden , not Bernie Sanders , to lead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sequel to Hillary Clinton ’ s 2016 race plus the pandemic .
Once more the focus was on Trump ’ s character and incompetence , in contrast to Biden ’ s empathy and experience .
Trump ’ s lethal bungling of the pandemic was proof positive .
While Biden embraced what Sanders called the most progressive platform of any candidate in memory , it got little attention .
He explicitly and repeatedly disavowed support for Medicare for All and the Green New Deal , embraced fracking , and mocked Trump ’ s zany @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he was no Bernie .
It is poisonously disingenuous to blame the left for reversals in an election campaign that explicitly rejected its message and strategy .
If Democratic candidates in more contested districts actually found themselves losing votes to hyperbolic charges of socialism , they have only themselves to blame .
In fact , as The Nation ’ s Katrina vanden Heuvel noted in The Washington Post , many planks of the left ’ s platform are more popular than the Democratic candidates .
Florida voters passed the $ 15 minimum wage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump .
Medicare for All enjoys the support of a majority of Americans , if not Democratic office holders .
Despite Trump ’ s vitriolic , race-baiting assaults on “ mobs ” burning down cities , most voters remained supportive of the Black Lives Matter movement .
A Monmouth University poll this summer showed that even most Republicans translated “ defunding the police ” into a call for reform , not for elimination .
Progressives Are an Asset for the Democratic Party .
It Should Treat Them That Way .
More importantly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t be addressed without bold , structural reforms .
The economic calamity Biden inherits requires not only emergency relief but also a massive public jobs program .
Addressing the climate catastrophe that is already upon us requires rapid transition to renewable energy and energy efficiency .
The pandemic exposed the imperative of restructuring our health care system—and the steep price hikes that insurance companies are about to impose will add to the urgency .
Rebuilding the middle class won ’ t occur without empowering workers , guaranteeing basic economic rights , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Criminal justice reform and voting reforms are but the first steps in redressing racial injustice .
Politically , the 2020 election results also reinforce the imperative of the left ’ s agenda .
In a sense , each campaign succeeded in its aims .
Biden made the pandemic his centerpiece .
Exit polls—with all the caveats attached to their reliability—reported that the 17 percent of voters that said the pandemic was their prime issue voted more than four to one for Biden .
Trump campaigned on “ jobs , not mobs , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to his claims of building the best economy of all time and beginning the greatest recovery ever .
He won—virtually by default—a staggering 83 percent of the voters ( 35 percent of all voters ) who identified the economy as their prime issue .
Trump demonstrated the power of his racism-laden economic populist message to turn out white working-class voters , and came damn close to winning again while shattering Democratic hopes down-ballot .
Now , Biden will inherit the ruins .
The jobs recovery that began when the economy began opening up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Temporary layoffs will become permanent as more and more businesses close their doors .
Entire industries like the airlines face restructuring .
Even if a vaccine works , families will continue to struggle with job loss , foreclosures , and dislocations .
And of course , even “ recovery ” to the old economy , were that possible , would not begin to redress the decline suffered by working people .
The lines are already being drawn .
Happy talk about a new era of bipartisan cooperation is belied by the brazen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senators even to acknowledge Biden ’ s victory .
Before the election , with over 20 million workers still drawing unemployment , 20 Republican senators opposed any new rescue package .
Republican Senate leader Mitch McConnell has scorned any help to fiscally strapped cities and states hemorrhaging jobs and cutting services .
If Republicans retain the Senate majority , McConnell—with Trump urging him on—will likely block every major Biden initiative , eager to blame the resulting human misery and likely economic recession on the new administration .
Against that obstruction , Biden and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans who is standing in the way .
That will require proposing and passing bold , compelling reforms , rallying support behind them , and calling out McConnell and Senate Republicans for torpedoing them .
Again , the left ’ s agenda—a $ 15.00 minimum wage , a major green infrastructure rebuilding plan , universal pre-k and day care , bold health care reforms and more—should lead the way .
And an aggressive use of executive orders—even in the face of Republican raving about tyranny—must begin from day one .
Joe Biden , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country faces , has compared his situation to that of Franklin Roosevelt as he faced the Depression .
Yet Biden ’ s instincts , his history , and his stated intentions are to seek compromise and common ground .
He will no doubt form a cabinet and have regular recourse to advisers drawn largely from the Obama years—experienced , competent , and cautious .
The big money that poured into his campaign coffers will make its interests clear .
For the administration to have any chance of addressing what the country needs while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governing , the progressive insurgents in Congress and the movements on the street will need to force the change .

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The revelry in the streets when Donald Trump was finally declared the loser won’t dispel Democratic gloom at the 2020 election results. Even in victory, Democrats once more failed to assemble a governing coalition. Joe Biden, with over 75 million votes and counting, racked up the highest total vote of any presidential candidate in history, but Donald Trump captured the second-greatest total, over 71 million, despite running on a record of 230,000 dead from the pandemic, a collapsed economy, and unparalleled mendacity and incompetence. Democratic grand hopes for taking the Senate were reduced to the outcome of two Georgia runoff elections in early January. Rather than expanding their majority, House Democrats lost seats. And, most damaging, Democrats gained no ground in state legislative bodies, leaving Republicans in charge of designing five times as many congressional districts as Democrats after the new Census. With the exception of Biden’s razor-thin victory, Donald Trump’s Republican Party consolidated its minority power.
Recriminations began even as Trump continued to deny defeat. First-term Representative Abigail Spanberger, a former CIA analyst, blamed the left for losses in contested suburban House districts, because of talk about “socialism” and “defunding the police.” James Clyburn, the third-ranking member of the House, even cautioned against running on the increasingly popular proposal of “Medicare for all” or “socialized medicine.” Conor Lamb, who survived a tough race in a district northwest of Pittsburgh, bemoaned the attacks on fracking, arguing that the left needed message discipline.
Say what? Democrats chose Joe Biden, not Bernie Sanders, to lead the ticket. Biden essentially ran a sequel to Hillary Clinton’s 2016 race plus the pandemic. Once more the focus was on Trump’s character and incompetence, in contrast to Biden’s empathy and experience. Trump’s lethal bungling of the pandemic was proof positive. While Biden embraced what Sanders called the most progressive platform of any candidate in memory, it got little attention. He explicitly and repeatedly disavowed support for Medicare for All and the Green New Deal, embraced fracking, and mocked Trump’s zany charges of socialism, reminding voters that he was no Bernie. It is poisonously disingenuous to blame the left for reversals in an election campaign that explicitly rejected its message and strategy. If Democratic candidates in more contested districts actually found themselves losing votes to hyperbolic charges of socialism, they have only themselves to blame.
In fact, as The Nation’s Katrina vanden Heuvel noted in The Washington Post, many planks of the left’s platform are more popular than the Democratic candidates. Florida voters passed the $15 minimum wage overwhelmingly even as they voted for Donald Trump. Medicare for All enjoys the support of a majority of Americans, if not Democratic office holders. Despite Trump’s vitriolic, race-baiting assaults on “mobs” burning down cities, most voters remained supportive of the Black Lives Matter movement. A Monmouth University poll this summer showed that even most Republicans translated “defunding the police” into a call for reform, not for elimination. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann the front line Progressives Are an Asset for the Democratic Party. It Should Treat Them That Way. Katrina vanden Heuvel
More importantly, the cumulative crises the country faces can’t be addressed without bold, structural reforms. The economic calamity Biden inherits requires not only emergency relief but also a massive public jobs program. Addressing the climate catastrophe that is already upon us requires rapid transition to renewable energy and energy efficiency. The pandemic exposed the imperative of restructuring our health care system—and the steep price hikes that insurance companies are about to impose will add to the urgency. Rebuilding the middle class won’t occur without empowering workers, guaranteeing basic economic rights, and transforming our trade and investment policies. Criminal justice reform and voting reforms are but the first steps in redressing racial injustice.
Politically, the 2020 election results also reinforce the imperative of the left’s agenda. In a sense, each campaign succeeded in its aims. Biden made the pandemic his centerpiece. Exit polls—with all the caveats attached to their reliability—reported that the 17 percent of voters that said the pandemic was their prime issue voted more than four to one for Biden. Trump campaigned on “jobs, not mobs,” comparing the failure of corrupt Washington elites to his claims of building the best economy of all time and beginning the greatest recovery ever. He won—virtually by default—a staggering 83 percent of the voters (35 percent of all voters) who identified the economy as their prime issue. Trump demonstrated the power of his racism-laden economic populist message to turn out white working-class voters, and came damn close to winning again while shattering Democratic hopes down-ballot.
Now, Biden will inherit the ruins. The jobs recovery that began when the economy began opening up will stall as the pandemic spikes again. Temporary layoffs will become permanent as more and more businesses close their doors. Entire industries like the airlines face restructuring. Even if a vaccine works, families will continue to struggle with job loss, foreclosures, and dislocations. And of course, even “recovery” to the old economy, were that possible, would not begin to redress the decline suffered by working people. Current Issue View our current issue
The lines are already being drawn. Happy talk about a new era of bipartisan cooperation is belied by the brazen refusal of McConnell and virtually all Republican senators even to acknowledge Biden’s victory. Before the election, with over 20 million workers still drawing unemployment, 20 Republican senators opposed any new rescue package. Republican Senate leader Mitch McConnell has scorned any help to fiscally strapped cities and states hemorrhaging jobs and cutting services. If Republicans retain the Senate majority, McConnell—with Trump urging him on—will likely block every major Biden initiative, eager to blame the resulting human misery and likely economic recession on the new administration.
Against that obstruction, Biden and House Democrats must make it clear to Americans who is standing in the way. That will require proposing and passing bold, compelling reforms, rallying support behind them, and calling out McConnell and Senate Republicans for torpedoing them. Again, the left’s agenda—a $15.00 minimum wage, a major green infrastructure rebuilding plan, universal pre-k and day care, bold health care reforms and more—should lead the way. And an aggressive use of executive orders—even in the face of Republican raving about tyranny—must begin from day one.
Joe Biden, acknowledging the depth of the challenges the country faces, has compared his situation to that of Franklin Roosevelt as he faced the Depression. Yet Biden’s instincts, his history, and his stated intentions are to seek compromise and common ground. He will no doubt form a cabinet and have regular recourse to advisers drawn largely from the Obama years—experienced, competent, and cautious. The big money that poured into his campaign coffers will make its interests clear. For the administration to have any chance of addressing what the country needs while consolidating a growing majority coalition capable of governing, the progressive insurgents in Congress and the movements on the street will need to force the change.


thenation--2020-11-11--College Costs More Than What’s on the Bill — That’s Why Students Should Strike

Never before has it been so clear to so many people—notably white people—that police , and prisons , don ’ t actually make our communities safer .
People across the country , many of whom have never heard of the term “ abolition ” in relation to these institutions are now beginning to understand how the existence of police endangers the lives of millions of racially and economically marginalized individuals as they simply exist—engaging in banal activities such as visiting a local corner store , birdwatching , jogging , even sleeping .
College students in particular have sought to answer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campus .
Over the past several years , students across the country have become concerned over how much the pricy tuition fees they pay are spent on funding their—often militarized—campus police departments .
This realization dovetails with a national reckoning : Police forces are proving , again and again , that they reproduce harm—the same harm that millions have taken to the streets to protest .
Some colleges and universities , including the University of San Francisco and American University , have pushed for a campus-wide tuition strike , in which students refuse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for transformation , with a primary focus on divestment from police forces and reinvestment in student services—demands that echo the # ScholarStrike , where academics struck for 48 hours in solidarity with the victims of police violence .
This story was produced for Student Nation , a section devoted to highlighting campus activism and student movements from students in their own words .
For more Student Nation , check out our archive .
Are you a student with a campus activism story ?
Send questions and pitches to Samantha Schuyler at samantha @ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made possible through generous funding from The Puffin Foundation .
Since the beginning of this summer , thousands of college students have risen to the occasion of police abolition .
UnKoch My Campus estimates that since then , dozens of student-led campaigns to divest from and remove police forces from campus have been launched across the country .
Ife , a junior at Harvard College , is one of those students .
Ife is a leading member of the Harvard Alliance Against Campus Cops ( HAACC ) , which seeks to shut down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and use the money to reinvest in resources that support student well-being .
Part of HAACC ’ s work includes raising awareness about the harm that the campus police inflict upon community members , as well as underlining the relative impracticality of the police force , given that the bulk of its work does not respond to or prevent violence .
“ We want to get rid of this ideological block that has fellow students thinking that police make us safer , ” Ife said .
“ It ’ s unconscionable to spend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that doesn ’ t keep students safe , that makes so many people unsafe in a really profound way.
” Contrary to the interests of students and community members , colleges continue to invest in campus police .
As students and their families shell out hundreds of thousands of dollars to finance their children ’ s college educations , these tuition payments are used in part to finance private police contracts , which can make up a significant portion of an institution ’ s operating budget .
For many students , this only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the United States even more egregious .
Often , the high prices are justified by claiming to fund students ’ “ college experience ” —one now drastically disrupted by Covid-19 without any of the attendant drops in tuition price .
At the same time , unbeknownst to many students and their families , colleges and universities also accumulate wealth by investing their endowments in multimillion- and billion-dollar industries , notably those based in fossil fuel extraction or the prison-industrial complex .
In no uncertain terms , many institutions of higher education amass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the oppression of people of color ; climate change ; and other forms of destruction that degrade not only the environment but much of the social fabric of peoples ’ lives .
Not only do American institutions of higher education invest in companies in the business of oppression— they spend their wealth on expensive contracts with private and local police whose presence on campus actively contributes to racial violence and , despite their gross funding and heavy militarization , do little to prevent violence on campus .
According to HAACC ’ s estimates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of $ 20 million into its police forces .
Furthermore , exactly how much of their $ 40 billion endowment is invested in industries with carceral ties remains unknown .
As student organizers across the country are starting to realize , police brutality and upholding the prison-industrial complex are more external costs of their college education .
This means that if higher education is to be a more “ ethical product , ” then it must cut investments in police forces , private prisons , and any extractive or exploitative industry out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must serve the interests of surrounding communities , student , and staff well-being .
Campuses don ’ t need militarized police forces ; they need robust health and financial services for students and staff ( especially in this era of Covid-19 , where many campuses are closed ) .
This includes compensation for students bearing the brunt of anti-racist labor within the institution .
As tuition-paying students , we are significant stakeholders in institutions whose business practices have fallen below ethical standards and are not necessarily within the interests of students or surrounding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands of dollars into our education , we have a responsibility to hold our institutions accountable to their stated commitments to student well-being , anti-racism and sustainability .
Zoë , a current student , said that the institution that she has invested her money and time into weighs heavily on her conscience .
“ I don ’ t think I can feel proud of my degree fully until Harvard divests from this violence that is killing people who look like me and that has harmed family members of mine and countless other people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black people , for organizers , abolition has always been urgent , it ’ s been urgent since the first slave ship landed in the Americas .
For anyone who cares about Black life , abolition has to be an urgent thing.
” While boycotting products , on an individual level , may do little to stop the systems of oppression embedded in our capitalist society , our tuition dollars are different .
We have a direct relationship to our college and university administrations as they collect tuition payments from us each semester @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the demands outlined by their students—stakeholders—to defund , divest , and dismantle forces of oppression on campus , students in positions of privilege and capacity should # WaitToPay their tuition—until police brutality , systemic racism , and climate change are no longer external costs of a college education in the United States .

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Never before has it been so clear to so many people—notably white people—that police, and prisons, don’t actually make our communities safer. People across the country, many of whom have never heard of the term “abolition” in relation to these institutions are now beginning to understand how the existence of police endangers the lives of millions of racially and economically marginalized individuals as they simply exist—engaging in banal activities such as visiting a local corner store, birdwatching, jogging, even sleeping.
College students in particular have sought to answer the call for abolition on their own campus. Over the past several years, students across the country have become concerned over how much the pricy tuition fees they pay are spent on funding their—often militarized—campus police departments. This realization dovetails with a national reckoning: Police forces are proving, again and again, that they reproduce harm—the same harm that millions have taken to the streets to protest. Some colleges and universities, including the University of San Francisco and American University, have pushed for a campus-wide tuition strike, in which students refuse to pay until schools acknowledge their demands for transformation, with a primary focus on divestment from police forces and reinvestment in student services—demands that echo the #ScholarStrike, where academics struck for 48 hours in solidarity with the victims of police violence. This story was produced for Student Nation, a section devoted to highlighting campus activism and student movements from students in their own words. For more Student Nation, check out our archive. Are you a student with a campus activism story? Send questions and pitches to Samantha Schuyler at [email protected]. The Student Nation program is made possible through generous funding from The Puffin Foundation.
Since the beginning of this summer, thousands of college students have risen to the occasion of police abolition. UnKoch My Campus estimates that since then, dozens of student-led campaigns to divest from and remove police forces from campus have been launched across the country. Ife, a junior at Harvard College, is one of those students. Ife is a leading member of the Harvard Alliance Against Campus Cops (HAACC), which seeks to shut down the university’s campus police force and use the money to reinvest in resources that support student well-being. Part of HAACC’s work includes raising awareness about the harm that the campus police inflict upon community members, as well as underlining the relative impracticality of the police force, given that the bulk of its work does not respond to or prevent violence. “We want to get rid of this ideological block that has fellow students thinking that police make us safer,” Ife said. “It’s unconscionable to spend any amount of money on a structure that doesn’t keep students safe, that makes so many people unsafe in a really profound way.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Contrary to the interests of students and community members, colleges continue to invest in campus police. As students and their families shell out hundreds of thousands of dollars to finance their children’s college educations, these tuition payments are used in part to finance private police contracts, which can make up a significant portion of an institution’s operating budget.
For many students, this only makes the astounding rise in college tuition in the United States even more egregious. Often, the high prices are justified by claiming to fund students’ “college experience”—one now drastically disrupted by Covid-19 without any of the attendant drops in tuition price. At the same time, unbeknownst to many students and their families, colleges and universities also accumulate wealth by investing their endowments in multimillion- and billion-dollar industries, notably those based in fossil fuel extraction or the prison-industrial complex. In no uncertain terms, many institutions of higher education amass wealth through investments in industries responsible for the oppression of people of color; climate change; and other forms of destruction that degrade not only the environment but much of the social fabric of peoples’ lives.
Not only do American institutions of higher education invest in companies in the business of oppression— they spend their wealth on expensive contracts with private and local police whose presence on campus actively contributes to racial violence and, despite their gross funding and heavy militarization, do little to prevent violence on campus. According to HAACC’s estimates, the Harvard Corporation likely invests upwards of $20 million into its police forces. Furthermore, exactly how much of their $40 billion endowment is invested in industries with carceral ties remains unknown. As student organizers across the country are starting to realize, police brutality and upholding the prison-industrial complex are more external costs of their college education.
This means that if higher education is to be a more “ethical product,” then it must cut investments in police forces, private prisons, and any extractive or exploitative industry out of its operations and endowment. Its wealth must serve the interests of surrounding communities, student, and staff well-being. Campuses don’t need militarized police forces; they need robust health and financial services for students and staff (especially in this era of Covid-19, where many campuses are closed). This includes compensation for students bearing the brunt of anti-racist labor within the institution.
As tuition-paying students, we are significant stakeholders in institutions whose business practices have fallen below ethical standards and are not necessarily within the interests of students or surrounding communities. As we invest hundreds of thousands of dollars into our education, we have a responsibility to hold our institutions accountable to their stated commitments to student well-being, anti-racism and sustainability. Zoë, a current student, said that the institution that she has invested her money and time into weighs heavily on her conscience. “I don’t think I can feel proud of my degree fully until Harvard divests from this violence that is killing people who look like me and that has harmed family members of mine and countless other people,” she explained. “For Black people, for organizers, abolition has always been urgent, it’s been urgent since the first slave ship landed in the Americas. For anyone who cares about Black life, abolition has to be an urgent thing.”
While boycotting products, on an individual level, may do little to stop the systems of oppression embedded in our capitalist society, our tuition dollars are different. We have a direct relationship to our college and university administrations as they collect tuition payments from us each semester. Until colleges and university administrations consent to the demands outlined by their students—stakeholders—to defund, divest, and dismantle forces of oppression on campus, students in positions of privilege and capacity should #WaitToPay their tuition—until police brutality, systemic racism, and climate change are no longer external costs of a college education in the United States.


thenation--2020-11-11--Police Terror Won’t End With the Trump Administration

In the month leading up to last week ’ s general election , the New York City Police Department made preparations for mass upheaval .
Top brass told uniformed officers to prepare to contain unrest following “ one of the most highly contested presidential elections in the modern era.
” A tactical squad staged amped-up training exercises in preparation for pervasive property destruction .
The department , according to an NYPD spokesperson , even got ready to “ freeze areas of Manhattan ” to car and foot traffic “ should wide spread looting occur.
” The post-election riots that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s attempted coup d ’ état seemed to have flopped , and New York experienced no notable election irregularities or ballot-counting drama , so the city ’ s residents didn ’ t see a need for that kind of escalation .
But the cops still policed as if they did .
During the three days between Election Day and the announcement of Joe Biden ’ s Electoral College victory , armored officers stalked and harassed organized protest marches and celebrations , in several instances kettling demonstrators , instigating confrontations , and making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marching.… it didn ’ t make any sense for arrests to be made , ” said Tameer Peak , who was among more than 50 protesters taken into custody in Manhattan on November 4 .
Arrests were “ definitely the plan , ” he said .
“ It was just run and catch and grab.
” The New York City protests stood in stark contrast to the celebrations that took place across the country on Saturday , when activists and marginalized communities who had spent the last several months enduring cop violence were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rejoicing over news networks ’ declaration of Trump ’ s defeat , prompting almost no confrontations with police .
Since those celebrations , cop aggression at New York demonstrations has already resumed .
The dynamic reinforces an argument often made by Black Lives Matter protesters : that Trump ’ s defeat , though a necessity , doesn ’ t represent a fundamental change in the on-the-ground fight against institutions of authoritarian oppression in the United States—especially the police .
In New York City the night after Election Day , as the Trump campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counting of some mail-in ballots , two separate protest marches demanding that election officials be allowed to “ count every vote ” garnered a few hundred demonstrators .
They also attracted a comparable number of riot police and body-armored bike cops—part of the tactical squad that had been training for post-election unrest .
The NYPD has made it sound as though officers began making arrests after protesters at one of the marches set some trash on fire .
Some protesters assert that the fires were actually started after the cops took the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that both marches ended in violence soon after they started because police were crowding and kettling nonviolent demonstrators and looking to use any small interaction to justify takedowns and arrests .
The NYPD later characterized the situation as a case of “ individuals who attempted to hijack a peaceful protest ” —but the cops still descended on both groups and trapped them in the street with no way out , eventually tackling , beating , and dragging several marchers and arresting more than 50 .
Peak was taken into custody as he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Cops went to take his phone , he said , and when he tried to get them to wait as he saved the video , they tackled him .
“ I could feel their knees on my back , ” he said .
They pulled back his arm , which was already injured from an encounter with police the week prior .
“ I just started screaming.
” Videos of the November 4 arrests prompted a Human Rights Watch deputy director to call on the city to conduct an immediate investigation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrest event that took place in the Bronx in early June , which the organization found was “ intentional , planned , and unjustified.
” The following evening , at a march for trans rights that gathered at the Stonewall Inn—a celebration and protest that Black trans activists have held every Thursday for months without incident—the same suite of riot cops showed up .
They stalked and crowded the demonstration for hours , picking off for arrest more than a dozen protesters , including one of the Stonewall leaders , who was caught @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tackling people around her .
The Stonewall march eventually made its way to a park , at which point most of the crowd headed home or went to wait outside NYPD headquarters ( where they were again harassed by police ) for the arrestees to be released .
But a few dozen stayed behind , and eventually trickled into a bike lane to yell at the hundreds of cops , who were monitoring them from across the street , to leave them alone .
Over a loudspeaker , the police played a recorded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to know well : “ Please be advised that pedestrians are not permitted in the roadway .
Pedestrians are also prohibited from obstructing sidewalks… .
If you unlawfully obstruct pedestrian traffic , or walk in the street or roadway , you may be placed under arrest and charged with disorderly conduct.
” Even though traffic was passing between the two groups , the cops charged , so outnumbering protesters that they ’ re barely visible on video .
We Must Sever Law Enforcement From the Labor Movement Finally , on Friday night , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the streets to celebrate Trump ’ s impending election loss .
The march had the air of a high school dance party—complete with singing ’ 80s pop and a stop to do the Cha-Cha Slide—with the same horde of cops , who seemed to again outnumber the demonstrators , acting as their aggressive armored chaperones .
Though the NYPD opted for no arrests during the march , some riot cops returned to the park where it had begun later that night to close the area off by swinging their batons at young people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s “ Fuck tha Police ” over a speaker .
Instances of over-policing following Election Day played out elsewhere .
In Portland , Ore. , the epicenter of militarized policing during the ongoing protest movement , Governor Kate Brown activated the National Guard , which rolled into the city in Humvees , to break up a single group of 100 to 300 demonstrators , some of whom were breaking windows .
And in Minneapolis , police trapped a protest group , including children and elderly people , on a highway for around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people—without offering protesters warnings or an opportunity to leave .
“ The police tried to antagonize people… .
They were looking for an excuse to beat the shit out of us , ” said Jae Yates , an organizer with the Twin Cities Coalition for Justice for Jamar , which helped organize the action .
The Minneapolis marchers described the protest , like some of those in New York , as celebratory and nonviolent , giving credence to activist beliefs that cops will target protests that are critical of policing as frequently as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matter the context .
“ For those of us that were active during the uprising [ over the summer ] , we had seen that level of brutally before , ” said Yates .
“ We just hadn ’ t seen it on that mass scale.
” And these activists recognize that , for the time being , elections aren ’ t poised to change this .
“ We can acknowledge a little bit of relief that Donald Trump is no longer in office , ” said Isaac Ortega , who has been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since May , and who witnessed the NYPD ’ s brutality last week .
“ We also need a healthy dose of realism.
” “ Joe Biden is an establishment Democrat , and Black Lives Matter started under an establishment Democrat , ” Ortega continued .
His election isn ’ t going to substantively change the behavior of cops , who “ have state legitimacy and are state-sanctioned violence.
” Amid nationwide calls to defund police departments to support other government services , Biden campaigned on a promise to provide them with $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He was endorsed by sheriffs , police chiefs , head prosecutors , and former Homeland Security officials , and has peddled a rhetorically enticing vision of “ community policing ” —a vague concept for which there ’ s no evidence it makes neighborhoods safer .
Biden ’ s unwillingness to confront the realities of policing in the United States tracks with the tendency of his party : State and local Democrats have routinely provided cover for police and will continue to do so .
Portland just reelected “ Tear Gas Ted ” Wheeler @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and Oregon ’ s National Guard–happy governor , Brown , is also a Democrat .
Chicago , Washington , Detroit , Seattle , Philadelphia , Los Angeles , and countless other cities have seen protesters and other residents brutalized by police under Democratic Party governance .
And last week , when asked about the violent post–Election Day arrests , New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio defended the cops , as he has since May .
“ What you see in front of your eyes is not always the full story , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the NYPD violence .
To avoid this kind of suppression , he suggested that protesters could coordinate their actions with police .
“ De Blasio ’ s full of shit , ” said Peak .
“ The cops are literally attacking and being violent and belligerent towards protesters.… We get arrested , we get records , we get broken arms , and we don ’ t even get to defend ourselves.
” And the presidential election isn ’ t going to change that .
“ Trump is a problem , but he is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ The problem is the system itself , in its totality.
” On Saturday night , as Biden victory celebrations had been raging throughout the day , a group of activists in New York City—many of whom had experienced the police crackdowns earlier in the week—gathered for their own post-election rally .
They reiterated their long-term vision of police abolition ; they called for the dismantling of Immigration and Customs Enforcement ; they celebrated the defeat of Trump ; and they rejected the crime bill author and vice “ deporter in chief @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counter the mass displays of liberal patriotism that had taken place that day , they burned an American flag .
“ Black people are still endangered in this country , ” said one of the Stonewall march organizers into a megaphone .
“ Let ’ s be very honest.… We have got to understand that the work is never going to stop until [ we ] are free.
” Of Biden ’ s election , “ it ’ s a return to the status quo , ” said Ortega .
“ And the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Black bodies , and the disrespect of Indigenous rights , and US imperialism abroad , and cruel immigration policies that separate families .
So no , the fight doesn ’ t stop .
”

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In the month leading up to last week’s general election, the New York City Police Department made preparations for mass upheaval. Top brass told uniformed officers to prepare to contain unrest following “one of the most highly contested presidential elections in the modern era.” A tactical squad staged amped-up training exercises in preparation for pervasive property destruction. The department, according to an NYPD spokesperson, even got ready to “freeze areas of Manhattan” to car and foot traffic “should wide spread looting occur.”
The post-election riots that the NYPD anticipated never happened. Donald Trump’s attempted coup d’état seemed to have flopped, and New York experienced no notable election irregularities or ballot-counting drama, so the city’s residents didn’t see a need for that kind of escalation. But the cops still policed as if they did. During the three days between Election Day and the announcement of Joe Biden’s Electoral College victory, armored officers stalked and harassed organized protest marches and celebrations, in several instances kettling demonstrators, instigating confrontations, and making violent arrests.
“It was just marching.… it didn’t make any sense for arrests to be made,” said Tameer Peak, who was among more than 50 protesters taken into custody in Manhattan on November 4. Arrests were “definitely the plan,” he said. “It was just run and catch and grab.”
The New York City protests stood in stark contrast to the celebrations that took place across the country on Saturday, when activists and marginalized communities who had spent the last several months enduring cop violence were joined in the streets by white liberals rejoicing over news networks’ declaration of Trump’s defeat, prompting almost no confrontations with police. Since those celebrations, cop aggression at New York demonstrations has already resumed.
The dynamic reinforces an argument often made by Black Lives Matter protesters: that Trump’s defeat, though a necessity, doesn’t represent a fundamental change in the on-the-ground fight against institutions of authoritarian oppression in the United States—especially the police.
In New York City the night after Election Day, as the Trump campaign made its sloppy attempts to prevent the counting of some mail-in ballots, two separate protest marches demanding that election officials be allowed to “count every vote” garnered a few hundred demonstrators. They also attracted a comparable number of riot police and body-armored bike cops—part of the tactical squad that had been training for post-election unrest. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
The NYPD has made it sound as though officers began making arrests after protesters at one of the marches set some trash on fire. Some protesters assert that the fires were actually started after the cops took the first demonstrators into custody, and witnesses claim that both marches ended in violence soon after they started because police were crowding and kettling nonviolent demonstrators and looking to use any small interaction to justify takedowns and arrests. The NYPD later characterized the situation as a case of “individuals who attempted to hijack a peaceful protest”—but the cops still descended on both groups and trapped them in the street with no way out, eventually tackling, beating, and dragging several marchers and arresting more than 50. Current Issue View our current issue
Peak was taken into custody as he was trying to film arrests on Instagram Live. Cops went to take his phone, he said, and when he tried to get them to wait as he saved the video, they tackled him. “I could feel their knees on my back,” he said. They pulled back his arm, which was already injured from an encounter with police the week prior. “I just started screaming.”
Videos of the November 4 arrests prompted a Human Rights Watch deputy director to call on the city to conduct an immediate investigation, comparing the incident to a brutal mass arrest event that took place in the Bronx in early June, which the organization found was “intentional, planned, and unjustified.”
The following evening, at a march for trans rights that gathered at the Stonewall Inn—a celebration and protest that Black trans activists have held every Thursday for months without incident—the same suite of riot cops showed up. They stalked and crowded the demonstration for hours, picking off for arrest more than a dozen protesters, including one of the Stonewall leaders, who was caught up in a scrum after cops started tackling people around her.
The Stonewall march eventually made its way to a park, at which point most of the crowd headed home or went to wait outside NYPD headquarters (where they were again harassed by police) for the arrestees to be released. But a few dozen stayed behind, and eventually trickled into a bike lane to yell at the hundreds of cops, who were monitoring them from across the street, to leave them alone. Over a loudspeaker, the police played a recorded announcement that New York protesters have come to know well: “Please be advised that pedestrians are not permitted in the roadway. Pedestrians are also prohibited from obstructing sidewalks…. If you unlawfully obstruct pedestrian traffic, or walk in the street or roadway, you may be placed under arrest and charged with disorderly conduct.” Even though traffic was passing between the two groups, the cops charged, so outnumbering protesters that they’re barely visible on video. Related Article We Must Sever Law Enforcement From the Labor Movement Kim Kelly
Finally, on Friday night, a group of young people took to the streets to celebrate Trump’s impending election loss. The march had the air of a high school dance party—complete with singing ’80s pop and a stop to do the Cha-Cha Slide—with the same horde of cops, who seemed to again outnumber the demonstrators, acting as their aggressive armored chaperones. Though the NYPD opted for no arrests during the march, some riot cops returned to the park where it had begun later that night to close the area off by swinging their batons at young people and arresting someone who was playing NWA’s “Fuck tha Police” over a speaker.
Instances of over-policing following Election Day played out elsewhere. In Portland, Ore., the epicenter of militarized policing during the ongoing protest movement, Governor Kate Brown activated the National Guard, which rolled into the city in Humvees, to break up a single group of 100 to 300 demonstrators, some of whom were breaking windows.
And in Minneapolis, police trapped a protest group, including children and elderly people, on a highway for around five hours, arresting the entire demonstration—646 people—without offering protesters warnings or an opportunity to leave.
“The police tried to antagonize people…. They were looking for an excuse to beat the shit out of us,” said Jae Yates, an organizer with the Twin Cities Coalition for Justice for Jamar, which helped organize the action.
The Minneapolis marchers described the protest, like some of those in New York, as celebratory and nonviolent, giving credence to activist beliefs that cops will target protests that are critical of policing as frequently as they can get away with, no matter the context.
“For those of us that were active during the uprising [over the summer], we had seen that level of brutally before,” said Yates. “We just hadn’t seen it on that mass scale.”
And these activists recognize that, for the time being, elections aren’t poised to change this.
“We can acknowledge a little bit of relief that Donald Trump is no longer in office,” said Isaac Ortega, who has been taking to the streets in New York since May, and who witnessed the NYPD’s brutality last week. “We also need a healthy dose of realism.”
“Joe Biden is an establishment Democrat, and Black Lives Matter started under an establishment Democrat,” Ortega continued. His election isn’t going to substantively change the behavior of cops, who “have state legitimacy and are state-sanctioned violence.”
Amid nationwide calls to defund police departments to support other government services, Biden campaigned on a promise to provide them with $300 million in additional federal funds. He was endorsed by sheriffs, police chiefs, head prosecutors, and former Homeland Security officials, and has peddled a rhetorically enticing vision of “community policing”—a vague concept for which there’s no evidence it makes neighborhoods safer.
Biden’s unwillingness to confront the realities of policing in the United States tracks with the tendency of his party: State and local Democrats have routinely provided cover for police and will continue to do so. Portland just reelected “Tear Gas Ted” Wheeler, the Democratic mayor and police commissioner, and Oregon’s National Guard–happy governor, Brown, is also a Democrat. Chicago, Washington, Detroit, Seattle, Philadelphia, Los Angeles, and countless other cities have seen protesters and other residents brutalized by police under Democratic Party governance. And last week, when asked about the violent post–Election Day arrests, New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio defended the cops, as he has since May. “What you see in front of your eyes is not always the full story,” he said of video evidence of the NYPD violence. To avoid this kind of suppression, he suggested that protesters could coordinate their actions with police.
“De Blasio’s full of shit,” said Peak. “The cops are literally attacking and being violent and belligerent towards protesters.… We get arrested, we get records, we get broken arms, and we don’t even get to defend ourselves.”
And the presidential election isn’t going to change that. “Trump is a problem, but he is not the problem,” Peak continued. “The problem is the system itself, in its totality.”
On Saturday night, as Biden victory celebrations had been raging throughout the day, a group of activists in New York City—many of whom had experienced the police crackdowns earlier in the week—gathered for their own post-election rally. They reiterated their long-term vision of police abolition; they called for the dismantling of Immigration and Customs Enforcement; they celebrated the defeat of Trump; and they rejected the crime bill author and vice “deporter in chief” Biden as their savior. To counter the mass displays of liberal patriotism that had taken place that day, they burned an American flag.
“Black people are still endangered in this country,” said one of the Stonewall march organizers into a megaphone. “Let’s be very honest.… We have got to understand that the work is never going to stop until [we] are free.”
Of Biden’s election, “it’s a return to the status quo,” said Ortega. “And the status quo is the policing and over-incarceration of Black bodies, and the disrespect of Indigenous rights, and US imperialism abroad, and cruel immigration policies that separate families. So no, the fight doesn’t stop.”


thenation--2020-11-11--Who Will Be the Marcus Rashford of the USA?

The election is over , so what is the activist athlete to do ?
So much of the energy of the last year was poured into the political season , with players projecting that one-word message to “ vote ” on league-produced T-shirts , gear , and face masks .
Yet , before it gets thrown down into a swoosh-adorned memory hole , we should remember that these athletes were not inspired to let their political flag fly because of the candidacy of Joe Biden .
It was the movements in the streets , namely the fight for police accountability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ George Floyd , that pushed players to act .
That their protests and even their strikes were channeled and diverted into the 2020 elections should not erase the initial thirst for justice .
There is much more work to do around this front in the aftermath of the election , so hopefully athletes will continue to amplify that cause .
There is another example , though , across the pond about just what an athlete can do in this time of sickness and decay .
Marcus Rashford , at 23 one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is using his platform to address the outbreak of youth hunger in the United Kingdom as a result of the Covid economic crisis .
What is so important about Rashford ’ s example is that his quest started with efforts at charity .
The Manchester United star himself had experienced hunger as a child and undertook titanic efforts to raise money for the food-deprived in Manchester .
Working with his mother , Melanie , Rashford started with a goal to reach 400,000 local children , but his efforts were so successful he ended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the outpouring of solidarity for his efforts , his mission transformed from philanthropy to activism .
First , he started a petition to end child food poverty that attracted more than a million signatures .
It was a petition aimed at the Conservative government with solid demands to “ expand access to free school meals , provide meals and activities during holidays to prevent hunger and expand the healthy start scheme to provide more support to young mothers on benefits.
” He then further leveraged both social media and old media to gain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Now , in the aftermath of his campaigning , Rashford has not once but twice led successful pressure campaigns against Prime Minister Boris Johnson to make sure that children do not starve during the pandemic .
As a result of the movement inspired by Rashford ’ s efforts , this weekend it was announced that children would have access to free meals during school holidays .
This was a major about-face on the part of Boris Johnson , who had long pledged that food for the hungry would not be on his government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shamed into switching his position and even phoned Rashford personally to tell him the news .
This marked the second turnaround on child hunger that Rashford had successfully agitated for in the past year .
Five months ago , this movement raised hell for a £15-a-week food voucher for the summer months when school was out and won that as well .
He then pledged to “ fight for the rest of my life ” to end child hunger throughout the UK .
That phrase “ there is still so much more to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fear up Boris Johnson ’ s spine .
Given his star power , his commitment , and his victories , Rashford has become a power player in the UK and a source of hope .
In a country ravaged by Brexit , Conservative rule , and the decimation of the Labor Party .
he has become a one-person sustainer of a social safety net that otherwise would not exist .
In the United States , there is a pressing need for someone to take the baton from Rashford and take ownership of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last month revealed that 8 million people in the United States have entered the ranks of poverty since Covid-19 .
Among Black and Latino families , the numbers are through the roof .
The unemployment rate of blacks is double that of white workers and the poverty rate at 25 percent .
Hunger stalks these families .
According to the organization Feeding America , the number of people who are food insecure in 2020 could rise to more than 50 million , including 17 million children .
There is certainly no plan coming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nothing from the incoming Biden-Harris duo about addressing this problem immediately .
It feels sadly desperate to need professional athletes in the United States to raise awareness about this reality , but it is also very needed .
Many star athletes—like Rashford—began their own lives gripped by hunger .
NBA Finals Star Jimmy Butler , for a time growing up , even lived without shelter .
For them to shine a light on this issue—to in effect be our Marcus Rashford—would be a heroic act .
Yes , it is an unfair burden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gap where politicians have failed .
But this is where we are .
Athletes are embracing their political influence and we need both to direct them to where they can have the most impact and to make sure that this foray into politics doesn ’ t end with the election of Biden and Harris .
The greatest lesson they can learn from Rashford is that it is not enough to be a philanthropist .
Yes , more people will love you , but unless we make demands of those in power to fill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ net in a country hollowed out by income inequality and government negligence , we will never change a system that fails the poor on a daily , numbing basis .
Marcus Rashford—or his US equivalent—is not going to save us .
But if this generation of athletes can demonstrate that we need activists and organizers , not philanthropists , that would be a vital step away from the nihilism of the Trump years and toward the kind of battle we will need to wage to ensure the very survival of communities on the @ @

Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Get The Nation’s Weekly Newsletter Fridays. The best of the week. Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Fridays. The best of the week.
Thank you for signing up for The Nation’s weekly newsletter.
Repro Nation A monthly newsletter on the global fight for reproductive freedom. Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here.
Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
Sign up for our Wine Club today. Did you know you can support The Nation by drinking wine?
The election is over, so what is the activist athlete to do? So much of the energy of the last year was poured into the political season, with players projecting that one-word message to “vote” on league-produced T-shirts, gear, and face masks. Yet, before it gets thrown down into a swoosh-adorned memory hole, we should remember that these athletes were not inspired to let their political flag fly because of the candidacy of Joe Biden. It was the movements in the streets, namely the fight for police accountability in the wake of the murder of George Floyd, that pushed players to act. That their protests and even their strikes were channeled and diverted into the 2020 elections should not erase the initial thirst for justice. There is much more work to do around this front in the aftermath of the election, so hopefully athletes will continue to amplify that cause.
There is another example, though, across the pond about just what an athlete can do in this time of sickness and decay. Marcus Rashford, at 23 one of the greatest soccer players in the world, is using his platform to address the outbreak of youth hunger in the United Kingdom as a result of the Covid economic crisis.
What is so important about Rashford’s example is that his quest started with efforts at charity. The Manchester United star himself had experienced hunger as a child and undertook titanic efforts to raise money for the food-deprived in Manchester. Working with his mother, Melanie, Rashford started with a goal to reach 400,000 local children, but his efforts were so successful he ended up feeding 4 million. Inspired by the outpouring of solidarity for his efforts, his mission transformed from philanthropy to activism. First, he started a petition to end child food poverty that attracted more than a million signatures. It was a petition aimed at the Conservative government with solid demands to “expand access to free school meals, provide meals and activities during holidays to prevent hunger and expand the healthy start scheme to provide more support to young mothers on benefits.” He then further leveraged both social media and old media to gain even more publicity for his efforts.
Now, in the aftermath of his campaigning, Rashford has not once but twice led successful pressure campaigns against Prime Minister Boris Johnson to make sure that children do not starve during the pandemic. As a result of the movement inspired by Rashford’s efforts, this weekend it was announced that children would have access to free meals during school holidays. This was a major about-face on the part of Boris Johnson, who had long pledged that food for the hungry would not be on his government’s agenda. But Johnson was shamed into switching his position and even phoned Rashford personally to tell him the news. This marked the second turnaround on child hunger that Rashford had successfully agitated for in the past year. Five months ago, this movement raised hell for a £15-a-week food voucher for the summer months when school was out and won that as well.
As Rashford said,
He then pledged to “fight for the rest of my life” to end child hunger throughout the UK. Current Issue View our current issue
Rashford also tweeted,
To the campaigners, charity workers, volunteers, teachers, care workers, key workers, that have fought for this level of progress for years, thank you. This is YOUR victory. Never underestimate the role you have all played. I’m just honoured to be on this journey with you.
That phrase “there is still so much more to do” should send a shiver of fear up Boris Johnson’s spine. Given his star power, his commitment, and his victories, Rashford has become a power player in the UK and a source of hope. In a country ravaged by Brexit, Conservative rule, and the decimation of the Labor Party. he has become a one-person sustainer of a social safety net that otherwise would not exist.
In the United States, there is a pressing need for someone to take the baton from Rashford and take ownership of this cause. A study by Columbia University last month revealed that 8 million people in the United States have entered the ranks of poverty since Covid-19. Among Black and Latino families, the numbers are through the roof. The unemployment rate of blacks is double that of white workers and the poverty rate at 25 percent. Hunger stalks these families. According to the organization Feeding America, the number of people who are food insecure in 2020 could rise to more than 50 million, including 17 million children. There is certainly no plan coming from the Trump administration about this and nothing from the incoming Biden-Harris duo about addressing this problem immediately.
It feels sadly desperate to need professional athletes in the United States to raise awareness about this reality, but it is also very needed. Many star athletes—like Rashford—began their own lives gripped by hunger. NBA Finals Star Jimmy Butler, for a time growing up, even lived without shelter. For them to shine a light on this issue—to in effect be our Marcus Rashford—would be a heroic act. Yes, it is an unfair burden to ask any athlete to fill a gap where politicians have failed. But this is where we are. Athletes are embracing their political influence and we need both to direct them to where they can have the most impact and to make sure that this foray into politics doesn’t end with the election of Biden and Harris.
The greatest lesson they can learn from Rashford is that it is not enough to be a philanthropist. Yes, more people will love you, but unless we make demands of those in power to fill the gap and provide a social safety net in a country hollowed out by income inequality and government negligence, we will never change a system that fails the poor on a daily, numbing basis. Marcus Rashford—or his US equivalent—is not going to save us. But if this generation of athletes can demonstrate that we need activists and organizers, not philanthropists, that would be a vital step away from the nihilism of the Trump years and toward the kind of battle we will need to wage to ensure the very survival of communities on the brink.