thenation--2020-07-17--Why the Hell Is the Supreme Court Allowing a New Poll Tax to Disenfranchise Florida Voters?

Members of the US Supreme Court need to familiarize themselves with the Constitution of the United States .
That document ’ s 24th Amendment , which was ratified by the states in 1964 , eliminated economic barriers to voting by abolishing the poll taxes that had been used to disenfranchise Black Americans .
When he witnessed the certification of the 24th Amendment on February 4 , 1964 , President Lyndon Johnson declared , “ There can now be no one too poor to vote .
There is no longer a tax on his rights .
The only enemy to voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yet on July 16 , 2020 , the nation ’ s highest court failed to upend a lower court move that is preventing otherwise eligible citizens with felony records from registering to vote if they can not afford to pay off old court fees and fines .
The Supreme Court ’ s indifference to voting rights and to the Constitution has the potential to warp election results in a presidential election year where Florida is a critical battleground state because , as the Tampa Bay Times noted , it could “ keep hundreds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the voter rolls ahead of this year ’ s elections.
” Justice Sonia Sotomayor , in a stinging objection , wrote that the court ’ s refusal to prevent Florida ’ s Republican governor and legislature from blocking voting by those who can not pay the fees “ risks immense disfranchisement ” under a scheme in which “ nearly a million otherwise-eligible citizens can not vote unless they pay money.
” With support from Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Elena Kagan , Justice Sotomayor describes the law that the high court allowed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paywall.
” That paywall will remain in place through Florida ’ s August 18 primary and could disenfranchise voters in the November 3 presidential election if the conservative US Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit fails to rule in favor of voting rights after it reviews the matter in late August .
Austin , Texas , Just Voted to End the Drug War Ayanna Pressley to Betsy DeVos : ‘ I Wouldn ’ t Trust You to Care for a House Plant Let Alone My Child ’ Democrats Will Be Lost Without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ refers to Florida ’ s law as a “ new poll tax.
” And the fact that it has been allowed to stand by the US Supreme Court—even temporarily—has consequences that extend far beyond the Sunshine State .
Many Southern states adopted poll taxes after the Confederacy was defeated in the Civil War .
This meant that even though the 15th Amendment specifically assured that former slaves had the right to vote , they were prevented from doing so by a wealth barrier .
Poor whites in the South were also blocked from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ citizens of a number of Northern and Western states .
The 24th Amendment put an end to formal poll taxes .
But it did not end other forms of disenfranchisement—including laws that prevented people with felony conventions from casting ballots .
That was a big issue in Florida , as roughly 10 percent of the state ’ s adult population was disenfranchised .
Florida , which had long blocked voting by people with felony records , entered the 21st century in 2018 , when 65 percent of the electorate approved an amendment to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights of Floridians who had completed their sentences .
The overwhelming approval of the Voting Rights Restoration for Felons Initiative ( Amendment 4 ) cleared the way for an estimated 1.4 million additional Floridians—including more than 20 percent of otherwise eligible African American adults—to cast ballots in 2020 .
“ By passing Amendment 4 , Floridians successfully ushered in the largest expansion of the electorate in nearly 50 years , ” noted the ACLU .
“ The people of Florida did it on their own , using a constitutional ballot initiative to finally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” That unsettled right-wing Republicans in the battleground state , and they moved immediately to erect new barriers to voting .
Their vehicle was legislation , passed by the Republican-controlled legislature and signed into law last year by Republican Governor Ron DeSantis , which requires that Floridians pay off all fees and fines associated with past felony convictions before their voting rights are restored .
When the measure was put in place , the ACLU determined : The new law creates two classes of returning citizens : a group wealthy enough to afford @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can not afford to vote .
But the right to vote should not come with a price tag .
Florida ’ s new law is un-American and unconstitutional .
The law unconstitutionally conditions voting on whether a person can pay monetary penalties associated with their conviction .
This barrier to voting is particularly unjust because Florida , along with states across the country , has sharply increased monetary penalties on people in the criminal justice system in order to finance its basic government functions .
People often emerge from the system with not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they can not hope to pay .
The charges can include , for example , substantial debt imposed for being appointed a public defender—an assignment made precisely because a person can not afford counsel .
The impacts are especially harsh for people of color given longstanding racial disparities in wealth and poverty .
This system of “ cash-register justice ” places the greatest costs of funding the criminal justice system onto the backs of the people least able to shoulder the burden .
And now Florida politicians want to use these debilitating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ having any vote in changing that system .
Judge Robert Hinkle of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Florida agreed that the portion of the law that denied voting rights to people with felony records who could not pay fees and fines was unconstitutional .
Concluding in late May of this year that Florida ’ s new poll tax constituted wealth discrimination in violation of the 14th Amendment ’ s Equal Protection Clause , Judge Hinkle issued a permanent injunction preventing the mass disenfranchisement of voters .
Florida officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Appeals for the 11th Circuit .
“ On July 1 , 2020—over a month after the District Court ’ s judgment and 19 days before the voter-registration deadline—the Eleventh Circuit stayed the permanent injunction pending appeal , ” noted Justice Sotomayor .
“ The Court of Appeals provided no reasons for its order.
” Why Are Federal Jurists Cheering on Voter Suppression in Wisconsin ?
The Past and Future of Latinx Politics More in this series The 11th Circuit stay upended preparations for Florida ’ s August 18 primary and , potentially , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Court let them get away with it .
“ This Court ’ s order prevents thousands of otherwise eligible voters from participating in Florida ’ s primary election simply because they are poor , ” argues Justice Sotomayor .
In these contentious times , the Supreme Court ’ s refusal to intervene on behalf of voting rights sends an exceptionally dangerous signal that no one who cares about democracy should dare to neglect .
Republican proponents of the Florida law , like state Representative James Grant , may claim that describing it as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the “ partisan tribal crap that ’ s crippling the country.
” But trust the Rev .
Dr. William J. Barber II , the architect of the Moral Mondays movement and cochair of the Poor People ’ s Campaign , when he says of the Florida scheme , “ A poll tax by another name is still a poll tax .
”

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Members of the US Supreme Court need to familiarize themselves with the Constitution of the United States. That document’s 24th Amendment, which was ratified by the states in 1964, eliminated economic barriers to voting by abolishing the poll taxes that had been used to disenfranchise Black Americans. When he witnessed the certification of the 24th Amendment on February 4, 1964, President Lyndon Johnson declared, “There can now be no one too poor to vote. There is no longer a tax on his rights. The only enemy to voting that we face today is indifference.”
Yet on July 16, 2020, the nation’s highest court failed to upend a lower court move that is preventing otherwise eligible citizens with felony records from registering to vote if they cannot afford to pay off old court fees and fines. The Supreme Court’s indifference to voting rights and to the Constitution has the potential to warp election results in a presidential election year where Florida is a critical battleground state because, as the Tampa Bay Times noted, it could “keep hundreds of thousands of poor felons from joining the voter rolls ahead of this year’s elections.”
Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a stinging objection, wrote that the court’s refusal to prevent Florida’s Republican governor and legislature from blocking voting by those who cannot pay the fees “risks immense disfranchisement” under a scheme in which “nearly a million otherwise-eligible citizens cannot vote unless they pay money.” With support from Justices Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Elena Kagan, Justice Sotomayor describes the law that the high court allowed to stand as “Florida’s voter paywall.”
That paywall will remain in place through Florida’s August 18 primary and could disenfranchise voters in the November 3 presidential election if the conservative US Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit fails to rule in favor of voting rights after it reviews the matter in late August. More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
The American Civil Liberties Union refers to Florida’s law as a “new poll tax.” And the fact that it has been allowed to stand by the US Supreme Court—even temporarily—has consequences that extend far beyond the Sunshine State.
Many Southern states adopted poll taxes after the Confederacy was defeated in the Civil War. This meant that even though the 15th Amendment specifically assured that former slaves had the right to vote, they were prevented from doing so by a wealth barrier. Poor whites in the South were also blocked from voting by poll taxes, as were citizens of a number of Northern and Western states. The 24th Amendment put an end to formal poll taxes. But it did not end other forms of disenfranchisement—including laws that prevented people with felony conventions from casting ballots. That was a big issue in Florida, as roughly 10 percent of the state’s adult population was disenfranchised. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Florida, which had long blocked voting by people with felony records, entered the 21st century in 2018, when 65 percent of the electorate approved an amendment to the state constitution that restored the voting rights of Floridians who had completed their sentences. The overwhelming approval of the Voting Rights Restoration for Felons Initiative (Amendment 4) cleared the way for an estimated 1.4 million additional Floridians—including more than 20 percent of otherwise eligible African American adults—to cast ballots in 2020. “By passing Amendment 4, Floridians successfully ushered in the largest expansion of the electorate in nearly 50 years,” noted the ACLU. “The people of Florida did it on their own, using a constitutional ballot initiative to finally achieve change where Florida politicians had failed.”
That unsettled right-wing Republicans in the battleground state, and they moved immediately to erect new barriers to voting. Their vehicle was legislation, passed by the Republican-controlled legislature and signed into law last year by Republican Governor Ron DeSantis, which requires that Floridians pay off all fees and fines associated with past felony convictions before their voting rights are restored. When the measure was put in place, the ACLU determined:
The new law creates two classes of returning citizens: a group wealthy enough to afford their voting rights and another group who cannot afford to vote. But the right to vote should not come with a price tag. Florida’s new law is un-American and unconstitutional. The law unconstitutionally conditions voting on whether a person can pay monetary penalties associated with their conviction. This barrier to voting is particularly unjust because Florida, along with states across the country, has sharply increased monetary penalties on people in the criminal justice system in order to finance its basic government functions. People often emerge from the system with not just a conviction but mountains of debt that they cannot hope to pay. The charges can include, for example, substantial debt imposed for being appointed a public defender—an assignment made precisely because a person cannot afford counsel. The impacts are especially harsh for people of color given longstanding racial disparities in wealth and poverty. This system of “cash-register justice” places the greatest costs of funding the criminal justice system onto the backs of the people least able to shoulder the burden. And now Florida politicians want to use these debilitating monetary penalties to prevent returning citizens from having any vote in changing that system.
Judge Robert Hinkle of the United States District Court for the Northern District of Florida agreed that the portion of the law that denied voting rights to people with felony records who could not pay fees and fines was unconstitutional. Concluding in late May of this year that Florida’s new poll tax constituted wealth discrimination in violation of the 14th Amendment’s Equal Protection Clause, Judge Hinkle issued a permanent injunction preventing the mass disenfranchisement of voters. Florida officials then appealed to the US Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit. “On July 1, 2020—over a month after the District Court’s judgment and 19 days before the voter-registration deadline—the Eleventh Circuit stayed the permanent injunction pending appeal,” noted Justice Sotomayor. “The Court of Appeals provided no reasons for its order.” Voter Suppression Tennessee Republicans Are Showing Exactly How Deep American Racism Goes Elie Mystal It’s No Coincidence That the Midterms Turned the Blackest Parts of America Red Clarence Lusane A Georgia Republican Brags That Voter Suppression Helped Them in 2022 Joan Walsh
The 11th Circuit stay upended preparations for Florida’s August 18 primary and, potentially, for future elections. And the Supreme Court let them get away with it. “This Court’s order prevents thousands of otherwise eligible voters from participating in Florida’s primary election simply because they are poor,” argues Justice Sotomayor.
In these contentious times, the Supreme Court’s refusal to intervene on behalf of voting rights sends an exceptionally dangerous signal that no one who cares about democracy should dare to neglect.
Republican proponents of the Florida law, like state Representative James Grant, may claim that describing it as a poll tax is an example of the “partisan tribal crap that’s crippling the country.” But trust the Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II, the architect of the Moral Mondays movement and cochair of the Poor People’s Campaign, when he says of the Florida scheme, “A poll tax by another name is still a poll tax.”


thenation--2020-07-17--The Trump Administration Is on a Capital Punishment Killing Spree

Last summer , Attorney General William Barr ordered federal prisons to resume executions .
Earlier this week , the Department of Justice carried through on Barr ’ s order , executing the first federal prisoner in 17 years .
Then , it executed another .
There are now 60 people on federal death row , and I don ’ t know how many of them Donald Trump and Bill Barr will try to have killed before they hopefully lose power over life and death on January 20 , 2021 .
Barr has already ordered the Bureau of Prisons to schedule @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , if a president with a 40 percent approval rating tried to rush through two executions a week after he commuted the sentence of one of his cronies , the press would be all over the scandal .
In the Trump era , the administration ’ s policy of letting hundreds of thousands of people die from Covid-19 is the bigger human rights outrage .
Executions are back on the table because Barr found a new drug to kill people with ; also , Trump thinks that killing people makes him look strong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ briefly during the early 1970s , it was reinstated in 1976 , when the Supreme Court ruled that executing people does not violate the Eighth Amendment ’ s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment .
State governments do most of the killing , however .
The federal government had “ only ” killed three people since 1988 .
Executing two people in a week constitutes a killing “ spree ” by the Trump administration .
Since conservative justices have decided that the base act of killing people is a good and normal thing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ modern fight against the death penalty has tried to get courts to rule that the specific methods of execution are cruel and unusual .
That ’ s how we ’ ve moved from firing squads to frying people to , now , strapping people to gurneys and suffocating them with drugs while sedatives mask their ability to express pain .
Since 2010 , it has been harder and harder for governments to carry out the death penalty , because they can ’ t get hold of the approved drugs to do the killing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executions have taken a moral stand and refused to sell their drugs to prisons .
Every time the state is forced to find a different drug with which to kill people is an opportunity for another court battle ; it ’ s another chance to convince a court to rule that the particular new method of execution is cruel and unusual .
Unfortunately , the Supreme Court now employs five conservative justices who are eager to see the killings resume .
They don ’ t want to hear arguments that this drug or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They don ’ t want to be bothered with last-minute appeals from death row inmates .
In a 2019 opinion , Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote : “ The Eighth Amendment forbids ‘ cruel and unusual ’ methods of capital punishment but does not guarantee a prisoner a painless death.
” And that about sums up where the conservatives on the court are when it comes to killing people .
Their message is clear : Just do it .
The callous attitude of Gorsuch and his fellow conservatives is the reason Daniel Lee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Both men appealed , unsuccessfully , to the court for stays of execution ; both men were killed with a lethal dose of pentobarbital , a drug that is supposed to be used as a sedative during surgeries .
Texas was the first state to begin using pentobarbital as a substitute killing drug when the other death penalty drugs were unavailable , and it has since been adopted by more than a dozen states .
Now , the federal government is using it to execute people .
Pentobarbital is far from painless .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ : In appealing this method of death as a violation of the Eighth Amendment , Lee asked to be given an additional drug , like morphine , to relieve the pain of pentobarbital .
Both the district court and the US Court of Appeals for the D.C .
Circuit granted Lee a stay in his execution .
But the Supreme Court rejected the Lee ’ s argument out of hand in a three-page , unsigned opinion .
And it did so in the middle of the night , over the dissent of all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at 2 am .
Lee was dead by morning .
In lauding the execution , Bill Barr said , “ We owe it to the victims and their families to carry forward the sentence.
” Lee was convicted and sentenced to death for his role in a triple homicide ( though the alleged “ ringleader ” of the slaughter received only life in prison ) .
But it is worth pointing out that the prosecutor who tried Lee and the judge who oversaw his trial , as well as the victims ’ family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Barr and the Supreme Court were so eager to get on with the killing that the prison didn ’ t inform the family , or Lee ’ s lawyer , that Lee was being killed .
Wesley Purkey ’ s execution was even more wanton than Lee ’ s .
Purkey was convicted of kidnapping , raping , and murdering a 16-year-old girl in 1998 .
At the time of his execution , he was a 68-year-old man suffering from Alzheimer ’ s disease .
Purkey was executed 22 years after his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his appeal , and he died without knowing why .
Assuming these men were guilty of the crimes for which they were convicted ( and given that , since 1973 , 165 people have been released from death row because they were found to be innocent , their guilt is a bit of an assumption ) , I can ’ t say I ’ m sorry these men are dead .
I ’ m not sure that I believe an invisible sky deity should have a moral monopoly on vengeance .
John Roberts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sure that state-sanctioned murder of unarmed prisoners is wrong .
I am sure that killing 68-year-olds who can ’ t remember the crime they committed 22 years ago serves no goal of justice or deterrence .
I am sure that “ excruciating suffering ” is a violation of the Constitution and basic humanity .
I am sure that the death penalty needs to be abolished because our criminal justice system is too broken , too arbitrary , and too racist to mete out this punishment fairly .
Conservative justices are no longer willing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They no longer want to hear about pain , suffering , or justice .
They just want to clear the way so that Barr and Trump can sate their bloodlust .
By dismissing all the legal and procedural arguments , they ’ ve made the death penalty a moral issue instead of a constitutional issue—and cast their lots on the side of barbarism .
Judge not lest ye be judged , Neil .

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Last summer, Attorney General William Barr ordered federal prisons to resume executions. Earlier this week, the Department of Justice carried through on Barr’s order, executing the first federal prisoner in 17 years. Then, it executed another. There are now 60 people on federal death row, and I don’t know how many of them Donald Trump and Bill Barr will try to have killed before they hopefully lose power over life and death on January 20, 2021. Barr has already ordered the Bureau of Prisons to schedule two more executions.
In normal times, if a president with a 40 percent approval rating tried to rush through two executions a week after he commuted the sentence of one of his cronies, the press would be all over the scandal. In the Trump era, the administration’s policy of letting hundreds of thousands of people die from Covid-19 is the bigger human rights outrage.
Executions are back on the table because Barr found a new drug to kill people with; also, Trump thinks that killing people makes him look strong. While the death penalty was suspended briefly during the early 1970s, it was reinstated in 1976, when the Supreme Court ruled that executing people does not violate the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition on cruel and unusual punishment. State governments do most of the killing, however. The federal government had “only” killed three people since 1988. Executing two people in a week constitutes a killing “spree” by the Trump administration.
Since conservative justices have decided that the base act of killing people is a good and normal thing for the state to do, the modern fight against the death penalty has tried to get courts to rule that the specific methods of execution are cruel and unusual. That’s how we’ve moved from firing squads to frying people to, now, strapping people to gurneys and suffocating them with drugs while sedatives mask their ability to express pain.
Since 2010, it has been harder and harder for governments to carry out the death penalty, because they can’t get hold of the approved drugs to do the killing. The makers of drugs used in executions have taken a moral stand and refused to sell their drugs to prisons. Every time the state is forced to find a different drug with which to kill people is an opportunity for another court battle; it’s another chance to convince a court to rule that the particular new method of execution is cruel and unusual. Current Issue View our current issue
Unfortunately, the Supreme Court now employs five conservative justices who are eager to see the killings resume. They don’t want to hear arguments that this drug or that cocktail is cruel and unnecessarily painful. They don’t want to be bothered with last-minute appeals from death row inmates. In a 2019 opinion, Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote: “The Eighth Amendment forbids ‘cruel and unusual’ methods of capital punishment but does not guarantee a prisoner a painless death.” And that about sums up where the conservatives on the court are when it comes to killing people. Their message is clear: Just do it. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
The callous attitude of Gorsuch and his fellow conservatives is the reason Daniel Lee and Wesley Purkey are now dead. Both men appealed, unsuccessfully, to the court for stays of execution; both men were killed with a lethal dose of pentobarbital, a drug that is supposed to be used as a sedative during surgeries. Texas was the first state to begin using pentobarbital as a substitute killing drug when the other death penalty drugs were unavailable, and it has since been adopted by more than a dozen states. Now, the federal government is using it to execute people.
Pentobarbital is far from painless. On Slate, Mark Joseph Stern writes:
Medical professionals with expertise in the drug’s effects testified that “the majority of inmates executed via pentobarbital injection suffered flash pulmonary edema during the procedure.” This condition “produces sensations of drowning and asphyxiation” resulting in “extreme pain, terror and panic.” One expert declared that it is a “virtual medical certainty that most, if not all, prisoners will experience excruciating suffering” when killed with pentobarbital.
In appealing this method of death as a violation of the Eighth Amendment, Lee asked to be given an additional drug, like morphine, to relieve the pain of pentobarbital. Both the district court and the US Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit granted Lee a stay in his execution.
But the Supreme Court rejected the Lee’s argument out of hand in a three-page, unsigned opinion. And it did so in the middle of the night, over the dissent of all four liberal justices, releasing the order at 2 am. Lee was dead by morning.
In lauding the execution, Bill Barr said, “We owe it to the victims and their families to carry forward the sentence.” Lee was convicted and sentenced to death for his role in a triple homicide (though the alleged “ringleader” of the slaughter received only life in prison). But it is worth pointing out that the prosecutor who tried Lee and the judge who oversaw his trial, as well as the victims’ family, all opposed putting Lee to death. Barr and the Supreme Court were so eager to get on with the killing that the prison didn’t inform the family, or Lee’s lawyer, that Lee was being killed.
Wesley Purkey’s execution was even more wanton than Lee’s. Purkey was convicted of kidnapping, raping, and murdering a 16-year-old girl in 1998. At the time of his execution, he was a 68-year-old man suffering from Alzheimer’s disease. Purkey was executed 22 years after his crime because the Supreme Court summarily rejected his appeal, and he died without knowing why.
Assuming these men were guilty of the crimes for which they were convicted (and given that, since 1973, 165 people have been released from death row because they were found to be innocent, their guilt is a bit of an assumption), I can’t say I’m sorry these men are dead. I’m not sure that I believe an invisible sky deity should have a moral monopoly on vengeance. More from Mystal Neil Gorsuch Just Made Death Worse Elie Mystal John Roberts Is Not Your Friend Elie Mystal Today’s SCOTUS Ruling Means Trump’s Criminality Will Be Revealed—Someday Elie Mystal
But I am sure that state-sanctioned murder of unarmed prisoners is wrong. I am sure that killing 68-year-olds who can’t remember the crime they committed 22 years ago serves no goal of justice or deterrence. I am sure that “excruciating suffering” is a violation of the Constitution and basic humanity. I am sure that the death penalty needs to be abolished because our criminal justice system is too broken, too arbitrary, and too racist to mete out this punishment fairly.
Conservative justices are no longer willing to listen to those legal arguments. They no longer want to hear about pain, suffering, or justice. They just want to clear the way so that Barr and Trump can sate their bloodlust. By dismissing all the legal and procedural arguments, they’ve made the death penalty a moral issue instead of a constitutional issue—and cast their lots on the side of barbarism.
Judge not lest ye be judged, Neil.


thenation--2020-07-17--Never Mind the Rising Death Toll—the Trump Show Must Go On!

There has been a head-rattling , bone-shaking , ear-splitting amount of Noise emanating from the White House this week .
In the Rose Garden on Tuesday—a day that saw over 65,000 new coronavirus infections in the United States and nearly a thousand deaths from the disease—Trump spent the better part of an hour ranting about everything from Confederate statues to malfunctioning air-conditioning units , from too many Covid tests , resulting in the diagnosis of too many Covid cases , to plots by Democrats to destroy the suburbs .
That same day , Trump ’ s trade policy adviser , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have a single medical credential , took to the op-ed page of USA Today to denounce Dr. Anthony Fauci , the administration ’ s long-suffering infectious disease czar , for being “ wrong about everything.
” Fauci ’ s crime , apparently , was that he has delivered a series of blunt warnings in recent days about the scale of the public health calamity now facing the United States , the world ’ s most plague-ravaged nation , and urged political figures to put aside partisanship and make a good-faith effort to gain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be possible to dismiss Navarro ’ s op-ed as mere bluster .
But what isn ’ t simply Noise is the administration ’ s awful decision to require hospitals to bypass the traditionally neutral Centers for Disease Control and deposit their Covid-19 data directly with the White House–controlled Department of Health and Human Services .
This isn ’ t even a subtle move ; it ’ s a raw power grab by a nakedly authoritarian regime intent on massaging public health data to make its response look less shockingly bad .
Never mind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cities and states to make rational public health decisions ; never mind that it hobbles their efforts to , say , plan the upcoming school year .
The Trump show must go on !
If the administration were serious about grappling with this crisis , every single official would be working day and night to figure out how to fund schools around the country at a level that will allow them to safely deliver in-person lessons rather than rely on disastrous remote-learning programs .
They would be working out how to convert every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parking lot into education oases that would allow schools to continue educating children throughout the pandemic ( think of these spaces as educational “ victory gardens ” akin to the creative use of urban green space to grow crops in besieged Britain during World War II ) .
Instead , they are engaging in juvenile games of distraction and fearmongering—threatening to defund any school districts that don ’ t fully reopen—while millions of kids essentially lose access to basic education .
Speaking of using power to bad ends : Three weeks ago , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opening up millions of acres of the Alaskan wilderness to oil and gas drilling ; now , this week , it has gone even further , announcing that it will be gutting the National Environmental Policy Act , which codifies some of the country ’ s most important environmental protections .
If the courts uphold the regulatory change , which limits public review of federal infrastructure projects , the administration will soon be fast-tracking approval processes for freeways , oil pipelines , and power plants .
The administration will , of course , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ designed to stop this dishonorable pillaging of environmental policy—much as they have run into a barrage of legal actions in response to their efforts to eviscerate the country ’ s immigration system .
The danger with this administration is that , even when they lose in court , they refuse to give in , instead seeking out new ways to inflict the desired harm .
Witness : The administration is currently under court order to release detained immigrant children from ICE facilities by July 17 , this coming Saturday , so as to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in detention centers .
Instead of doing so , however , this sadistic regime has presented parents with an impossible choice : unwilling to release the parents , it is giving them the option of either giving their kids up to sponsors so as to protect them from the coronavirus or keeping their kids in custody—and at serious Covid-19 risk—alongside them .
Likewise , despite the recent US Supreme Court ruling requiring the administration to continue accepting DACA applications , lawyers are now reporting that officials , in clear defiance of the highest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not processing new applications .
That isn ’ t just shocking ; it ’ s lawless .
In a similarly cruel vein , the administration announced a plan last week to deport international students whose colleges and universities have temporarily moved to online learning formats .
This week , the White House was forced to back off from that plan after many of the country ’ s top universities and a coalition of 17 states announced that they would sue the administration .
But Trump , never one to give in easily—and always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to eradicate universities ’ tax-exempt status , claiming they are breeding grounds for left-wing extremism .
Pay attention to the Signal : Under cover of the pandemic , this malignant regime is eviscerating environmental regulations , stomping on immigration law , and using tax policy to attack perceived enemies .
At least , there is some righteous counter-Noise : With Trump ’ s poll numbers diving , listen to the sweet sound of tens of millions of Americans giving the Bronx cheer to this entirely rotten criminal gang .

There has been a head-rattling, bone-shaking, ear-splitting amount of Noise emanating from the White House this week. In the Rose Garden on Tuesday—a day that saw over 65,000 new coronavirus infections in the United States and nearly a thousand deaths from the disease—Trump spent the better part of an hour ranting about everything from Confederate statues to malfunctioning air-conditioning units, from too many Covid tests, resulting in the diagnosis of too many Covid cases, to plots by Democrats to destroy the suburbs.
That same day, Trump’s trade policy adviser, Peter Navarro, who doesn’t have a single medical credential, took to the op-ed page of USA Today to denounce Dr. Anthony Fauci, the administration’s long-suffering infectious disease czar, for being “wrong about everything.” Fauci’s crime, apparently, was that he has delivered a series of blunt warnings in recent days about the scale of the public health calamity now facing the United States, the world’s most plague-ravaged nation, and urged political figures to put aside partisanship and make a good-faith effort to gain control of the situation.
It might be possible to dismiss Navarro’s op-ed as mere bluster. But what isn’t simply Noise is the administration’s awful decision to require hospitals to bypass the traditionally neutral Centers for Disease Control and deposit their Covid-19 data directly with the White House–controlled Department of Health and Human Services. This isn’t even a subtle move; it’s a raw power grab by a nakedly authoritarian regime intent on massaging public health data to make its response look less shockingly bad. Never mind that manipulated data makes it harder for cities and states to make rational public health decisions; never mind that it hobbles their efforts to, say, plan the upcoming school year. The Trump show must go on!
If the administration were serious about grappling with this crisis, every single official would be working day and night to figure out how to fund schools around the country at a level that will allow them to safely deliver in-person lessons rather than rely on disastrous remote-learning programs. They would be working out how to convert every park, quad, and oversize-but-underused mall parking lot into education oases that would allow schools to continue educating children throughout the pandemic (think of these spaces as educational “victory gardens” akin to the creative use of urban green space to grow crops in besieged Britain during World War II). Instead, they are engaging in juvenile games of distraction and fearmongering—threatening to defund any school districts that don’t fully reopen—while millions of kids essentially lose access to basic education. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Speaking of using power to bad ends: Three weeks ago, the Trump administration announced it would be opening up millions of acres of the Alaskan wilderness to oil and gas drilling; now, this week, it has gone even further, announcing that it will be gutting the National Environmental Policy Act, which codifies some of the country’s most important environmental protections. If the courts uphold the regulatory change, which limits public review of federal infrastructure projects, the administration will soon be fast-tracking approval processes for freeways, oil pipelines, and power plants.
The administration will, of course, run into a buzz saw of lawsuits designed to stop this dishonorable pillaging of environmental policy—much as they have run into a barrage of legal actions in response to their efforts to eviscerate the country’s immigration system. The danger with this administration is that, even when they lose in court, they refuse to give in, instead seeking out new ways to inflict the desired harm.
Witness: The administration is currently under court order to release detained immigrant children from ICE facilities by July 17, this coming Saturday, so as to protect them from the Covid-19 epidemic raging in detention centers. Instead of doing so, however, this sadistic regime has presented parents with an impossible choice: unwilling to release the parents, it is giving them the option of either giving their kids up to sponsors so as to protect them from the coronavirus or keeping their kids in custody—and at serious Covid-19 risk—alongside them. Current Issue View our current issue
Likewise, despite the recent US Supreme Court ruling requiring the administration to continue accepting DACA applications, lawyers are now reporting that officials, in clear defiance of the highest court in the land, are simply not processing new applications. That isn’t just shocking; it’s lawless.
In a similarly cruel vein, the administration announced a plan last week to deport international students whose colleges and universities have temporarily moved to online learning formats. This week, the White House was forced to back off from that plan after many of the country’s top universities and a coalition of 17 states announced that they would sue the administration. But Trump, never one to give in easily—and always one to bear a grudge—is now pushing to eradicate universities’ tax-exempt status, claiming they are breeding grounds for left-wing extremism.
Pay attention to the Signal: Under cover of the pandemic, this malignant regime is eviscerating environmental regulations, stomping on immigration law, and using tax policy to attack perceived enemies. At least, there is some righteous counter-Noise: With Trump’s poll numbers diving, listen to the sweet sound of tens of millions of Americans giving the Bronx cheer to this entirely rotten criminal gang.


thenation--2020-07-17--Trump Unleashes His Secret Police in Portland

Donald Trump ’ s war on protesters is escalating , with reports emerging out of Portland , Ore. , that federal law enforcement officers , wearing camouflage but without any other visible insignia , have been rounding up American citizens .
On Thursday , Oregon Public Broadcasting ( OPB ) reported that “ federal law enforcement officers have been using unmarked vehicles to drive around downtown Portland and detain protesters since at least July 14 .
Personal accounts and multiple videos posted online show the officers driving up to people , detaining individuals with no explanation of why they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ OPB quotes one person who was arrested by these officers , although never charged .
“ I am basically tossed into the van , ” Mark Pettibone told the broadcaster .
“ And I had my beanie pulled over my face so I couldn ’ t see and they held my hands over my head.
” He was taken to a building that he later discovered was a federal courthouse .
Only there was he read his Miranda rights , but he was never charged .
After he asked for a lawyer , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on social media of similar detentions .
“ It ’ s like stop and frisk meets Guantanamo Bay , ” attorney Juan Chavez told OPB .
He added that these detentions were not following any rules of probable cause .
“ It sounds more like abduction .
It sounds like they ’ re kidnapping people off the streets.
” On the face of it , what these federal officers are doing is illegal and unconstitutional .
It ’ s possible that they are acting under the 2011 National Defense Authorization Act , signed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ detention of Americans suspected of being terrorists .
If so , then the War on Terrorism has truly come home .
Cannibalism Is No Cure for Covid-19 Why Do All These Racists Keep Working for Tucker Carlson ?
The Left Needs to Reclaim Free Speech The Trump administration used unidentified federal officers to patrol Washington , D.C. , in early June when the scale of the protests forced Trump to go into the White House bunker .
Those officers turned out to be guards from the US Bureau of Prisons who had been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Protests have been roiling Portland for over six weeks .
Even prior to these protests , Portland was a site of a long-running battle between right-wing groups like the Proud Boys and left-wing activists who are usually lumped together under the antifa label .
It ’ s possible that the antifa connection made Portland a spot of particular interest to the Trump administration , which has used the loosely organized anti-fascist groups as a scapegoat for social upheavals in the wake of police brutality .
The deployment of unidentified federal officers is particularly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Portland and elsewhere in America , because it could easily lead to right-wing militias ’ impersonating legal authorities and kidnapping citizens .
As former CIA counterintelligence analyst Aki Peritz notes , “ All it takes is one of these similar-kitted out militiamen groups to start grabbing folks off the street as well , but then having their way with them , for there to be huge , possibly violent pushback for these tactics .
This hurts the police , and the citizenry.
” Peritz argues , “ We ’ re quickly entering secret @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s Mukhābarāt ” ( mukhābarāt being the Arabic word for intelligence agency , used colloquially to refer , for example , to the Egyptian or Iraqi or Libyan secret police ) .
The Border Patrol Was Responsible for an Arrest in Portland Acting Homeland Security Secretary Chad Wolf is currently in Portland .
In a statement on Thursday , Wolf said , “ The city of Portland has been under siege for 47 straight days by a violent mob while local political leaders refuse to restore order to protect their city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and desecrate property , including the federal courthouse , and attack the brave law enforcement officers protecting it.
” Wolf warned , “ This siege can end if state and local officials decide to take appropriate action instead of refusing to enforce the law.
” Wolf ’ s strident words echoed the law-and-order theme that has come to the fore in Trump ’ s reelection campaign .
Trump himself sounded a racist variation on the theme in a Thursday White House virtual town hall when he decried the collapse of “ law and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Chicago .
Trump also claimed that Democrats were trying to destroy the suburbs .
Announcing the rescinding of an Obama order against racial segregation in housing , Trump said , “ The suburb destruction will end with us.
” There is every sign that Trump will continue to pound the drum of law and order until the election .
Portland is likely a test case for a larger security crackdown that will be repeated in other cities .
Oregon Governor Kate Brown has been commendably blunt in attacking Trump ’ s assault @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tweeted : Brown shouldn ’ t be the only one protesting .
Congressional Democrats need to open up an immediate investigation into the use of federal law enforcement officers in Portland .
Joe Biden also needs to make clear that if elected he ’ ll order an immediate house cleaning in all federal agencies and that any officers found to have broken the law will be punished .
Moreover , if Trump is acting within the law , the Democrats need to make new rules so no future president can repeat this travesty @

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Donald Trump’s war on protesters is escalating, with reports emerging out of Portland, Ore., that federal law enforcement officers, wearing camouflage but without any other visible insignia, have been rounding up American citizens. On Thursday, Oregon Public Broadcasting (OPB) reported that “federal law enforcement officers have been using unmarked vehicles to drive around downtown Portland and detain protesters since at least July 14. Personal accounts and multiple videos posted online show the officers driving up to people, detaining individuals with no explanation of why they are being arrested, and driving off.”
OPB quotes one person who was arrested by these officers, although never charged. “I am basically tossed into the van,” Mark Pettibone told the broadcaster. “And I had my beanie pulled over my face so I couldn’t see and they held my hands over my head.” He was taken to a building that he later discovered was a federal courthouse. Only there was he read his Miranda rights, but he was never charged. After he asked for a lawyer, he was released. Videos are circulating on social media of similar detentions.
“It’s like stop and frisk meets Guantanamo Bay,” attorney Juan Chavez told OPB. He added that these detentions were not following any rules of probable cause. “It sounds more like abduction. It sounds like they’re kidnapping people off the streets.”
On the face of it, what these federal officers are doing is illegal and unconstitutional. It’s possible that they are acting under the 2011 National Defense Authorization Act, signed by Barack Obama, which legalized the detention of Americans suspected of being terrorists. If so, then the War on Terrorism has truly come home. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
The Trump administration used unidentified federal officers to patrol Washington, D.C., in early June when the scale of the protests forced Trump to go into the White House bunker. Those officers turned out to be guards from the US Bureau of Prisons who had been repurposed as ad hoc praetorian guards.
Protests have been roiling Portland for over six weeks. Even prior to these protests, Portland was a site of a long-running battle between right-wing groups like the Proud Boys and left-wing activists who are usually lumped together under the antifa label. It’s possible that the antifa connection made Portland a spot of particular interest to the Trump administration, which has used the loosely organized anti-fascist groups as a scapegoat for social upheavals in the wake of police brutality.
The deployment of unidentified federal officers is particularly dangerous in a situation like that in Portland and elsewhere in America, because it could easily lead to right-wing militias’ impersonating legal authorities and kidnapping citizens. As former CIA counterintelligence analyst Aki Peritz notes, “All it takes is one of these similar-kitted out militiamen groups to start grabbing folks off the street as well, but then having their way with them, for there to be huge, possibly violent pushback for these tactics. This hurts the police, and the citizenry.” Peritz argues, “We’re quickly entering secret police territory now. DHS is becoming Trump’s Mukhābarāt” (mukhābarāt being the Arabic word for intelligence agency, used colloquially to refer, for example, to the Egyptian or Iraqi or Libyan secret police). Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Secret Police The Border Patrol Was Responsible for an Arrest in Portland Ken Klippenstein
Acting Homeland Security Secretary Chad Wolf is currently in Portland. In a statement on Thursday, Wolf said, “The city of Portland has been under siege for 47 straight days by a violent mob while local political leaders refuse to restore order to protect their city. Each night, lawless anarchists destroy and desecrate property, including the federal courthouse, and attack the brave law enforcement officers protecting it.” Wolf warned, “This siege can end if state and local officials decide to take appropriate action instead of refusing to enforce the law.”
Wolf’s strident words echoed the law-and-order theme that has come to the fore in Trump’s reelection campaign. Trump himself sounded a racist variation on the theme in a Thursday White House virtual town hall when he decried the collapse of “law and order” in cities like New York and Chicago. Trump also claimed that Democrats were trying to destroy the suburbs. Announcing the rescinding of an Obama order against racial segregation in housing, Trump said, “The suburb destruction will end with us.”
There is every sign that Trump will continue to pound the drum of law and order until the election. Portland is likely a test case for a larger security crackdown that will be repeated in other cities.
Oregon Governor Kate Brown has been commendably blunt in attacking Trump’s assault on protesters. On Thursday, she tweeted:
The President is failing to lead this nation. Now he is deploying federal officers to patrol the streets of Portland in a blatant abuse of power by the federal government. I told Acting Secretary Wolf that the federal government should remove all federal officers from our streets. His response showed me he is on a mission to provoke confrontation for political purposes. He is putting both Oregonians and local law enforcement officers in harm’s way.
Brown shouldn’t be the only one protesting. Congressional Democrats need to open up an immediate investigation into the use of federal law enforcement officers in Portland. Joe Biden also needs to make clear that if elected he’ll order an immediate house cleaning in all federal agencies and that any officers found to have broken the law will be punished. Moreover, if Trump is acting within the law, the Democrats need to make new rules so no future president can repeat this travesty.


thenation--2020-07-18--John Lewis Never Stopped Bending the Arc Toward Justice

John Lewis made one of the last public appearances of a lifetime of courageous struggle for economic , social , and racial justice on a Sunday morning in early June .
Though he was wrestling with the cancer that would take his life on Friday , July 17 , at age 80 , Lewis wanted to see Black Lives Matter Plaza in Washington , D.C. , where painters had just completed a giant mural covering a two-block stretch of 16th Street leading to the White House .
Standing with D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser near the spot where authorities had a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so that President Trump could illustrate his threat to “ dominate the streets ” with a ham-handed photo-op in front of the parish house of historic St. John ’ s Episcopal Church , Lewis celebrated the right to assembly and petition for the redress of grievances .
He hailed the mural , with its 16 massive yellow letters spelling out the message “ BLACK LIVES MATTER , ” as he explained that people in D.C. and across the country were sending “ a mighty , powerful and strong message to the world that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Lewis following his death have recalled a commitment to address racial inequality that extended across more than 60 years , from the days when the young civil rights campaigner marched with the Rev .
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. , delivered the most militant address at the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom , and was brutally beaten by police while helping to lead the “ Bloody Sunday ” march for voting rights on Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma , Ala .
But Lewis never stopped marching , speaking , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ —as a Carter administration appointee , a member of the Atlanta City Council , and , since 1987 , a congressional representative who used his prominence to amplify the messages of activists who challenged injustice .
Lewis , a self-described “ off-the-charts liberal , ” was a passionate critic of war and militarism , a determined advocate for economic justice , an early champion of LGBTQ rights , and the House ’ s essential spokesman for voting rights .
He understood the power of his status as the man President Barack Obama and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inspiration .
When Obama was inaugurated in 2009 , he handed Lewis a photo on which the new president had written , “ Because of you , John.
” When Donald Trump was inaugurated in 2017 , Lewis announced that he would not be attending and sparked a boycott of the ceremony .
John Lewis could have rested on his laurels as the last remaining March on Washington speaker and a living connection to so much of what mattered in the history of the 20th history .
Yet he chose to keep making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I interviewed him over the years , it was invariably on an issue of the moment—a piece of legislation , a platform fight , a campaign , a new protest .
Always an organizer , Lewis knew the power of forging links between the past and the present .
He understood that he could bring moral authority to new discussions , new debates .
Indeed , he ended his life doing just that .
A few days after the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody , as protests against police violence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country , Lewis recalled the murder of Emmett Till , the African American youth whose lynching in Mississippi—and the outcry that extended from it—framed the urgency of the civil rights movement for Lewis and so many other young activists .
As the congressman explained on May 30 of this year : Sixty-five years have passed , and I still remember the face of young Emmett Till .
It was 1955 .
I was 15 years old—just a year older than him .
What happened that summer in Money , Mississippi , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sham trial , the dreaded verdict—shocked the country to its core .
And it helped spur a series of non-violent events by everyday people who demanded better from our country .
Despite real progress , I can ’ t help but think of young Emmett today as I watch video after video after video of unarmed Black Americans being killed , and falsely accused .
My heart breaks for these men and women , their families , and the country that let them down—again .
My fellow Americans , this is a special @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people of all faiths and no faiths , and all backgrounds , creeds , and colors banded together decades ago to fight for equality and justice in a peaceful , orderly , non-violent fashion , we must do so again .
Lewis recognized the frustration that so many felt at the persistence of systemic racism .
Yet he advocated , as he had since his own days as a chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and one of the first prominent civil rights figures to object to the Vietnam War , nonviolent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to work .
Even as he neared the end of his seven-month battle with pancreatic cancer , the congressman appeared with Obama and civil rights attorney Bryan Stevenson as part of a Zoom town hall organized by the Obama Foundation ’ s My Brother ’ s Keeper initiative .
Lewis hailed a new generation of activists who had taken Black Lives Matter protests to the streets , declaring , “ They ’ re going to help redeem the soul of America.
” The congressman took the same message to Capitol Hill , delivering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act on June 25 .
“ For far too long , equal justice and protection under the law have been deferred dreams for Black people and communities of color across our country , ” he began .
But Lewis did not surrender to despair .
Rather , as he had so many times over so many years , he took strength from those who demand that the nation awake :

This article appears in the August 10/17, 2020 issue.
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John Lewis made one of the last public appearances of a lifetime of courageous struggle for economic, social, and racial justice on a Sunday morning in early June. Though he was wrestling with the cancer that would take his life on Friday, July 17, at age 80, Lewis wanted to see Black Lives Matter Plaza in Washington, D.C., where painters had just completed a giant mural covering a two-block stretch of 16th Street leading to the White House.
Standing with D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser near the spot where authorities had a few days earlier violently removed peaceful protesters so that President Trump could illustrate his threat to “dominate the streets” with a ham-handed photo-op in front of the parish house of historic St. John’s Episcopal Church, Lewis celebrated the right to assembly and petition for the redress of grievances.
He hailed the mural, with its 16 massive yellow letters spelling out the message “BLACK LIVES MATTER,” as he explained that people in D.C. and across the country were sending “a mighty, powerful and strong message to the rest of the world that we will get there.”
The tributes to Lewis following his death have recalled a commitment to address racial inequality that extended across more than 60 years, from the days when the young civil rights campaigner marched with the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., delivered the most militant address at the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, and was brutally beaten by police while helping to lead the “Bloody Sunday” march for voting rights on Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Ala. But Lewis never stopped marching, speaking, and stirring up “good trouble”—as a Carter administration appointee, a member of the Atlanta City Council, and, since 1987, a congressional representative who used his prominence to amplify the messages of activists who challenged injustice. The Long Fight John Lewis’s Long Fight for Voting Rights Ari Berman
Lewis, a self-described “off-the-charts liberal,” was a passionate critic of war and militarism, a determined advocate for economic justice, an early champion of LGBTQ rights, and the House’s essential spokesman for voting rights. He understood the power of his status as the man President Barack Obama and so many others recognized as an iconic inspiration. When Obama was inaugurated in 2009, he handed Lewis a photo on which the new president had written, “Because of you, John.” When Donald Trump was inaugurated in 2017, Lewis announced that he would not be attending and sparked a boycott of the ceremony. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
John Lewis could have rested on his laurels as the last remaining March on Washington speaker and a living connection to so much of what mattered in the history of the 20th history. Yet he chose to keep making history in the 21st century. When I interviewed him over the years, it was invariably on an issue of the moment—a piece of legislation, a platform fight, a campaign, a new protest.
Always an organizer, Lewis knew the power of forging links between the past and the present. He understood that he could bring moral authority to new discussions, new debates. Indeed, he ended his life doing just that.
A few days after the killing of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody, as protests against police violence surged in that city and across the country, Lewis recalled the murder of Emmett Till, the African American youth whose lynching in Mississippi—and the outcry that extended from it—framed the urgency of the civil rights movement for Lewis and so many other young activists.
As the congressman explained on May 30 of this year:
Sixty-five years have passed, and I still remember the face of young Emmett Till. It was 1955. I was 15 years old—just a year older than him. What happened that summer in Money, Mississippi, and the months that followed—the recanted accusation, the sham trial, the dreaded verdict—shocked the country to its core. And it helped spur a series of non-violent events by everyday people who demanded better from our country. Despite real progress, I can’t help but think of young Emmett today as I watch video after video after video of unarmed Black Americans being killed, and falsely accused. My heart breaks for these men and women, their families, and the country that let them down—again. My fellow Americans, this is a special moment in our history. Just as people of all faiths and no faiths, and all backgrounds, creeds, and colors banded together decades ago to fight for equality and justice in a peaceful, orderly, non-violent fashion, we must do so again.
Lewis recognized the frustration that so many felt at the persistence of systemic racism. Yet he advocated, as he had since his own days as a chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and one of the first prominent civil rights figures to object to the Vietnam War, nonviolent civil disobedience.
Then John Lewis went to work. Even as he neared the end of his seven-month battle with pancreatic cancer, the congressman appeared with Obama and civil rights attorney Bryan Stevenson as part of a Zoom town hall organized by the Obama Foundation’s My Brother’s Keeper initiative. Lewis hailed a new generation of activists who had taken Black Lives Matter protests to the streets, declaring, “They’re going to help redeem the soul of America.”
The congressman took the same message to Capitol Hill, delivering a stirring floor statement in favor of the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act on June 25.
“For far too long, equal justice and protection under the law have been deferred dreams for Black people and communities of color across our country,” he began.
As we consider this bill, people throughout Metro Atlanta and throughout my home state of Georgia are gripped by pain and anguish over the deaths of Ahmaud Arbery, Rayshard Brooks, Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, Trayvon Martin, Sandra Bland, Philando Castile, Tamir Rice, Jordan Davis, who was the beloved son of our colleague Congresswoman Lucy McBath, and countless others. The pain in the depths of our souls is constant and all consuming. It is the seemingly endless nightmare from which we cannot awake.
But Lewis did not surrender to despair. Rather, as he had so many times over so many years, he took strength from those who demand that the nation awake:


thenation--2020-07-19--How We Remember a Prophet

How We Remember a Prophet

Representative John Lewis , who died at the age of 80 this past Friday , was a preacher before he was anything else for which he will be remembered .
Yes , he risked his life to desegregate Nashville ’ s lunch counters .
He demonstrated remarkable courage to challenge Jim Crow in the Freedom Rides and spilled his own blood for voting rights on the Edmund Pettus Bridge .
Lewis served for three decades as the conscience of the Congress and fought against voter suppression in his own home state until he breathed his last breath .
But before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ boy in Troy , Ala. , who went to school with a Bible tucked under his arm and came home to preach to the chickens .
As a fellow preacher , I can only understand his life ’ s work in light of Scripture .
Jesus said to the false teachers and hypocrites of his own day , “ You build tombs for the prophets and decorate the graves of the righteous .
And you say , ‘ If we had lived in the days of our ancestors , we would not have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blood of the prophets.
’ So you testify against yourselves that you are the descendants of those who murdered the prophets.
” As this nation mourns the loss of one of her most faithful sons , we should beware of those in power who issue statements praising the memory of John Lewis while they continue to stand in the way of the genuine democracy he risked his own life to press toward over and again .
Jesus was right : In decorating the grave of John Lewis with flowery words , Republicans who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ testify against themselves that they are the descendants of Bull Conner and Jim Clark , George Wallace , and Strom Thurmond .
I have watched as Vice President Pence , Senate leader McConnell , and the governor of Mississippi offered great words , but none of them repented of opposing the agenda Lewis fought for all his life : living wages , health care , voting rights , and uplifting poor people .
In fact , for over seven years McConnell has refused to restore the Voting Rights Act that John Lewis was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to honor his life while standing against the justice and beloved community he stood for is as offensive as the Confederate monuments .
Indeed , even Democrats who honor Lewis with their lips while compromising on the fundamental issues he was willing to die for make a mockery of his life .
John Lewis never wanted platitudes or pats on the back .
He wanted love , justice , and public policy that reflected that love .
If anyone in Congress really wants to honor the memory of John Lewis , they should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ together his legislative priorities for the past several years : the expansion of voter protections , living wages , universal health care , immigrant justice , and commonsense gun reform .
These are the concrete steps toward a more perfect union that Lewis championed , even as he constantly reminded us of the sacrifice it had taken to overcome Jim Crow in the movement that gave rise to a Second Reconstruction in this nation .
For politicians who opposed his work to honor Lewis now is a greater insult than those honestly hurled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Tennessee in his youth .
John Lewis Never Stopped Bending the Arc Toward Justice To see Lewis as a prophet in the biblical sense is to acknowledge how his life reveals not only the hypocrisy of politicians but also the limitations of today ’ s progressive movements .
When John Lewis decided to believe in the possibility of beloved community , local and state leaders in his home state were explicitly committed to a racial caste system .
When he challenged that system , it jailed him , beat him , murdered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dead .
In the face of this brutality , he and those he committed to struggle with got up and intensified their efforts .
They knew that whatever else happened , they could not let resistance deter them .
They were determined , in the face of every brutal refusal , to intensify their efforts for genuine democracy .
Lewis was not a lone actor but a prophet who found his purpose in the Movement .
There were people making a stand in Selma before him , just as we must be extensions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we are to honor Lewis now , we must remember his faith in revolutionary change even when friends within the Movement opposed him .
When he spoke at the March on Washington in 1963 , Lewis originally intended to say more than other leaders were ready to hear .
It was not the first time .
When elders had advised him and his colleagues not to continue the Freedom Rides in 1961 , Lewis had insisted they could not turn back in the face of violence .
Even within the movement , Lewis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to not let our horizon of possibility be eclipsed by the harsh realism of a broken world .
He never supported legislation simply because his party ’ s president or leadership proposed it .
Lewis understood that nonviolent truth demands we always love our enemies and challenge our friends .
Even as he was pushing for the Civil Rights Act of 1964 , he insisted that it could and must do more .
“ We must have legislation that will protect the Mississippi sharecropper who is put off of his farm because he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need a bill that will provide for the homeless and starving people of this nation , ” he insisted with moral clarity .
“ We need a bill that will ensure the equality of a maid who earns five dollars a week in a home of a family whose total income is $ 100,000 a year.
” What he demanded then is still needed now .
“ All of us must get in the revolution , ” Lewis wrote in his original draft of the March on Washington speech .
A prophet has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the other side of life ’ s river , but his vision of a New Jerusalem right here and now is needed now more than ever .
If we would honor him , let us commit ourselves to the radical revolution of values he saw the need for in 1963 .
Let us love this nation enough to insist that it must be born again .
Let us organize and mobilize ourselves in this election year to transform our imagination of what is possible .
If our current representatives in statehouses and in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lewis omnibus bill , then let us pursue a nonviolent movement with the fire of love , truth , and justice burning in our hearts until we purge this land of the racism and injustice that have lasted far too long .

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Representative John Lewis, who died at the age of 80 this past Friday, was a preacher before he was anything else for which he will be remembered. Yes, he risked his life to desegregate Nashville’s lunch counters. He demonstrated remarkable courage to challenge Jim Crow in the Freedom Rides and spilled his own blood for voting rights on the Edmund Pettus Bridge. Lewis served for three decades as the conscience of the Congress and fought against voter suppression in his own home state until he breathed his last breath. But before all of that, Lewis was a boy in Troy, Ala., who went to school with a Bible tucked under his arm and came home to preach to the chickens. As a fellow preacher, I can only understand his life’s work in light of Scripture.
Jesus said to the false teachers and hypocrites of his own day, “You build tombs for the prophets and decorate the graves of the righteous. And you say, ‘If we had lived in the days of our ancestors, we would not have taken part with them in shedding the blood of the prophets.’ So you testify against yourselves that you are the descendants of those who murdered the prophets.”
As this nation mourns the loss of one of her most faithful sons, we should beware of those in power who issue statements praising the memory of John Lewis while they continue to stand in the way of the genuine democracy he risked his own life to press toward over and again. Jesus was right: In decorating the grave of John Lewis with flowery words, Republicans who refuse to restore the Voting Rights Act testify against themselves that they are the descendants of Bull Conner and Jim Clark, George Wallace, and Strom Thurmond. I have watched as Vice President Pence, Senate leader McConnell, and the governor of Mississippi offered great words, but none of them repented of opposing the agenda Lewis fought for all his life: living wages, health care, voting rights, and uplifting poor people. In fact, for over seven years McConnell has refused to restore the Voting Rights Act that John Lewis was beaten bloody for in Selma. Attempting to honor his life while standing against the justice and beloved community he stood for is as offensive as the Confederate monuments. Indeed, even Democrats who honor Lewis with their lips while compromising on the fundamental issues he was willing to die for make a mockery of his life.
John Lewis never wanted platitudes or pats on the back. He wanted love, justice, and public policy that reflected that love. If anyone in Congress really wants to honor the memory of John Lewis, they should put together an omnibus bill that brings together his legislative priorities for the past several years: the expansion of voter protections, living wages, universal health care, immigrant justice, and commonsense gun reform. These are the concrete steps toward a more perfect union that Lewis championed, even as he constantly reminded us of the sacrifice it had taken to overcome Jim Crow in the movement that gave rise to a Second Reconstruction in this nation. For politicians who opposed his work to honor Lewis now is a greater insult than those honestly hurled at him by the segregationists of Alabama and Tennessee in his youth. Rest in Power John Lewis Never Stopped Bending the Arc Toward Justice John Nichols
To see Lewis as a prophet in the biblical sense is to acknowledge how his life reveals not only the hypocrisy of politicians but also the limitations of today’s progressive movements. When John Lewis decided to believe in the possibility of beloved community, local and state leaders in his home state were explicitly committed to a racial caste system. When he challenged that system, it jailed him, beat him, murdered his friends, and left him for dead. In the face of this brutality, he and those he committed to struggle with got up and intensified their efforts. They knew that whatever else happened, they could not let resistance deter them. They were determined, in the face of every brutal refusal, to intensify their efforts for genuine democracy. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Lewis was not a lone actor but a prophet who found his purpose in the Movement. There were people making a stand in Selma before him, just as we must be extensions of his life after him. If we are to honor Lewis now, we must remember his faith in revolutionary change even when friends within the Movement opposed him. When he spoke at the March on Washington in 1963, Lewis originally intended to say more than other leaders were ready to hear. It was not the first time. When elders had advised him and his colleagues not to continue the Freedom Rides in 1961, Lewis had insisted they could not turn back in the face of violence. Even within the movement, Lewis was a prophet, always pushing us to not let our horizon of possibility be eclipsed by the harsh realism of a broken world. The Long Fight John Lewis’s Long Fight for Voting Rights Ari Berman
He never supported legislation simply because his party’s president or leadership proposed it. Lewis understood that nonviolent truth demands we always love our enemies and challenge our friends. Even as he was pushing for the Civil Rights Act of 1964, he insisted that it could and must do more. “We must have legislation that will protect the Mississippi sharecropper who is put off of his farm because he dares to register to vote. We need a bill that will provide for the homeless and starving people of this nation,” he insisted with moral clarity. “We need a bill that will ensure the equality of a maid who earns five dollars a week in a home of a family whose total income is $100,000 a year.” What he demanded then is still needed now. Current Issue View our current issue
“All of us must get in the revolution,” Lewis wrote in his original draft of the March on Washington speech.
Get in and stay in the streets of every city, every village and every hamlet of this nation until true freedom comes, until the revolution is complete.… We won’t stop now. All of the forces of Eastland, Barnett, Wallace and Thurmond won’t stop this revolution. The time will come when we will not confine our marching to Washington. We will march through the South, through the heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did. We shall pursue our own scorched earth policy and burn Jim Crow to the ground—nonviolently.
A prophet has crossed over from this broken world to the other side of life’s river, but his vision of a New Jerusalem right here and now is needed now more than ever. If we would honor him, let us commit ourselves to the radical revolution of values he saw the need for in 1963. Let us love this nation enough to insist that it must be born again. Let us organize and mobilize ourselves in this election year to transform our imagination of what is possible. If our current representatives in statehouses and in the Congress cannot pass a John Lewis omnibus bill, then let us pursue a nonviolent movement with the fire of love, truth, and justice burning in our hearts until we purge this land of the racism and injustice that have lasted far too long.