thenation--2020-10-02--This Election, Young Muslim Voters Aren’t Staying Silent

Zarifa Ali is voting for the first time in the 2020 election .
As a first-time voter , 18-year-old Ali has paid close attention to the race , noticing how the Muslim-American population became a part of the political discussion .
But she believes that Muslim voters are often taken for granted .
“ We are not seen as an important demographic , and when we are seen it is only for a brief time during the election .
After this , we are overlooked , ” Ali said .
“ Mostly Republican candidates go against Muslim communities and appeal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ threat.
” Other young Muslim voters have noticed these patterns , too : Either they are pandered to without achieving any real , material changes , or they are weaponized .
And their dissatisfaction with this dynamic shows up in the data : Of the Muslim youth eligible to vote , only 63 percent were registered to compared to 85 percent of their peers in the general population , according to a 2019 Institute of Social Policy and Understanding poll .
Some of their experiences are shaped by the reality of longtime anti-Muslim @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a 2018 study , nearly half of Muslim-Americans , 42 percent , reported that at least one child in their family had been bullied because of religion ; in 25 percent of those cases , the perpetrators were educators .
Attacks based on one ’ s identity take a significant toll on young people , said Nadia Ansary , a scholar at the Institute of Social Policy and Understanding .
“ It is an attack on who you are , ” she said .
“ But the other part is that an individual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victim of future attacks because they can not change who they are.
” But Islamophobia takes more than a mental toll .
Muslims who experienced Islamophobia were 6.9 percent less likely to report being politically active than Muslims who were the target of general discrimination , according to a 2019 Social Psychology Quarterly study .
Ali said she grew up experiencing incidents of Islamophobia .
She said that because of this , she wants to make sure that her experience is heard .
“ I chose to speak up for my community because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t want , ” said Ali .
“ I am not going to give into the silence.
” Tasnim Benalla , a 21-year-old business analyst , said that when her family moved to a predominately white city when she was young , her mother was frequently harassed .
She often heard Islamophobic slurs .
“ Growing up in a post-9/11 time was very difficult when I had to hear why it was happening , ” she said .
Before the move , she had limited contact with non-Muslims—she had attended an Islamic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we were targeted for being Muslim , but at the time I did not comprehend it , ” said Benalla .
Once , someone spat at her mother as they ate at a restaurant in Ellicott City , Md .
Ansary , who researches the effects of bullying on Muslim girls , said discrimination against Muslims isn ’ t genderless .
Her research revealed that Muslim women who wear hijabs are more likely to be the victim of faith-based attacks , as are other members of religious faiths who wear symbols of their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Muslim women are also more likely to engage in conversation with perpetrators , in order to bridge these divides .
Benalla is among a cohort of Generation Z Muslims voting in the 2020 presidential election , some for the first time .
They were born in the shadow of the 9/11 attacks and came of age in an era of heightened Islamophobia that brought discrimination , suspicion , and surveillance to themselves and their families .
Despite this , their American identity is just as important to them as their Muslim one .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ booth with them , and they ’ re searching for candidates who respect their identities equally .
While Muslim youth say they continue to feel undervalued and overlooked , for many , the heightened Islamophobia stoked by Donald Trump ’ s presidency has made them see the coming election as crucial .
President Donald Trump ’ s Islamophobic rhetoric on the 2016 campaign trail and the Muslim bans he enacted in his first weeks of office were among the most egregious examples of Islamophobia in recent national history , said Ali .
After @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attacks increased , surpassing the number of attacks in 2001 , according to a 2018 Pew Research Center study .
Some Muslim youth see voting in the election as a means of ensuring that their experiences are addressed through policy changes .
Ali said that her Muslim identity informs her political beliefs and guides her to seek candidates that match her values .
Emgage , a political pact mobilizing Muslim voters , has focused on voter registration to ensure that young Muslims voters ’ voices are heard .
According to Mohamed Gula , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pact reported a 25-percent increase of Muslim voters in the 2018 midterm in comparison to the 2014 midterm elections , compared to a 14-percent increase in the general population .
But Muslim-Americans are not politically monolithic .
They are far less likely than other religious demographics to describe their political ideology as conservative , and 66 percent identify with the Democratic Party , according to a 2019 study by the Pew Research Center .
And according to Ali , there is a stark generational divide between the younger and older Muslim communities .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the Democratic presidential candidate , her parents voted for Joe Biden in the primary while she and her sister voted for Bernie Sanders .
Benalla advocates for the Muslim community through her work as a member of the Muslim Student Association at the University of Maryland .
She also started a student coalition for social change , which focused on giving Muslims a place to share their experiences and work with advocacy organizations to address their concerns .
“ The experiences of Muslim youth allow us to reshape and redefine what it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Gula .
“ The Muslim youth are the engine for this Muslim political movement .
”

EDITOR’S NOTE: This story is published as part of StudentNation’s “Vision 2020: Election Stories From the Next Generation,” reports from young journalists that center the concerns of diverse young voters. In this project, working with Dr. Sherri Williams, we recruited young journalists from different backgrounds to develop story ideas and reporting about their peers’ concerns ahead of the most important election of our lives. We’ll continue publishing two stories each week over the course of September.
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This story is published as part of StudentNation’s “Vision 2020: Election Stories From the Next Generation,” reports from young journalists that center the concerns of diverse young voters. In this project, working with Dr. Sherri Williams, we recruited young journalists from different backgrounds to develop story ideas and reporting about their peers’ concerns ahead of the most important election of our lives. We’ll continue publishing two stories each week over the course of September.
Zarifa Ali is voting for the first time in the 2020 election. As a first-time voter, 18-year-old Ali has paid close attention to the race, noticing how the Muslim-American population became a part of the political discussion. But she believes that Muslim voters are often taken for granted.
“We are not seen as an important demographic, and when we are seen it is only for a brief time during the election. After this, we are overlooked,” Ali said. “Mostly Republican candidates go against Muslim communities and appeal to those that see Muslims as a threat.”
Other young Muslim voters have noticed these patterns, too: Either they are pandered to without achieving any real, material changes, or they are weaponized. And their dissatisfaction with this dynamic shows up in the data: Of the Muslim youth eligible to vote, only 63 percent were registered to compared to 85 percent of their peers in the general population, according to a 2019 Institute of Social Policy and Understanding poll.
Some of their experiences are shaped by the reality of longtime anti-Muslim sentiment in the United States. In a 2018 study, nearly half of Muslim-Americans, 42 percent, reported that at least one child in their family had been bullied because of religion; in 25 percent of those cases, the perpetrators were educators.
Attacks based on one’s identity take a significant toll on young people, said Nadia Ansary, a scholar at the Institute of Social Policy and Understanding. “It is an attack on who you are,” she said. “But the other part is that an individual can anticipate that they would be a victim of future attacks because they cannot change who they are.” But Islamophobia takes more than a mental toll. Muslims who experienced Islamophobia were 6.9 percent less likely to report being politically active than Muslims who were the target of general discrimination, according to a 2019 Social Psychology Quarterly study.
Ali said she grew up experiencing incidents of Islamophobia. She said that because of this, she wants to make sure that her experience is heard. “I chose to speak up for my community because I know that is what Islamophobes don’t want,” said Ali. “I am not going to give into the silence.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
Tasnim Benalla, a 21-year-old business analyst, said that when her family moved to a predominately white city when she was young, her mother was frequently harassed. She often heard Islamophobic slurs. “Growing up in a post-9/11 time was very difficult when I had to hear why it was happening,” she said. Before the move, she had limited contact with non-Muslims—she had attended an Islamic school. “I remember instances where we were targeted for being Muslim, but at the time I did not comprehend it,” said Benalla. Once, someone spat at her mother as they ate at a restaurant in Ellicott City, Md.
Ansary, who researches the effects of bullying on Muslim girls, said discrimination against Muslims isn’t genderless. Her research revealed that Muslim women who wear hijabs are more likely to be the victim of faith-based attacks, as are other members of religious faiths who wear symbols of their faith. At the same time, Muslim women are also more likely to engage in conversation with perpetrators, in order to bridge these divides.
Benalla is among a cohort of Generation Z Muslims voting in the 2020 presidential election, some for the first time. They were born in the shadow of the 9/11 attacks and came of age in an era of heightened Islamophobia that brought discrimination, suspicion, and surveillance to themselves and their families. Despite this, their American identity is just as important to them as their Muslim one. They will carry both to the voting booth with them, and they’re searching for candidates who respect their identities equally. While Muslim youth say they continue to feel undervalued and overlooked, for many, the heightened Islamophobia stoked by Donald Trump’s presidency has made them see the coming election as crucial.
President Donald Trump’s Islamophobic rhetoric on the 2016 campaign trail and the Muslim bans he enacted in his first weeks of office were among the most egregious examples of Islamophobia in recent national history, said Ali. After his election, the number of Islamophobic attacks increased, surpassing the number of attacks in 2001, according to a 2018 Pew Research Center study.
Some Muslim youth see voting in the election as a means of ensuring that their experiences are addressed through policy changes. Ali said that her Muslim identity informs her political beliefs and guides her to seek candidates that match her values.
Emgage, a political pact mobilizing Muslim voters, has focused on voter registration to ensure that young Muslims voters’ voices are heard. According to Mohamed Gula, a national organizer for Emgage, the pact reported a 25-percent increase of Muslim voters in the 2018 midterm in comparison to the 2014 midterm elections, compared to a 14-percent increase in the general population.
But Muslim-Americans are not politically monolithic. They are far less likely than other religious demographics to describe their political ideology as conservative, and 66 percent identify with the Democratic Party, according to a 2019 study by the Pew Research Center.
And according to Ali, there is a stark generational divide between the younger and older Muslim communities. Although all of her family is voting for the Democratic presidential candidate, her parents voted for Joe Biden in the primary while she and her sister voted for Bernie Sanders.
Benalla advocates for the Muslim community through her work as a member of the Muslim Student Association at the University of Maryland. She also started a student coalition for social change, which focused on giving Muslims a place to share their experiences and work with advocacy organizations to address their concerns.
“The experiences of Muslim youth allow us to reshape and redefine what it means to be civically engaged,” said Gula. “The Muslim youth are the engine for this Muslim political movement.”


thenation--2020-10-02--Who Will Stand Up for Black Women?

Who Will Stand Up for Black Women?

After learning that errant bullets , the ones that lodged in walls and punctured glass , were a crime , while the rounds that pierced Breonna Taylor ’ s body and caused her death were not—Black women across the nation went to work .
We returned e-mails , walked dogs , taught classes , made meals , and attended meetings .
We reared children , loved partners , led marches , and delivered mail .
We practiced medicine or law , drove buses or carpools , studied , published , and dared sleep .
We did all of this while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Taylor , live unprotected lives , lives that are laden with the types of risks that can instantly loose a daughter from her mother and a woman from her dreams .
Yet despite this ever-present risk and the harrowing finality of Breonna Taylor ’ s unnatural , untimely , and unatoned “ death ” —Black women continue to show up .
This is in part because , while we exist within a culture that demeans us , a labor market that devalues us , and a political climate that disregards us , this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Black women process the state-sanctioned affronts to Breonna Taylor ’ s humanity as affronts to our own , we work , comfort , advocate , and care for everything and everyone around us—even when doing so places us in peril .
Schools : To Open or Not to Open ?
That Is Not the Question .
What It Means When You Wear a Mask—and When You Refuse To In a recorded phone call to the ex-boyfriend whose illegal exploits would lead police to her door with a no-knock warrant , Breonna Taylor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the police.
” Famed Houston rapper Meg Thee Stallion was recently shot in both feet by a lesser known Black male artist , and yet was initially reticent to tell police what happened because as she later noted on Instagram live , “ Police was literally killing Black people for no reason.
” Meg , like Breonna , was acutely vulnerable , yet as she bled from wounds in her feet she placed the needs of her assailant above her own .
Many Black women place others above themselves .
Dawn Wooten placed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ detained above her own career .
Patricia Okoumou placed migrant children above her own safety when she scaled the Statute of Liberty sans equipment to protest their cages .
Bree Newsome Bass placed a grieving nation above her own freedom when , in the wake of the Charleston massacre , she snatched down the South Carolina confederate flag and was arrested .
And young Black women everywhere , like Ieshia Evans and Erica Garner , place our Trayvons , our Michaels , our Altons , and our Erics above their own futures as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ endanger Black lives .
When Black women sacrifice despite suffering or show up for others in the midst of our own need , too often the acts are reduced to “ strength.
” This narrow depiction of Black womanhood is a relic of stereotypes that deny Black women the fullness of our humanity and the femininity often afforded ( or imposed upon ) white women .
And so what is often cast as brute strength is more precisely a consequence of the unique positioning reserved for Black women in the US political economy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to other women , Black women have long had the highest participation in the labor market , no matter our age , marital or childbearing status .
This was true in the late 1800s and it remains true today .
More than 80 percent of Black mothers are the breadwinners in their households .
Yet we also sit at the catastrophic intersection of racial caste , gendered violence , and the economic deprivation that defines both .
As a result , when compared to men , and breadwinner dads in particular , Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black breadwinner moms earn only “ 34 cents for every dollar earned by Asian breadwinner dads , 44 cents for every dollar earned by white breadwinner dads , and 52 cents for every dollar earned by Black breadwinner dads.
” It would essentially take Black women a year , and sometimes longer , to garner the equivalent income of their male peers of any race .
Consequently , more than 1 in 4 households headed by Black women live below the poverty line .
Thus to exert power , Black women have become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US with the highest voting rates .
As the primary earners within our households , the lowest earners in the labor market , and the most educated and enfranchised demographic—Black women serve as critical pillars for economic and social stability .
This applies in their homes , in their communities , and in society writ large where low-income households lead by Black women are also disproportionately among the highest taxed groups .
So right now , in 2020 , Black women are more likely to have our labor deemed essential while our bodies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over-exposed to a deadly virus and unshielded from racism ’ s quotidian and lethal bullshit and violence .
And yet we still show up—at home , work , the polls , and school .
So the real question is , who will show up for us ?
Over 26 million people protested the murder of George Floyd .
But who fought for our Rekias , our Atatianas , our Aiyanas and our Sandras ?
Despite the growing list of publicized platitudes and consumerized condolences from America ’ s corporate class and pandering politicians @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taught us that the privileged will only offer to remember , never remunerate , what we ’ ve lost .
This is partly because what we ’ ve lost has actually been taken .
And partly because the beloved humans that have been stolen can never be replaced .
And so forgetting becomes some sort of a national past-time , and promising to remember passes for liberation .
But Black women can not live on well-wishes .
We can not eat indignation .
In the absence of actual justice , who will just @ @ @

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After learning that errant bullets, the ones that lodged in walls and punctured glass, were a crime, while the rounds that pierced Breonna Taylor’s body and caused her death were not, Black women across the nation went to work.
We returned e-mails, walked dogs, taught classes, made meals, and attended meetings. We reared children, loved partners, led marches, and delivered mail. We practiced medicine or law, drove buses or carpools, studied, published, and dared sleep. We did all of this while weathering the devastating truth—we, like Breonna Taylor, live unprotected lives, lives that are laden with the types of risks that can instantly loose a daughter from her mother and a woman from her dreams.
Yet despite this ever-present risk and the harrowing finality of Breonna Taylor’s unnatural, untimely, and unatoned “death,” Black women continue to show up.
This is in part because while we exist within a culture that demeans us, a labor market that devalues us, and a political climate that disregards us, this nation still depends on us. Even as Black women process the state-sanctioned affronts to Breonna Taylor’s humanity as affronts to our own, we work, comfort, advocate, and care for everything and everyone around us—even when doing so places us in peril. More From Rhea Boyd The Embodied Politics of Black Motherhood June 27, 2023 The Choice to Vaccinate Has Never Been Free August 11, 2021 On Shame and Healing March 10, 2021
In a recorded phone call to the ex-boyfriend whose illegal exploits would lead police to her door with a no-knock warrant, Breonna Taylor expressed concerns about his well-being “with the police.” Famed Houston rapper Meg Thee Stallion was recently shot in both feet by a lesser known Black male artist, and yet was initially reticent to tell police what happened because, as she later noted on Instagram Live, “Police was literally killing Black people for no reason.” Meg, like Breonna, was acutely vulnerable, yet as she bled from wounds in her feet she placed the needs of her assailant above her own.
Many Black women place others above themselves.
Dawn Wooten placed immigrant women who endured forced hysterectomies while detained above her own career. Patricia Okoumou placed migrant children above her own safety when she scaled the Statue of Liberty sans equipment to protest their cages. Bree Newsome Bass placed a grieving nation above her own freedom when, in the wake of the Charleston massacre, she snatched down the South Carolina Confederate flag and was arrested. And young Black women everywhere, like Ieshia Evans and Erica Garner, place our Trayvons, our Michaels, our Altons, and our Erics above their own futures as they publicly confront the state forces that endanger Black lives. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
When Black women sacrifice despite suffering or show up for others in the midst of our own need, too often the acts are reduced to “strength.” This narrow depiction of Black womanhood is a relic of stereotypes that deny Black women the fullness of our humanity and the femininity often afforded (or imposed upon) white women. And so what is often cast as brute strength is more precisely a consequence of the unique positioning reserved for Black women in the US political economy.
We are breadwinners. In comparison to other women, Black women have long had the highest participation in the labor market, no matter our age, marital or childbearing status. This was true in the late 1800s and it remains true today. More than 80 percent of Black mothers are the breadwinners in their households.
Yet we also sit at the catastrophic intersection of racial caste, gendered violence, and the economic deprivation that defines both. As a result, when compared to men, and breadwinner dads in particular, Black women earn less, way less. Black breadwinner moms earn only “34 cents for every dollar earned by Asian breadwinner dads, 44 cents for every dollar earned by white breadwinner dads, and 52 cents for every dollar earned by Black breadwinner dads.” It would essentially take Black women a year, and sometimes longer, to garner the equivalent income of their male peers of any race. Consequently, more than one in four households headed by Black women live below the poverty line. Thus to exert power, Black women have become the most highly educated group in the United States with the highest voting rates.
As the primary earners within our households, the lowest earners in the labor market, and the most educated and enfranchised demographic, Black women serve as critical pillars for economic and social stability. This applies in their homes, in their communities, and in society writ large, where low-income households lead by Black women are also disproportionately among the highest-taxed groups.
So right now, in 2020, Black women are more likely to have our labor deemed essential while our bodies are rendered disposable. We are both overexposed to a deadly virus and unshielded from racism’s quotidian and lethal bullshit and violence. And yet we still show up—at home, work, the polls, and school.
So the real question is, who will show up for us?
Over 26 million people protested the murder of George Floyd. But who fought for our Rekias, our Atatianas, our Aiyanas and our Sandras?
Despite the growing list of publicized platitudes and consumerized condolences from America’s corporate class and pandering politicians, living while Black and female has taught us that the privileged will only offer to remember, never remunerate, what we’ve lost. This is partly because what we’ve lost has actually been taken. And partly because the beloved humans that have been stolen can never be replaced. And so forgetting becomes some sort of a national pastime, and promising to remember passes for liberation.
But Black women cannot live on well-wishes. We cannot eat indignation. In the absence of actual justice, who will just protect us?


thenation--2020-10-02--Biden Needs to Stop Talking Down Bernie Sanders and Medicare for All

Joe Biden won the first presidential debate by default .
Against the meltdown of a desperate incumbent who is staking his claim to a second term on racist dog-whistling to hate groups and open disdain for democracy , the challenger barely had to open his mouth in order to appear more presidential than the charlatan who currently occupies the Oval Office .
Yet if Biden ’ s goal is to actually occupy the office , and to do so with a mandate sufficient to govern , he should stop stepping into the traps that Trump lays—in the debates to come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 campaign .
In particular , the former vice president must stop apologizing for being the candidate of a party that includes democratic socialists with popular ideas .
Like Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Harry Truman in the 1930s and ’ 40s , Biden has to recognize that the way to build a winning coalition is to worry less about attacks from rivals who seek to divide Democrats and more about delivering messages of his own that unite the party and extend its appeal .
Biden ’ s defensiveness got the better of him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turned to health care policy .
Trump charged that the Democrat is “ going to extinguish 180 million people with their private health care.
” Biden replied , “ That ’ s simply not true.
” Then Trump said , “ Well , you ’ re certainly going to socialist .
You ’ re going to socialist medicine… ” Trump was claiming that his challenger would move the country toward a single-payer Medicare for All health care program , which recent polling finds it is supported by 69 percent of all Americans and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pointed out that he has campaigned as a candidate who “ wanted to allow people to have private insurance still , ” Trump was having none of it .
He baited the Democrat , and Biden got even more defensive : Trump : That ’ s not what you ’ ve said and it ’ s not what your party is saying .
Trump : Your party doesn ’ t say it .
Your party wants to go socialist medicine and socialist health care… Biden : The party is me .
Right now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump : …and they ’ re going to dominate you , Joe .
You know that .
Biden : I am the Democratic Party right now .
Trump kept looking for ways to divide the Democratic coalition , and Biden kept distancing himself from some of the most vibrant ideas and leaders within that coalition .
The president said , “ Joe , you agreed with Bernie Sanders , who ’ s far left , on the manifesto , we call it .
And that gives you socialized medicine.
” Biden shot back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is I beat Bernie Sanders.
” Trump said , “ Not by much.
” Biden said , “ I beat him by a whole hell of a lot.
” Trump repeated , “ Not by much.
” An agitated Biden said , “ I ’ m here standing facing you , old buddy.
” Making a crude reference to the candidacy of Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren , Trump said , “ If Pocahontas would have left two days early , you would have lost every primary .
On Super Tuesday , you got @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I got very lucky .
I ’ m going to get very lucky tonight as well.
” And then they started arguing about something else .
Biden got equally defensive later in the debate , when Trump started ranting about the Green New Deal—alleging that it would cost “ $ 100 trillion , ” and that its proponents “ want to take out the cows.
” Instead of laughing off a president who spins pure fantasy , Biden distanced himself from the response to climate change that has been championed by Representative Alexandria @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Markey ( D-Mass . )
as well as the Sunrise Movement .
“ I ’ m talking about the Biden plan , ” responded the former vice president , who moments later said , “ I don ’ t support the Green New Deal.
” Trump seized on that one .
“ Oh , well , that ’ s a big statement , ” he said .
“ You just lost the radical left.
” He tried a similar line during the socialism section of the debate , because it is the president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fighting with the left .
Trump ’ s goal is transparent : He wants to get Biden to say things that will discourage potential voters who are attracted to socialist and progressive proposals .
Biden shouldn ’ t fall into the trap .
The fact is that AOC and Sanders and a number of other prominent democratic socialists are campaigning for the Democratic ticket , with the message that Trump must be beaten .
While they recognize differences on issues such as Medicare for All and the Green New Deal , Sanders and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a President Biden—just as the most successful Democrats of the past , especially FDR , worked with the left-wing of the party , and the broader left .
Roosevelt met with , worked with , and borrowed phrases ( “ economic royalists ” ) and ideas from socialists—to such an extent that his Socialist Party challenger in the elections of 1932 , 1936 , 1940 , and 1944 , Norman Thomas , would eventually say , “ Roosevelt ’ s New Deal was not the best alternative , but it certainly was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the problems of our times , and it was offered with an elan , a spirit that made things go and which tended to lift up people ’ s hearts .
In retrospect , I wouldn ’ t change many of the criticisms I then made .
Yet the net result was certainly the salvation of America , and it produced peacefully , after some fashion not calculated by Roosevelt , the Welfare State and almost a revolution.
” Part of Roosevelt ’ s genius was that he learned to talk about socialist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that welcomed ideas without being defensive .
In a letter to Dan Hoan , the longtime Socialist Party mayor of Milwaukee , FDR wrote that “ it makes no difference whether you call yourself a Republican , Socialist , Democrat or Hottentot .
The point is that you have contributed greatly both to the theory and practice of local government.
” Roosevelt didn ’ t run around bragging about how he beat the socialists or the progressives or the backers of bold reforms .
Neither did Truman , who developed the perfect response @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a scare word they have hurled at every advance the people have made in the last 20 years , ” explained Truman .
“ Socialism is what they called public power .
Socialism is what they called social security .
Socialism is what they called farm price supports .
Socialism is what they called bank deposit insurance .
Socialism is what they called the growth of free and independent labor organizations .
Socialism is their name for almost anything that helps all the people .
”

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Joe Biden won the first presidential debate by default. Against the meltdown of a desperate incumbent who is staking his claim to a second term on racist dog-whistling to hate groups and open disdain for democracy, the challenger barely had to open his mouth in order to appear more presidential than the charlatan who currently occupies the Oval Office.
Yet if Biden’s goal is to actually occupy the office, and to do so with a mandate sufficient to govern, he should stop stepping into the traps that Trump lays—in the debates to come and in the last month of the 2020 campaign. In particular, the former vice president must stop apologizing for being the candidate of a party that includes democratic socialists with popular ideas. Like Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Harry Truman in the 1930s and ’40s, Biden has to recognize that the way to build a winning coalition is to worry less about attacks from rivals who seek to divide Democrats and more about delivering messages of his own that unite the party and extend its appeal.
Biden’s defensiveness got the better of him during the debate, when the discussion turned to health care policy. Trump charged that the Democrat is “going to extinguish 180 million people with their private health care.” Biden replied, “That’s simply not true.” Then Trump said, “Well, you’re certainly going to socialist. You’re going to socialist medicine…”
Trump was claiming that his challenger would move the country toward a single-payer Medicare for All health care program, which recent polling finds it is supported by 69 percent of all Americans and 88 percent of Democrats. When Biden pointed out that he has campaigned as a candidate who “wanted to allow people to have private insurance still,” Trump was having none of it. He baited the Democrat, and Biden got even more defensive:
Trump: That’s not what you’ve said and it’s not what your party is saying.
Biden: That is simply a lie.
Trump: Your party doesn’t say it. Your party wants to go socialist medicine and socialist health care… Current Issue View our current issue
Biden: The party is me. Right now, I am the Democratic Party.
Trump: …and they’re going to dominate you, Joe. You know that.
Biden: I am the Democratic Party right now.
Trump kept looking for ways to divide the Democratic coalition, and Biden kept distancing himself from some of the most vibrant ideas and leaders within that coalition. The president said, “Joe, you agreed with Bernie Sanders, who’s far left, on the manifesto, we call it. And that gives you socialized medicine.” Biden shot back, “The fact of the matter is I beat Bernie Sanders.” Trump said, “Not by much.” Biden said, “I beat him by a whole hell of a lot.” Trump repeated, “Not by much.” An agitated Biden said, “I’m here standing facing you, old buddy.” Making a crude reference to the candidacy of Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren, Trump said, “If Pocahontas would have left two days early, you would have lost every primary. On Super Tuesday, you got very lucky…” Biden replied, “I got very lucky. I’m going to get very lucky tonight as well.” And then they started arguing about something else. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Biden got equally defensive later in the debate, when Trump started ranting about the Green New Deal—alleging that it would cost “$100 trillion,” and that its proponents “want to take out the cows.” Instead of laughing off a president who spins pure fantasy, Biden distanced himself from the response to climate change that has been championed by Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) and Senator Ed Markey (D-Mass.) as well as the Sunrise Movement. “I’m talking about the Biden plan,” responded the former vice president, who moments later said, “I don’t support the Green New Deal.”
Trump seized on that one. “Oh, well, that’s a big statement,” he said. “You just lost the radical left.” He tried a similar line during the socialism section of the debate, because it is the president’s desperate desire to get Biden fighting with the left. Trump’s goal is transparent: He wants to get Biden to say things that will discourage potential voters who are attracted to socialist and progressive proposals. Biden shouldn’t fall into the trap.
The fact is that AOC and Sanders and a number of other prominent democratic socialists are campaigning for the Democratic ticket, with the message that Trump must be beaten. While they recognize differences on issues such as Medicare for All and the Green New Deal, Sanders and AOC suggest that they can work with a President Biden—just as the most successful Democrats of the past, especially FDR, worked with the left-wing of the party, and the broader left.
Roosevelt met with, worked with, and borrowed phrases (“economic royalists”) and ideas from socialists—to such an extent that his Socialist Party challenger in the elections of 1932, 1936, 1940, and 1944, Norman Thomas, would eventually say, “Roosevelt’s New Deal was not the best alternative, but it certainly was a better alternative than had been offered to the problems of our times, and it was offered with an elan, a spirit that made things go and which tended to lift up people’s hearts. In retrospect, I wouldn’t change many of the criticisms I then made. Yet the net result was certainly the salvation of America, and it produced peacefully, after some fashion not calculated by Roosevelt, the Welfare State and almost a revolution.”
Part of Roosevelt’s genius was that he learned to talk about socialist ideas and socialist activists in congenial ways that welcomed ideas without being defensive. In a letter to Dan Hoan, the longtime Socialist Party mayor of Milwaukee, FDR wrote that “it makes no difference whether you call yourself a Republican, Socialist, Democrat or Hottentot. The point is that you have contributed greatly both to the theory and practice of local government.”
Roosevelt didn’t run around bragging about how he beat the socialists or the progressives or the backers of bold reforms. Neither did Truman, who developed the perfect response to rivals like Trump. “Socialism is a scare word they have hurled at every advance the people have made in the last 20 years,” explained Truman. “Socialism is what they called public power. Socialism is what they called social security. Socialism is what they called farm price supports. Socialism is what they called bank deposit insurance. Socialism is what they called the growth of free and independent labor organizations. Socialism is their name for almost anything that helps all the people.”


thenation--2020-10-02--American History Is Getting Whitewashed, Again

Benjamin Tillman , the scion of a rich , slaveholding South Carolina family , was elected governor of the state in 1890 .
Driven by his fury over Black emancipation and enfranchisement after the Civil War , he dedicated his political career to spreading what he dubbed “ the gospel of white supremacy according to Tillman.
” At every opportunity , he stoked anti-Black violence , once stating that “ nothing but bloodshed and a good deal of it could answer the purpose of redeeming the state from negro and carpetbag rule ” and boasting of having “ shot negroes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leader in the Red Shirts , a white terrorist group that executed six African American freedmen in the 1876 Hamburg Massacre .
His appeals to white South Carolinians ’ racial resentments got him elected to the US Senate in 1894 .
Before heading to Congress , where he would serve for 23 years , Tillman essentially rewrote South Carolina ’ s Constitution , ending Reconstruction-era Black political influence and stripping Black folks of the right to vote .
“ We of the South have never recognized the right of the negro to govern @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Tillman declared in a 1900 speech .
“ I would to God the last one of them was in Africa and that none of them had ever been brought to our shores.
” South Carolina ’ s all-white legislature honored Tillman in 1940 by casting his likeness in bronze , erecting the eight-foot statue on the Capitol lawn , where it remains , a message of white power and racial terrorism sent straight from the state government .
The inscription on the figure ’ s pedestal lauds him for his “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fondly remembering him as a “ friend and leader of the common people [ who ] taught them their political power.
” Absent are any of Tillman ’ s most famous quotes , including his 1892 claim that he would “ lead a mob in lynching a Negro ” and his gubernatorial inauguration declaration that “ whites have absolute control of the state government , and we intend at any and all hazards to retain it.
” South Carolina officials seem to have taken pains to minimize his record of racist violence , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of it—was shameful .
Like the more than 750 Confederate monuments that venerate those who fought to keep Black people enslaved , the Tillman statue proves the vigorous effort undertaken to whitewash American history of the legacy of anti-Black racial oppression and terrorism .
The back draft of historical revisionism always explodes when movements for social justice threaten to upset the status quo .
The Tillman statue went up just as the NAACP was fighting for laws against lynching around the United States and as Black demands for basic civil rights were swelling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ today .
In reaction to protests against racism and the removal of white supremacist statuary across the country , Donald Trump has launched a deliberate effort to suppress and sanitize America ’ s history .
He has derided The New York Times ’ 1619 Project , a Pulitzer Prize–winning essay series that examines the way slavery has shaped every American institution ( and which he has definitely not read ) , likening it to anti-American propaganda and calling it “ ideological poison ” that “ will destroy our country.
” He has attacked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a “ form of child abuse ” and demeaned it as “ a sickness that can not be allowed to continue.
” The president has pledged to withhold federal funds from schools that incorporate the 1619 Project into their curricula and has demanded the cancellation of racial sensitivity trainings for federal employees , directing agencies to halt spending on programs that examine white privilege .
According to a tweet from Russ Vought , the director of the Office of Management and Budget , Trump “ has asked people to report any sightings ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump announced that he is launching the 1776 Commission , which will “ promote patriotic education ” and “ teach our children about the miracle of American history.
” Trump Supports Housing Segregation—and So Do a Lot of White Liberals Black Trans Lives Must Be Front and Center The concealment of verifiable historical fact , the explicit crushing of dissent , the assault on truth to uphold a historical narrative rooted in myths—these are not only autocratic ; they ’ re propagandizing branded as patriotism .
Trump attacks truth-telling about the lasting impact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counters the tale of universal freedom and civil liberty that white Americans have fought so hard to maintain , even as they have fought assiduously to ensure black folks have neither .
Trump is fighting to shut up those calling out America ’ s racial falsehoods and selective remembrances because the truth gives voice to a Black American history ( of resilience , resistance , determination , and humanity ) that white America has always sought to erase .
Above all , it reveals the lie at the core of this country ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ examinations of American history is happening because telling the truth implicates white America in the second-class citizenship of Black folks today .
Acknowledging America ’ s racist immorality , the unceasing physical and political violence it has inflicted on Black people since its founding , destroys white claims to innocence and self-absolution , doing away with the cherished white American fallacy that our racial caste system is an accidental consequence of Black people ’ s inherent pathologies and inferiorities and not the engineered outcome of systemic oppression and racism .
Real American history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every juncture , undermined Black freedom , which in turn demands both accountability and redress .
And the only thing white America hates more than having to name its racist crimes is being called to account for them .
There is nothing surprising about this president—an overt racist for whom anti-Black racism is a major policy platform—engaging in race-baiting .
Trump and his supporters are waging a bitter fight against racial progress .
They believe American history is proprietary , and their birthright includes selectively retelling .
He recently admitted as much .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ history , and now they ’ re trying to change our history , ” he stated .
“ That ’ s why they want to take down our monuments .
That ’ s why they want to take down our statues.
” That effort ties him to the slavery apologists , Confederate sympathizers , and historical revisionists who preceded him .
Proving the circularity of American history : The more it changes , the more its foundations remain the same .

This article appears in the October 19/26, 2020 issue.
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Benjamin Tillman, the scion of a rich, slaveholding South Carolina family, was elected governor of the state in 1890. Driven by his fury over Black emancipation and enfranchisement after the Civil War, he dedicated his political career to spreading what he dubbed “the gospel of white supremacy according to Tillman.” At every opportunity, he stoked anti-Black violence, once stating that “nothing but bloodshed and a good deal of it could answer the purpose of redeeming the state from negro and carpetbag rule” and boasting of having “shot negroes and stuffed ballot boxes” as a leader in the Red Shirts, a white terrorist group that executed six African American freedmen in the 1876 Hamburg Massacre. His appeals to white South Carolinians’ racial resentments got him elected to the US Senate in 1894. Before heading to Congress, where he would serve for 23 years, Tillman essentially rewrote South Carolina’s Constitution, ending Reconstruction-era Black political influence and stripping Black folks of the right to vote.
“We of the South have never recognized the right of the negro to govern white men, and we never will,” Tillman declared in a 1900 speech. “I would to God the last one of them was in Africa and that none of them had ever been brought to our shores.”
South Carolina’s all-white legislature honored Tillman in 1940 by casting his likeness in bronze, erecting the eight-foot statue on the Capitol lawn, where it remains, a message of white power and racial terrorism sent straight from the state government. The inscription on the figure’s pedestal lauds him for his “life of service and achievement,” fondly remembering him as a “friend and leader of the common people [who] taught them their political power.”
Absent are any of Tillman’s most famous quotes, including his 1892 claim that he would “lead a mob in lynching a Negro” and his gubernatorial inauguration declaration that “whites have absolute control of the state government, and we intend at any and all hazards to retain it.” South Carolina officials seem to have taken pains to minimize his record of racist violence, suggesting they knew that legacy—and their celebration of it—was shameful. Like the more than 750 Confederate monuments that venerate those who fought to keep Black people enslaved, the Tillman statue proves the vigorous effort undertaken to whitewash American history of the legacy of anti-Black racial oppression and terrorism.
The back draft of historical revisionism always explodes when movements for social justice threaten to upset the status quo. The Tillman statue went up just as the NAACP was fighting for laws against lynching around the United States and as Black demands for basic civil rights were swelling. We are facing a similar moment today. In reaction to protests against racism and the removal of white supremacist statuary across the country, Donald Trump has launched a deliberate effort to suppress and sanitize America’s history. He has derided The New York Times’ 1619 Project, a Pulitzer Prize–winning essay series that examines the way slavery has shaped every American institution (and which he has definitely not read), likening it to anti-American propaganda and calling it “ideological poison” that “will destroy our country.” He has attacked the teaching of critical race theory as a “form of child abuse” and demeaned it as “a sickness that cannot be allowed to continue.” The president has pledged to withhold federal funds from schools that incorporate the 1619 Project into their curricula and has demanded the cancellation of racial sensitivity trainings for federal employees, directing agencies to halt spending on programs that examine white privilege. According to a tweet from Russ Vought, the director of the Office of Management and Budget, Trump “has asked people to report any sightings” of critical race theory. Recently, Trump announced that he is launching the 1776 Commission, which will “promote patriotic education” and “teach our children about the miracle of American history.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann More From Kali Holloway Inside the Cynical Campaign to Claim That Affirmative Action Hurts Asian Americans August 9, 2023 It’s Not Just Corporate Pride Boycotts—Right-Wingers Are Escalating Their Anti-LGBTQ Campaign June 23, 2023 Affirmative Action Is in the Supreme Court’s Crosshairs June 22, 2023
The concealment of verifiable historical fact, the explicit crushing of dissent, the assault on truth to uphold a historical narrative rooted in myths—these are not only autocratic; they’re propagandizing branded as patriotism. Trump attacks truth-telling about the lasting impact of slavery and anti-Black racism because it counters the tale of universal freedom and civil liberty that white Americans have fought so hard to maintain, even as they have fought assiduously to ensure black folks have neither. Trump is fighting to shut up those calling out America’s racial falsehoods and selective remembrances because the truth gives voice to a Black American history (of resilience, resistance, determination, and humanity) that white America has always sought to erase. Above all, it reveals the lie at the core of this country’s founding.
The backlash against critical examinations of American history is happening because telling the truth implicates white America in the second-class citizenship of Black folks today. Acknowledging America’s racist immorality, the unceasing physical and political violence it has inflicted on Black people since its founding, destroys white claims to innocence and self-absolution, doing away with the cherished white American fallacy that our racial caste system is an accidental consequence of Black people’s inherent pathologies and inferiorities and not the engineered outcome of systemic oppression and racism. Real American history identifies how this country has, at every juncture, undermined Black freedom, which in turn demands both accountability and redress. And the only thing white America hates more than having to name its racist crimes is being called to account for them.
There is nothing surprising about this president—an overt racist for whom anti-Black racism is a major policy platform—engaging in race-baiting. Trump and his supporters are waging a bitter fight against racial progress. They believe American history is proprietary, and their birthright includes selectively retelling. He recently admitted as much. “We grew up with a certain history, and now they’re trying to change our history,” he stated. “That’s why they want to take down our monuments. That’s why they want to take down our statues.” That effort ties him to the slavery apologists, Confederate sympathizers, and historical revisionists who preceded him. Proving the circularity of American history: The more it changes, the more its foundations remain the same.


thenation--2020-10-02--Positive! Trump’s Covid Bungling Now Takes a Personal Toll

With only a little over a month until the election , Donald Trump shocked the world by announcing that he and his wife had tested positive for the novel coronavirus .
As The New York Times reports , the announcement threw “ the nation ’ s leadership into uncertainty and escalat [ ed ] the crisis posed by a pandemic that has already killed more than 207,000 Americans and devastated the economy.
” The newspaper added that the very fate of the election was now uncertain : Mr. Trump ’ s positive test result could pose immediate difficulties for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President Joseph R. Biden Jr. , his Democratic challenger , with just 33 days before the election on Nov. 3 .
Even if Mr. Trump , 74 , remains asymptomatic , he will have to withdraw from the campaign trail and stay isolated in the White House for an unknown period of time .
If he becomes sick , it could raise questions about whether he should remain on the ballot at all .
On CNN , Dr. Jonathan Reiner suggested that both Trump and Vice Pesident Mike Pence could become ill at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of continuity of government , he recommended that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi , who would be third in the chain of command , be kept in isolation .
With Help From Chris Wallace , Trump Attacked American Democracy Trump ’ s Tax Evasion Is an Indictment of American Plutocracy It ’ s likely that news of Trump ’ s medical condition ( at this point , he is said to be mildly symptomatic ) will force Democrats to confront a political conundrum as they get pressure not to politicize the news .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ treated with sympathy .
Conservative pontificator Ben Shapiro sarcastically tweeted , “ Looking forward to all the kind-hearted expressions of sympathy to Trump and Melania from the blue-checkmark Left.
” Centrist pundit Jeff Greenfield asked , “ Does Biden suspend his campaign as Trump is quarantined ?
Is the White House failure to observe protocols a reason for Biden to continue his campaigning ?
” The obvious answer is no .
Biden shouldn ’ t suspend his campaign .
The president ’ s contracting Covid underscores a major policy difference between Trump and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crisis , Trump has downplayed dangers and minimized the need for health measures such as social distancing and mask-wearing .
He ’ s done so out of the belief that extensive action on Covid was bad for the economy .
Biden , by contrast , has consistently argued that the economy can recover only after Covid is brought under control , which means policies aimed at radically slowing down the spread of the disease .
On a human level , Trump deserves all sympathy , as does his wife , Melania , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has also tested positive .
Covid is a terrible wasting disease that kills many and also frequently inflicts chronic health problems on those who survive .
But empathy for Trump as a person shouldn ’ t be an excuse for ignoring his massive policy failures , which have made the United States a global hot spot for Covid .
Trump ’ s cavalier attitude toward Covid can be seen in the crowded rallies he often holds .
As Hunter Walker of Yahoo News reported last week from a rally in Pennsylvania : The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s rally was an apparent violation of Pennsylvania ’ s social distancing regulations designed to prevent the spread of the virus that prohibit outdoor events with audiences of more than 250 people .
Many in the crowd were not wearing masks , which are also required in the state .
After halting his signature rallies at the start of the pandemic , Trump returned to hosting large events in June .
Many of the president ’ s recent rallies have appeared to be clear violations of local social distancing rules .
While Tuesday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s other recent events have taken place on airport tarmacs that are mostly outdoors , he has held some indoor events , which experts say are far riskier .
Trump ’ s first indoor rally after the pandemic , which was held in Tulsa , Okla. in June , was later linked to a surge in new coronavirus cases there by local officials .
During the debate on Tuesday , Trump derided his rival Joe Biden for strenuous advocacy of the wearing of masks .
“ I don ’ t wear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Every time you see him , he ’ s got a mask .
He could be speaking 200 feet away and he shows up with the biggest mask I ’ ve ever seen.
” On Thursday , hours before his own diagnosis but also after the White House learned that Hope Hicks had tested positive , Trump went to a political dinner in New Jersey and asserted that “ the end of the pandemic is in sight.
” Sam Vinograd , a national security analyst for CNN , argues , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , his family , his staff , the functioning of our government , and millions of Americans at unnecessary risk.
” This assessment sounds harsh , but it is accurate .
It is also the message that Democrats need to carry forward .
Now is not the time to be euphemistic about Trump ’ s recklessness .
His disregard for basic health protocols has been bad not just for himself and his staff but also for countless Americans .
He ’ s failed in his basic duty to convey accurate medical information in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disease thanks in large part to his own rashness is a political fact as well as a personal one .
We can express , if we are so inclined , sympathy on a human level for Trump , but his thoughtlessness has wider consequences that need to be called out .
The Democrats would be derelict if they didn ’ t use this current crisis to highlight Trump ’ s failed policies on Covid and the need for a president who takes the pandemic seriously .

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With only a little over a month until the election, Donald Trump shocked the world by announcing that he and his wife had tested positive for the novel coronavirus. As The New York Times reports, the announcement threw “the nation’s leadership into uncertainty and escalat[ed] the crisis posed by a pandemic that has already killed more than 207,000 Americans and devastated the economy.”
The newspaper added that the very fate of the election was now uncertain:
Mr. Trump’s positive test result could pose immediate difficulties for the future of his campaign against former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr., his Democratic challenger, with just 33 days before the election on Nov. 3. Even if Mr. Trump, 74, remains asymptomatic, he will have to withdraw from the campaign trail and stay isolated in the White House for an unknown period of time. If he becomes sick, it could raise questions about whether he should remain on the ballot at all.
On CNN, Dr. Jonathan Reiner suggested that both Trump and Vice Pesident Mike Pence could become ill at the same time. For the sake of continuity of government, he recommended that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, who would be third in the chain of command, be kept in isolation. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
It’s likely that news of Trump’s medical condition (at this point, he is said to be mildly symptomatic) will force Democrats to confront a political conundrum as they get pressure not to politicize the news. There are already calls for Trump to be treated with sympathy. Conservative pontificator Ben Shapiro sarcastically tweeted, “Looking forward to all the kind-hearted expressions of sympathy to Trump and Melania from the blue-checkmark Left.”
Centrist pundit Jeff Greenfield asked, “Does Biden suspend his campaign as Trump is quarantined? Is the White House failure to observe protocols a reason for Biden to continue his campaigning?”
The obvious answer is no. Biden shouldn’t suspend his campaign. The president’s contracting Covid underscores a major policy difference between Trump and Biden. From the beginning of the crisis, Trump has downplayed dangers and minimized the need for health measures such as social distancing and mask-wearing. He’s done so out of the belief that extensive action on Covid was bad for the economy. Biden, by contrast, has consistently argued that the economy can recover only after Covid is brought under control, which means policies aimed at radically slowing down the spread of the disease.
On a human level, Trump deserves all sympathy, as does his wife, Melania, and his close aide Hope Hicks, who has also tested positive. Covid is a terrible wasting disease that kills many and also frequently inflicts chronic health problems on those who survive. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
But empathy for Trump as a person shouldn’t be an excuse for ignoring his massive policy failures, which have made the United States a global hot spot for Covid.
Trump’s cavalier attitude toward Covid can be seen in the crowded rallies he often holds. As Hunter Walker of Yahoo News reported last week from a rally in Pennsylvania:
The massive, packed crowd at Trump’s rally was an apparent violation of Pennsylvania’s social distancing regulations designed to prevent the spread of the virus that prohibit outdoor events with audiences of more than 250 people. Many in the crowd were not wearing masks, which are also required in the state. After halting his signature rallies at the start of the pandemic, Trump returned to hosting large events in June. Many of the president’s recent rallies have appeared to be clear violations of local social distancing rules. While Tuesday night’s rally and some of Trump’s other recent events have taken place on airport tarmacs that are mostly outdoors, he has held some indoor events, which experts say are far riskier. Trump’s first indoor rally after the pandemic, which was held in Tulsa, Okla. in June, was later linked to a surge in new coronavirus cases there by local officials. Current Issue View our current issue
During the debate on Tuesday, Trump derided his rival Joe Biden for strenuous advocacy of the wearing of masks. “I don’t wear masks like him,” Trump said. “Every time you see him, he’s got a mask. He could be speaking 200 feet away and he shows up with the biggest mask I’ve ever seen.”
On Thursday, hours before his own diagnosis but also after the White House learned that Hope Hicks had tested positive, Trump went to a political dinner in New Jersey and asserted that “the end of the pandemic is in sight.”
Sam Vinograd, a national security analyst for CNN, argues, “Trump’s irresponsibility has put himself, his family, his staff, the functioning of our government, and millions of Americans at unnecessary risk.” This assessment sounds harsh, but it is accurate. It is also the message that Democrats need to carry forward.
Now is not the time to be euphemistic about Trump’s recklessness. His disregard for basic health protocols has been bad not just for himself and his staff but also for countless Americans. He’s failed in his basic duty to convey accurate medical information in an emergency.
A president contracting a disease thanks in large part to his own rashness is a political fact as well as a personal one. We can express, if we are so inclined, sympathy on a human level for Trump, but his thoughtlessness has wider consequences that need to be called out. The Democrats would be derelict if they didn’t use this current crisis to highlight Trump’s failed policies on Covid and the need for a president who takes the pandemic seriously.


thenation--2020-10-02--Defunding the Police Is a Reparations Issue

After months of organized protests , the verdict is in .
No charges will be brought against police officers directly for the killing of Breonna Taylor , a 26-year-old Black EMT and aspiring nurse , in Louisville , Ky. , who was shot six times in her bed , while sleeping , during a botched drug raid .
One former officer , Brett Hankison , was charged with three counts of wanton endangerment for shots fired through her neighbor ’ s walls .
This outcome shows , once again , how our system of law and law enforcement devalues and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the 1800s , policing in the United States has served to maintain the country ’ s racial hierarchy , which deems Black people inferior and disposable .
These racist origins and continued police involvement in racial oppression during Jim Crow and afterward , including through expanded surveillance , paved the way for systematic racial profiling in Black and Latinx neighborhoods from Boston to Los Angeles .
Over and over again , it has had fatal consequences .
Police departments across the country have targeted enforcement against Black , brown , and low-income @ @ @ @ @ @ @ police has accompanied disinvestment in services and support for these communities that might more effectively reduce crime .
Some conversations about how to deal with police violence ignore the structural elements of racialized violence embedded in the policing system .
The police violence against Black people continues , with the recent shooting of Jacob Blake , in Kenosha , Wis. , and the killings of Trayford Pellerin , Anthony McClain , and Jonathan Jefferson , all since August .
We need not only to provide justice and compensation to the victims but also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away from the policing system as a form of reparative justice .
Institutional reform is vital to preventing future acts of police violence .
The United Nations guidelines for restoring rights in post-conflict countries , an operational framework for institutional reform , suggests “ effective reform efforts might also have to review the functioning of an entire public sector and consider merging , disbanding , or creating public institutions.
” US policing desperately needs institutional reimagining .
The country would benefit from considering the UN recommendations to establish a well-staffed , independent commission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the public ’ s needs as well as review the job functions and integrity standards of police officers and policing institutions .
Depending on the assessment , this may require a large-scale removal of officers who have a history of misconduct or lack competence or integrity .
We Need Police Out of Our Schools—Now But most of all , US federal , state , and local governments must substantially reduce the scope of policing to build up new institutions that foster equal opportunity and real public safety .
This approach acknowledges that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enjoyment of rights and access to everyday needs for communities of color .
It acknowledges that there are alternatives to policing when dealing with many societal problems currently under police purview .
For many of those now calling for defunding the system , that means shifting money to community-based systems that foster safety .
Neighborhood peacekeeper programs , like Ceasefire in Chicago have proven successful in intervening and de-escalating conflict in communities without the use of force , conflict , or other coercion .
The vision that underpins many of the calls to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where everyone can enjoy their human rights regardless of their race , class , or gender identity , where communities have the resources they need to thrive , and where Black death is no longer a recurring viral spectacle .
That vision recognizes that police violence is not bound to the discretion of individual officers but is part of the very structure of policing .
To get there , we need to limit the scope of policing and what police are responsible for , as well as to redirect resources from policing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ education , community-based health care systems , and local economic development .
Police continue to kill people , disproportionately those who identify as Black , Latinx , and Native American .
The number of shooting deaths this year is consistent with that of previous years .
But abusive policing also shows up in other discriminatory ways , like longer traffic stops , more stops and searches , use of less lethal force , and higher rates of arrests in Black and poor communities .
Under international human rights law , victims of serious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an effective remedy , which includes reparations for past harm .
In the United States , these victims include Black communities that continue to endure systemic discrimination , enforced through policing , including countless instances of excessive and unnecessary use of force and other abuses .
Through tragedy and lived experiences , communities of color have identified that more contact with the police increases the chances of being unfairly targeted , brutalized , or killed .
So government reparations should be adequate , effective , and prompt , and should ensure that such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ struggle for human dignity , freedom , and rights requires a reimagining of public safety and discarding what causes harm and perpetuates inequality .
Systemic racialized violence by police contributes to widespread harm , and to repair such harm , we should reevaluate our reliance on this taxpayer-funded institution .
Members of Congress are looking to address the historic damage of institutional racism by passing HR 40 , a bill that would require investigation into the impacts of slavery and develop reparations proposals .
Federal , state , and local governments can also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from policing to communities , so that we never again have to convert a human life to a hashtag .

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After months of organized protests, the verdict is in. No charges will be brought against police officers directly for the killing of Breonna Taylor, a 26-year-old Black EMT and aspiring nurse, in Louisville, Ky., who was awoken and shot six times in her hallway during a botched drug raid. One former officer, Brett Hankison, was charged with three counts of wanton endangerment for shots fired through her neighbor’s walls. This outcome shows, once again, how our system of law and law enforcement devalues and discards Black lives.
Since its inception in the 1800s, policing in the United States has served to maintain the country’s racial hierarchy, which deems Black people inferior and disposable. These racist origins and continued police involvement in racial oppression during Jim Crow and afterward, including through expanded surveillance, paved the way for systematic racial profiling in Black and Latinx neighborhoods from Boston to Los Angeles. Over and over again, it has had fatal consequences.
Police departments across the country have targeted enforcement against Black, brown, and low-income communities, and this aggressive deployment of police has accompanied disinvestment in services and support for these communities that might more effectively reduce crime.
Some conversations about how to deal with police violence ignore the structural elements of racialized violence embedded in the policing system. The police violence against Black people continues, with the recent shooting of Jacob Blake, in Kenosha, Wis., and the killings of Trayford Pellerin, Anthony McClain, and Jonathan Jefferson, all since August. We need not only to provide justice and compensation to the victims but also to engage with more transformative solutions—moving resources away from the policing system as a form of reparative justice. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Institutional reform is vital to preventing future acts of police violence. The United Nations guidelines for restoring rights in post-conflict countries, an operational framework for institutional reform, suggests “effective reform efforts might also have to review the functioning of an entire public sector and consider merging, disbanding, or creating public institutions.” US policing desperately needs institutional reimagining. The country would benefit from considering the UN recommendations to establish a well-staffed, independent commission to conduct a transparent and thorough assessment of the public’s needs as well as review the job functions and integrity standards of police officers and policing institutions. Depending on the assessment, this may require a large-scale removal of officers who have a history of misconduct or lack competence or integrity. Related Article We Need Police Out of Our Schools—Now Jesse Hagopian
But most of all, US federal, state, and local governments must substantially reduce the scope of policing to build up new institutions that foster equal opportunity and real public safety. This approach acknowledges that massive investment in policing systems disrupts the enjoyment of rights and access to everyday needs for communities of color. It acknowledges that there are alternatives to policing when dealing with many societal problems currently under police purview.
For many of those now calling for defunding the system, that means shifting money to community-based systems that foster safety. Neighborhood peacekeeper programs, like Ceasefire in Chicago have proven successful in intervening and de-escalating conflict in communities without the use of force, conflict, or other coercion. The vision that underpins many of the calls to defund the police is of a future where everyone can enjoy their human rights regardless of their race, class, or gender identity, where communities have the resources they need to thrive, and where Black death is no longer a recurring viral spectacle. Current Issue View our current issue
That vision recognizes that police violence is not bound to the discretion of individual officers but is part of the very structure of policing. To get there, we need to limit the scope of policing and what police are responsible for, as well as to redirect resources from policing to social services, affordable housing, equitable education, community-based health care systems, and local economic development.
Police continue to kill people, disproportionately those who identify as Black, Latinx, and Native American. The number of shooting deaths this year is consistent with that of previous years. But abusive policing also shows up in other discriminatory ways, like longer traffic stops, more stops and searches, use of less lethal force, and higher rates of arrests in Black and poor communities.
Under international human rights law, victims of serious human rights violations have a right to an effective remedy, which includes reparations for past harm. In the United States, these victims include Black communities that continue to endure systemic discrimination, enforced through policing, including countless instances of excessive and unnecessary use of force and other abuses.
Through tragedy and lived experiences, communities of color have identified that more contact with the police increases the chances of being unfairly targeted, brutalized, or killed. So government reparations should be adequate, effective, and prompt, and should ensure that such actions are never again repeated.
The struggle for human dignity, freedom, and rights requires a reimagining of public safety and discarding what causes harm and perpetuates inequality. Systemic racialized violence by police contributes to widespread harm, and to repair such harm, we should reevaluate our reliance on this taxpayer-funded institution. Members of Congress are looking to address the historic damage of institutional racism by passing HR 40, a bill that would require investigation into the impacts of slavery and develop reparations proposals. Federal, state, and local governments can also achieve a reparative goal by redirecting investments from policing to communities, so that we never again have to convert a human life to a hashtag.