thenation--2020-09-17--Of Course Republicans Want to Suppress the Youth Vote

This story is published as part of StudentNation ’ s “ Vision 2020 Election : Stories From the Next Generation , ” reports from young journalists that center the concerns of diverse young voters .
In this project , working with Dr. Sherri Williams , we recruited young journalists from different backgrounds to develop story ideas and reporting about their peers ’ concerns ahead of the most important election of our lives .
We ’ ll continue publishing two stories each week over the course of the next month .
Kiaira Jackson , a senior at Albany State University and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and youngest , NAACP president , was turned away at the polls in 2018 .
Weeks before , she had organized voter registration drives on campus and throughout the community .
But when she went to vote on November 6 , Jackson , then a junior at one of the two ballot booths on Albany State University ’ s campus , was told that she wasn ’ t registered in Dougherty County .
Though she had filled out registration forms on campus , the system said she was registered to vote in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This story was produced for Student Nation , a section devoted to highlighting campus activism and student movements from students in their own words .
For more Student Nation , check out our archive .
Are you a student with a campus activism story ?
Send questions and pitches to Samantha Schuyler at samantha @ thenation.com .
The Student Nation program is made possible through generous funding from The Puffin Foundation .
“ I didn ’ t understand how I was registered to vote in a county where I didn ’ t register @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ How could the system at my precinct reflect information that I had never provided ?
” Jackson looked to local resources for a solution .
She was advised by her NAACP Youth & College Advisor to contact the Georgia NAACP State Office , where they cross-referenced voting records and eventually confirmed she was registered at Covenant Presbyterian Church in Albany .
But when she returned , she was denied a second time at the newly confirmed polling location .
It took a call to the elections office and an election official appearing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ documents for her to finally cast her ballot .
According to Jackson , she soon learned that other students were also being turned away for similar reasons .
“ I felt disheartened that I put in so much work to turn my student body out to vote—and had gotten mass participation—only for many to not be able to , ” Jackson said .
More than two dozen students at the historically Black Albany State University were turned away at the polls for the 2018 midterm election , according to the NAACP .
Shortly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election officials investigate those patterns of voter suppression .
Nationwide , 2018 was a significant year for young voters , yielding a record-breaking turnout .
The youth vote jumped 16 percent compared to the 2016 midterm election , and for the first time since 1982 , rates surpassed 50 percent , according to the Brookings Institution .
Mobilized to lead the resistance against issues like abortion and climate change , young adults ages 18 to 29 emerged as a central voting bloc .
Advocates say a blitz attack on youth votes followed shortly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country , particularly in swing states .
The jarring effects are no surprise , considering the majority of young voters lean left : The last two Democratic presidential candidates won the youth vote by 23 and 18 percentage points , according to Tuft University ’ s Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement .
According to Michael Holloman , communications director for Fair Fight Action , an organization founded by former Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams to inform young people of their vulnerability to voter suppression , these efforts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are markedly partisan .
“ A lot of Republicans in Georgia , and across the nation , know this country is changing demographically and politically .
Across the country , you see active attempts to close polling locations on college campuses and restrictions on using student ID as a form of voter identification , ” Holloman said .
“ Meeting voter ID requirements is a big issue for young people , especially for minorities.
” More than 21 million Americans lack government-issued photo identification , including 25 percent of African Americans , according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thirty-five states have active voter identification laws that require some form of identification , and seven strictly require photo identification , according to the National Conference of State Legislatures .
A study conducted by Tuft University ’ s Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement found that 28 percent of youth of color reported that proper identification issues influenced their absence from the polls .
Jackson said students were turned away for a number of reasons , but mostly for having the wrong polling locations , issues with their registration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Georgia ’ s since-updated exact-match law initially required information on registration forms to precisely match identification card information Similarly strict photo ID policies across the country create barriers for all youth of color , including in Indiana , Kansas , Mississippi , Tennessee , and Wisconsin .
Voters with names with unconventional spellings , transgender and gender-nonconforming individuals with name changes , and first-generation immigrants who speak English as a second language encounter challenges while voting .
Even minor discrepancies like spaces , apostrophes , hyphens , and misspellings risk young people ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gender nonconforming voters who may have transitioned or appear differently from their identification photo may have challenges voting in states that have strict photo identification requirements .
Young adults account for more than half of the LGBTQ population in the United States , according to UCLA ’ s Williams Institute .
Mariah Lee , a trans woman living in North Carolina , has a pending case that she believes could improve the voting experience for her community .
Last November , Lee , her mother , and her 18-year-old sister utilized curbside voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lee has a learning disability and her mother suffers from multiple sclerosis and stomach cancer .
It was Lee ’ s first time voting since formally changing her name on her ID , and she said she knew there was going to be a problem .
The volunteer who assisted them with paperwork took issue with Lee ’ s form , saying that her handwriting was not legible .
Lee and her family members felt it was readable , but Lee agreed to rewrite it as the volunteer requested .
After submitting a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another chief judge of the polling location , who said that her face didn ’ t match her name .
“ Is this about me being transgender ?
” Lee asked .
The chief judge then demanded to see her ID .
“ It ’ s not a requirement that I show you my license to vote , ” Lee said , which is true : According to the North Carolina State Board of Elections , voters are not required to show photo ID until further order of the courts .
But the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ felt helpless .
She handed the ID over anyway .
“ Without my license she wouldn ’ t have allowed me to vote , ” said Lee .
“ The thing I was afraid would happen happened.
” The back-and-forth went on for an hour , Lee said , with the chief judge raising her voice at Lee , which drew a crowd .
She said the experience was humiliating , and that though she was eventually able to vote , the incident has provoked suicidal thoughts , for which she is seeking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another hurdle for young adults , who are more likely to move frequently for college and jobs .
In states where absentee voting is more accessible , it ’ s still a strenuous process : late arrivals , lost ballots , essential follow-up , rejections for minor mistakes , and the risk of missing deadlines are all challenges for young voters .
In states like Texas that put restrictions on absentee voting , young people are automatically counted out .
The voter must be 65 years or older , disabled , abroad on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting period , or jailed , according to the Texas Secretary of State Office .
When Katya Ehresman , an incoming senior at the University of Texas at Austin , learned that she could not vote by mail , she said she became concerned about her safety with the pandemic looming over the election .
According to Ehresman , Texas college campuses are notorious for having hours-long wait times .
She didn ’ t feel comfortable waiting for so long during a pandemic .
Not only that , if universities go online , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , where they might not be registered to vote .
“ These restrictive voting laws are disenfranchising us students and a lot of the population , ” she said .
“ We can ’ t even have access to safer alternatives to vote by mail , and it ’ s upsetting.
” Texas voting laws acutely affect young people .
More than 2 million attend more than 250 Texas colleges and universities , according to a report by Texas Higher Education Data .
Maya Patel , state coordinator for the Campus Vote Project @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that arm students with the information they need to register and vote .
She believes that an overarching barrier for students is their unfamiliarity with the voting process .
“ In Texas , you can vote with a handgun license , but not with a student ID , ” Patel said .
Voters without proper identification , according to VoteTexas , must present a passport or sign a Reasonable Impediment Declaration form , which must be done in-person .
“ I ’ ve even heard of students getting turned away for the address @ @ @ @ @ @ @ address that they ’ re registered at , ” Patel said .
“ That ’ s not a real requirement , but students just don ’ t know the laws well enough to argue with the poll worker.
” Outside forces are filling the civic education gap and meeting young people where they are : online .
Twitter deleted over 10,000 anti-voting accounts just days before the 2016 election , according to the Brennan Center for Justice .
It also cited that in an effort to reduce voter suppression messages , Facebook expanded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during elections .
LaTosha Brown , cofounder of Black Voters Matter , focuses on uplifting Black voters , and she believes that young people are a major target on social media .
“ The greatest danger to younger voters is misinformation , ” Brown said .
“ In 2016 , the Russian bots trolling on social media were directed at young voters , but there was a particular message for young Black people… .
What we saw then was the dismantling of democracy , which ultimately impacts who has access to voting , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s playing out with the coronavirus.
” Limited voter registration is disproportionately affecting young people , and many states are struggling with new voter registration .
In March , registered voters in Kentucky increased by only 0.01 percent .
In April , Virginia had nearly a 75 percent decrease in new registrants compared to April 2012 .
But also , because of public safety concerns during coronavirus , Kentucky closed polling locations across the state .
In one county—with the highest population of Black residents—the number was reduced to one in-person location .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ away at the polls , resulting in a viral video .
Daud Mumin , 18 , serves as a Utah delegate of the student engagement platform Eighteen x 18 established by actress Yara Shahidi .
He believes young voters will be affected by the coronavirus because many don ’ t have access to basic needs .
“ We can ’ t go back to normal , because normal didn ’ t serve us , ” Mumin said .
“ Displaced students and other high-risk marginalized groups are worried about their health , food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Arizona used Covid-19 as an excuse to close polling locations in low-income areas , but kept them open in the suburbs .
Two-thirds of Americans believe the coronavirus outbreak will greatly impact people ’ s ability to vote in the presidential election , according to a national survey conducted by the Pew Research Center .
The study suggests 75 percent of Republicans are confident that the November election will be conducted fairly .
Less than half of Democrats agree .
With the coronavirus , a recession , and a potential second term for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is critical in 2020 , Mumin said .
“ Covid-19 does discriminate , ” Mumin said .
It affects people differently across racial and economic lines .
“ This pandemic is showing us just how fragile our systems are .
”

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This story is published as part of StudentNation’s “Vision 2020 Election: Stories From the Next Generation,” reports from young journalists that center the concerns of diverse young voters. In this project, working with Dr. Sherri Williams, we recruited young journalists from different backgrounds to develop story ideas and reporting about their peers’ concerns ahead of the most important election of our lives. We’ll continue publishing two stories each week over the course of the next month.
Kiaira Jackson, a senior at Albany State University and the Georgia county’s newly elected, and youngest, NAACP president, was turned away at the polls in 2018.
Weeks before, she had organized voter registration drives on campus and throughout the community. But when she went to vote on November 6, Jackson, then a junior at one of the two ballot booths on Albany State University’s campus, was told that she wasn’t registered in Dougherty County. Though she had filled out registration forms on campus, the system said she was registered to vote in her hometown, 90 miles away. This story was produced for Student Nation, a section devoted to highlighting campus activism and student movements from students in their own words. For more Student Nation, check out our archive. Are you a student with a campus activism story? Send questions and pitches to Samantha Schuyler at [email protected]. The Student Nation program is made possible through generous funding from The Puffin Foundation.
“I didn’t understand how I was registered to vote in a county where I didn’t register to vote,” Jackson said. “How could the system at my precinct reflect information that I had never provided?”
Jackson looked to local resources for a solution. She was advised by her NAACP Youth & College Advisor to contact the Georgia NAACP State Office, where they cross-referenced voting records and eventually confirmed she was registered at Covenant Presbyterian Church in Albany.
But when she returned, she was denied a second time at the newly confirmed polling location. It took a call to the elections office and an election official appearing on Jackson’s behalf with supporting documents for her to finally cast her ballot. Current Issue View our current issue
According to Jackson, she soon learned that other students were also being turned away for similar reasons. “I felt disheartened that I put in so much work to turn my student body out to vote—and had gotten mass participation—only for many to not be able to,” Jackson said. More than two dozen students at the historically Black Albany State University were turned away at the polls for the 2018 midterm election, according to the NAACP. Shortly after, the NAACP demanded that Georgia election officials investigate those patterns of voter suppression.
Nationwide, 2018 was a significant year for young voters, yielding a record-breaking turnout. The youth vote jumped 16 percent compared to the 2016 midterm election, and for the first time since 1982, rates surpassed 50 percent, according to the Brookings Institution. Mobilized to lead the resistance against issues like abortion and climate change, young adults ages 18 to 29 emerged as a central voting bloc.
Advocates say a blitz attack on youth votes followed shortly after, and suppression tactics emerged across the country, particularly in swing states. The jarring effects are no surprise, considering the majority of young voters lean left: The last two Democratic presidential candidates won the youth vote by 23 and 18 percentage points, according to Tuft University’s Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
According to Michael Holloman, communications director for Fair Fight Action, an organization founded by former Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams to inform young people of their vulnerability to voter suppression, these efforts to suppress young people’s votes are markedly partisan.
“A lot of Republicans in Georgia, and across the nation, know this country is changing demographically and politically. Across the country, you see active attempts to close polling locations on college campuses and restrictions on using student ID as a form of voter identification,” Holloman said. “Meeting voter ID requirements is a big issue for young people, especially for minorities.”
More than 21 million Americans lack government-issued photo identification, including 25 percent of African Americans, according to the American Civil Liberties Union. Thirty-five states have active voter identification laws that require some form of identification, and seven strictly require photo identification, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. A study conducted by Tuft University’s Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement found that 28 percent of youth of color reported that proper identification issues influenced their absence from the polls.
Jackson said students were turned away for a number of reasons, but mostly for having the wrong polling locations, issues with their registration, and misspellings of their names.
Georgia’s since-updated exact-match law initially required information on registration forms to precisely match identification card information Similarly strict photo ID policies across the country create barriers for all youth of color, including in Indiana, Kansas, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Wisconsin.
Voters with names with unconventional spellings, transgender and gender-nonconforming individuals with name changes, and first-generation immigrants who speak English as a second language encounter challenges while voting. Even minor discrepancies like spaces, apostrophes, hyphens, and misspellings risk young people’s right to vote.
Transgender or gender nonconforming voters who may have transitioned or appear differently from their identification photo may have challenges voting in states that have strict photo identification requirements. Young adults account for more than half of the LGBTQ population in the United States, according to UCLA’s Williams Institute.
Mariah Lee, a trans woman living in North Carolina, has a pending case that she believes could improve the voting experience for her community.
Last November, Lee, her mother, and her 18-year-old sister utilized curbside voting service at Cornelius Town Hall, as Lee has a learning disability and her mother suffers from multiple sclerosis and stomach cancer. It was Lee’s first time voting since formally changing her name on her ID, and she said she knew there was going to be a problem.
The volunteer who assisted them with paperwork took issue with Lee’s form, saying that her handwriting was not legible. Lee and her family members felt it was readable, but Lee agreed to rewrite it as the volunteer requested. After submitting a second form, Lee was taken to another chief judge of the polling location, who said that her face didn’t match her name.
“Is this about me being transgender?” Lee asked. The chief judge then demanded to see her ID. “It’s not a requirement that I show you my license to vote,” Lee said, which is true: According to the North Carolina State Board of Elections, voters are not required to show photo ID until further order of the courts. But the poll worker insisted.
Lee said she felt helpless. She handed the ID over anyway.
“Without my license she wouldn’t have allowed me to vote,” said Lee. “The thing I was afraid would happen happened.”
The back-and-forth went on for an hour, Lee said, with the chief judge raising her voice at Lee, which drew a crowd. She said the experience was humiliating, and that though she was eventually able to vote, the incident has provoked suicidal thoughts, for which she is seeking professional help.
Voter identification laws are another hurdle for young adults, who are more likely to move frequently for college and jobs.
In states where absentee voting is more accessible, it’s still a strenuous process: late arrivals, lost ballots, essential follow-up, rejections for minor mistakes, and the risk of missing deadlines are all challenges for young voters.
In states like Texas that put restrictions on absentee voting, young people are automatically counted out. The voter must be 65 years or older, disabled, abroad on both Election Day and during the early voting period, or jailed, according to the Texas Secretary of State Office.
When Katya Ehresman, an incoming senior at the University of Texas at Austin, learned that she could not vote by mail, she said she became concerned about her safety with the pandemic looming over the election.
According to Ehresman, Texas college campuses are notorious for having hours-long wait times. She didn’t feel comfortable waiting for so long during a pandemic. Not only that, if universities go online, many students will stay in their hometowns, where they might not be registered to vote.
“These restrictive voting laws are disenfranchising us students and a lot of the population,” she said. “We can’t even have access to safer alternatives to vote by mail, and it’s upsetting.”
Texas voting laws acutely affect young people. More than 2 million attend more than 250 Texas colleges and universities, according to a report by Texas Higher Education Data.
Maya Patel, state coordinator for the Campus Vote Project, serves to help campuses institutionalize reforms that arm students with the information they need to register and vote. She believes that an overarching barrier for students is their unfamiliarity with the voting process. “In Texas, you can vote with a handgun license, but not with a student ID,” Patel said.
Voters without proper identification, according to VoteTexas, must present a passport or sign a Reasonable Impediment Declaration form, which must be done in-person. “I’ve even heard of students getting turned away for the address on their Texas ID not matching the address that they’re registered at,” Patel said. “That’s not a real requirement, but students just don’t know the laws well enough to argue with the poll worker.”
Outside forces are filling the civic education gap and meeting young people where they are: online. Twitter deleted over 10,000 anti-voting accounts just days before the 2016 election, according to the Brennan Center for Justice. It also cited that in an effort to reduce voter suppression messages, Facebook expanded its policies to include actions against misuse during elections.
LaTosha Brown, cofounder of Black Voters Matter, focuses on uplifting Black voters, and she believes that young people are a major target on social media.
“The greatest danger to younger voters is misinformation,” Brown said. “In 2016, the Russian bots trolling on social media were directed at young voters, but there was a particular message for young Black people…. What we saw then was the dismantling of democracy, which ultimately impacts who has access to voting, and now we see how it’s playing out with the coronavirus.”
Limited voter registration is disproportionately affecting young people, and many states are struggling with new voter registration. In March, registered voters in Kentucky increased by only 0.01 percent. In April, Virginia had nearly a 75 percent decrease in new registrants compared to April 2012. But also, because of public safety concerns during coronavirus, Kentucky closed polling locations across the state. In one county—with the highest population of Black residents—the number was reduced to one in-person location. As a result, people were turned away at the polls, resulting in a viral video.
Daud Mumin, 18, serves as a Utah delegate of the student engagement platform Eighteen x 18 established by actress Yara Shahidi. He believes young voters will be affected by the coronavirus because many don’t have access to basic needs.
“We can’t go back to normal, because normal didn’t serve us,” Mumin said. “Displaced students and other high-risk marginalized groups are worried about their health, food insecurity, and unemployment.”
Mumin said Arizona used Covid-19 as an excuse to close polling locations in low-income areas, but kept them open in the suburbs.
Two-thirds of Americans believe the coronavirus outbreak will greatly impact people’s ability to vote in the presidential election, according to a national survey conducted by the Pew Research Center. The study suggests 75 percent of Republicans are confident that the November election will be conducted fairly. Less than half of Democrats agree.
With the coronavirus, a recession, and a potential second term for Donald Trump, protecting the youth vote is critical in 2020, Mumin said.
“Covid-19 does discriminate,” Mumin said. It affects people differently across racial and economic lines. “This pandemic is showing us just how fragile our systems are.”


thenation--2020-09-17--The Military’s Role in a Contested Election

There are at least two ways that the outcome of this November ’ s presidential election could threaten the existing political order .
Both risk drawing the armed forces of the United States into partisan politics , with the Constitution itself thereby put in jeopardy .
Americans are long accustomed to assuming that the US military is indelibly and irreversibly apolitical .
Events in the coming months may well test that assumption .
Scenario No .
1 has lately been garnering more than occasional press attention : Biden wins , but Trump refuses to accept the outcome .
He denounces @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retain control of the White House .
Citing the Second Amendment , Trump might then mobilize his many millions of followers as a “ National Militia ” committed to preserving law and order ( and therefore his hold on the presidency ) until an honest election can be organized , however long that may take .
But scenario No .
2 is hardly less problematic : Trump wins , but anti-Trumpers , including the vast majority of the nation ’ s media , intellectual , and cultural elite , refuse to accept the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years of being governed by a corrupt , incompetent , pathologically dishonest narcissist , they could well declare his presidency illegitimate and demand his removal .
The “ Resistance ” inspired by his ascent to high office in 2016 revives with a vengeance .
Antifa transitions from a fringe group to a mass movement intent on ousting a manifestly fascist regime , using whatever means are necessary .
Ten or 20 years ago , even as the basis for a Hollywood script , neither scenario would have seemed plausible .
Given the multiple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that is no longer the case .
While the likelihood of either scenario ( or some related variant ) actually coming to pass is difficult to calculate , it is not zero .
Should the final tally of votes be tainted by ambiguity—ballots lost or miscounted perhaps , or new evidence of foreign interference—it could be considerably greater than zero .
How Biden Should Spend His First Days as President Defund the Police .
And the Military , Too .
Trump Is Deploying Troops Against Americans , and Military Leaders Are Abetting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in this sense : In each , a contested presidential election holds the potential of triggering the collapse of domestic order .
Unrest simultaneously affecting dozens of cities on a scale dwarfing recent protests in Portland , Ore. , is not inconceivable .
Should state and local police agencies prove unable to cope , proponents of order intent on restoring some semblance of stability will argue for deploying US troops .
But any such action will carry with it political implications of profound importance .
In scenario No .
1 , the left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ militias obstructing Biden ’ s rightful assumption of the presidency .
In scenario No .
2 , the right will cite the need for troops to crush an emboldened Resistance and thereby preserve Trump ’ s rightful claim to reelection .
In either instance , it will fall to the military to uphold the “ correct ” outcome of the November 2020 election .
The military itself—meaning a small cadre of very senior Pentagon officials , both uniformed and civilian—will thereby render a definitive judgment on the proper meaning of “ correct.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Court in the contested presidential election of 2000 , duty will require them to choose sides .
In so doing , they will unavoidably set a precedent .
To the extent that their choosing determines who will inhabit the Oval Office as of January 20 , 2021 , the US military will willy-nilly assume a role as ultimate political arbiter .
An institution that has struggled mightily to influence who should govern in Kabul or Baghdad will find itself deciding who should govern at home .
Down that path lies rule by a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not a role that Pentagon leaders will seek .
Should the election produce a contested outcome , they will want the courts and Congress to settle matters expeditiously in accordance with the rule of law .
The generals and admirals who preside over the military have a strong institutional interest in preserving the status of the armed forces as an institution commanding broad respect .
After all , military juntas tend to have a limited lifespan .
But the unique circumstances of the present political moment may put normalcy out of reach @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being dragged into a hyper-partisan dispute stemming from the election will depend in large measure on the character and political judgment of two individuals : Secretary of Defense Mark Esper and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Gen. Mark Milley .
During the potentially turbulent and contentious weeks that may follow November 3 , both will remain at their posts , even if in Esper ’ s case possibly as a lame duck .
I take it as given that Esper and Milley are well-intentioned patriots .
Yet neither one inspires confidence .
Esper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Honor , Country ” ) and served briefly in the Army .
Yet he has spent the preponderance of his professional career as a well-paid functionary within the upper reaches of the military-industrial complex .
The values that prevail there differ from those taught at West Point .
Milley is a career army officer , largely unknown to the public until he accompanied Trump on the president ’ s infamous trek across Lafayette Park to pose with a copy of the Bible .
Esper is a Trump loyalist .
Whether intentionally or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that he too is in Trump ’ s pocket .
Future historians are unlikely to confuse either of them with George C. Marshall , who during the Korean War held Esper ’ s post as defense secretary and throughout World War II served as army chief of staff .
Marshall stands in relation to the military profession as Jesus Christ does to Christianity .
In the weeks to come , which may find them tested as never before , Esper and Milley would do well to keep in mind the acronym WWMD : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The proper answer to that question will necessarily depend on the specifics of the case .
But on one point Marshall was unbending : His ultimate loyalty was to the Constitution , not to any person or party .
The oath that he had sworn to preserve and protect the Constitution took precedence over all other considerations .
In the treacherous times just ahead , Esper and Milley may be called upon to emulate Marshall ’ s example .
Persons of good will , regardless of their partisan affinities , must hope that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their ultimate loyalty must lie .
A lot may be riding on their performance of their duties .

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Thank you for signing up for The Nation’s weekly newsletter.
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Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
Sign up for our Wine Club today. Did you know you can support The Nation by drinking wine?
There are at least two ways that the outcome of this November’s presidential election could threaten the existing political order. Both risk drawing the armed forces of the United States into partisan politics, with the Constitution itself thereby put in jeopardy. Americans are long accustomed to assuming that the US military is indelibly and irreversibly apolitical. Events in the coming months may well test that assumption.
Scenario No. 1 has lately been garnering more than occasional press attention: Biden wins, but Trump refuses to accept the outcome. He denounces the election as rigged and vows to retain control of the White House. Citing the Second Amendment, Trump might then mobilize his many millions of followers as a “National Militia” committed to preserving law and order (and therefore his hold on the presidency) until an honest election can be organized, however long that may take.
But scenario No. 2 is hardly less problematic: Trump wins, but anti-Trumpers, including the vast majority of the nation’s media, intellectual, and cultural elite, refuse to accept the outcome. Unable to abide four more years of being governed by a corrupt, incompetent, pathologically dishonest narcissist, they could well declare his presidency illegitimate and demand his removal. The “Resistance” inspired by his ascent to high office in 2016 revives with a vengeance. Antifa transitions from a fringe group to a mass movement intent on ousting a manifestly fascist regime, using whatever means are necessary.
Ten or 20 years ago, even as the basis for a Hollywood script, neither scenario would have seemed plausible. Given the multiple traumas that Americans have endured in 2020, that is no longer the case. While the likelihood of either scenario (or some related variant) actually coming to pass is difficult to calculate, it is not zero. Should the final tally of votes be tainted by ambiguity—ballots lost or miscounted perhaps, or new evidence of foreign interference—it could be considerably greater than zero. More From Andrew J. Bacevich America Needs to Break Its Addiction to Global Intervention June 7, 2023 Is the US Flirting With Nuclear War? March 23, 2023 We Can't Reduce the Ukraine War to a Morality Play February 14, 2023
The two suggested scenarios are alike in this sense: In each, a contested presidential election holds the potential of triggering the collapse of domestic order. Unrest simultaneously affecting dozens of cities on a scale dwarfing recent protests in Portland, Ore., is not inconceivable. Should state and local police agencies prove unable to cope, proponents of order intent on restoring some semblance of stability will argue for deploying US troops. But any such action will carry with it political implications of profound importance.
In scenario No. 1, the left will call for troops to disperse Trumpian militias obstructing Biden’s rightful assumption of the presidency. In scenario No. 2, the right will cite the need for troops to crush an emboldened Resistance and thereby preserve Trump’s rightful claim to reelection. In either instance, it will fall to the military to uphold the “correct” outcome of the November 2020 election. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
The military itself—meaning a small cadre of very senior Pentagon officials, both uniformed and civilian—will thereby render a definitive judgment on the proper meaning of “correct.” As was the case with the Supreme Court in the contested presidential election of 2000, duty will require them to choose sides. In so doing, they will unavoidably set a precedent. To the extent that their choosing determines who will inhabit the Oval Office as of January 20, 2021, the US military will willy-nilly assume a role as ultimate political arbiter. An institution that has struggled mightily to influence who should govern in Kabul or Baghdad will find itself deciding who should govern at home. Down that path lies rule by a military junta. Current Issue View our current issue
To emphasize: This is not a role that Pentagon leaders will seek. Should the election produce a contested outcome, they will want the courts and Congress to settle matters expeditiously in accordance with the rule of law. The generals and admirals who preside over the military have a strong institutional interest in preserving the status of the armed forces as an institution commanding broad respect. After all, military juntas tend to have a limited lifespan. But the unique circumstances of the present political moment may put normalcy out of reach.
Whether the armed forces can avoid being dragged into a hyper-partisan dispute stemming from the election will depend in large measure on the character and political judgment of two individuals: Secretary of Defense Mark Esper and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Gen. Mark Milley. During the potentially turbulent and contentious weeks that may follow November 3, both will remain at their posts, even if in Esper’s case possibly as a lame duck.
I take it as given that Esper and Milley are well-intentioned patriots. Yet neither one inspires confidence. Esper graduated from West Point (“Duty, Honor, Country”) and served briefly in the Army. Yet he has spent the preponderance of his professional career as a well-paid functionary within the upper reaches of the military-industrial complex. The values that prevail there differ from those taught at West Point.
Milley is a career army officer, largely unknown to the public until he accompanied Trump on the president’s infamous trek across Lafayette Park to pose with a copy of the Bible. Esper is a Trump loyalist. Whether intentionally or not, Milley has created the impression that he too is in Trump’s pocket.
Future historians are unlikely to confuse either of them with George C. Marshall, who during the Korean War held Esper’s post as defense secretary and throughout World War II served as army chief of staff. Marshall stands in relation to the military profession as Jesus Christ does to Christianity. In the weeks to come, which may find them tested as never before, Esper and Milley would do well to keep in mind the acronym WWMD: “What Would Marshall Do?”
The proper answer to that question will necessarily depend on the specifics of the case. But on one point Marshall was unbending: His ultimate loyalty was to the Constitution, not to any person or party. The oath that he had sworn to preserve and protect the Constitution took precedence over all other considerations. In the treacherous times just ahead, Esper and Milley may be called upon to emulate Marshall’s example. Persons of good will, regardless of their partisan affinities, must hope that they will both be mindful of where their ultimate loyalty must lie. A lot may be riding on their performance of their duties.


thenation--2020-09-17--The US Safety Net Is Degrading by Design

The pandemic has thrown millions of people out of work while mean-spirited government policies ended emergency Unemployment Insurance benefits .
More and more families are left with no choice but to turn to public assistance programs like the dysfunctional Temporary Aid to Needy Families ( TANF ) .
But built on racist and sexist stereotypes and degrading by design , the harsh TANF program often harms poor people more than it helps , while the more popular food stamps and rental assistance have too many strings and reach too few people .
Rivaling the Great Depression , the twin public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the dysfunctional safety net .
The deepening adversity calls upon us to imagine a strong safety net that will ensure economic security for all .
But first , how and why is it that our nation ’ s leaders , from the outset , built the system to fail ?
The landmark 1935 Social Security Act included both the popular retirement and unemployment insurance programs and the punitive means-tested welfare-type public assistance programs .
The latter intentionally stigmatized and humiliated people in exchange for benefits so meager that it ’ s almost impossible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ denial of equal access to people of color and women , the exclusion of immigrants , plus harsh time limits , stiff work requirements , intrusive surveillance measures , and undue state discretion deprives too many people of the income they need to pay the rent and to put food on the table .
These are not design flaws .
Policy-makers intentionally built these systems to hassle the poor , to make the application process as humiliating as possible , and to prevent people from getting the help they need .
Cuomo ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Starve the Schools ‘ We Are Civilization ’ s Anchor .
We Are the Compass for Humanity and Conscience.
’ More in this series Some 40 years ago , after Republicans and Democrats joined hands to destroy the safety net , things became much harsher .
Republican President Ronald Reagan cut the public assistance programs .
Democratic President Bill Clinton declared that “ the era of big government is over ” and promised to “ end welfare as we know it ” —purging millions of women and children from the rolls .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ privatize the beloved Social Security Program .
Evoking Reagan ’ s “ welfare queen , ” the racist and sexist myth that Black women game the system to buy fancy cars and name-brand clothes and pushing Clinton ’ s flawed welfare “ reform ” to its logical extreme , the Trump administration wants to end the entire safety net .
It brutally cuts more funds , cruelly seeks to require work by people seeking Medicaid or food stamps , and to implement the so-called “ public charge ” rule to punish immigrants seeking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic—these stigmatizing and humiliating policies had already reduced the percentage of families eligible for cash welfare from 68 percent to 22 percent .
In states like Texas , Louisiana , and Arkansas , less than 5 percent of eligible poor families get help .
All the hassling and threats send a clear message : “ Do not apply.
” Fear , exhaustion , and despair further keep too many people away from harsh programs that they nonetheless need to survive .
The portion of poor families getting cash help nationwide is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bitter harvest of this hardship as 12 percent of all adults in America report not getting enough to eat during the previous week , nearly double that number for Black and Latinx families .
One in five renters have fallen behind on rent , and that ’ s true for nearly a third of households of color , many headed by women .
Over a quarter of the nation ’ s children live in families that sometimes don ’ t have enough food or clothing for school .
As Covid-19 throws more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some for the first time , Senate Republicans and Trump refuse to pass a relief package .
This will ensure catastrophic consequences for millions of people living on the brink , sending them to apply for abusive public assistance benefits they never thought they would need .
The pandemic recession has exposed the nation ’ s deep-seated economic inequality and systemic racism already too well-known and widely experienced by the poor .
It has started to open the eyes of others to the stigma and oppression built into safety net programs .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from all walks of life .
Mary Reinbold is a single mom of three living in West Virginia who reached the five-year time limit for cash welfare .
The loss of welfare forced her to do community service for 40 hours per week for a paltry $ 301 in monthly cash benefits , plus food stamps and Medicaid for her family .
She ’ s worked on and off , but each time she got a job , welfare reduced her benefits , leaving her to pay 30 percent of her earnings towards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a job hoping to save for a car , the state cut the family ’ s food stamps .
Her daughter quit .
“ It ’ s a trap with so many obstacles and hurdles that it ’ s almost impossible just to escape , ” Reinbold said .
The conservative policies that claim to incentivize people to work have only forced Mary ’ s family to quit just while they were starting to get ahead .
Millions more families are now experiencing the red tape , the delays , and the stinginess @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ferguson , a substitute teacher in Ohio who waited for months for unemployment benefits she was entitled to receive , and Thomas Miles , a commercial roofer in Florida , who is still waiting for his .
Jeff Quattrone , a now-unemployed artist in New Jersey , applied for housing assistance , but the state lottery allocates just 8,000 vouchers—60,000 people applied .
Only one in six families eligible for child care get it .
This was always wrong , but for “ essential workers ” it now creates impossible and unsustainable choices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need and possibility for something better .
Struggling families have a shared view of what we need to do .
They are imagining and fighting for a different future .
Co-author Tammy Thomas Miles , whose husband is still waiting for unemployment benefits , has been organizing for a better safety net for over a decade , grounded in her lifetime of experience with systems that don ’ t help families , even though their taxes pay for the programs .
She radically reimagines government ’ s role and believes that we need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stigma and oppression through racist and sexist stereotypes .
She fights for a system that provides a solid foundation for everyone and levels the playing field for marginalized people and those down on their luck .
Tia Ferguson joined a community organization , the Ohio Organizing Collaborative , to help her navigate the unemployment system .
She has since spoken out in a town hall event with Senator Sherrod Brown and Representative Tim Ryan and testified before the House Ways and Means Committee about her struggles .
Jeff Quattrone believes that the government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discourages people from applying for needed benefits , while giving huge tax breaks to the rich and corporations .
That ’ s why he supports the House-passed HEROES Act and vice presidential nominee Senator Kamala Harris ’ s proposal to give $ 2,000 in unconditional cash assistance to people until the pandemic is over .
He adds that we should cancel rent and provide massive housing assistance to families .
Reinbold wants to see a universal basic income that provides unconditional cash payments to all families .
All of these bold goals are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that replaces our racial and gender caste system with a just and equitable one .
These changes will be made by a grassroots movement of people like Mary , Jeff , and Tia who have experienced the brokenness of these systems and who have the courage and radical imagination to replace the old safety net with something new , bold , and available to all .

Mimi Abramovitz, Deepak Bhargava, Tammy Thomas Miles

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The pandemic has thrown millions of people out of work while mean-spirited government policies ended emergency Unemployment Insurance benefits. More and more families are left with no choice but to turn to public assistance programs like the dysfunctional Temporary Aid to Needy Families (TANF).
But built on racist and sexist stereotypes and degrading by design, the harsh TANF program often harms poor people more than it helps, while the more popular food stamps and rental assistance have too many strings and reach too few people.
Rivaling the Great Depression, the twin public health and economic crises have laid bare the dysfunctional safety net. The deepening adversity calls upon us to imagine a strong safety net that will ensure economic security for all. But first, how and why is it that our nation’s leaders, from the outset, built the system to fail?
The landmark 1935 Social Security Act included both the popular retirement and unemployment insurance programs and the punitive means-tested welfare-type public assistance programs. The latter intentionally stigmatized and humiliated people in exchange for benefits so meager that it’s almost impossible for recipients to escape poverty. The denial of equal access to people of color and women, the exclusion of immigrants, plus harsh time limits, stiff work requirements, intrusive surveillance measures, and undue state discretion deprives too many people of the income they need to pay the rent and to put food on the table. These are not design flaws. Policy-makers intentionally built these systems to hassle the poor, to make the application process as humiliating as possible, and to prevent people from getting the help they need. Coronavirus Amid Partisan Politicking, Revelations on a Covid Origins Article Jimmy Tobias It’s Not “Unreasonable” to Want to Change Our Rotten Health Care System Gregg Gonsalves Covid Has Left Deep Wounds in America’s Rural Communities Anne N. Sosin
Some 40 years ago, after Republicans and Democrats joined hands to destroy the safety net, things became much harsher. Republican President Ronald Reagan cut the public assistance programs. Democratic President Bill Clinton declared that “the era of big government is over” and promised to “end welfare as we know it”—purging millions of women and children from the rolls. And Republican President George W. Bush tried to privatize the beloved Social Security Program. Evoking Reagan’s “welfare queen,” the racist and sexist myth that Black women game the system to buy fancy cars and name-brand clothes and pushing Clinton’s flawed welfare “reform” to its logical extreme, the Trump administration wants to end the entire safety net. It brutally cuts more funds, cruelly seeks to require work by people seeking Medicaid or food stamps, and to implement the so-called “public charge” rule to punish immigrants seeking cash support. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Between 1996 and 2018—before the pandemic—these stigmatizing and humiliating policies had already reduced the percentage of families eligible for cash welfare from 68 percent to 22 percent. In states like Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas, less than 5 percent of eligible poor families get help. All the hassling and threats send a clear message: “Do not apply.” Fear, exhaustion, and despair further keep too many people away from harsh programs that they nonetheless need to survive. The portion of poor families getting cash help nationwide is the lowest in decades.
We are reaping a bitter harvest of this hardship as 12 percent of all adults in America report not getting enough to eat during the previous week, nearly double that number for Black and Latinx families. One in five renters have fallen behind on rent, and that’s true for nearly a third of households of color, many headed by women. Over a quarter of the nation’s children live in families that sometimes don’t have enough food or clothing for school. Current Issue View our current issue
As Covid-19 throws more working- and middle-class people into poverty, some for the first time, Senate Republicans and Trump refuse to pass a relief package. This will ensure catastrophic consequences for millions of people living on the brink, sending them to apply for abusive public assistance benefits they never thought they would need. The pandemic recession has exposed the nation’s deep-seated economic inequality and systemic racism already too well-known and widely experienced by the poor. It has started to open the eyes of others to the stigma and oppression built into safety net programs.
The human consequences have been devastating to people from all walks of life. Mary Reinbold is a single mom of three living in West Virginia who reached the five-year time limit for cash welfare. The loss of welfare forced her to do community service for 40 hours per week for a paltry $301 in monthly cash benefits, plus food stamps and Medicaid for her family. She’s worked on and off, but each time she got a job, welfare reduced her benefits, leaving her to pay 30 percent of her earnings towards rent. When her teenage daughter got a job hoping to save for a car, the state cut the family’s food stamps. Her daughter quit. “It’s a trap with so many obstacles and hurdles that it’s almost impossible just to escape,” Reinbold said. The conservative policies that claim to incentivize people to work have only forced Mary’s family to quit just while they were starting to get ahead.
Millions more families are now experiencing the red tape, the delays, and the stinginess of our systems. People like Tia Ferguson, a substitute teacher in Ohio who waited for months for unemployment benefits she was entitled to receive, and Thomas Miles, a commercial roofer in Florida, who is still waiting for his. Jeff Quattrone, a now-unemployed artist in New Jersey, applied for housing assistance, but the state lottery allocates just 8,000 vouchers—60,000 people applied. Only one in six families eligible for child care get it. This was always wrong, but for “essential workers” it now creates impossible and unsustainable choices.
But with these experiences come the need and possibility for something better. Struggling families have a shared view of what we need to do. They are imagining and fighting for a different future. Co-author Tammy Thomas Miles, whose husband is still waiting for unemployment benefits, has been organizing for a better safety net for over a decade, grounded in her lifetime of experience with systems that don’t help families, even though their taxes pay for the programs. She radically reimagines government’s role and believes that we need a system that doesn’t perpetuate stigma and oppression through racist and sexist stereotypes. She fights for a system that provides a solid foundation for everyone and levels the playing field for marginalized people and those down on their luck.
Tia Ferguson joined a community organization, the Ohio Organizing Collaborative, to help her navigate the unemployment system. She has since spoken out in a town hall event with Senator Sherrod Brown and Representative Tim Ryan and testified before the House Ways and Means Committee about her struggles. Jeff Quattrone believes that the government intentionally disinvests in crucial programs and deliberately discourages people from applying for needed benefits, while giving huge tax breaks to the rich and corporations. That’s why he supports the House-passed HEROES Act and vice presidential nominee Senator Kamala Harris’s proposal to give $2,000 in unconditional cash assistance to people until the pandemic is over. He adds that we should cancel rent and provide massive housing assistance to families. Reinbold wants to see a universal basic income that provides unconditional cash payments to all families.
All of these bold goals are necessary to ring in a Third Reconstruction that replaces our racial and gender caste system with a just and equitable one. These changes will be made by a grassroots movement of people like Mary, Jeff, and Tia who have experienced the brokenness of these systems and who have the courage and radical imagination to replace the old safety net with something new, bold, and available to all.


thenation--2020-09-17--What Is Critical Race Theory and Why Is Trump Afraid of It?

The Trump administration recently released an Office of Management and Budget memo denouncing the expenditure of federal moneys on trainings on “ critical race theory , white privilege , or any other training or propaganda effort that teaches or suggests either ( 1 ) that the United States is an inherently racist or evil country or ( 2 ) that any race or ethnicity is inherently racist or evil.
” Citing unnamed news sources , the memo asserts that federal employees have been subjected to trainings in which they are required to acknowledge that “ virtually all Whites are racist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racism , in contravention of basic American values .
Trump ’ s Department of Education recently took up the effort to censor Critical Race Theory , announcing that it would review training materials and even employee book clubs to eliminate this allegedly “ un-American propaganda.
” Given the fact that in the last two weeks , Covid-related deaths have surpassed 190,000 , and that the number of Black people killed , shot , beaten , or choked by the police or their self-appointed fill-ins continues to rise from Wisconsin to California to New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agencies might seem curiously tone-deaf , but for the fact that it is so consistent with Trump ’ s political play book that invokes the same race-baiting moves ad nauseam .
It ’ s Trump ’ s version of an anti-anti-racism remix in which anti-racism is demonized as the enemy , rather than racial oppression .
To the extent that racism is a disease on the body politic , anti-anti-racism is the ideological equivalent of the denialism that features so prominently in Trump ’ s response to the Covid-19 pandemic— “ it will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But there is something more at play here than denouncing some imagined racial sensitivity training run amok as a distraction from the administration ’ s failures .
The mischaracterization of Critical Race Theory—a body of scholarship led by people of color centered in the legal academy—as anti-white propaganda is more than a caricature : It is a ploy intended to gin up the idea that anti-racist work is itself racist—against whites .
The Inevitable Whitelash Against Racial Justice Has Started The bogeyman that the memo seeks to evoke is a familiar figure , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ base , reprising some infamous billboards on Alabama highways , sponsored by the white nationalist White Genocide Project , asserting that “ Anti-racist is a code word for anti-white , ” and “ Diversity means chasing down the last white person.
” At the same time , the OMB memo is a test run to see if attacking anti-racist ideas has traction beyond diehard Trumpsters , and has resonance among those who repudiate the symbols and premises of white supremacy of which Trump is so enamored but worry that anti-racist advocacy can go @ @ @ @ @ @ @ animates the discomfort regarding anti-racism is that under the dominant view of law and politics , racism and anti-racism are simply competing viewpoints , entitled to equal treatment in the public sphere as though each view has equal access to power and resources .
This equal-treatment model prevalent under current interpretations of the First Amendment has left law virtually unavailable to stop the viral spread of even the most insane and violence-inculcating views , from birtherism to QAnon .
In fact , anti-racist advocacy that focuses on race as key to eradicating racism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ color blindness—a view largely unquestioned until recently .
Through the lens of color blindness , the sin of Critical Race Theory or any anti-racist work or activism is that it rejects the view that racism is solely the product of individual attitudes or decisions that distort otherwise race-neutral processes and institutions .
The focus of Critical Race Theory is on the way that race is baked into the current political , economic , and social system so that racial subordination is reproduced through normal operations , often without regard to intent .
White @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not a fantasy but a bulwark that has thwarted the egalitarian ideals cited so often as American values , and justified an economic order that benefits the few at the expense of the many .
The national narrative of color blindness and racial progress , cultivated over the past several decades , has been ruptured as a result of epic failures in addressing two crises—the Covid-19 pandemic , and the unrelenting carnage of anti-black violence .
Black Lives Matter , the call through which resistance has been shaped , has gone from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ symbol .
One might think that the terrain has shifted , and that anti-racism , and specifically anti-blackness could be named and addressed as such .
But you would be mistaken .
The OMB memo is only the latest example of the same old song of anti-anti-racism being cued up and put on heavy rotation .
So while one might see Trump ’ s latest move as simply another attempt at misdirection , its more important contribution may be its portrayal of anti-racist ideas as extremist and politically radioactive , so that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on both sides , ” especially Democrats .
It ’ s time to resist this anti anti-racist tune and put to rest the idea that the only path to political transformation is by muting anti-racism .

Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
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The Trump administration recently released an Office of Management and Budget memo denouncing the expenditure of federal moneys on trainings on “critical race theory, white privilege, or any other training or propaganda effort that teaches or suggests either (1) that the United States is an inherently racist or evil country or (2) that any race or ethnicity is inherently racist or evil.” Citing unnamed news sources, the memo asserts that federal employees have been subjected to trainings in which they are required to acknowledge that “virtually all Whites are racist” and that they have benefited from racism, in contravention of basic American values. Trump’s Department of Education recently took up the effort to censor Critical Race Theory, announcing that it would review training materials and even employee book clubs to eliminate this allegedly “un-American propaganda.”
Given the fact that in the last two weeks, Covid-related deaths have surpassed 190,000, and that the number of Black people killed, shot, beaten, or choked by the police or their self-appointed fill-ins continues to rise from Wisconsin to California to New York, this OMB directive to federal agencies might seem curiously tone-deaf, but for the fact that it is so consistent with Trump’s political play book that invokes the same race-baiting moves ad nauseam. It’s Trump’s version of an anti-anti-racism remix in which anti-racism is demonized as the enemy, rather than racial oppression.
To the extent that racism is a disease on the body politic, anti-anti-racism is the ideological equivalent of the denialism that features so prominently in Trump’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic—“it will disappear one day, like magic.”
But there is something more at play here than denouncing some imagined racial sensitivity training run amok as a distraction from the administration’s failures. The mischaracterization of Critical Race Theory—a body of scholarship led by people of color centered in the legal academy—as anti-white propaganda is more than a caricature: It is a ploy intended to gin up the idea that anti-racist work is itself racist—against whites. Related Article The Inevitable Whitelash Against Racial Justice Has Started Elie Mystal
The bogeyman that the memo seeks to evoke is a familiar figure, designed to appeal to Trump’s base, reprising some infamous billboards on Alabama highways, sponsored by the white nationalist White Genocide Project, asserting that “Anti-racist is a code word for anti-white,” and “Diversity means chasing down the last white person.”
At the same time, the OMB memo is a test run to see if attacking anti-racist ideas has traction beyond diehard Trumpsters, and has resonance among those who repudiate the symbols and premises of white supremacy of which Trump is so enamored but worry that anti-racist advocacy can go “too far.”
Part of what animates the discomfort regarding anti-racism is that under the dominant view of law and politics, racism and anti-racism are simply competing viewpoints, entitled to equal treatment in the public sphere as though each view has equal access to power and resources. This equal-treatment model prevalent under current interpretations of the First Amendment has left law virtually unavailable to stop the viral spread of even the most insane and violence-inculcating views, from birtherism to QAnon. Current Issue View our current issue
In fact, anti-racist advocacy that focuses on race as key to eradicating racism is seen as contradicting the principle of color blindness—a view largely unquestioned until recently. Through the lens of color blindness, the sin of Critical Race Theory or any anti-racist work or activism is that it rejects the view that racism is solely the product of individual attitudes or decisions that distort otherwise race-neutral processes and institutions. The focus of Critical Race Theory is on the way that race is baked into the current political, economic, and social system so that racial subordination is reproduced through normal operations, often without regard to intent. White privilege, particularly white elite privilege, is not a fantasy but a bulwark that has thwarted the egalitarian ideals cited so often as American values, and justified an economic order that benefits the few at the expense of the many.
The national narrative of color blindness and racial progress, cultivated over the past several decades, has been ruptured as a result of epic failures in addressing two crises—the Covid-19 pandemic, and the unrelenting carnage of anti-black violence. Black Lives Matter, the call through which resistance has been shaped, has gone from the virtually unspeakable to ubiquitous mantra and symbol. One might think that the terrain has shifted, and that anti-racism, and specifically anti-blackness could be named and addressed as such. But you would be mistaken. The OMB memo is only the latest example of the same old song of anti-anti-racism being cued up and put on heavy rotation.
So while one might see Trump’s latest move as simply another attempt at misdirection, its more important contribution may be its portrayal of anti-racist ideas as extremist and politically radioactive, so that they should be denounced by “reasonable people on both sides,” especially Democrats. It’s time to resist this anti anti-racist tune and put to rest the idea that the only path to political transformation is by muting anti-racism.


thenation--2020-09-16--Mexico’s Women Demand Justice on Gender Violence

As dusk settled across Mexico City ’ s historic center , a middle-aged woman standing on the second-story balcony of a graffiti-covered stone building clutched a microphone in one hand and raised a pack of papers with the other .
“ To hell with your institutions !
” she yelled through a white mask covering her mouth and nose , her husky voice cracking from the force of her cry .
She tore the papers—government forms she ’ d been instructed to fill out to push along her sister ’ s and niece ’ s missing persons cases , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engulfed in for years , she said—and tossed the shredded pieces like confetti to a roaring crowd of some 200 women dressed in black , packed on the street below .
In a falsetto betraying their youth , they chanted , “ You are not alone.
” They pumped their fists in the air .
The ones in balaclavas raised sticks and hammers .
It was September 14 , the eve of Mexico ’ s independence festivities , an event inaugurated each year when the president steps out onto the presidential palace ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reenactment of revolutionary hero Miguel Hidalgo ’ s call to arms against the Spanish in 1810 ( a mythologized moment akin to the American Revolution ’ s “ shot heard round the world ” ) .
Here was the women ’ s anti-grita .
As evening turned to night , mothers of daughters murdered , raped , and disappeared took to the balcony to wail their fury and call out the government for abandoning them .
If the government and its institutions would not protect their freedom , they said , they would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ why they ’ d seized the building from which they spoke—the National Human Rights Commission—two weeks prior .
It had all started on September 2 , when Marcela Alemán tied her white sneakers ’ shoelaces to a chair inside the commission .
In a video she shot on her phone , she explained that commission staff had instructed her to file yet another report to begin legal proceedings against the people she accused of sexually abusing her daughter in 2017 .
When Abortion After Rape Is Legal—but Nearly Impossible to Obtain You ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Got This , but Your Face Shield ’ s Foggy Alemán refused .
She was done with the runaround she ’ d been subjected to for three years , she said , and demanded justice .
She would not leave the building until it was served .
“ Long live women , and long live mothers who fight , ” she proclaimed in the video , panning the camera down from her tied laces up across a Mexican flag waving in the balcony breeze beside her .
Within hours , young women , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ poured onto the street in front of the commission to create a human shield against the police they expected to arrive at any second to evict Alemán .
Soon after , other women arrived : mothers of children murdered , disappeared , raped , and abused—all , like Alemán , exhausted and enraged by Mexican institutions ’ failure to address mounting gender violence in the country .
On September 3 , the women stormed the building .
Under the guidance of a few feminist collectives , the women have occupied the Human Rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it into a shelter for victims of gender violence .
They guard the entrance in makeshift balaclavas , behind a row of defaced paintings pulled out from the building—revolutionary heroes made over with pouty red lips , green eyeshadow , and purple hair , or devil ’ s horns and tails—which acts like a barricade and lends to the punk anarchist aesthetic .
They refuse to hand the building back to the government .
It ’ s world-class trolling .
The occupation is the latest in a series of increasingly dramatic feminist acts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shows a potent alliance between younger , college-age punk/anarchist feminists and the mothers of victims of gender violence .
“ The younger girls bring the ideas for action and the mothers give the movement legitimacy , ” says Tania Castillo , an award-winning filmmaker whose upcoming feature chronicles the evolution of Mexico City ’ s feminism from an avant-garde movement spearheaded by the lesbian community in the 1970s to its massive and increasingly mainstream iteration today .
Much of Mexico ’ s feminism is informed by and responds to a state of staggering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ average of 11 women murdered a day , with most cases left unsolved and unpunished .
Grassroots feminism has long thrived in Mexico : Feminist journalists and academics were the first to bring the term “ femicide , ” or feminicidio—the murder of women on account of their gender—out of academic obscurity in the 1990s with the killings then in Ciudad Juárez .
But over the past two years , the movement has mushroomed into a powerful political force threatening to pull support from under the current administration ’ s feet .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alleged rape of a young woman by four police officers in Mexico City launched a “ Glitter Revolution , ” so called because protesters doused public spaces and monuments—and the capital ’ s security chief—in pink glitter during demonstrations .
Protests like these , mostly carried out by college-age , urban feminists , captured the media ’ s scorn and attention ( many outlets focused on the women ’ s acts of vandalism instead of the sex crimes they denounced ) , and put a spotlight on what an older generation of women @ @ @ @ @ @ @ buzz .
These are the mothers of missing children—the more than 73,000 Mexicans “ disappeared ” since the early 2000s—who have formed collectives and brigades to search for their loved ones and , together , brave the Kafkaesque maze that is Mexico ’ s missing persons bureaucracy .
The two generations have now joined forces .
In a dazzling show of strength , they marched together on this year ’ s International Women ’ s Day on March 8—one of the biggest turnouts worldwide , and the largest Mexican protest in memory .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Americas .
As Mexico ’ s economy plummeted , President Andrés Manuel López Obrador slashed budgets , including those destined for women ’ s shelters and other agencies tasked with addressing gender violence .
Almost overnight , domestic violence and femicide soared : April alone registered 267 murders of women , making it the deadliest month in the past five years .
In response , AMLO ’ s administration rolled out a tone-deaf campaign urging Mexicans to “ count to 10 ” when they felt upset , as a way to curb @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , AMLO said 90 percent of emergency hotline calls were “ false ” and blamed his predecessors ’ neoliberal policies for the gender violence that did exist .
Mexican women were told to stay home .
And then they had had enough .
“ After we took the commission , that was the first night in many years I was able to sleep , ” Ema told me .
“ It feels like a new lease on life.
” Ema—a pseudonym to protect her identity—is a 59-year-old feminist activist and member of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the groups leading the occupation .
( Ni Una Menos , or “ Not One Less [ Woman Alive ] ” was an anti-femicide movement founded in Argentina in 2015 that soon spread throughout Latin America .
The name is an adaptation of Ni Una Más , or “ Not One More [ Woman Killed ] , ” coined by Mexican poet-activist Susana Chávez in the 1990s in response to the Ciudad Juárez murders . )
A self-described lifelong feminist , Ema experienced firsthand the indifference and neglect with which government institutions handle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , then 10 , was raped a decade ago .
The perpetrator of the crime , Ema says , runs free today .
She ’ s done putting her faith in institutions .
She says she still believes in justice .
It just doesn ’ t look like courts .
Like many Mexicans—and many feminists—Ema voted for AMLO , who campaigned two years ago on a promise of progress and putting the poor and marginalized first .
She feels utterly betrayed .
The first time I saw Ema , she was standing before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fury .
“ You betrayed us , Andrés Manuel , but we ’ re not your bitches anymore , ” she said , her eyes ablaze , addressing Mexico ’ s president directly into a handful of recorders held out by journalists .
“ We ’ ve done something here that [ the ] Human Rights [ Commission ] has never done in its fucking existence.
” The Mexico City occupation has galvanized women in other parts of the country to follow suit .
On September 10 , groups of women seized the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ State , while in the states of Michoacán , Veracruz , Aguascalientes , and Puebla , other groups protested before their human rights buildings .

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As dusk settled across Mexico City’s historic center, a middle-aged woman standing on the second-story balcony of a graffiti-covered stone building clutched a microphone in one hand and raised a pack of papers with the other. “To hell with your institutions!” she yelled through a white mask covering her mouth and nose, her husky voice cracking from the force of her cry. She tore the papers—government forms she’d been instructed to fill out to push along her sister’s and niece’s missing persons cases, a never-ending bureaucratic nightmare she’d been engulfed in for years, she said—and tossed the shredded pieces like confetti to a roaring crowd of some 200 women dressed in black, packed on the street below. In a falsetto betraying their youth, they chanted, “You are not alone.” They pumped their fists in the air. The ones in balaclavas raised sticks and hammers.
It was September 14, the eve of Mexico’s independence festivities, an event inaugurated each year when the president steps out onto the presidential palace’s balcony and utters el grito—the cry—a reenactment of revolutionary hero Miguel Hidalgo’s call to arms against the Spanish in 1810 (a mythologized moment akin to the American Revolution’s “shot heard round the world”).
Here was the women’s anti-grita. As evening turned to night, mothers of daughters murdered, raped, and disappeared took to the balcony to wail their fury and call out the government for abandoning them. If the government and its institutions would not protect their freedom, they said, they would do it themselves. That’s why they’d seized the building from which they spoke—the National Human Rights Commission—two weeks prior.
It had all started on September 2, when Marcela Alemán tied her white sneakers’ shoelaces to a chair inside the commission. In a video she shot on her phone, she explained that commission staff had instructed her to file yet another report to begin legal proceedings against the people she accused of sexually abusing her daughter in 2017. Related Articles When Abortion After Rape Is Legal—but Nearly Impossible to Obtain Amy Littlefield and Laura Gottesdiener You’re a Doc, You’ve Got This, but Your Face Shield’s Foggy Maria Espinoza
Alemán refused. She was done with the runaround she’d been subjected to for three years, she said, and demanded justice. She would not leave the building until it was served. “Long live women, and long live mothers who fight,” she proclaimed in the video, panning the camera down from her tied laces up across a Mexican flag waving in the balcony breeze beside her. Within hours, young women, many from an anarchist feminist collective, poured onto the street in front of the commission to create a human shield against the police they expected to arrive at any second to evict Alemán. Soon after, other women arrived: mothers of children murdered, disappeared, raped, and abused—all, like Alemán, exhausted and enraged by Mexican institutions’ failure to address mounting gender violence in the country. On September 3, the women stormed the building.
Under the guidance of a few feminist collectives, the women have occupied the Human Rights Commission ever since, and have transformed it into a shelter for victims of gender violence. They guard the entrance in makeshift balaclavas, behind a row of defaced paintings pulled out from the building—revolutionary heroes made over with pouty red lips, green eyeshadow, and purple hair, or devil’s horns and tails—which acts like a barricade and lends to the punk anarchist aesthetic. They refuse to hand the building back to the government. It’s world-class trolling. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
The occupation is the latest in a series of increasingly dramatic feminist acts of civil disobedience, and perhaps best shows a potent alliance between younger, college-age punk/anarchist feminists and the mothers of victims of gender violence. Current Issue View our current issue
“The younger girls bring the ideas for action and the mothers give the movement legitimacy,” says Tania Castillo, an award-winning filmmaker whose upcoming feature chronicles the evolution of Mexico City’s feminism from an avant-garde movement spearheaded by the lesbian community in the 1970s to its massive and increasingly mainstream iteration today.
Much of Mexico’s feminism is informed by and responds to a state of staggering violence and impunity, which sees an average of 11 women murdered a day, with most cases left unsolved and unpunished. Grassroots feminism has long thrived in Mexico: Feminist journalists and academics were the first to bring the term “femicide,” or feminicidio—the murder of women on account of their gender—out of academic obscurity in the 1990s with the killings then in Ciudad Juárez. But over the past two years, the movement has mushroomed into a powerful political force threatening to pull support from under the current administration’s feet. It started in August 2019, when the alleged rape of a young woman by four police officers in Mexico City launched a “Glitter Revolution,” so called because protesters doused public spaces and monuments—and the capital’s security chief—in pink glitter during demonstrations.
Protests like these, mostly carried out by college-age, urban feminists, captured the media’s scorn and attention (many outlets focused on the women’s acts of vandalism instead of the sex crimes they denounced), and put a spotlight on what an older generation of women had sought for decades with less media buzz. These are the mothers of missing children—the more than 73,000 Mexicans “disappeared” since the early 2000s—who have formed collectives and brigades to search for their loved ones and, together, brave the Kafkaesque maze that is Mexico’s missing persons bureaucracy. The two generations have now joined forces. In a dazzling show of strength, they marched together on this year’s International Women’s Day on March 8—one of the biggest turnouts worldwide, and the largest Mexican protest in memory.
Shortly after, the coronavirus pandemic swept the Americas. As Mexico’s economy plummeted, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador slashed budgets, including those destined for women’s shelters and other agencies tasked with addressing gender violence. Almost overnight, domestic violence and femicide soared: April alone registered 267 murders of women, making it the deadliest month in the past five years. In response, AMLO’s administration rolled out a tone-deaf campaign urging Mexicans to “count to 10” when they felt upset, as a way to curb domestic violence. At the same time, AMLO said 90 percent of emergency hotline calls were “false” and blamed his predecessors’ neoliberal policies for the gender violence that did exist. Mexican women were told to stay home. And then they had had enough.
“After we took the commission, that was the first night in many years I was able to sleep,” Ema told me. “It feels like a new lease on life.” Related Article Is Mexico’s ‘Mayan Train’ a Boondoggle? Meaghan Beatley and Sam Edwards
Ema—a pseudonym to protect her identity—is a 59-year-old feminist activist and member of the Ni Una Menos collective, one of the groups leading the occupation. (Ni Una Menos, or “Not One Less [Woman Alive]” was an anti-femicide movement founded in Argentina in 2015 that soon spread throughout Latin America. The name is an adaptation of Ni Una Más, or “Not One More [Woman Killed],” coined by Mexican poet-activist Susana Chávez in the 1990s in response to the Ciudad Juárez murders.) A self-described lifelong feminist, Ema experienced firsthand the indifference and neglect with which government institutions handle cases of gender violence when her daughter, then 10, was raped a decade ago. The perpetrator of the crime, Ema says, runs free today. She’s done putting her faith in institutions. She says she still believes in justice. It just doesn’t look like courts.
Like many Mexicans—and many feminists—Ema voted for AMLO, who campaigned two years ago on a promise of progress and putting the poor and marginalized first. She feels utterly betrayed. The first time I saw Ema, she was standing before the commission, her mouth trembling with fury. “You betrayed us, Andrés Manuel, but we’re not your bitches anymore,” she said, her eyes ablaze, addressing Mexico’s president directly into a handful of recorders held out by journalists. “We’ve done something here that [the] Human Rights [Commission] has never done in its fucking existence.”
The Mexico City occupation has galvanized women in other parts of the country to follow suit. On September 10, groups of women seized the human rights offices in Ecatepec, Mexico State, while in the states of Michoacán, Veracruz, Aguascalientes, and Puebla, other groups protested before their human rights buildings.
“It’s happening,” Ema texted me afterward. “I’m so happy.”