thenation--2020-09-21--Want the Youth Vote? Prioritize Climate Change

This story is published as part of StudentNation ’ s “ Vision 2020 : Election Stories From the Next Generation ” reports from young journalists that center the concerns of diverse young voters .
In this project , working with Dr. Sherri Williams , we recruited young journalists from different backgrounds to develop story ideas and reporting about their peers ’ concerns ahead of the most important election of our lives .
We ’ ll continue publishing two stories each week over the course of September .
In the speech she gave at the People ’ s Climate March in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then 15 , told a crowd of thousands , “ This [ climate change ] is not just an environmental issue .
This is a race issue , this is an immigration issue , this is a feminist issue.
” The experience was a formative moment for Medina-Tayac , who devoted much of her free time to climate justice advocacy .
“ I remember waking up the next morning and my mom was like , ‘ Jansi , your video got like 500,000 views , ’ ” Medina-Tayac , who lives in Silver @ @ @ @ @ @ @ At that age you ’ re not used to being listened to by people.
” Now 18 , she cofounded the Washington chapter of Zero Hour , a woman-of-color-led climate justice organization with fellow student activist Khadija Khokhar in February .
“ To me , the people who are fighting against climate change and who are most affected are people of color , ” Medina-Tayac said .
“ And yet we don ’ t see them reflected often.
” This is what she hopes Zero Hour will do .
This story was produced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to highlighting campus activism and student movements from students in their own words .
For more Student Nation , check out our archive .
Are you a student with a campus activism story ?
Send questions and pitches to Samantha Schuyler at samantha @ thenation.com .
The Student Nation program is made possible through generous funding from The Puffin Foundation .
Medina-Tayac , a member of the Piscataway Nation , a Native American tribe historically based around the Chesapeake Bay , and Khokhar , a Muslim and a first-generation immigrant , both felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were whitewashed .
After meeting at one of Jane Fonda ’ s Fire Drill Friday rallies in the fall , they kept in touch , and by the new year , they decided they wanted to be a part of a movement that incorporated inclusive policies and more people of color in leadership .
“ I honestly feel like there aren ’ t enough of those spaces , ” Medina-Tayac said .
“ I ’ m really just making sure to reach out to as many communities as I can and really creating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ share about their experiences .
Just a space where people can learn and share and be equal partners.
” Young voters are intimately aware that they will be forced to bear the full effects of climate change , and this is especially true for frontline communities in areas with higher pollution or fewer green spaces or on coastlines being eaten away by rising oceans .
Zero Hour ’ s platform reflects that duality : The organization calls for a “ Just Transition ” away from fossil fuels by 2040 like many other climate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defending the treaty rights of Native Americans , for example , as a core part of its mission “ because treaty rights are the only truly rigorous laws already in place that protect the land , the water , the wildlife , and the people.
” Far beyond the presidential election , young activists from organizations like Zero Hour , Sunrise Movement , and beyond are demanding that all political candidates in the 2020 election begin to make mitigating global warming a key policy issue , and not just a talking point .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ activists are finding ways to create climate policy at every level of government .
“ The goal is to get mass mobilization , to get everybody out in the streets , ” Khokhar said .
“ The entire climate movement is already rolling.
” Millennials and Generation Z are the only generations in the United States where a majority of survey respondents say Earth is getting warmer due to human activity , according to a 2019 survey by Pew Research Center .
Among 1,000 voters aged 18–29 , one survey found that as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ global warming is a major threat to human life on earth as we know it.
” Though the majority of Generation Z is still too young to vote , Generation Z and millennial voters already make up nearly 40 percent of the electorate , according to Carolyn DeWitt , president and executive director of Rock the Vote .
With that level of power comes expectations about their clout as a voting bloc .
Although Medina-Tayac is now voting age , she is remaining focused on educating young people about policies like the Green @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I think the Green New Deal is really , really important and has sparked a lot of really interesting ideas in the movement , ” Medina-Tayac said .
“ [ The climate justice movement ] needs to be people-powered and there has to be policy-making.
” During the Democratic primary , Khokhar was a strong supporter of Senator Bernie Sanders and valued his support for the Green New Deal .
But now , with the primaries over and the pandemic ravaging the nation , she ’ s accepted a position as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Vote for Our Future campaign .
In the role , which was created as part of a campaign to boost youth voter turnout , Khokhar is partnering with community organizations near her home in southeast Michigan , where she returned when quarantining began .
“ What we ’ re trying to do is get out young voters , because the youth voter turnout is a lot lower than it should be , ” Khokhar said .
“ It should be a lot higher , and the people that young people who aren @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from are [ other ] young people.
” Some young activists compare today ’ s climate activism to the civil rights movement in the 1960s , arguing that both are youth-led movements focused on systemic change .
And like in the civil rights era , the current wave of activism has driven engagement at the polls .
In modern times , the more young people participated in activist work ranging from signing an online petition to attending a demonstration , the more likely they were to vote in the 2018 midterm elections , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning and Engagement .
In fact , much like the civil rights movement , the modern environmental justice movement began in the South .
In the 1980s , a young sociologist named Robert Bullard was asked by his wife , attorney Linda McKeever Bullard , to conduct research for a lawsuit against the local waste management company .
Bullard studied the location of toxic waste sites in Houston and discovered that for decades , these sites had been systematically placed in neighborhoods that were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years to get recognition from mainstream civil rights organizations , but he places his work in a long line of activism around dignity for black workers in the United States .
Bullard notes that the final event that Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. attended before his assassination was a sanitation workers ’ strike in Memphis , where Black workers were forced to move the city ’ s garbage for low pay in inhumane conditions .
“ The environment piece was not something that was on the radar [ of civil rights organizations , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issue died with him.
” But Bullard continued to press his case with Black civil rights groups and white environmental groups , undeterred .
By 1990 , Bullard had conducted enough research with academics and activists around the country to write what would become his first book , Dumping in Dixie .
“ It took two decades for us to get the two groups to converge in a way that people saw this as something that should be baked into their work , ” Bullard said .
Indeed , young activists have become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they push for action on issues like climate change , said Katie Kirchner , national director of the Roosevelt Network .
A former campus organizer herself , Kirchner coordinates a program that “ trains , equips , and develops progressive policymakers ” at the local level .
Kirchner sees that local work as complementary to activism taking place at the national level to create federal climate policy .
“ The organizing that Gen Z has been doing in general has been phenomenal , ” Kirchner said .
“ We have to have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hold politicians accountable across the board at every level , really.
” In their inaugural meeting at a Washington , D.C. , hotel on February 23 , Medina-Tayac and Khokhar walked attendees through a PowerPoint presentation of how they believed climate change and sustainability were intersectional issues .
“ We believe that people on the frontlines should lead the movement , ” Khokhar , 19 , told the attendees .
“ Especially in the climate movement , we ’ ve seen in a lot of organizations , it ’ s a lot of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candid , who are leading this movement who haven ’ t really faced the effects of the climate crisis or are just now starting to .
So we really value giving the voice back to the people who have been fighting this fight for so much longer.
” The organizers walked attendees through slides that helped introduce some of the young attendees to complex issues like colonialism , racism , and the prison-industrial complex .
By the end of the discussion , the gathered crowd was discussing future plans for an Earth Day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be inclusive to those fasting for Ramadan and welcoming to long-time residents of Washington , D.C. One of the young activists in attendance that day was Iris Zhan .
A high school student in Clarksville , Md.
, Zhan is just 16 .
Last year , Zhan wanted to organize a # FridaysForFuture walkout at her high school in solidarity with the movement begun by Greta Thunberg , the internationally renowned student climate activist from Sweden .
But Zhan realized that in order to get students to come to her rally she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t be penalized by the school for attending .
“ We ’ re like , ‘ How are we going to get people to come out ?
’ ” Zhan said .
“ The only way is to get an excused absence for that day.
” Zhan circulated a petition that eventually received hundreds of signatures , enough to convince the school to make the walkout an excused absence .
As a bonus , the petition also increased awareness about the work she was doing with Sunrise Movement , another youth environmental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ] people kind of knew who I was , like I ’ m the climate person , ” Zhan said .
“ There ’ s real stuff you can do besides a walkout , and people were able to see that.
” Since the walkout , Zhan has gathered a group of friends she considers her “ strike circle ” to attend local meetings for organizations like Zero Hour and attended a climate strike at the Howard County government building in December , where she spoke with local politicians about the movement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ herself and her peers to be studious , they also view it as equally important to take time to advocate for policies that matter to them , regardless of whether they ’ re able to vote .
Walkouts , for instance , were once considered radical , Zhan said , but she believes they ’ re almost a new normal for Generation Z .
“ I think when you plant the activist mindset at a young age , it sticks with you , ” Zhan said .
“ Once you care about it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it kind of ingrains itself into your personality , and change [ s ] the way you act .
”

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This story is published as part of StudentNation’s “Vision 2020: Election Stories From the Next Generation” reports from young journalists that center the concerns of diverse young voters. In this project, working with Dr. Sherri Williams, we recruited young journalists from different backgrounds to develop story ideas and reporting about their peers’ concerns ahead of the most important election of our lives. We’ll continue publishing two stories each week over the course of September.
In the speech she gave at the People’s Climate March in Washington in 2017, Jansikwe Medina-Tayac, then 15, told a crowd of thousands, “This [climate change] is not just an environmental issue. This is a race issue, this is an immigration issue, this is a feminist issue.”
The experience was a formative moment for Medina-Tayac, who devoted much of her free time to climate justice advocacy. “I remember waking up the next morning and my mom was like, ‘Jansi, your video got like 500,000 views,’” Medina-Tayac, who lives in Silver Spring, Md., said. “At that age you’re not used to being listened to by people.”
Now 18, she cofounded the Washington chapter of Zero Hour, a woman-of-color-led climate justice organization with fellow student activist Khadija Khokhar in February. “To me, the people who are fighting against climate change and who are most affected are people of color,” Medina-Tayac said. “And yet we don’t see them reflected often.” This is what she hopes Zero Hour will do. This story was produced for Student Nation, a section devoted to highlighting campus activism and student movements from students in their own words. For more Student Nation, check out our archive. Are you a student with a campus activism story? Send questions and pitches to Samantha Schuyler at [email protected]. The Student Nation program is made possible through generous funding from The Puffin Foundation.
Medina-Tayac, a member of the Piscataway Nation, a Native American tribe historically based around the Chesapeake Bay, and Khokhar, a Muslim and a first-generation immigrant, both felt that other climate movements they participated in were whitewashed. After meeting at one of Jane Fonda’s Fire Drill Friday rallies in the fall, they kept in touch, and by the new year, they decided they wanted to be a part of a movement that incorporated inclusive policies and more people of color in leadership. “I honestly feel like there aren’t enough of those spaces,” Medina-Tayac said. “I’m really just making sure to reach out to as many communities as I can and really creating a space where people feel safe to share about their experiences. Just a space where people can learn and share and be equal partners.”
Young voters are intimately aware that they will be forced to bear the full effects of climate change, and this is especially true for frontline communities in areas with higher pollution or fewer green spaces or on coastlines being eaten away by rising oceans. Zero Hour’s platform reflects that duality: The organization calls for a “Just Transition” away from fossil fuels by 2040 like many other climate advocacy groups, but it also counts defending the treaty rights of Native Americans, for example, as a core part of its mission “because treaty rights are the only truly rigorous laws already in place that protect the land, the water, the wildlife, and the people.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Far beyond the presidential election, young activists from organizations like Zero Hour, Sunrise Movement, and beyond are demanding that all political candidates in the 2020 election begin to make mitigating global warming a key policy issue, and not just a talking point. During this polarized election year, these activists are finding ways to create climate policy at every level of government. “The goal is to get mass mobilization, to get everybody out in the streets,” Khokhar said. “The entire climate movement is already rolling.” Current Issue View our current issue
Millennials and Generation Z are the only generations in the United States where a majority of survey respondents say Earth is getting warmer due to human activity, according to a 2019 survey by Pew Research Center. Among 1,000 voters aged 18–29, one survey found that as many as 4 in 5 believe “global warming is a major threat to human life on earth as we know it.”
Though the majority of Generation Z is still too young to vote, Generation Z and millennial voters already make up nearly 40 percent of the electorate, according to Carolyn DeWitt, president and executive director of Rock the Vote. With that level of power comes expectations about their clout as a voting bloc.
Although Medina-Tayac is now voting age, she is remaining focused on educating young people about policies like the Green New Deal rather than the presidential election. “I think the Green New Deal is really, really important and has sparked a lot of really interesting ideas in the movement,” Medina-Tayac said. “[The climate justice movement] needs to be people-powered and there has to be policy-making.”
During the Democratic primary, Khokhar was a strong supporter of Senator Bernie Sanders and valued his support for the Green New Deal. But now, with the primaries over and the pandemic ravaging the nation, she’s accepted a position as the Detroit fellow for Zero Hour’s Vote for Our Future campaign. In the role, which was created as part of a campaign to boost youth voter turnout, Khokhar is partnering with community organizations near her home in southeast Michigan, where she returned when quarantining began.
“What we’re trying to do is get out young voters, because the youth voter turnout is a lot lower than it should be,” Khokhar said. “It should be a lot higher, and the people that young people who aren’t voting should hear that message from are [other] young people.”
Some young activists compare today’s climate activism to the civil rights movement in the 1960s, arguing that both are youth-led movements focused on systemic change. And like in the civil rights era, the current wave of activism has driven engagement at the polls. In modern times, the more young people participated in activist work ranging from signing an online petition to attending a demonstration, the more likely they were to vote in the 2018 midterm elections, according to research conducted at Tufts University’s Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning and Engagement.
In fact, much like the civil rights movement, the modern environmental justice movement began in the South. In the 1980s, a young sociologist named Robert Bullard was asked by his wife, attorney Linda McKeever Bullard, to conduct research for a lawsuit against the local waste management company. Bullard studied the location of toxic waste sites in Houston and discovered that for decades, these sites had been systematically placed in neighborhoods that were predominantly Black or brown.
Bullard waited years to get recognition from mainstream civil rights organizations, but he places his work in a long line of activism around dignity for black workers in the United States. Bullard notes that the final event that Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. attended before his assassination was a sanitation workers’ strike in Memphis, where Black workers were forced to move the city’s garbage for low pay in inhumane conditions. “The environment piece was not something that was on the radar [of civil rights organizations,]” Bullard said. “The issue died with him.”
But Bullard continued to press his case with Black civil rights groups and white environmental groups, undeterred. By 1990, Bullard had conducted enough research with academics and activists around the country to write what would become his first book, Dumping in Dixie. “It took two decades for us to get the two groups to converge in a way that people saw this as something that should be baked into their work,” Bullard said.
Indeed, young activists have become increasingly more focused and sophisticated in how they push for action on issues like climate change, said Katie Kirchner, national director of the Roosevelt Network. A former campus organizer herself, Kirchner coordinates a program that “trains, equips, and develops progressive policymakers” at the local level. Kirchner sees that local work as complementary to activism taking place at the national level to create federal climate policy. “The organizing that Gen Z has been doing in general has been phenomenal,” Kirchner said. “We have to have a movement that’s powerful enough to hold politicians accountable across the board at every level, really.”
In their inaugural meeting at a Washington, D.C., hotel on February 23, Medina-Tayac and Khokhar walked attendees through a PowerPoint presentation of how they believed climate change and sustainability were intersectional issues.
“We believe that people on the frontlines should lead the movement,” Khokhar, 19, told the attendees. “Especially in the climate movement, we’ve seen in a lot of organizations, it’s a lot of privileged white people, to be completely candid, who are leading this movement who haven’t really faced the effects of the climate crisis or are just now starting to. So we really value giving the voice back to the people who have been fighting this fight for so much longer.”
The organizers walked attendees through slides that helped introduce some of the young attendees to complex issues like colonialism, racism, and the prison-industrial complex. By the end of the discussion, the gathered crowd was discussing future plans for an Earth Day strike and the importance of scheduling events to be inclusive to those fasting for Ramadan and welcoming to long-time residents of Washington, D.C.
One of the young activists in attendance that day was Iris Zhan. A high school student in Clarksville, Md., Zhan is just 16. Last year, Zhan wanted to organize a #FridaysForFuture walkout at her high school in solidarity with the movement begun by Greta Thunberg, the internationally renowned student climate activist from Sweden. But Zhan realized that in order to get students to come to her rally she’d have to ensure they wouldn’t be penalized by the school for attending.
“We’re like, ‘How are we going to get people to come out?’” Zhan said. “The only way is to get an excused absence for that day.”
Zhan circulated a petition that eventually received hundreds of signatures, enough to convince the school to make the walkout an excused absence. As a bonus, the petition also increased awareness about the work she was doing with Sunrise Movement, another youth environmental justice group.
“[After that,] people kind of knew who I was, like I’m the climate person,” Zhan said. “There’s real stuff you can do besides a walkout, and people were able to see that.”
Since the walkout, Zhan has gathered a group of friends she considers her “strike circle” to attend local meetings for organizations like Zero Hour and attended a climate strike at the Howard County government building in December, where she spoke with local politicians about the movement.
Zhan said that although she considers herself and her peers to be studious, they also view it as equally important to take time to advocate for policies that matter to them, regardless of whether they’re able to vote. Walkouts, for instance, were once considered radical, Zhan said, but she believes they’re almost a new normal for Generation Z.
“I think when you plant the activist mindset at a young age, it sticks with you,” Zhan said. “Once you care about it you can’t un-care about it, it kind of ingrains itself into your personality, and change[s] the way you act.”


thenation--2020-09-21--Progressives Slam Biden’s Foreign Policy Team

As Joe Biden kicks his presidential campaign against Donald Trump into high gear , concern is growing inside the progressive wing of the Democratic Party that the foreign policy and political outreach teams he has assembled don ’ t come close to reflecting the change—and reduced military spending—they hope to see after the November election .
The unrest is building as Senator Bernie Sanders , whom many of the dissidents supported , is privately expressing doubts about the direction of the Biden campaign and asking the former vice president to reach out more to the left .
But Sanders has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ security since Biden secured the nomination , leaving the floor to rank-and-file Democratic activists .
They are particularly concerned about the influence of people like Antony Blinken , the chief foreign policy adviser to the Biden campaign .
He was Biden ’ s top aide when he voted in 2002 to authorize the use of force in Iraq as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee .
“ We don ’ t want the same people who took us to war in Iraq to be the stewards of our foreign policy , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activist in Santa Barbara , who was elected as a Sanders delegate to the Democratic National Convention in August , in an interview .
“ Why would Biden want these people advising him ?
You ’ d think he ’ d want to keep as much distance as possible between himself and people who steered him in the wrong direction in the past.
” Voices like hers are a sizable presence within the party .
During the online convention , over 400 delegates signed an open letter to Biden asking him to “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ensure they “ have a track record for advocating and implementing diplomatic solutions rather than disastrous military interventions involving invasions , occupations , torture and drone attacks.
” Meanwhile , a group of Muslim Americans , many of them Sanders supporters , have been critical of Farooq Mitha , a former Pentagon official who is Biden ’ s senior adviser on Muslim American engagement .
His high-profile presence in the campaign , along with other former defense officials , has split the Muslim community and detracts from the need to siphon the military @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change , said Nadia Ahmad , a Sanders supporter from Florida .
“ That ’ s our top national security challenge , ” Ahmad , an environmental law professor in Orlando , told The Nation .
Mitha declined to comment .
In addition to Blinken , Democratic activists have focused on Michèle Flournoy , a former Pentagon official and military investor reportedly slated to become secretary of defense ; and Avril Haines , the former deputy director of the Central Intelligence Agency , who will lead the foreign policy side of Biden ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ She crafted President Obama ’ s policies on drone warfare as well as the administration ’ s tough approach to North Korea , which Biden has promised to revive .
Blinken and the Biden team have not responded to the criticism .
But in the past , Blinken has characterized the 2002 resolution on Iraq as “ a vote for tough diplomacy , ” while Biden has said his “ mistake ” on the Iraq War was to assume President Bush “ would use the authority we gave him properly.
” ( Blinken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) But policies are not the only issue : Biden ’ s critics have also focused on the ties of his advisers to the military-industrial complex , which run deep .
After leaving government , Blinken and Flournoy created WestExec Advisors , a “ strategic advisory firm ” that works closely with military contractors and was modeled after the high-powered consultancy pioneered by Henry Kissinger during the Cold War , according to a recent profile in The American Prospect .
Its influence within the Democratic Party is significant .
Flournoy , who also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intelligence contractor Booz Allen Hamilton , was an adviser to vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris , as was WestExec principal Matt Olsen , the former director of the National Counterterrorism Center under Obama .
Haines , the former CIA official heading the transition team , is also a principal with WestExec .
Winograd , a retired teacher who ran for Congress three times in Los Angeles , including twice against former Democratic representative Jane Harman , is leading the effort to pressure Biden not to appoint Flournoy .
Her potential nomination to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conservative columnist George Will .
In communications with Democrats , Winograd has pointed in particular to Flournoy ’ s role as cofounder of the Center for a New American Security , which during the Obama years became a champion of the counterinsurgency war in Afghanistan .
Under Flournoy , CNAS also became one of the most hawkish voices on confronting China .
( In June , Flournoy suggested in Foreign Affairs that the United States should have “ the capability to credibly threaten to sink all of China ’ s military vessels , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South China Sea within 72 hours ” as a way to deter Chinese leaders from aggressive military action . )
“ This is a woman who is a war profiteer , is well-invested in militarism , and will expand the military rather than de-escalate on the world stage , ” says Winograd .
“ Flournoy ’ s a dangerous person and should not be considered as a secretary of defense.
” The conservative tilt to Biden ’ s foreign policy team was also the driving force behind the Muslim Delegates and Allies Coalition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to ensure a broad consultation and coordination with the Muslim constituencies across the United States.
” Several of its members have led the attacks on Mitha , the Biden adviser , whose role in the campaign has opened a schism within the Muslim community of Democratic voters .
Mitha is one of the cofounders of Emgage USA , the nation ’ s largest Muslim outreach group , which endorsed Sanders during the primary but later threw its support to Biden .
In July , the former vice president addressed the group in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ online .
Although Mitha has severed his formal connection with Emgage , he still retains close ties to the organization through his family , The Electronic Intifada reported on September 9 .
Tensions about Mitha and Emgage came to a head in August after Biden campaign officials disavowed statements made by Palestinian activist Linda Sarsour in favor of the BDS movement , which supports boycotting , divestment from , and sanctions against Israel .
That prompted a heated meeting between Muslim and Palestinian leaders , including Mitha and members of Emgage , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fuming because Blinken , while expressing “ regret , ” did not offer an apology , according to Ahmad , the Sanders supporter from Florida , who was on the call .
On Tuesday , Ahmad and other members of the Muslim Delegates group released an “ open letter to Muslim leaders ” asking them to “ drop Emgage ” and requesting the Biden campaign to remove Mitha from his position with the campaign .
As part of their case , they charged that Mitha and another Emgage leader “ sought to obtain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Biden campaign and/or transition team in lieu of a public apology .
Such an apology was the specific demand of Palestinian , Arab , and Muslim American leaders and activists.
” Over 100 Muslim community leaders and activists signed the letter , including Palestinian activists , Sanders supporters , academics , and members of the Democratic Socialists of America .
They charged that Mitha and other “ high-ranking ” Emgage officials and board members have “ worked in lockstep ” with AIPAC , the powerful pro-Israel lobby , which they said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activity.
” The letter also cited Mitha ’ s work “ at the Pentagon during the Obama administration , helping to normalize ties between Israel and Arab nations under the banner of ‘ Track II diplomacy.
’ ” Wa ’ el Alzayat , the CEO of Emgage , released a statement to The Nation taking strong issue with the letter .
While he didn ’ t respond directly to the volatile charge about AIPAC , Alzayat said that Emgage is “ deeply focused on turning out Muslim American Voters.
” That work , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and will be , essential to taking back the White House in 2020 .
And to say otherwise undermines the efforts of organizers and activists that are part of our Million Muslim Votes campaign.
” He added that Emgage “ has played critical roles electing Muslim Americans to public office , ” including raising funds to support Representative Rashida Tlaib ’ s recent re-election campaign , who has praised Emgage as “ incredibly important.
” Ahmad , who has been active in getting out the vote for Biden in Florida , told The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Emgage reflects a desire on the part of progressive Muslim Americans to energize voters concerned about the impact of militarism and climate change on their states and communities .
“ There needs to be people at the top of the Biden campaign who understand the nuances and concerns of our community instead of being identified with special-interest lobbying groups , especially if they ’ re working for military contractors or worked at the Pentagon , ” she said .
While praising Biden ’ s pledge to “ build back better ” by investing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ahmad , who has published widely on climate change , told The Nation that much higher amounts—of $ 8-10 trillion—are needed .
“ I see a decrease in our military spending as critical to survival of the country and the planet , ” she said .
If Biden is serious about tackling climate change , he would hire a “ cadre of activists for environmental justice .
Bernie supporters feel betrayed in a lot of ways.
” Could Biden follow her lead ?
Possibly : Over the weekend , as fires ravaged California @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The science is clear , and deadly signs like the fires out West are unmistakable—climate change poses an existential threat to our way of life.
” But any chance that Biden might significantly decrease military spending was considerably dampened in an interview he gave to Stars and Stripes .
“ I don ’ t think [ defense budget cuts ] are inevitable , but we need priorities in the budget , ” Biden told the military newspaper .
“ I ’ ve met with a number of my advisors and some have suggested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have to be increased .
”

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As Joe Biden kicks his presidential campaign against Donald Trump into high gear, concern is growing inside the progressive wing of the Democratic Party that the foreign policy and political outreach teams he has assembled don’t come close to reflecting the change—and reduced military spending—they hope to see after the November election.
The unrest is building as Senator Bernie Sanders, whom many of the dissidents supported, is privately expressing doubts about the direction of the Biden campaign and asking the former vice president to reach out more to the left. But Sanders has said little about foreign policy or national security since Biden secured the nomination, leaving the floor to rank-and-file Democratic activists.
They are particularly concerned about the influence of people like Antony Blinken, the chief foreign policy adviser to the Biden campaign. He was Biden’s top aide when he voted in 2002 to authorize the use of force in Iraq as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
“We don’t want the same people who took us to war in Iraq to be the stewards of our foreign policy,” says Marcy Winograd, a longtime anti-war activist in Santa Barbara, who was elected as a Sanders delegate to the Democratic National Convention in August, in an interview. “Why would Biden want these people advising him? You’d think he’d want to keep as much distance as possible between himself and people who steered him in the wrong direction in the past.” Related Article Defense Contractors Don’t Need Another Covid Bailout Mandy Smithberger
Voices like hers are a sizable presence within the party. During the online convention, over 400 delegates signed an open letter to Biden asking him to “hire new foreign policy advisors” and ensure they “have a track record for advocating and implementing diplomatic solutions rather than disastrous military interventions involving invasions, occupations, torture and drone attacks.”
Meanwhile, a group of Muslim Americans, many of them Sanders supporters, have been critical of Farooq Mitha, a former Pentagon official who is Biden’s senior adviser on Muslim American engagement. His high-profile presence in the campaign, along with other former defense officials, has split the Muslim community and detracts from the need to siphon the military budget into technologies needed to fight climate change, said Nadia Ahmad, a Sanders supporter from Florida. “That’s our top national security challenge,” Ahmad, an environmental law professor in Orlando, told The Nation. Mitha declined to comment. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
In addition to Blinken, Democratic activists have focused on Michèle Flournoy, a former Pentagon official and military investor reportedly slated to become secretary of defense; and Avril Haines, the former deputy director of the Central Intelligence Agency, who will lead the foreign policy side of Biden’s transition team if he wins. She crafted President Obama’s policies on drone warfare as well as the administration’s tough approach to North Korea, which Biden has promised to revive. Current Issue View our current issue
Blinken and the Biden team have not responded to the criticism. But in the past, Blinken has characterized the 2002 resolution on Iraq as “a vote for tough diplomacy,” while Biden has said his “mistake” on the Iraq War was to assume President Bush “would use the authority we gave him properly.” (Blinken did not return e-mails seeking comment.)
But policies are not the only issue: Biden’s critics have also focused on the ties of his advisers to the military-industrial complex, which run deep.
After leaving government, Blinken and Flournoy created WestExec Advisors, a “strategic advisory firm” that works closely with military contractors and was modeled after the high-powered consultancy pioneered by Henry Kissinger during the Cold War, according to a recent profile in The American Prospect. Its influence within the Democratic Party is significant.
Flournoy, who also sits on the board of directors of intelligence contractor Booz Allen Hamilton, was an adviser to vice presidential nominee Kamala Harris, as was WestExec principal Matt Olsen, the former director of the National Counterterrorism Center under Obama. Haines, the former CIA official heading the transition team, is also a principal with WestExec.
Winograd, a retired teacher who ran for Congress three times in Los Angeles, including twice against former Democratic representative Jane Harman, is leading the effort to pressure Biden not to appoint Flournoy. Her potential nomination to the Pentagon was endorsed earlier this month by conservative columnist George Will.
In communications with Democrats, Winograd has pointed in particular to Flournoy’s role as cofounder of the Center for a New American Security, which during the Obama years became a champion of the counterinsurgency war in Afghanistan. Under Flournoy, CNAS also became one of the most hawkish voices on confronting China. (In June, Flournoy suggested in Foreign Affairs that the United States should have “the capability to credibly threaten to sink all of China’s military vessels, submarines, and merchant ships in the South China Sea within 72 hours” as a way to deter Chinese leaders from aggressive military action.)
“This is a woman who is a war profiteer, is well-invested in militarism, and will expand the military rather than de-escalate on the world stage,” says Winograd. “Flournoy’s a dangerous person and should not be considered as a secretary of defense.”
The conservative tilt to Biden’s foreign policy team was also the driving force behind the Muslim Delegates and Allies Coalition, a new group that “aims to ensure a broad consultation and coordination with the Muslim constituencies across the United States.” Several of its members have led the attacks on Mitha, the Biden adviser, whose role in the campaign has opened a schism within the Muslim community of Democratic voters.
Mitha is one of the cofounders of Emgage USA, the nation’s largest Muslim outreach group, which endorsed Sanders during the primary but later threw its support to Biden. In July, the former vice president addressed the group in a “Million Muslim Votes Summit” held online. Although Mitha has severed his formal connection with Emgage, he still retains close ties to the organization through his family, The Electronic Intifada reported on September 9.
Tensions about Mitha and Emgage came to a head in August after Biden campaign officials disavowed statements made by Palestinian activist Linda Sarsour in favor of the BDS movement, which supports boycotting, divestment from, and sanctions against Israel. That prompted a heated meeting between Muslim and Palestinian leaders, including Mitha and members of Emgage, and Blinken. That meeting left some participants fuming because Blinken, while expressing “regret,” did not offer an apology, according to Ahmad, the Sanders supporter from Florida, who was on the call.
On Tuesday, Ahmad and other members of the Muslim Delegates group released an “open letter to Muslim leaders” asking them to “drop Emgage” and requesting the Biden campaign to remove Mitha from his position with the campaign. As part of their case, they charged that Mitha and another Emgage leader “sought to obtain concessions in the form of more appointments in the Biden campaign and/or transition team in lieu of a public apology. Such an apology was the specific demand of Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim American leaders and activists.”
Over 100 Muslim community leaders and activists signed the letter, including Palestinian activists, Sanders supporters, academics, and members of the Democratic Socialists of America. They charged that Mitha and other “high-ranking” Emgage officials and board members have “worked in lockstep” with AIPAC, the powerful pro-Israel lobby, which they said “engages in deep Islamophobic and anti-Palestinian activity.” The letter also cited Mitha’s work “at the Pentagon during the Obama administration, helping to normalize ties between Israel and Arab nations under the banner of ‘Track II diplomacy.’”
Wa’el Alzayat, the CEO of Emgage, released a statement to The Nation taking strong issue with the letter. While he didn’t respond directly to the volatile charge about AIPAC, Alzayat said that Emgage is “deeply focused on turning out Muslim American Voters.”
That work, he said, “has been, and will be, essential to taking back the White House in 2020. And to say otherwise undermines the efforts of organizers and activists that are part of our Million Muslim Votes campaign.” He added that Emgage “has played critical roles electing Muslim Americans to public office,” including raising funds to support Representative Rashida Tlaib’s recent re-election campaign, who has praised Emgage as “incredibly important.”
Ahmad, who has been active in getting out the vote for Biden in Florida, told The Nation that the criticism of Mitha and Emgage reflects a desire on the part of progressive Muslim Americans to energize voters concerned about the impact of militarism and climate change on their states and communities.
“There needs to be people at the top of the Biden campaign who understand the nuances and concerns of our community instead of being identified with special-interest lobbying groups, especially if they’re working for military contractors or worked at the Pentagon,” she said.
While praising Biden’s pledge to “build back better” by investing $2 trillion in US infrastructure, Ahmad, who has published widely on climate change, told The Nation that much higher amounts—of $8-10 trillion—are needed. “I see a decrease in our military spending as critical to survival of the country and the planet,” she said. If Biden is serious about tackling climate change, he would hire a “cadre of activists for environmental justice. Bernie supporters feel betrayed in a lot of ways.”
Could Biden follow her lead? Possibly: Over the weekend, as fires ravaged California and Oregon, he tweeted, “The science is clear, and deadly signs like the fires out West are unmistakable—climate change poses an existential threat to our way of life.”
But any chance that Biden might significantly decrease military spending was considerably dampened in an interview he gave to Stars and Stripes. “I don’t think [defense budget cuts] are inevitable, but we need priorities in the budget,” Biden told the military newspaper. “I’ve met with a number of my advisors and some have suggested in certain areas the budget is going to have to be increased.”


thenation--2020-09-21--If You Wait Until Election Day to Vote, You’re Already Too Late

I can ’ t keep up with all the different ways Donald Trump is trying to steal the upcoming presidential election .
And I can ’ t keep track of all the ways he is trying to undermine faith in the election so that he can declare himself the winner even if he loses .
As of this writing , Trump ’ s proposed election-rigging schemes have ranged from delaying the election because of Covid-19 ( which he can ’ t do ) to declaring a winner by the end of election night , even if votes remain to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t do ) .
He has insisted that mail-in voting increases the likelihood of fraud ( which it does not ) , and he , along with his partner in corruption Bill Barr , have told Trump voters to vote twice ( which is fraud ) .
Meanwhile , Postmaster General Louis DeJoy has crippled the Postal Service to the point that people fear their mail-in votes won ’ t get to their local Board of Elections in time to be counted , while courts have refused to extend deadlines to request , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump and Barr have even suggested sending armed goons to voting locations to “ secure ” the vote , which is a clear indication that they intend to engage in voter intimidation on Election Day .
And I ’ m writing this in September !
I can ’ t imagine what Trump will have said to undermine the election between the time I finish this sentence and the time you read it .
There isn ’ t a lot Democrats can do to prevent Trump ’ s assault on democracy .
They ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this point the warnings are a little bit like a smoke alarm going off after a house has burned to a crisp .
They ’ ve held congressional oversight hearings , but they ’ re not going to impeach anybody , and anybody they did impeach would be acquitted by the craven and complicit Republican Senate .
They ’ ve tried to get the mainstream media to correct Trump ’ s lies , but the presidential stenographers employed by many news outlets long ago decided that access was more valuable than the US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stuck in a difficult spot .
Instead of a concrete solution to stop Trump from stealing an election he is unlikely to win fairly , we ’ re left living out the plot of the movie Major League : As Tom Berenger ’ s character says when he learns that his team ’ s owner is planning to tank the team so she can move it to a new city , “ I guess there ’ s only one thing left to do… .
Win the whole fuckin ’ thing.
” Theoretically , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only way to win the whole effing thing is if people overcome the urge to procrastinate and vote before Election Day .
If we don ’ t , Trump has too many avenues to engage in shenanigans .
To counteract that , we need to vote early—and in person , if possible .
Not everybody can vote in person , of course .
I ’ m not a Republican , which means I don ’ t believe Grandma needs to risk death in order to win an election .
The most you can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to the polls is too dangerous is to request and return an absentee ballot .
But if your state offers early in-person voting and it ’ s safe for you to do so , you should .
There are different kinds of early in-person voting , depending on the state .
Some offer in-person absentee voting .
That means you go to a designated location ( usually the county Board of Elections office ) , sign in with an election official , fill out your absentee ballot , and then hand it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offer plain old early in-person voting , which is just like regular Election Day voting but earlier .
And some states offer both , depending on how early a person is trying to vote .
Either option is good .
The benefits of regular early in-person voting are obvious : Polling locations are likely to be less crowded , and you can be sure your vote is tabulated by Election Day .
But in-person absentee voting is also useful .
Even if your state won ’ t count ballots until Election Day , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be there by then , thus avoiding any postal delays .
It gives voters the confidence that an actual person received their vote .
And it lessens the chances that poll workers will be overwhelmed on Election Day .
The most important benefit of in-person absentee voting is that it reduces the chance that Trumpy election officials will throw away your ballot because of a clerical mistake , lateness , or an allegation of a mismatched signature .
Stanford Law School professor Nate Persily put it this way : “ In all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will go uncounted in this election due to lateness , missing signatures , signature mismatches , and other problems .
We need to make sure that number does not grow to a million votes lost.
” We already know which voters are disproportionately affected by these kinds of issues .
A Healthy Elections Project report written by MIT researcher Diana Cao shows that in Florida ’ s 2020 primaries , 1.3 percent of mail-in votes were not counted .
When the uncounted ballots are broken down by age and race , skews become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from voters ages 18 to 29 were rejected , and over 2 percent of the ballots from Black voters and another 2 percent from Hispanic voters .
In-person absentee voting starts in September in some states .
New Jersey allows in-person absentee voting at county Board of Elections offices starting September 19 .
Some California counties get going October 5 .
By October 19 , states with more than half of the electoral votes will offer in-person absentee voting , and some states will have moved to regular early voting by then .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; it ’ s the performative civic engagement our carnival barker of a president believes he can manipulate to his advantage .
The real election , the real fight to get voters to the polls to save our democracy , has already begun .

This article appears in the October 5/12, 2020 issue.
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Sign up for our Wine Club today. Did you know you can support The Nation by drinking wine?
I can’t keep up with all the different ways Donald Trump is trying to steal the upcoming presidential election. And I can’t keep track of all the ways he is trying to undermine faith in the election so that he can declare himself the winner even if he loses.
As of this writing, Trump’s proposed election-rigging schemes have ranged from delaying the election because of Covid-19 (which he can’t do) to declaring a winner by the end of election night, even if votes remain to be counted (which he also can’t do). He has insisted that mail-in voting increases the likelihood of fraud (which it does not), and he, along with his partner in corruption Bill Barr, have told Trump voters to vote twice (which is fraud). Meanwhile, Postmaster General Louis DeJoy has crippled the Postal Service to the point that people fear their mail-in votes won’t get to their local Board of Elections in time to be counted, while courts have refused to extend deadlines to request, receive, and submit absentee ballots. Trump and Barr have even suggested sending armed goons to voting locations to “secure” the vote, which is a clear indication that they intend to engage in voter intimidation on Election Day.
And I’m writing this in September! I can’t imagine what Trump will have said to undermine the election between the time I finish this sentence and the time you read it.
There isn’t a lot Democrats can do to prevent Trump’s assault on democracy. They’ve given dire warnings, but at this point the warnings are a little bit like a smoke alarm going off after a house has burned to a crisp. They’ve held congressional oversight hearings, but they’re not going to impeach anybody, and anybody they did impeach would be acquitted by the craven and complicit Republican Senate. They’ve tried to get the mainstream media to correct Trump’s lies, but the presidential stenographers employed by many news outlets long ago decided that access was more valuable than the US system of self-government.
So we are stuck in a difficult spot. Instead of a concrete solution to stop Trump from stealing an election he is unlikely to win fairly, we’re left living out the plot of the movie Major League: As Tom Berenger’s character says when he learns that his team’s owner is planning to tank the team so she can move it to a new city, “I guess there’s only one thing left to do…. Win the whole fuckin’ thing.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Theoretically, it’s possible. But the only way to win the whole effing thing is if people overcome the urge to procrastinate and vote before Election Day. If we don’t, Trump has too many avenues to engage in shenanigans. To counteract that, we need to vote early—and in person, if possible.
Not everybody can vote in person, of course. I’m not a Republican, which means I don’t believe Grandma needs to risk death in order to win an election. The most you can reasonably ask of a person for whom going to the polls is too dangerous is to request and return an absentee ballot. But if your state offers early in-person voting and it’s safe for you to do so, you should. Current Issue View our current issue
There are different kinds of early in-person voting, depending on the state. Some offer in-person absentee voting. That means you go to a designated location (usually the county Board of Elections office), sign in with an election official, fill out your absentee ballot, and then hand it to a poll worker. Other states offer plain old early in-person voting, which is just like regular Election Day voting but earlier. And some states offer both, depending on how early a person is trying to vote.
Either option is good. The benefits of regular early in-person voting are obvious: Polling locations are likely to be less crowded, and you can be sure your vote is tabulated by Election Day. But in-person absentee voting is also useful. Even if your state won’t count ballots until Election Day, voting in person ensures that your ballot will be there by then, thus avoiding any postal delays. It gives voters the confidence that an actual person received their vote. And it lessens the chances that poll workers will be overwhelmed on Election Day.
The most important benefit of in-person absentee voting is that it reduces the chance that Trumpy election officials will throw away your ballot because of a clerical mistake, lateness, or an allegation of a mismatched signature.
Stanford Law School professor Nate Persily put it this way: “In all likelihood, half a million mail ballots will go uncounted in this election due to lateness, missing signatures, signature mismatches, and other problems. We need to make sure that number does not grow to a million votes lost.”
We already know which voters are disproportionately affected by these kinds of issues. A Healthy Elections Project report written by MIT researcher Diana Cao shows that in Florida’s 2020 primaries, 1.3 percent of mail-in votes were not counted. When the uncounted ballots are broken down by age and race, skews become apparent. Over 3.5 percent of ballots from voters ages 18 to 29 were rejected, and over 2 percent of the ballots from Black voters and another 2 percent from Hispanic voters.
In-person absentee voting starts in September in some states. New Jersey allows in-person absentee voting at county Board of Elections offices starting September 19. Some California counties get going October 5. By October 19, states with more than half of the electoral votes will offer in-person absentee voting, and some states will have moved to regular early voting by then.
The November 3 election is the show; it’s the performative civic engagement our carnival barker of a president believes he can manipulate to his advantage. The real election, the real fight to get voters to the polls to save our democracy, has already begun.


thenation--2020-09-21--Cancel the Presidential Debates—Permanently

Imagine hating yourself enough to watch a presidential debate featuring Donald Trump .
What reason would you possibly have ?
To make sure he ’ s a lying sociopath ?
To see if he ’ s a worse choice than Joe Biden ?
To gain useful insights into American politics ?
In truth , there is no point , especially in a format that will involve remote participation because of the pandemic .
Nothing will be revealed that we don ’ t already know and know so thoroughly that we can barely stand to hear it again .
We could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Hell , we ’ d gain precious minutes of our lives we might otherwise be tempted to waste .
But the problem with general-election presidential debates is larger than Trump or 2020 .
They are an anachronism of a bygone media era .
We no longer need debates to expose us to the major party nominees .
Today they serve no purpose beyond entertainment for politics junkies , cheap ratings for cable news , and fodder for conservatives to shriek about biased moderation .
Covid-19 provides the perfect opportunity to jettison presidential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earliest research on debates suggested they can matter under four conditions : if the election is close , many voters are undecided , one or both candidates are unknown , or partisanship is low .
Aside from a close election , there is little chance of the other conditions being met now .
Things have changed .
According to a University of Missouri study from 2013 , debates “ typically induce very little change in voter preference.
” In 1960 or even 1992 , direct exposure to the candidates was rarer .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see and hear them .
Scholars say that while debates may not affect voter choice , they can make viewers better informed .
Perhaps a tightly moderated Ronald Reagan–Walter Mondale debate could do that 36 years ago , in the pre-social-media era of the slower , more limited news cycle .
But any information gleaned from a debate in 2016 was likely to be incomplete , misleading , or false .
Trump exacerbates the limitations of debates with his pathological lying , and the rise of spin rooms as a venue for twisting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ function of debates .
Everything that a voter could care to know , including countless hours of video of the candidate in a range of settings , is so widely accessible now that debates , at best , add nothing and , at worst , serve as a venue for spreading misinformation .
Debates for other offices or in presidential primaries remain useful .
Voters need some guidance when the options are plentiful and many candidates are unfamiliar .
By autumn , though , voters know the presidential nominees to the point of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overexposure as debates take on the feeling of sweeps week for cable news ratings .
Yet viewership is limited .
Ratings include everyone who watches any part of a program and tend to drop sharply after the first debate .
To gin up interest , media outlets subject us to gimmicks like ghastly “ undecided ” voter panels , which mix voters who don ’ t sound undecided at all with voters who could write everything they know about politics on a sugar packet .
Moderators epitomize the mainstream media tradition of being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statements that accrue benefits to Republican candidates , whose strategy is to lie and then scream bloody murder if challenged .
Rules limiting rebuttals and interactions ( which , of course , Trump simply ignores ) increase the stilted , stage-managed feeling of it all .
It ’ s not a debate .
It ’ s dueling sound bites .
It ’ s civics cosplay .
Repeating the rituals of politics as we remember it will not bring it back .
The shift in electoral politics from an earnest but flawed attempt to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York–style melee of tribalism and vulgar entertainment is not a passing fad but the new normal .
If no one is learning from debates and no viewers are changing their minds , what are we still doing this for , other than the grinding routine of having “ always ” done it this way ( intermittently since 1960 ) ?
Debates are now bad entertainment for people whose favorite TV show is politics , and they can make do elsewhere .
Watch reruns of The West Wing or something .
The necessity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic , combined with the outrageousness of the Trump presidency , creates an opening to rid ourselves of the silly spectacle that debates have become .
But not only in 2020 .
For good .
We will regret passing on this chance .

This article appears in the October 5/12, 2020 issue.
Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Get The Nation’s Weekly Newsletter Fridays. The best of the week. Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Fridays. The best of the week.
Thank you for signing up for The Nation’s weekly newsletter.
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Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
Sign up for our Wine Club today. Did you know you can support The Nation by drinking wine?
Imagine hating yourself enough to watch a presidential debate featuring Donald Trump. What reason would you possibly have? To make sure he’s a lying sociopath? To see if he’s a worse choice than Joe Biden? To gain useful insights into American politics?
In truth, there is no point, especially in a format that will involve remote participation because of the pandemic. Nothing will be revealed that we don’t already know and know so thoroughly that we can barely stand to hear it again. We could cancel the upcoming debates and lose nothing. Hell, we’d gain precious minutes of our lives we might otherwise be tempted to waste.
But the problem with general-election presidential debates is larger than Trump or 2020. They are an anachronism of a bygone media era. We no longer need debates to expose us to the major party nominees. Today they serve no purpose beyond entertainment for politics junkies, cheap ratings for cable news, and fodder for conservatives to shriek about biased moderation. Covid-19 provides the perfect opportunity to jettison presidential debates for good.
Some of the earliest research on debates suggested they can matter under four conditions: if the election is close, many voters are undecided, one or both candidates are unknown, or partisanship is low. Aside from a close election, there is little chance of the other conditions being met now. Things have changed. According to a University of Missouri study from 2013, debates “typically induce very little change in voter preference.” In 1960 or even 1992, direct exposure to the candidates was rarer. The debates were among our few chances to see and hear them.
Scholars say that while debates may not affect voter choice, they can make viewers better informed. Perhaps a tightly moderated Ronald Reagan–Walter Mondale debate could do that 36 years ago, in the pre-social-media era of the slower, more limited news cycle. But any information gleaned from a debate in 2016 was likely to be incomplete, misleading, or false. Trump exacerbates the limitations of debates with his pathological lying, and the rise of spin rooms as a venue for twisting debate content has been degrading the information function of debates. Everything that a voter could care to know, including countless hours of video of the candidate in a range of settings, is so widely accessible now that debates, at best, add nothing and, at worst, serve as a venue for spreading misinformation. Related Article With Executive Powers, Trump Can Legally Unleash Global Chaos Ed Burmila
Debates for other offices or in presidential primaries remain useful. Voters need some guidance when the options are plentiful and many candidates are unfamiliar. By autumn, though, voters know the presidential nominees to the point of tedium.
Underexposure has given way to overexposure as debates take on the feeling of sweeps week for cable news ratings. Yet viewership is limited. Ratings include everyone who watches any part of a program and tend to drop sharply after the first debate. To gin up interest, media outlets subject us to gimmicks like ghastly “undecided” voter panels, which mix voters who don’t sound undecided at all with voters who could write everything they know about politics on a sugar packet. Moderators epitomize the mainstream media tradition of being browbeaten into “balanced” questions and statements that accrue benefits to Republican candidates, whose strategy is to lie and then scream bloody murder if challenged. Rules limiting rebuttals and interactions (which, of course, Trump simply ignores) increase the stilted, stage-managed feeling of it all. It’s not a debate. It’s dueling sound bites. It’s civics cosplay.
Repeating the rituals of politics as we remember it will not bring it back. The shift in electoral politics from an earnest but flawed attempt to make informed decisions to a Gangs of New York–style melee of tribalism and vulgar entertainment is not a passing fad but the new normal. If no one is learning from debates and no viewers are changing their minds, what are we still doing this for, other than the grinding routine of having “always” done it this way (intermittently since 1960)? Debates are now bad entertainment for people whose favorite TV show is politics, and they can make do elsewhere. Watch reruns of The West Wing or something.
The necessity of social distancing brought about by the pandemic, combined with the outrageousness of the Trump presidency, creates an opening to rid ourselves of the silly spectacle that debates have become. But not only in 2020. For good. We will regret passing on this chance.