thenation--2020-12-01--Can Democrats Really Win Georgia’s 2 Senate Seats?

A vast multiracial coalition swept Joe Biden to victory in Georgia last month , with all racial groups turning out in record numbers , making Biden the first Democratic presidential candidate to win the state in almost 20 years .
But a stunning 91 percent increase by Asian American/Pacific Islanders over 2016 exceeded expectations .
Many were first-time voters ; in Georgia ’ s Seventh Congressional District , including rapidly diversifying Gwinnett County , 41 percent of the AAPI residents who helped carry Democrat Carolyn Bordeaux to victory cast their first-ever ballots , researchers told The New York Times .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
These increasingly powerful members of what former state House minority leader Stacey Abrams identified as key partners in her “ New Georgia Project ” —which is both the name of the voter education and mobilization group she founded in 2014 and a description of her vision of what Georgia is becoming—present an important opportunity for Democrats as they try to propel investigative journalist Jon Ossoff and Ebenezer Baptist Church pastor Raphael Warnock to victory in the January 5 Senate runoff election .
But mobilizing them means doing things a little differently from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I talked to in Georgia says there are two keys to winning those races in January .
One is preventing that drop-off in votes cast in a runoff , and reassembling a version of the coalition that elected Biden , who got about 100,000 more votes than Ossoff .
( Ossoff trailed Perdue by about 80,000 . )
It will be especially important to get 2020 ’ s new voters—young voters , who increased their vote share in 2020 , as well as Black , Asian , and Hispanic voters—to come out a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after the New Year holiday .
One obstacle , notes Atlanta state Representative Bee Nguyen : Some Asian languages , including Vietnamese , don ’ t have a word for “ runoff.
” Nor does Spanish .
( Atlanta school board chair Jason Esteves told me the closest he could get was “ elecciones de segunda vuelta , ” or “ second round of elections , ” which surely lacks the zip of “ runoff.
” ) So convincing those new voters they should turn out again , after electing Biden , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t yet know well , presents a stark definitional challenge ( why is there un eleccion de segunda vuelta anyway ? )
, alongside the other logistical obstacles that have caused voter participation by Democrats to crater in past runoffs .
Trump Is Blowing Up the Georgia GOP—and It Couldn ’ t Happen at a Better Time The other key is Donald Trump .
He is openly feuding with Georgia ’ s two top Republicans , Governor Brian Kemp and Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger , because they certified Biden ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recount ) .
Some of Trump ’ s supporters are insisting that Georgia Republicans should boycott the Senate runoffs to punish incumbents Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue for inadequately aiding Trump ’ s efforts to overturn Biden ’ s victory .
Both candidates have called for Raffensperger ’ s resignation , with zero justification ; it ’ s not clear what more they could be doing .
Trump is heading to Georgia , reportedly on Saturday , to rally for them , but we don ’ t know which Trump will turn up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fearless president who could rally voters behind the two embattled GOP incumbents ?
Or the petulant man-baby who passive-aggressively blames Georgia Republicans for his loss and is currently turning interviews and speeches into extended pity parties ?
But Democrats can ’ t control what Trump does ; they only control their own campaigns .
“ I actually think it ’ s a complete distraction , ” Esteves told me .
“ Republicans still have an advantage in this state—don ’ t lose sight of that.
” Nobody thinks winning these races will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been outspent by Republicans in the first month of the new campaign .
Georgia Democrats have lost all eight runoffs staged since 1992 , including a pair of US Senate contests .
But progressive activists want to refute the notion that their dismal performance in past runoffs can predict the future .
There ’ s never been a runoff with resources like this—many expect the two Democrats to be competitive financially down the stretch—or with voters who are so mobilized .
“ Demographics is the fire , ” Nsé Ufot , the inspiring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , told NBC News .
“ Organizing is the accelerant.
” The AAPI community represents a unique example .
Representative Bee Nguyen cut her political teeth managing the 2016 campaign of Representative Sam Park , who beat a tough GOP incumbent that year to become Georgia ’ s first AAPI representative .
“ People were like , ‘ That ’ s sweet y ’ all are trying , but you ’ re going to lose , ’ ” she recalls .
But Park , who had interned in the state House with Abrams @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vietnamese , Korean , Hindi , Chinese—as well as Spanish .
“ Suddenly all of our moms who ’ ve never felt compelled to vote before were working on the campaign , phone banking for Sam in their own languages , ” Nguyen recalls , chuckling .
Park won ; his own mother voted for the first time that year .
( Interestingly , he merited an NBC News profile—for also being the state ’ s first out LGBTQ legislator . )
The next year , Nguyan ran in a special election for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first female AAPI legislator .
Now the state ’ s AAPI legislative caucus includes five .
It ’ s not enough , but it ’ s progress .
“ It used to be that hiring and investing in AAPI outreach was like pulling teeth ” with the Democratic Party , Nguyen recalls .
“ Nobody was talking to AAPI voters , and if they were , they weren ’ t doing it in their languages .
It ’ s very different right now.
” She credits Abrams with the change .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ truly recognized the power of AAPI voters and was able to pull them to her side ” in her 2018 governor ’ s race .
She lost narrowly but won 78 percent of the AAPI vote .
“ We haven ’ t always seen that investment with other campaigns , ” Nguyen notes .
Atlanta school board chair Jason Esteves says essentially the same thing .
“ Stacey Abrams was spending money on all of our communities from the beginning of her campaign .
It wasn ’ t always a lot , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adds , “ We were always part of the fabric of her campaign.
” Nguyen and Esteves know it will be a tough race for Warnock and Ossoff .
They both know about the 100,000-vote drop-off from Biden to Ossoff ( since Warnock ran in a special election to fill the seat of a GOP incumbent who unexpectedly retired , the dynamics there aren ’ t comparable ) .
On the other hand , Nguyen says , she outperformed both Biden and Ossoff in her state house district , where voter turnout was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should be noted that her district is mostly black and white , not AAPI . )
“ We knocked 37,000 doors in 2017 .
We canvassed every weekend for Stacey Abrams in 2018 .
My constituents know me , ” she added .
They don ’ t have much time to get to know Warnock and Ossoff .
But it can happen .
Stacey Abrams likes to talk about the “ muscle memory ” of Georgia voters who are getting used to exercising their sacred right .
Voting in the state isn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ absentee voting , voting by mail ( even if you ’ re not absentee , which traditionally meant out of town for Election Day ) , in-person voting—they ’ re governed by different deadlines and require different approaches .
But “ for some Georgia voters , the runoff will be their third or fourth election in just over seven months , ” says Seth Bringman of Abrams ’ s newest voter access group , Fair Fight Action .
Some Democrats voted in the June primary , which was a nightmare , with long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rules .
Then they cast their November ballots—an election that was administered much more cleanly and fairly , at least partly due to Fair Fight Action ’ s activism—and saw Biden win the state .
( Some Georgia voters faced a special election to fill the late John Lewis ’ s congressional seat ; that ’ s the fourth election in Bringman ’ s assessment . )
“ We have a very emboldened Democratic base that knows it can be done—they just elected Joe Biden , ” Bringman told me , adding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ muscle memory , especially among Georgians voting by mail .
It matters.
” Almost a million Democrats have already requested mail-in ballots for the primary .
Still , Democrats worry about drop-off among first-time AAPI and Hispanic voters , among rural black voters , and among young voters of all races .
Voters aged 18–29 increased their share of the Georgia vote from 14 to 16 percent .
But young voters disproportionately cast their ballots on Election Day , rather than taking advantage of new options to vote early or by mail .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ with many college students still home on break .
But Democrats say the Senate campaigns will be supercharged now that they ’ re gradually returning to ( very ) careful canvassing and door-knocking .
Democrats essentially abandoned the doors during the summer and fall , in Georgia and nationwide , because of Covid , but Republicans did not .
It ’ s possible to do it safely , Georgia Democrats now agree , especially with paid , experienced canvassers , rather than volunteers—which might be especially important in non–English speaking communities .
Esteves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time Democrats began to pay for that expertise .
“ Pay them what they ’ re worth , ” Esteves says of Spanish-speaking canvassers .
“ We certainly pay for traditional consultants , ” most of them white .
Nguyen agrees .
“ They deserve that skill set to be recognized , ” she says of the many Asian-language-proficient “ volunteers ” who would love to work on a campaign .
Both Nguyen and Esteves know there ’ s potential for Latinos and AAPI voters to be pitted against the party ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been the through line of Democrats ’ progress in Georgia and nationwide .
“ Obviously , Black voters are incredibly important and have saved all of us in so many ways , ” Nguyen told me .
She doesn ’ t see the current organizing ferment as any kind of a zero-sum game , where one group must lose for another to gain .
Nor does Esteves .
“ What ’ s really happening is our groups are finally working together—from Stacey Abrams ’ s work , and all the way down .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ finding ways to work together.
” As Democrats continue to sort through the data from November 3 to find promising new Peach State turnout targets—Ossoff saw particular drop-off from Biden ’ s numbers among white suburbanites in the northern Atlanta metro area ; he did better with the multiracial voters who live to the south of the capital—it ’ s hard not to stare at the car crash on the GOP side of the highway .
Trump ’ s railing against Kemp is not only hurting the governor ( who will almost certainly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) but also Loeffler and Perdue .
Poor Republican National Committee chair Ronna Romney McDaniel got shouted down at a campaign stop in suburban Cobb County ( where in some precincts Biden outperformed Ossoff , and Perdue outperformed Trump ) on Saturday .
“ Why should we vote in this election when we know it ’ s already decided ?
” someone yelled , according to CNN .
“ Kemp is a crook !
” another shouted .
But Esteves warns again : Don ’ t get distracted .
“ I still consider @ @ @ @ @ @ @ warns me , while acknowledging that it ’ s gradually changing .
“ The grassroots organizers who ’ ve been in this work for years must keep their heads .
”

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A vast multiracial coalition swept Joe Biden to victory in Georgia last month, with all racial groups turning out in record numbers, making Biden the first Democratic presidential candidate to win the state in almost 20 years. But a stunning 91 percent increase by Asian American/Pacific Islanders over 2016 exceeded expectations. Many were first-time voters; in Georgia’s Seventh Congressional District, including rapidly diversifying Gwinnett County, 41 percent of the AAPI residents who helped carry Democrat Carolyn Bordeaux to victory cast their first-ever ballots, researchers told The New York Times. Hispanic participation jumped an astonishing 72 percent.
These increasingly powerful members of what former state House minority leader Stacey Abrams identified as key partners in her “New Georgia Project”—which is both the name of the voter education and mobilization group she founded in 2014 and a description of her vision of what Georgia is becoming—present an important opportunity for Democrats as they try to propel investigative journalist Jon Ossoff and Ebenezer Baptist Church pastor Raphael Warnock to victory in the January 5 Senate runoff election. But mobilizing them means doing things a little differently from how Democrats have always operated.
Everyone I talked to in Georgia says there are two keys to winning those races in January. One is preventing that drop-off in votes cast in a runoff, and reassembling a version of the coalition that elected Biden, who got about 100,000 more votes than Ossoff. (Ossoff trailed Perdue by about 80,000.) It will be especially important to get 2020’s new voters—young voters, who increased their vote share in 2020, as well as Black, Asian, and Hispanic voters—to come out a second time, on a Tuesday just after the New Year holiday.
One obstacle, notes Atlanta state Representative Bee Nguyen: Some Asian languages, including Vietnamese, don’t have a word for “runoff.” Nor does Spanish. (Atlanta school board chair Jason Esteves told me the closest he could get was “elecciones de segunda vuelta,” or “second round of elections,” which surely lacks the zip of “runoff.”) So convincing those new voters they should turn out again, after electing Biden, to vote for two Senate candidates they don’t yet know well, presents a stark definitional challenge (why is there un eleccion de segunda vuelta anyway?), alongside the other logistical obstacles that have caused voter participation by Democrats to crater in past runoffs. Related Article Trump Is Blowing Up the Georgia GOP—and It Couldn’t Happen at a Better Time Joan Walsh
The other key is Donald Trump. He is openly feuding with Georgia’s two top Republicans, Governor Brian Kemp and Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, because they certified Biden’s legitimate win (after completing a hand recount). Some of Trump’s supporters are insisting that Georgia Republicans should boycott the Senate runoffs to punish incumbents Kelly Loeffler and David Perdue for inadequately aiding Trump’s efforts to overturn Biden’s victory. Both candidates have called for Raffensperger’s resignation, with zero justification; it’s not clear what more they could be doing. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
Trump is heading to Georgia, reportedly on Saturday, to rally for them, but we don’t know which Trump will turn up: the racist, demagogic, but fearless president who could rally voters behind the two embattled GOP incumbents? Or the petulant man-baby who passive-aggressively blames Georgia Republicans for his loss and is currently turning interviews and speeches into extended pity parties?
But Democrats can’t control what Trump does; they only control their own campaigns. “I actually think it’s a complete distraction,” Esteves told me. “Republicans still have an advantage in this state—don’t lose sight of that.” Current Issue View our current issue
Nobody thinks winning these races will be easy. Warnock and Ossoff have already been outspent by Republicans in the first month of the new campaign. Georgia Democrats have lost all eight runoffs staged since 1992, including a pair of US Senate contests. But progressive activists want to refute the notion that their dismal performance in past runoffs can predict the future. There’s never been a runoff with resources like this—many expect the two Democrats to be competitive financially down the stretch—or with voters who are so mobilized. “Demographics is the fire,” Nsé Ufot, the inspiring leader of the Abrams-founded New Georgia Project, told NBC News. “Organizing is the accelerant.”
The AAPI community represents a unique example. Representative Bee Nguyen cut her political teeth managing the 2016 campaign of Representative Sam Park, who beat a tough GOP incumbent that year to become Georgia’s first AAPI representative. “People were like, ‘That’s sweet y’all are trying, but you’re going to lose,’” she recalls. But Park, who had interned in the state House with Abrams, did unprecedented outreach in Asian languages—including Vietnamese, Korean, Hindi, Chinese—as well as Spanish. “Suddenly all of our moms who’ve never felt compelled to vote before were working on the campaign, phone banking for Sam in their own languages,” Nguyen recalls, chuckling. Park won; his own mother voted for the first time that year. (Interestingly, he merited an NBC News profile—for also being the state’s first out LGBTQ legislator.)
The next year, Nguyan ran in a special election for a state House seat, and became the first female AAPI legislator. Now the state’s AAPI legislative caucus includes five. It’s not enough, but it’s progress.
“It used to be that hiring and investing in AAPI outreach was like pulling teeth” with the Democratic Party, Nguyen recalls. “Nobody was talking to AAPI voters, and if they were, they weren’t doing it in their languages. It’s very different right now.”
She credits Abrams with the change. “She was the first statewide candidate who truly recognized the power of AAPI voters and was able to pull them to her side” in her 2018 governor’s race. She lost narrowly but won 78 percent of the AAPI vote. “We haven’t always seen that investment with other campaigns,” Nguyen notes.
Atlanta school board chair Jason Esteves says essentially the same thing. “Stacey Abrams was spending money on all of our communities from the beginning of her campaign. It wasn’t always a lot, but it was never an afterthought.” He adds, “We were always part of the fabric of her campaign.”
Nguyen and Esteves know it will be a tough race for Warnock and Ossoff. They both know about the 100,000-vote drop-off from Biden to Ossoff (since Warnock ran in a special election to fill the seat of a GOP incumbent who unexpectedly retired, the dynamics there aren’t comparable). On the other hand, Nguyen says, she outperformed both Biden and Ossoff in her state house district, where voter turnout was an astonishing 70 percent. (It should be noted that her district is mostly black and white, not AAPI.) “We knocked 37,000 doors in 2017. We canvassed every weekend for Stacey Abrams in 2018. My constituents know me,” she added.
They don’t have much time to get to know Warnock and Ossoff. But it can happen.
Stacey Abrams likes to talk about the “muscle memory” of Georgia voters who are getting used to exercising their sacred right. Voting in the state isn’t always easy; early voting, absentee voting, voting by mail (even if you’re not absentee, which traditionally meant out of town for Election Day), in-person voting—they’re governed by different deadlines and require different approaches. But “for some Georgia voters, the runoff will be their third or fourth election in just over seven months,” says Seth Bringman of Abrams’s newest voter access group, Fair Fight Action. Some Democrats voted in the June primary, which was a nightmare, with long lines in urban counties and confusion about the rules. Then they cast their November ballots—an election that was administered much more cleanly and fairly, at least partly due to Fair Fight Action’s activism—and saw Biden win the state. (Some Georgia voters faced a special election to fill the late John Lewis’s congressional seat; that’s the fourth election in Bringman’s assessment.)
“We have a very emboldened Democratic base that knows it can be done—they just elected Joe Biden,” Bringman told me, adding that “yes, there is now muscle memory, especially among Georgians voting by mail. It matters.” Almost a million Georgia voters have already requested mail-in ballots for the primary.
Still, Democrats worry about drop-off among first-time AAPI and Hispanic voters, among rural black voters, and among young voters of all races. Voters aged 18–29 increased their share of the Georgia vote from 14 to 16 percent. But young voters disproportionately cast their ballots on Election Day, rather than taking advantage of new options to vote early or by mail. That could be problematic in January, with many college students still home on break.
But Democrats say the Senate campaigns will be supercharged now that they’re gradually returning to (very) careful canvassing and door-knocking. Democrats essentially abandoned the doors during the summer and fall, in Georgia and nationwide, because of Covid, but Republicans did not. It’s possible to do it safely, Georgia Democrats now agree, especially with paid, experienced canvassers, rather than volunteers—which might be especially important in non–English speaking communities.
Esteves and Nguyen think it’s past time Democrats began to pay for that expertise. “Pay them what they’re worth,” Esteves says of Spanish-speaking canvassers. “We certainly pay for traditional consultants,” most of them white. Nguyen agrees. “They deserve that skill set to be recognized,” she says of the many Asian-language-proficient “volunteers” who would love to work on a campaign.
Both Nguyen and Esteves know there’s potential for Latinos and AAPI voters to be pitted against the party’s African American base, whose loyalty has been the through line of Democrats’ progress in Georgia and nationwide. “Obviously, Black voters are incredibly important and have saved all of us in so many ways,” Nguyen told me. She doesn’t see the current organizing ferment as any kind of a zero-sum game, where one group must lose for another to gain. Nor does Esteves. “What’s really happening is our groups are finally working together—from Stacey Abrams’s work, and all the way down. Instead of groups competing they’re finding ways to work together.”
As Democrats continue to sort through the data from November 3 to find promising new Peach State turnout targets—Ossoff saw particular drop-off from Biden’s numbers among white suburbanites in the northern Atlanta metro area; he did better with the multiracial voters who live to the south of the capital—it’s hard not to stare at the car crash on the GOP side of the highway. Trump’s railing against Kemp is not only hurting the governor (who will almost certainly face Abrams in a rematch in 2022) but also Loeffler and Perdue. Poor Republican National Committee chair Ronna Romney McDaniel got shouted down at a campaign stop in suburban Cobb County (where in some precincts Biden outperformed Ossoff, and Perdue outperformed Trump) on Saturday. “Why should we vote in this election when we know it’s already decided?” someone yelled, according to CNN. “Kemp is a crook!” another shouted.
But Esteves warns again: Don’t get distracted. “I still consider this a Republican state,” he warns me, while acknowledging that it’s gradually changing. “The grassroots organizers who’ve been in this work for years must keep their heads.”


thenation--2020-12-01--If Senate Democrats Are Sick of Losing, They Should Try Fighting

The last three Supreme Court confirmation hearings have been a disaster for the Democrats .
Mitch McConnell and the Republican Party were able to confirm all of Donald Trump ’ s nominees : Neil Gorsuch , alleged attempted rapist Brett Kavanaugh , and Amy Coney Barrett .
These three justices now make up a third of the Supreme Court , and none of them should be on the bench .
Gorsuch was nominated by Trump in 2017 to replace Antonin Scalia after the Senate ’ s Republican majority refused to hold a hearing on Barack Obama ’ s nominee , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Republicans ’ refusal to give Garland an up-or-down vote was a dereliction of the Senate ’ s constitutional duty .
Kavanaugh was a corrupt ethical disaster long before Dr. Christine Blasey Ford accused him of attempted rape .
Kavanaugh has also been accused of lying under oath , using stolen documents to prepare witnesses , and racking up gambling debts .
And when he was confronted by accusations of attempted rape—as well as exposing himself to a former classmate—he responded by screaming at the senators and threatening lifelong judicial retribution against his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the worst human to sit on the court in my lifetime ( and I am well aware of his odious competition ) , but was confirmed despite the lowest approval ratings of any nominee since Robert Bork .
Then , finally , there ’ s Barrett .
She was confirmed after the election had already begun to replace the man who nominated her .
Her nomination soirée—which was held before her predecessor , Ruth Bader Ginsburg , was even buried—served as a White House super-spreader event .
She was confirmed with just 51 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who voted for her were appointed senators , not popular-vote winners , who were in the midst of unsuccessful reelection campaigns themselves .
Aside from the rank hypocrisy shown by Republicans who voted for Barrett but refused even to give Garland a hearing , Barrett ’ s confirmation is the equivalent of renters tearing up the floorboards once they realize they ’ re not getting their security deposit back .
The Democrats failed to stop any of these people .
They ’ ve failed to stop most of Trump and McConnell ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , despite the ceaseless parade of unqualified and extremist jurists Republicans keep pushing onto the federal courts , even now during the lame-duck session .
I am aware that the Democrats are the minority party in the Senate .
I understand that there might have been little they could do to stop McConnell ’ s judicial onslaught .
But it should be obvious by now that what the Democrats have been doing—what they are still doing—just isn ’ t working .
It is long past time for new leadership on the Senate Judiciary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Judiciary is Senator Dianne Feinstein of California .
She has indicated that she will not seek leadership of the committee in the next Congress .
I have watched a lot of Senate Judiciary hearings over the past 10 years .
Suffice it to say that I am happy Feinstein has decided voluntarily to relinquish this power .
Next in line by seniority is Senator Dick Durbin of Illinois , followed by Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island .
Both have indicated they want the job .
Durbin is already the Senate minority whip @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Committee for 22 years .
He ’ s shown himself to be an able questioner who understands how a judge ’ s opinions or law review articles link up with their larger judicial philosophy .
But Durbin ’ s approach toward judicial nominees is entirely traditional .
He uses his 30-minute blocks of time to ask smart questions about the nominee ’ s philosophy or qualifications .
The nominee spends those 30 minutes fencing with Durbin , trying very hard not to say anything of consequence .
If everything goes perfectly for Durbin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reveals him- or herself to be… a Republican .
It turns out that judges nominated by Republicans don ’ t believe in abortion rights , or gay rights , or really any rights other than the right of Christians to discriminate against everybody else .
But this traditional approach has failed .
Highlighting the fact that Republican nominees oppose Roe v. Wade , when the president who nominated them literally promised to appoint only those judges who oppose a woman ’ s right to choose , is not all that helpful .
Pointing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lemon , when Republicans are picking their nominees right off the lemon tree , is kind of a giant waste of everybody ’ s time .
Senator Whitehouse , on the other hand , goes after the tree .
Whitehouse isn ’ t distracted by the ideological perversions of each particular nominee ; instead , he keeps his focus on the corrupt machine that manufactures Republican judges so that they can produce Republican decisions that are beneficial to Republican interests .
People like Gorsuch , Kavanaugh , and Barrett did not just fall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ McConnell needed them .
They were created by a judicial-industrial complex that includes the Federalist Society , the Heritage Foundation , and the Judicial Crisis Network .
They ’ ve been manufactured to reverse liberal democratic rights in specific ways : They support targeted restrictions on abortion providers ( TRAP laws ) ; they subvert minority rights through the denial of 14th Amendment claims and rejection of substantive due process ; they read the Free Exercise clause of the First Amendment as a triumph of God ’ s bigotry over secular laws .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ line of inquiry—and attack—on the entire Republican judicial system .
Whitehouse is less concerned with how Republican nominees think about the law , because he already knows the answer .
Everybody honest does .
Republican nominees think the law says whatever the Republican agenda needs it to say to advance their policy goals .
Instead of trying to drag that obvious point out of them ( and letting the nominees lie to him about it ) , Whitehouse focuses on who is setting that Republican agenda in the first place .
He drills @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have invested in the particular nominee , and what kind of return they expect on their investment .
Whitehouse ’ s questioning of Amy Barrett was instructive .
For starters , he didn ’ t actually ask her any questions .
Why would he ?
All she was going to do was lie or repeat impeccably rehearsed nonanswers to every question .
Instead , Whitehouse said , “ There is a lot of hard-to-explain hypocrisy and rush taking place right now , and my experience around politics is that when you find hypocrisy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the shadows.
” Then he tried to deconstruct the entire network of dark-money donors that makes the Republican judicial machine go .
He treated Barrett like the least important person in the room at her own confirmation hearing .
Which she was .
There are Republican donors who have put up with the entire crass , odious , and deathly Trump experience just so they could get judges like Barrett on the court .
Whitehouse , at least , tried to show the people why .
Maybe that strategy won ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they ’ ve been doing .
Maybe there truly is nothing that can make enough Republican senators stop voting for judges who will most ruthlessly pursue the GOP agenda .
Maybe there is nothing that can be done to make regular citizens and progressive activists fight these judicial nominees like the fate of the entire polity depended on it .
But it ’ s worth a shot .
What we have been doing has repeatedly , utterly failed .
It couldn ’ t hurt to try something new .
All of this assumes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Senate .
All of this contemplates a more effective way for Democrats to fight a losing battle .
But with the two runoffs in Georgia , and a favorable Senate map in 2022 , there is still a chance that at some point the Democrats will hold a majority in the Senate during the Biden administration .
And Sheldon Whitehouse as Senate Judiciary chair would be a sight to see .
Removing Trump Is Not Enough .
He Must Be Prosecuted .
The Democratic Party Will Keep Betraying Labor .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ Party .
Don ’ t Abandon the Democratic Party—Take It Over It was Senator Whitehouse who sent a “ friend of the court ” brief to the Supreme Court last term , when the court last heard a major gun regulation case .
His letter warned them that the rest of the country was paying attention to what they ’ re doing .
He wrote , “ The Supreme Court is not well .
And the people know it .
Perhaps the Court can heal itself before the public demands it be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ influence of politics.
’ Particularly on the urgent issue of gun control , a nation desperately needs it to heal.
” Whitehouse regularly files amicus briefs to the Supreme Court .
Whitehouse , unlike many of his colleagues , is unwilling to indulge in the legal fiction that the court is an “ apolitical ” branch .
He files those briefs , highlights the terrifying right-wing arguments of the other side , and even talks tough to the court because he knows what the court is doing and understands that transparency is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a chairmanship of the committee and a majority in the Senate , Whitehouse could be trusted to do whatever he could to bring ethical transparency not just to the judicial nominations process but to the Supreme Court itself .
He believes that if the American people knew who was buying the courts , they ’ d demand better judges .
Whitehouse has been one of the senators who is constantly on the case about ethics reform for judges as an attempt to get the corrupting influence of the Federalist Society out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Whitehouse , Chairman Whitehouse , would try to change that .
The first step in defeating the Republican machine is getting people to understand that it exists .
I have seen Democrats fight Republican nominees in the same way for 30 years .
It worked with Robert Bork and then , nobody else .
Republicans updated their game plan and have never looked back .
I need Democrats to give Whitehouse an opportunity to fight Republicans nominees in a new way .
As Abraham Lincoln once said of Ulysses S. Grant : “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He fights .
”

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The last three Supreme Court confirmation hearings have been a disaster for the Democrats. Mitch McConnell and the Republican Party were able to confirm all of Donald Trump’s nominees: Neil Gorsuch, alleged attempted rapist Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett. These three justices now make up a third of the Supreme Court, and none of them should be on the bench.
Gorsuch was nominated by Trump in 2017 to replace Antonin Scalia after the Senate’s Republican majority refused to hold a hearing on Barack Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland, for 293 days. The Republicans’ refusal to give Garland an up-or-down vote was a dereliction of the Senate’s constitutional duty.
Kavanaugh was a corrupt ethical disaster long before Dr. Christine Blasey Ford accused him of attempted rape. Kavanaugh has also been accused of lying under oath, using stolen documents to prepare witnesses, and racking up gambling debts. And when he was confronted by accusations of attempted rape—as well as exposing himself to a former classmate—he responded by screaming at the senators and threatening lifelong judicial retribution against his enemies. Kavanaugh is to my mind the worst human to sit on the court in my lifetime (and I am well aware of his odious competition), but was confirmed despite the lowest approval ratings of any nominee since Robert Bork.
Then, finally, there’s Barrett. She was confirmed after the election had already begun to replace the man who nominated her. Her nomination soirée—which was held before her predecessor, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, was even buried—served as a White House super-spreader event. She was confirmed with just 51 votes, and two of the Republicans who voted for her were appointed senators, not popular-vote winners, who were in the midst of unsuccessful reelection campaigns themselves. Aside from the rank hypocrisy shown by Republicans who voted for Barrett but refused even to give Garland a hearing, Barrett’s confirmation is the equivalent of renters tearing up the floorboards once they realize they’re not getting their security deposit back.
The Democrats failed to stop any of these people. They’ve failed to stop most of Trump and McConnell’s appointments to the lower courts as well, despite the ceaseless parade of unqualified and extremist jurists Republicans keep pushing onto the federal courts, even now during the lame-duck session.
I am aware that the Democrats are the minority party in the Senate. I understand that there might have been little they could do to stop McConnell’s judicial onslaught. But it should be obvious by now that what the Democrats have been doing—what they are still doing—just isn’t working. It is long past time for new leadership on the Senate Judiciary Committee. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
The current minority leader on Judiciary is Senator Dianne Feinstein of California. She has indicated that she will not seek leadership of the committee in the next Congress. I have watched a lot of Senate Judiciary hearings over the past 10 years. Suffice it to say that I am happy Feinstein has decided voluntarily to relinquish this power. Current Issue View our current issue
Next in line by seniority is Senator Dick Durbin of Illinois, followed by Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island. Both have indicated they want the job. Durbin is already the Senate minority whip and has sat on the Senate Judiciary Committee for 22 years. He’s shown himself to be an able questioner who understands how a judge’s opinions or law review articles link up with their larger judicial philosophy.
But Durbin’s approach toward judicial nominees is entirely traditional. He uses his 30-minute blocks of time to ask smart questions about the nominee’s philosophy or qualifications. The nominee spends those 30 minutes fencing with Durbin, trying very hard not to say anything of consequence. If everything goes perfectly for Durbin and the Democrats, the Republican nominee reveals him- or herself to be… a Republican. It turns out that judges nominated by Republicans don’t believe in abortion rights, or gay rights, or really any rights other than the right of Christians to discriminate against everybody else.
But this traditional approach has failed. Highlighting the fact that Republican nominees oppose Roe v. Wade, when the president who nominated them literally promised to appoint only those judges who oppose a woman’s right to choose, is not all that helpful. Pointing out that a Republican nominee is a lemon, when Republicans are picking their nominees right off the lemon tree, is kind of a giant waste of everybody’s time.
Senator Whitehouse, on the other hand, goes after the tree. Whitehouse isn’t distracted by the ideological perversions of each particular nominee; instead, he keeps his focus on the corrupt machine that manufactures Republican judges so that they can produce Republican decisions that are beneficial to Republican interests.
People like Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, and Barrett did not just fall out of the sky when Trump and McConnell needed them. They were created by a judicial-industrial complex that includes the Federalist Society, the Heritage Foundation, and the Judicial Crisis Network. They’ve been manufactured to reverse liberal democratic rights in specific ways: They support targeted restrictions on abortion providers (TRAP laws); they subvert minority rights through the denial of 14th Amendment claims and rejection of substantive due process; they read the Free Exercise clause of the First Amendment as a triumph of God’s bigotry over secular laws.
Whitehouse understands this and instead focuses his line of inquiry—and attack—on the entire Republican judicial system. Whitehouse is less concerned with how Republican nominees think about the law, because he already knows the answer. Everybody honest does. Republican nominees think the law says whatever the Republican agenda needs it to say to advance their policy goals. Instead of trying to drag that obvious point out of them (and letting the nominees lie to him about it), Whitehouse focuses on who is setting that Republican agenda in the first place. He drills down on how much those dark forces have invested in the particular nominee, and what kind of return they expect on their investment.
Whitehouse’s questioning of Amy Barrett was instructive. For starters, he didn’t actually ask her any questions. Why would he? All she was going to do was lie or repeat impeccably rehearsed nonanswers to every question. Instead, Whitehouse said, “There is a lot of hard-to-explain hypocrisy and rush taking place right now, and my experience around politics is that when you find hypocrisy in the daylight, look for power in the shadows.” Then he tried to deconstruct the entire network of dark-money donors that makes the Republican judicial machine go.
He treated Barrett like the least important person in the room at her own confirmation hearing. Which she was. There are Republican donors who have put up with the entire crass, odious, and deathly Trump experience just so they could get judges like Barrett on the court. Whitehouse, at least, tried to show the people why.
Maybe that strategy won’t work any better for Democrats than what they’ve been doing. Maybe there truly is nothing that can make enough Republican senators stop voting for judges who will most ruthlessly pursue the GOP agenda. Maybe there is nothing that can be done to make regular citizens and progressive activists fight these judicial nominees like the fate of the entire polity depended on it.
But it’s worth a shot. What we have been doing has repeatedly, utterly failed. It couldn’t hurt to try something new.
All of this assumes that Democrats are in the minority again in the Senate. All of this contemplates a more effective way for Democrats to fight a losing battle. But with the two runoffs in Georgia, and a favorable Senate map in 2022, there is still a chance that at some point the Democrats will hold a majority in the Senate during the Biden administration. And Sheldon Whitehouse as Senate Judiciary chair would be a sight to see. Related articles Removing Trump Is Not Enough. He Must Be Prosecuted. Sasha Abramsky The Democratic Party Will Keep Betraying Labor. It’s Time to Launch a Workers’ Party. Paul Blest Don’t Abandon the Democratic Party—Take It Over Jonathan Smucker
It was Senator Whitehouse who sent a “friend of the court” brief to the Supreme Court last term, when the court last heard a major gun regulation case. His letter warned them that the rest of the country was paying attention to what they’re doing. He wrote, “The Supreme Court is not well. And the people know it. Perhaps the Court can heal itself before the public demands it be ‘restructured in order to reduce the influence of politics.’ Particularly on the urgent issue of gun control, a nation desperately needs it to heal.” Whitehouse regularly files amicus briefs to the Supreme Court.
Whitehouse, unlike many of his colleagues, is unwilling to indulge in the legal fiction that the court is an “apolitical” branch. He files those briefs, highlights the terrifying right-wing arguments of the other side, and even talks tough to the court because he knows what the court is doing and understands that transparency is the best way to stop them.
Armed with a chairmanship of the committee and a majority in the Senate, Whitehouse could be trusted to do whatever he could to bring ethical transparency not just to the judicial nominations process but to the Supreme Court itself. He believes that if the American people knew who was buying the courts, they’d demand better judges. Whitehouse has been one of the senators who is constantly on the case about ethics reform for judges as an attempt to get the corrupting influence of the Federalist Society out of the federal courts.
I imagine Senator Whitehouse, Chairman Whitehouse, would try to change that. The first step in defeating the Republican machine is getting people to understand that it exists.
I have seen Democrats fight Republican nominees in the same way for 30 years. It worked with Robert Bork and then, nobody else. Republicans updated their game plan and have never looked back. I need Democrats to give Whitehouse an opportunity to fight Republicans nominees in a new way. As Abraham Lincoln once said of Ulysses S. Grant: “I cannot spare this man. He fights.”


Healing Blankets Project

# 1 Blanket R. Lesquerade , Rockenhausen , Germany , “ One World No Wall ” 2019 Lourdes Almeida , Mexico City , “ BASTA ” 2019 Laura Guadalupe Steinman Mбrquez , University Ibero , Tijuana Mexico , “ Volando en libertad ” ( flying with liberty ) Hede Kaffenberger and Petra Meinzer , Rockenhausen , Germany “ Peace ” 2019 Paloma Domнnguez Mйndez , Mexico 2019 , “ Nuestro cuerpo no es campo de batalla ” ( our body is not a battle field ) Li Koelan , Berlin , Germany “ The Flower of Life ” 2019 María @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Ni una más ” , ( Not one more ) 2019 Beate Honsell- Weiss , Berlin , Germany , “ Everything is connected to everything ” 2019 # 2 Blanket Niza Garcia , Mexico Embrodiery , “ Eres Fuego ” Adriana Calatayud , Mexico 2019 , Embrodiery and paint ( brain ) Mayra Huerta Jimenez , Mexico , 2019 , Fortalece Une Laura Zavala Hidalgo , Mexico 2020 , Siempre Unidas Dorothy Thursby , USA 2019 , Patchwork/paint , Mother and Child Beatrнz Zavala Hidalgo , Mexico 2020 , “ Paz ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Carolina , “ Healing Hands ” piece , combination batik and quilting cotton .
Francine Fischl , USA , 2019 , Patchwork on cotton , “ Dogs for Justice a gift for children/Perros por Justicía para los niños .
Cheryl Kanuck , Bluffton , South Carolina 2019 , Patchwork on cotton “ Earth in Our Hands ” # 3 Blanket Lucille C Atkin , Austin Tx/Oax , 2019 , “ Gender equity is necessary for everyone ” ( three little women above says Hagamos un mundo major ) Jennie Johnston , Burnaby British @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We Rise , ( depicts women of all ages , skin tones ) RosaMaria Oliart Rios , Veracruz , Mexico 2019 , “ Victimas de Trafíco de Personas ” Sarah Rafael Garica , Santa Ana , CA , 2019 “ Carmen Flores Martinez ” My patchwork is dedicated to mi tía abuela Carmen Flores Martinez who was brutally murdered by a man in Matamoros , Tamaulipas , Mexico in the 1980s .
Although no one in my family speaks of her death , and even this project caused conflict , I will never @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tia Carmen taught me at a young age that women did n't have to get married or have children .
She was also an independent business owner who retrofitted her own home to create a tiendita that sold goods to the local community , enough to keep herself housed and fed without depending on anyone but herself .
Susie Monday , Pipe Creek , Tx 2019 , “ Home Safe/ A salvo en casa Yolanda Chávez , University Ibero Group , Tijuana , Mexico 2019 “ Todas Tejiendo Empatía ” Devika Olmeda y @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ No matarnos , no violarnos ” Lic .
Gema Osuna Hdz , Universidad Internacional de La Paz , La Paz , Mexico 2019 “ Todas Somos Una ” We are all one Julia Sneidrova , Group University Ibero , Tijuana , Mexico , “ Amor de las abuelas/Grandmothers Love ” 2019

#1 Blanket R. Lesquerade, Rockenhausen, Germany, “ One World No Wall” 2019 Lourdes Almeida, Mexico City, “BASTA” 2019 Laura Guadalupe Steinman Mбrquez, University Ibero, Tijuana Mexico, “Volando en libertad” (flying with liberty) Hede Kaffenberger and Petra Meinzer, Rockenhausen, Germany “ Peace” 2019 Paloma Domнnguez Mйndez, Mexico 2019, “ Nuestro cuerpo no es campo de batalla” (our body is not a battle field) Li Koelan, Berlin, Germany “The Flower of Life” 2019 María Tzin, Los Angeles, CA, “Ni una más”, (Not one more) 2019 Beate Honsell- Weiss, Berlin, Germany, “Everything is connected to everything” 2019 #2 Blanket Niza Garcia, Mexico Embrodiery, “Eres Fuego” Adriana Calatayud, Mexico 2019, Embrodiery and paint (brain) Mayra Huerta Jimenez, Mexico, 2019, Fortalece Une Laura Zavala Hidalgo, Mexico 2020, Siempre Unidas Dorothy Thursby, USA 2019, Patchwork/paint, Mother and Child Beatrнz Zavala Hidalgo, Mexico 2020, “Paz” Maxine Foster, Chapel Hill, North Carolina, “Healing Hands” piece, combination batik and quilting cotton. Francine Fischl, USA, 2019, Patchwork on cotton, “Dogs for Justice a gift for children/Perros por Justicía para los niños. Cheryl Kanuck, Bluffton, South Carolina 2019, Patchwork on cotton“Earth in Our Hands” # 3 Blanket Lucille C Atkin, Austin Tx/Oax, 2019, “ Gender equity is necessary for everyone” (three little women above says Hagamos un mundo major) Jennie Johnston, Burnaby British Columbia, Canada, 2019 “ Together We Rise, (depicts women of all ages, skin tones) RosaMaria Oliart Rios, Veracruz, Mexico 2019, “ Victimas de Trafíco de Personas” Sarah Rafael Garica, Santa Ana, CA, 2019 “ Carmen Flores Martinez” My patchwork is dedicated to mi tía abuela Carmen Flores Martinez who was brutally murdered by a man in Matamoros, Tamaulipas, Mexico in the 1980s. Although no one in my family speaks of her death, and even this project caused conflict, I will never stop speaking or telling her story. Tia Carmen taught me at a young age that women didn’t have to get married or have children. She was also an independent business owner who retrofitted her own home to create a tiendita that sold goods to the local community, enough to keep herself housed and fed without depending on anyone but herself. Susie Monday, Pipe Creek, Tx 2019, “ Home Safe/ A salvo en casa Yolanda Chávez, University Ibero Group, Tijuana, Mexico 2019 “Todas Tejiendo Empatía” Devika Olmeda y Alma Mйndez, Cancún, México 2019, “No matarnos, no violarnos” Lic. Gema Osuna Hdz, Universidad Internacional de La Paz, La Paz, Mexico 2019 “ Todas Somos Una” We are all one Julia Sneidrova, Group University Ibero, Tijuana, Mexico, “Amor de las abuelas/Grandmothers Love” 2019 (Marietta Bernstorff)


thenation--2020-12-02--UN Secretary General: Without the US in the Paris Agreement, Humanity Faces Climate ‘Suicide’

“ The way we are moving is a suicide , ” United Nations Secretary General António Guterres said in an interview on Monday , and humanity ’ s survival will be “ impossible ” if the United States doesn ’ t rejoin the Paris Agreement and achieve “ net zero ” carbon emissions by 2050 , as the incoming Biden administration has pledged .
The secretary general said that “ of course ” he had been in touch with President-elect Biden and looked forward to welcoming the United States into a “ global coalition for net zero by 2050 ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country is the world ’ s largest cumulative source of heat-trapping emissions and its biggest military and economic power , Guterres noted , so “ there is no way we can solve the [ climate ] problem…without strong American leadership.
” In an extraordinary , if largely unheralded , diplomatic achievement , most of the world ’ s leading emitters have already joined the UN ’ s “ net zero by 2050 ” coalition , including the European Union , Japan , the United Kingdom , and China ( which is the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and has committed to achieving carbon neutrality “ before 2060 ” ) .
India , meanwhile , the world ’ s third largest annual emitter , is the only Group of 20 country on track to limit temperature rise to 2 degrees Celsius by 2100 , despite needing to lift many of its people out of poverty , an achievement Guterres called “ remarkable.
” Along with fellow petro-state Russia , the United States has been the only major holdout , after Donald Trump announced he was withdrawing the country from the Paris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years ago .
The new pledges could bring the Paris Agreement ’ s goals “ within reach , ” provided that the pledges are fulfilled , concluded an analysis by the independent research group Climate Action Tracker .
If so , temperature rise could be limited to 2.1 C , the group said—higher than the agreement ’ s target of 1.5 to 2 C , but a major improvement from the 3 to 5 C future that business as usual would deliver .
The Fall of Trump Propels the Climate Story Into a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but the Political Press Insists It ’ s a Horse Race What Amy Coney Barrett Means For the Climate More in this series “ The targets set at Paris were always meant to be increased over time , ” Guterres said .
“ [ Now , ] we need to align those commitments with a 1.5 C future , and then you must implement.
” Reiterating scientists ’ warning that humanity faces “ a climate emergency , ” the secretary general said that achieving carbon neutrality by 2050 is imperative if we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that would be “ absolutely devastating for the world economy and for human life.
” He said rich countries must honor their obligation under the Paris Agreement to provide $ 100 billion a year to help developing countries limit their own climate pollution and adapt to the heat waves , storms , and sea-level rise already underway .
The trillions of dollars now being invested to revive pandemic-battered economies also must be spent in a “ green ” way , Guterres argued , or today ’ s younger generations will inherit “ a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the oil and gas industry , in its present form , will die out before the end of this century as economies shift to renewable energy sources .
The secretary general ’ s interview , conducted by CBS News , The Times of India , and El País on behalf of the journalistic consortium Covering Climate Now , is part of a 10-day push by the UN to reinvigorate the Paris Agreement before a follow-up conference next year .
That conference , known as the 26th Conference of the Parties , or COP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this week but was postponed because of the pandemic .
On December 12 , 2020 , Guterres will mark the fifth anniversary of the signing of the Paris Agreement by convening a global climate summit with Boris Johnson , who as prime minister of the UK is the official host of COP 26 , which occurs in Glasgow , Scotland , next November .
A total of 110 countries have joined the “ net zero by 2050 ” coalition , the secretary general said , a development he attributed to growing recognition of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ events climate change is unleashing around the world and the “ tremendous pressure ” governments have faced from civil society , including millions of young people protesting in virtually every country as well as more and more workers in the private sector .
“ Governments , until now , thought to a certain extent that they could do whatever they wanted , ” Guterres said .
“ But now…we see the youth mobilizing in fantastic ways all over the world.
” And with solar and other renewable energy sources now cheaper than carbon-based @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sooner that they move…to portfolios linked to the new green and digital economy , the best it will be for their own assets and their own clients.
” For a global economy that still relies on oil , gas , and coal for most of its energy and much of its food production , moving to “ net zero ” by 2050 nevertheless represents a tectonic shift—all the more so because scientists calculate that emissions must fall roughly by half over the next 10 years to hit the 2050 target .
Achieving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both public and private policy , including building no new coal plants and phasing out existing ones , Guterres said .
Governments must also reform tax and subsidy practices .
There should be “ no more subsidies for fossil fuels , ” the secretary general said .
“ It doesn ’ t make any sense that taxpayers ’ money is spent destroying the planet .
At the same time , we should shift taxation from income to carbon , from taxpayers to polluters .
I ’ m not asking governments to increase taxes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reduce the taxes on payrolls or on companies that commit to invest in green energy and put that level of taxation on carbon pollution.
” How Biden Could Use the Presidential Bully Pulpit to Drive Climate Action Governments must also ensure a “ just transition ” for the people and communities affected by the phase-out of fossil fuels , with workers getting unemployment payments and retraining for jobs in the new green economy .
“ When I was in government [ as the prime minister of Portugal ] , we had to close @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recalled .
“ We did everything we could to make sure that those who were working in those mines would have their futures guaranteed.
” The “ cycle of oil as the key engine of the world economy is finished , ” Guterres said .
By the end of the 21st century , petroleum might still be used “ as raw materials for different products…but the role of fossil fuels as [ an energy source ] will be minimal.
” As for fossil fuel companies ’ stated ambitions to continue producing more oil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that throughout history various economic sectors have risen and fallen and that the digital sector has now displaced the fossil fuel sector as the center of the global economy .
“ I ’ m totally convinced that a lot of the oil and gas that is today in the soil , ” he said , “ will remain in the soil .
”

This article is published as part of Covering Climate Now, a global consortium of news outlets strengthening coverage of the climate story.
“The way we are moving is a suicide,” United Nations Secretary General António Guterres said in an interview on Monday, and humanity’s survival will be “impossible” if the United States doesn’t rejoin the Paris Agreement and achieve “net zero” carbon emissions by 2050, as the incoming Biden administration has pledged.
The secretary general said that “of course” he had been in touch with President-elect Biden and looked forward to welcoming the United States into a “global coalition for net zero by 2050” that the UN has organized. The country is the world’s largest cumulative source of heat-trapping emissions and its biggest military and economic power, Guterres noted, so “there is no way we can solve the [climate] problem…without strong American leadership.”
In an extraordinary, if largely unheralded, diplomatic achievement, most of the world’s leading emitters have already joined the UN’s “net zero by 2050” coalition, including the European Union, Japan, the United Kingdom, and China (which is the world’s largest source of annual emissions and has committed to achieving carbon neutrality “before 2060”). India, meanwhile, the world’s third largest annual emitter, is the only Group of 20 country on track to limit temperature rise to 2 degrees Celsius by 2100, despite needing to lift many of its people out of poverty, an achievement Guterres called “remarkable.” Along with fellow petro-state Russia, the United States has been the only major holdout, after Donald Trump announced he was withdrawing the country from the Paris Agreement soon after he became president four years ago. Covering Climate Now How to Stop the Spread of Climate Disinformation Erika Seiber and Michael Khoo A Soundtrack for the Climate Emergency Mark Hertsgaard Can Gen Z Save the Midterms for Democrats? Mark Hertsgaard
The new pledges could bring the Paris Agreement’s goals “within reach,” provided that the pledges are fulfilled, concluded an analysis by the independent research group Climate Action Tracker. If so, temperature rise could be limited to 2.1 C, the group said—higher than the agreement’s target of 1.5 to 2 C, but a major improvement from the 3 to 5 C future that business as usual would deliver.
“The targets set at Paris were always meant to be increased over time,” Guterres said. “[Now,] we need to align those commitments with a 1.5 C future, and then you must implement.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Reiterating scientists’ warning that humanity faces “a climate emergency,” the secretary general said that achieving carbon neutrality by 2050 is imperative if we are to avoid “irreversible” impacts that would be “absolutely devastating for the world economy and for human life.” He said rich countries must honor their obligation under the Paris Agreement to provide $100 billion a year to help developing countries limit their own climate pollution and adapt to the heat waves, storms, and sea-level rise already underway. The trillions of dollars now being invested to revive pandemic-battered economies also must be spent in a “green” way, Guterres argued, or today’s younger generations will inherit “a wrecked planet.” And he predicted that the oil and gas industry, in its present form, will die out before the end of this century as economies shift to renewable energy sources.
The secretary general’s interview, conducted by CBS News, The Times of India, and El País on behalf of the journalistic consortium Covering Climate Now, is part of a 10-day push by the UN to reinvigorate the Paris Agreement before a follow-up conference next year. That conference, known as the 26th Conference of the Parties, or COP 26, was supposed to take place this week but was postponed because of the pandemic. On December 12, 2020, Guterres will mark the fifth anniversary of the signing of the Paris Agreement by convening a global climate summit with Boris Johnson, who as prime minister of the UK is the official host of COP 26, which occurs in Glasgow, Scotland, next November.
A total of 110 countries have joined the “net zero by 2050” coalition, the secretary general said, a development he attributed to growing recognition of the increasingly frequent and destructive extreme weather events climate change is unleashing around the world and the “tremendous pressure” governments have faced from civil society, including millions of young people protesting in virtually every country as well as more and more workers in the private sector.
“Governments, until now, thought to a certain extent that they could do whatever they wanted,” Guterres said. “But now…we see the youth mobilizing in fantastic ways all over the world.” And with solar and other renewable energy sources now cheaper than carbon-based equivalents, investors are realizing that “the sooner that they move…to portfolios linked to the new green and digital economy, the best it will be for their own assets and their own clients.”
For a global economy that still relies on oil, gas, and coal for most of its energy and much of its food production, moving to “net zero” by 2050 nevertheless represents a tectonic shift—all the more so because scientists calculate that emissions must fall roughly by half over the next 10 years to hit the 2050 target. Achieving those goals will require fundamental shifts in both public and private policy, including building no new coal plants and phasing out existing ones, Guterres said. Governments must also reform tax and subsidy practices. Climate Action How Biden Could Use the Presidential Bully Pulpit to Drive Climate Action Jamie Henn
There should be “no more subsidies for fossil fuels,” the secretary general said. “It doesn’t make any sense that taxpayers’ money is spent destroying the planet. At the same time, we should shift taxation from income to carbon, from taxpayers to polluters. I’m not asking governments to increase taxes. I’m asking governments to reduce the taxes on payrolls or on companies that commit to invest in green energy and put that level of taxation on carbon pollution.”
Governments must also ensure a “just transition” for the people and communities affected by the phase-out of fossil fuels, with workers getting unemployment payments and retraining for jobs in the new green economy. “When I was in government [as the prime minister of Portugal], we had to close all the coal mines,” he recalled. “We did everything we could to make sure that those who were working in those mines would have their futures guaranteed.”
The “cycle of oil as the key engine of the world economy is finished,” Guterres said. By the end of the 21st century, petroleum might still be used “as raw materials for different products…but the role of fossil fuels as [an energy source] will be minimal.” As for fossil fuel companies’ stated ambitions to continue producing more oil, gas and coal, Guterres said that throughout history various economic sectors have risen and fallen and that the digital sector has now displaced the fossil fuel sector as the center of the global economy. “I’m totally convinced that a lot of the oil and gas that is today in the soil,” he said, “will remain in the soil.”


thenation--2020-12-02--Donald Trump Just Paid $3 Million to Expand Joe Biden’s Margin of Victory

Donald Trump ’ s journey of political humiliation continues as each new state certifies the vote totals that have cost him the presidency .
The process that Trump thought could be gamed in his favor has turned into a very bad trip for an egomaniac who is unable to handle the fact that he ’ s a loser .
But the president and his credulous minions can ’ t help themselves .
The defeated Republican ’ s campaign has steered into such delusional territory that it is now making things worse for Trump by literally paying people to find more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the just-completed Wisconsin recount .
Trump , the man who sold himself to America as the genius of “ the art of the deal , ” has proven to be a buffoon of electoral miscalculation .
After a miserable four years as president , Trump sought reelection with a campaign that was so crude and divisive that he achieved a relatively rare feat for an incumbent seeking a second term .
Not only did he fail to expand his base , but Trump actually lost five states that he had won in his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Michigan , Pennsylvania , and Wisconsin .
All of those states have certified wins for Biden , as have other states—such as Minnesota and Nevada—where Trump had hoped to improve on his 2016 results .
Trump ’ s Trying to Take the Internet Down With Him Want to Be Like FDR , Joe Biden ?
Make Your Thanksgiving Proclamations Rallying Cries Rudy Giuliani Went to Court and Made a Compelling Argument—for His Own Disbarment As the long count of the votes from the election with the highest turnout in American history moves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and further behind .
The Republican is not just losing the Electoral College by a 306-232 margin .
He ’ s getting crushed in the popular balloting .
Biden ’ s now ahead by almost 7 million votes nationwide , giving him a wider mandate than John Kennedy got in 1960 , or Richard Nixon in 1968 , or Bill Clinton in 1992 , or George W. Bush in 2000 and 2004 , or Barack Obama in 2012 , or Trump himself in 2016 .
Biden has earned the highest percentage of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sitting president since Democrat Franklin Roosevelt dispatched Republican Herbert Hoover in 1932 .
And the Wisconsin partial recount that Trump ’ s campaign paid $ 3 million to initiate—despite the fact that experts said Biden ’ s lead of more than 20,000 votes in the state was insurmountable—has indeed improved Biden ’ s position .
After a meticulous review of ballots from the state ’ s two largest counties , Milwaukee and Dane , Biden posted a net gain of 87 votes .
The boost in ballots put the Democrat ahead by 20,695 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cast .
That ’ s right , Donald Trump ’ s campaign paid $ 34,500 a vote to strengthen Joe Biden ’ s claim on the presidency .
But that wasn ’ t all that Trump paid for .
When the recount was finished , Dane County Clerk Scott McDonnel explained , “ For me what this recount showed was that there was absolutely no evidence of voter fraud in this election even after looking at over 300,000 ballots , over 254,000 envelopes .
Really this incredible level of transparency should provide reassurance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ run properly and accurately and there was no fraud.
” Milwaukee County Milwaukee County Clerk George Christensen said , “ The recount demonstrates what we already know : that elections in Milwaukee County are fair , transparent , accurate and secure.
” Trump was still refusing to accept reality .
The president kept promising new legal challenges—despite that fact that more than three dozen suits by the president ’ s campaign have already failed to overturn results in states across the country .
Spurred on by Rudy Giuliani ’ s racist fever dreams @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are by all accounts doomed to fail—even with conservative jurists like those who make up the majority on the Wisconsin Supreme Court .
As his state added its certification to those of the other battleground states , Wisconsin Attorney General Josh Kaul announced , “ There ’ s no basis at all for any assertion that there was widespread fraud that would have affected the results.
” On Tuesday , Trump ’ s campaign filed a lawsuit seeking to disqualify more than 220,000 Wisconsin ballots .
But Kaul , in a statement anticipating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that was a nonstarter : It ’ s clear that President Trump and his representatives used the recount to seek after-the-election changes to the rules .
Those changes would result in tens of thousands of votes , if not more , being thrown out—and the President ’ s representatives have only sought to have those changes applied to votes cast in our two most populous counties , in which the majority of Black Wisconsinites live .
I have every confidence that this disgraceful Jim Crow strategy for mass disenfranchisement of voters will fail @ @ @ @ @ @ @ game of gotcha .
Our fundamental right to vote is far more powerful than that .
Wisconsin elections are decided by the will of the voters , not post-election legal maneuvering .
But Trump ’ s a glutton for punishment .
So his campaign will keep grifting money from gullible supporters , and it will keep steering money into strategies that only confirm the scope and character of Biden ’ s decisive victory .
If Trump and his supporters want to write more checks to validate Biden ’ s mandate , so be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ observes , “ This is the best thing the Republicans have done for the Wisconsin economy [ in the better part of two decades ] .
Throw in another $ 3 million and we ’ ll count them again .
”

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Donald Trump’s journey of political humiliation continues as each new state certifies the vote totals that have cost him the presidency.
The process that Trump thought could be gamed in his favor has turned into a very bad trip for an egomaniac who is unable to handle the fact that he’s a loser. But the president and his credulous minions can’t help themselves. The defeated Republican’s campaign has steered into such delusional territory that it is now making things worse for Trump by literally paying people to find more votes for Democrat Joe Biden—as happened with the just-completed Wisconsin recount.
Trump, the man who sold himself to America as the genius of “the art of the deal,” has proven to be a buffoon of electoral miscalculation.
After a miserable four years as president, Trump sought reelection with a campaign that was so crude and divisive that he achieved a relatively rare feat for an incumbent seeking a second term. Not only did he fail to expand his base, but Trump actually lost five states that he had won in his first presidential bid: Arizona, Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. All of those states have certified wins for Biden, as have other states—such as Minnesota and Nevada—where Trump had hoped to improve on his 2016 results. More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
As the long count of the votes from the election with the highest turnout in American history moves toward completion, Trump is falling further and further behind. The Republican is not just losing the Electoral College by a 306-232 margin. He’s getting crushed in the popular balloting. Biden’s now ahead by almost 7 million votes nationwide, giving him a wider mandate than John Kennedy got in 1960, or Richard Nixon in 1968, or Bill Clinton in 1992, or George W. Bush in 2000 and 2004, or Barack Obama in 2012, or Trump himself in 2016. Biden has earned the highest percentage of the popular vote for a challenger to a sitting president since Democrat Franklin Roosevelt dispatched Republican Herbert Hoover in 1932.
And the Wisconsin partial recount that Trump’s campaign paid $3 million to initiate—despite the fact that experts said Biden’s lead of more than 20,000 votes in the state was insurmountable—has indeed improved Biden’s position. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
After a meticulous review of ballots from the state’s two largest counties, Milwaukee and Dane, Biden posted a net gain of 87 votes. The boost in ballots put the Democrat ahead by 20,695 votes out of just about 3.25 million cast. Current Issue View our current issue
That’s right, Donald Trump’s campaign paid $34,500 a vote to strengthen Joe Biden’s claim on the presidency.
But that wasn’t all that Trump paid for.
When the recount was finished, Dane County Clerk Scott McDonnel explained, “For me what this recount showed was that there was absolutely no evidence of voter fraud in this election even after looking at over 300,000 ballots, over 254,000 envelopes. Really this incredible level of transparency should provide reassurance to the public that the election was run properly and accurately and there was no fraud.”
Milwaukee County Milwaukee County Clerk George Christensen said, “The recount demonstrates what we already know: that elections in Milwaukee County are fair, transparent, accurate and secure.”
Trump was still refusing to accept reality. The president kept promising new legal challenges—despite that fact that more than three dozen suits by the president’s campaign have already failed to overturn results in states across the country.
Spurred on by Rudy Giuliani’s racist fever dreams, Trump will keep mounting challenges that are by all accounts doomed to fail—even with conservative jurists like those who make up the majority on the Wisconsin Supreme Court. As his state added its certification to those of the other battleground states, Wisconsin Attorney General Josh Kaul announced, “There’s no basis at all for any assertion that there was widespread fraud that would have affected the results.”
On Tuesday, Trump’s campaign filed a lawsuit seeking to disqualify more than 220,000 Wisconsin ballots. But Kaul, in a statement anticipating the suit, had already explained why that was a nonstarter:
It’s clear that President Trump and his representatives used the recount to seek after-the-election changes to the rules. Those changes would result in tens of thousands of votes, if not more, being thrown out—and the President’s representatives have only sought to have those changes applied to votes cast in our two most populous counties, in which the majority of Black Wisconsinites live. I have every confidence that this disgraceful Jim Crow strategy for mass disenfranchisement of voters will fail. An election isn’t a game of gotcha. Our fundamental right to vote is far more powerful than that. Wisconsin elections are decided by the will of the voters, not post-election legal maneuvering.
But Trump’s a glutton for punishment. So his campaign will keep grifting money from gullible supporters, and it will keep steering money into strategies that only confirm the scope and character of Biden’s decisive victory.
If Trump and his supporters want to write more checks to validate Biden’s mandate, so be it. As Madison-based historian Stephen Coss observes, “This is the best thing the Republicans have done for the Wisconsin economy [in the better part of two decades]. Throw in another $3 million and we’ll count them again.”