thenation--2020-11-24--Despite the CDC’s Eviction Ban, Thousands of Tenants Are Losing Their Homes

On the first of September , the Centers for Disease Control issued a moratorium on evictions to curb the spread of Covid-19 .
But the moratorium , which applies only to qualifying tenants through the end of the year , is riddled with loopholes and has been ineffectively enforced .
Thousands of tenants have been evicted despite the ban .
Edward , who lost his job as a contractor for a financial company based in Spain in February , is one of those thousands .
He should have been covered by the CDC ’ s eviction ban .
But he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hotel and hoping the eviction on his record doesn ’ t keep him from finding somewhere else to live .
Edward , who wished to use only his first name , had lived in his Texas townhouse for about a year and a half before the pandemic hit .
The rent was a bit steep—about $ 2,000 a month—but he wanted a yard for his aging dog , and his job paid generously .
Then when Spain was hit hard by Covid , his employer started laying people off .
His last paycheck @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diabetes and feared that another job that might expose him to the coronavirus .
“ I don ’ t get afraid of much , but the way the virus broke out , I was totally afraid , ” he said .
He enrolled in unemployment , which helped , but not enough .
His elderly father lives nearby , but he survives on a fixed income .
“ I couldn ’ t ask him for $ 2,000 a month , ” he said .
“ That ’ s crazy.
” The Pandemic Sent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fall Edward tried to pay rent when he could , $ 1,000 here , $ 500 there .
But he wasn ’ t able to pay in full .
In late June his landlord moved to evict him .
A remote court hearing was scheduled for September 9 , but Edward got the date mixed up and didn ’ t appear , and the judge ruled in his landlord ’ s favor .
It was then that he reached out to Legal Aid of NorthWest Texas , which told him that that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ban .
Seeking to prevent eviction , Edward filled out the CDC ’ s declaration form , testifying that he met all of the requirements : he was making less than $ 99,000 a year , couldn ’ t afford his rent because of lost work , had made his “ best efforts ” to make partial payments and seek rental assistance , and would likely become homeless if evicted .
The judge agreed to rehear his case .
But at the hearing , his landlord challenged him over whether he had tried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Edward says he looked for help early on , but that he was told that the funding for various assistance programs had dried up , and he didn ’ t have any documentation of his search .
A veteran of the army , he later contacted a few agencies , including Veterans Affairs , and kept documentation .
That wasn ’ t enough .
The judge ruled again in favor of his landlord .
He was evicted—for the first time ever in his life—and left his townhouse by the end of October .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ rent .
He ’ s planning to sell his Jeep to try to at least pay some of it back , but he doesn ’ t have it all .
“ You can ’ t squeeze money out of a turnip if you don ’ t have any money to give them , ” he said .
The CDC eviction ban was explicitly implemented because , the agency said , “ the evictions of tenants could be detrimental to public health control measures to slow the spread of SARS-Cov-2 , the virus that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorneys across the country say that the ban ’ s lack of clarity and enforcement means that judges are still allowing evictions to move forward in many places .
The CDC has only exacerbated the problem since issuing that initial declaration .
In October , the agency issued an FAQ saying that landlords can take every action in the eviction process up to actually removing someone from a home .
That means many tenants will be threatened with an eviction and simply choose to move , rather than risk the ordeal or having @ @ @ @ @ @ @ once the moratorium lifts on December 31 , a flood of cases will be teed up such that people will face immediate removal .
The FAQ “ made an already challenged order worse , ” said Diane Yentel , president of the National Low-Income Housing Coalition .
The FAQ also explicitly allowed landlords to challenge tenants on the veracity of their declarations .
Some courts are going as far as holding evidentiary hearings over them .
That ’ s not how the declarative statement that tenants sign should work , says Yentel .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ declarative statement [ is that ] when it ’ s difficult to prove something , you sign under the threat of perjury that it ’ s true , ” she explains .
That should spare tenants from having to gather evidence that they qualify , evidence that could be difficult or impossible to piece together .
Renters also face perjury charges if they are found not to qualify after signing a declaration .
That ’ s having “ a chilling effect , ” said Emily Benfer , a visiting professor of law at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of tenants , who already understand that the eviction system is tilted toward the landlord ’ s favor , will not expect it to uphold their rights .
So why would they gamble with their liberty ?
” Then , there ’ s the fact that the FAQ made it clear that landlords have no obligation to tell tenants about the eviction ban .
If renters don ’ t know about the CDC ban , they stand to be kicked out of their homes , even if they might qualify .
And at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that landlords can only evict tenants for failing to pay rent .
They ’ re free to evict them on any other grounds—and landlords are finding their way around the CDC ban by claiming to evict tenants for lease violations or refusing to renew their leases .
The ban is keeping some people in their homes who would otherwise be evicted .
But far too many tenants are falling through the cracks .
Corporate landlords have filed nearly 10,000 evictions in just five states since the ban was in place .
This all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration at all serious about having renters protected under the order , or was this just a show ?
” Yentel asks .
The ban ’ s lack of detail means implementation is inconsistent across different states and jurisdictions .
In Texas , courts are postponing eviction cases until December 31st any time a tenant signs the declaration form .
But landlords can revive a case by challenging the declaration , and many are , particularly pushing back on whether tenants made their “ best faith efforts ” to pay partial rent or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very subjective , ” noted Huma Yasin , an attorney at Legal Aid of NorthWest Texas .
What if someone doesn ’ t have internet access and doesn ’ t have a car—what is a best faith effort to reach out to rental assistance agencies in that case ?
What does it mean to try to make partial rent payments if someone has no income coming in at all ?
A number of Yasin ’ s clients have said that they tried to make partial payments and their landlords refused , saying they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ landlords refuse to accept rental assistance because it requires them to complete paperwork .
It ’ s “ one of the loopholes ” in the ban , Yasin said .
“ It requires your best efforts to do these things , but it doesn ’ t compel the landlord to accept these things.
” Whether judges are sympathetic to landlords ’ arguments varies significantly .
“ It really depends on what judge you ’ re in front of , what day of the week it is , and if they had coffee that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aren ’ t requiring tenants to show any proof for the declarations .
Others are still skeptical even after an evidentiary hearing .
In North Carolina , judges are similarly all over the place .
“ It ’ s like the wild west , ” said Isaac Sturgill , an attorney at Legal Aid of North Carolina .
Some judges refuse to allow an eviction against a tenant who has signed a declaration .
But others have only done so for federally subsidized housing , confusing the CDC ban with the eviction ban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in March that has since expired .
Sturgill says that at least one magistrate has shown “ naked contempt ” for the ban , saying “ it ’ s not worth the paper it ’ s printed on.
” In the majority of cases Sturgill has been involved with , landlords or their attorneys are cross-examining tenants to question whether they qualify .
In some cases , where the landlord hasn ’ t raised questions , he ’ s seen the magistrate , who is supposed to remain neutral , question tenants .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ address some of the shortcomings of the CDC ban , issuing an executive order in an attempt to clarify who is protected that also required landlords to tell tenants about the CDC ban .
But the state ’ s Administrative Office of the Courts had already sent out a notice a few days after the CDC ban went into effect telling the court ’ s clerks that the moratorium doesn ’ t stop them from accepting eviction filings and that they should still issue writs of possession that allow evictions to be carried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the North Carolina Sheriffs ’ Association sent guidance to its members saying , “ The CDC Order does not change a sheriff ’ s duty to execute a writ for possession of real property , ” or in other words , enforce an eviction , adding , “ the sheriff does not have the authority to determine the legal correctness of the basis for eviction.
” That runs contrary to the executive order , Sturgill says .
He says he ’ s seen evictions carried out against tenants who should qualify for protection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kansas City , Mo.
, and some landlords are going to some extremes to disprove their tenants ’ declarations .
Shanice Taylor , a fellow with housing advocacy group KC Tenants , is fielding calls from renters on a legal hotline she helps staff .
She has heard from renters whose landlords have demanded grocery bill receipts and bank account statements and interrogated them about whether they own a television or recently had their nails done .
One renter who had recently started a new job told her landlord she couldn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had just started earning money .
Her landlord called her employer , McDonald ’ s , in an effort to find out how much and when she was getting paid .
Then there ’ s the fact that the CDC order only bans evictions of qualifying tenants based on the nonpayment of rent .
If the intent of the order was to keep people housed to prevent the spread of Covid , that “ is completely nonsensical , ” said Tara Raghuveer , founding director of KC Tenants .
“ Any eviction is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regardless of whether or not it ’ s because of the rent.
” It ’ s also a loophole that landlords are explicitly using to get around the ban .
In a webinar hosted by the Kansas City Regional Association of REALTORS and Heartland MLS on October 7 , Megan Booth , director of federal housing at the National Association of Realtors , assured the landlords in the audience , “ You can evict for nonpayment of rent , ” pointing out that the “ most useful ” way stipulated in the CDC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nonpayment .
Julie Anderson , managing partner at the law firm Anderson & Associates in Missouri and Kansas that represents landlords , spelled it out even more clearly .
“ I ’ m having significant discussions with client saying , ‘ Can we terminate for something other than nonpayment of rent ?
’ ” she said .
“ If we can file for a lease violation it would be my preference at this time .
I don ’ t want to have to get into the CDC order unless we have to.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about it , telling the audience to “ pay close attention ” to tenants ’ behavior .
“ A lot of nonpaying tenants are also bad actors .
They are also not good housekeepers .
They have a lot of problems in their life , ” she said .
“ If they ’ re violent , if there ’ s trash on the balcony , if they moved in their boyfriend , if they ’ ve got an unauthorized dog , they ’ re cooking PCP , they made a threat to their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or that , ’ that ’ s good grounds.
” She noted that she ’ s “ having quite a bit of success ” pursuing these kinds of evictions .
Anderson also pointed out that if all else fails , a landlord can put a tenant whose lease is expiring on a month-to-month agreement and then refuse to renew it the following month .
She said she ’ s discussing with clients “ as to whether or not they should just put everybody into a month-to-month tenancy so if they stop paying we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dealing with the CDC order.
” Meanwhile , given that there ’ s no obligation for landlords to tell their tenants about the CDC protection , she urged the audience to continue “ business as usual ” with those who aren ’ t paying rent , until they sign a declaration form .
Out of over 800 eviction cases that she has worked on since the ban went into effect , she noted that only about 100 tenants had signed declarations .
Her clients have overseen “ numerous lockouts every day.
” She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want you to stop filing .
We need to keep filing.
” And when tenants do sign forms , “ I am challenging or encouraging my clients to consider challenging , ” she said .
When judges allow her to cross-examine tenants , she said , she asks , “ Which agency did you apply to , when , where , how much did you get , how much did you ask for , did you try again , did you try the next month , how much money do you make , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sees landlords putting Anderson ’ s advice into practice .
Many are refusing to renew leases , a legal way to force people out who aren ’ t able to pay rent because of the pandemic .
Lack of Paid Leave Makes Our Economy So Fragile : A Q & A With Heather Boushey The Pandemic Sent Americans ’ Health Care Coverage Into Free Fall That ’ s what happened to Alicia Wright , who lives in south Kansas City .
A mother of four , she was excited to move into her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place she was renting on her own without government assistance .
She ’ s been living there for about a year .
But she ’ s a pre-K teacher who ’ s paid hourly , not a salary , and when schools shut down in March , she was furloughed .
She managed financially for the first month , but in late April her bills started to catch up with her .
Things got really dire by June .
“ There was no money , ” she said .
She got help paying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made most of her July rent by selling some of her possessions to a pawnshop .
Still , she hoped she could hang on , because she was scheduled to go back to work on July 30 to oversee remote instruction for the children of essential workers—and the hours would be longer and the wage slightly higher , allowing her some breathing room to catch up on what she owed .
Then on July 8th she was diagnosed with Covid after her fiancé was exposed at his job in a nursing home .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was knocked out for eight days with body aches , a fever , and difficulty breathing .
She had to have two negative tests before she could go back to work , which wasn ’ t until August 8 .
She still had other bills to catch up on—utilities , her car payment—so she started paying what she could in rent .
But her landlord was demanding full restitution .
Then toward the end of September the landlord asked if she wanted to renew her lease .
She told them yes , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ renew unless she paid everything she owed in full , which at that point was about $ 3,000 , by October 1 .
She offered to pay in installments as she earned more , but they refused .
“ I ’ m like , there ’ s no way , because I ’ ve been behind for so many months , ” she said .
She had no intention of moving , but her landlord told her that if she wasn ’ t renewing her lease , that would considered to be issuing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in touch with legal advice through her employer , but the lawyer informed her that her situation—a landlord ’ s refusal to renew a lease—wasn ’ t covered by the CDC order , even though the reason she can ’ t pay rent is the pandemic .
Wright was told to hand in her keys on October 31 .
She refused .
We spoke on November 3 , and at that point she was still living in her home , but she knew it was a matter of time .
“ You ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t know what ’ s going to happen day to day , ” she said .
These tactics are common in North Carolina , too .
Leases in the state automatically convert into a month-to-month agreement after the first year is up .
Now , landlords are simply refusing to continue month-to-month leases .
“ We know the real reason they ’ re evicting them is because they ’ re behind on the rent , but they won ’ t even mention the rent in the legal papers , ” Sturgill said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who file nonpayment evictions and lose because of the CDC ban turn around and file again after refusing to renew a lease .
Mark Melton , a partner at Holland & Knight LLP who helped set up pro bono legal advice for people facing eviction at the Dallas Evictions 2020 campaign , sees this happening “ all the time , ” he said .
Some landlords claim tenants are destroying the property , but when he goes out to survey it , it ’ s clear that the property as already long in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unaware that they could be protected by the CDC ban .
It depends , in many instances , on whether they have Internet access or if they ’ re in some other way connected to resources that could inform them of their rights .
“ Many of the most marginalized , and in many ways most vulnerable , people don ’ t have information about the moratorium , ” Yentel said .
Every Saturday , KC Tenants has been disseminating handouts about the CDC protections at apartment complexes where landlords have initiated a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laundromats , grocery stores , community centers , and bus stops .
They ’ ve knocked around 9,500 doors in the span of six weeks .
“ A lot of them don ’ t even know that [ the CDC ban ] exists , ” Shanice Taylor said .
And , she noted , “ We can ’ t catch everybody , even though we ’ re trying .
There are some people unfortunately who are slipping through the cracks.
” The organization is going as far as to pull the addresses of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eviction hearing and going to their home to give them information .
But often , “ by the time we get to those doors , the mail has piled up , there are letters taped to the door , ” Raghuveer said .
The tenant has already moved on .
Melton says he ’ s won every single case in favor of renters he ’ s represented .
But most tenants show up to eviction hearings without a lawyer at their side ; in civil cases , defendants—who , in eviction proceedings , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quarter of the time .
Sturgill has been able to use the CDC moratorium to keep people in their homes , but he noted that his organization represents only about 5 percent of tenants in the state .
“ A large number of low-income people who can ’ t afford representation and can ’ t get a lawyer are being evicted in violation of the CDC order because they don ’ t know how to navigate the court system and because the state won ’ t do anything to implement it , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has created a spreadsheet of all rental assistance agencies , and she prints it out and makes sure her clients calls them all and documents the calls .
She has a whole list of documents she asks her clients to bring to court .
“ I ’ m not going to leave it to chance , ” she said .
But she is also aware of how many people she isn ’ t able to reach when she watches the other cases in eviction court .
“ It ’ s painful , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too late .
Melton recently got a call from a woman in her 60s who told him a constable was at her home of 20 years moving all of her belongings onto the front yard .
She had been laid off while her state ’ s stay-at-home order was in effect and she couldn ’ t find another job , so she couldn ’ t afford her rent .
The landlord claimed she was being evicted because she was a hoarder .
By the time Melton got there , she was in tears @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t have the will to keep living .
He was able to find her a spot in a shelter and some social services .
But he wasn ’ t able to undo the eviction .
Evictions , then , are still proceeding .
“ All over the place , everyday , ” Yasin said .
The day we spoke , there were 26 eviction cases on the docket in the courthouse she had just come from .
Sturgill ’ s organization has been getting “ slammed ” with calls from tenants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fielded around 1,000 .
“ We ’ re seeing the cases continue to swell , ” he said .
There were over 8,000 pending eviction cases as of November 1 statewide in North Carolina .
In 16 cities across the country , eviction filings surged by more than 3,000 just before the CDC ban went into place , and while they dipped the week after , they rebounded by nearly 2,000 the following week .
In Jackson County , Mo.
, which covers much of Kansas City , landlords filed 442 evictions between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of those were rushed into the three days before the CDC moratorium went into effect—but they ’ ve still continued .
Raghuveer knows of at least a half dozen that have actually been executed .
Even Melton ’ s winning streak is going to come to a screeching halt in January without further legislative action .
The CDC order expires on December 31 , and the cases he ’ s had postponed are all now set for early in the new year .
A few governors , such as in Colorado , have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ others have let them lapse .
Even if President-elect Joe Biden were to sign an extension on day one , the weeks-long gap between the two would allow countless landlords to force tenants from their homes .
“ It ’ s going to be an absolute avalanche , ” Yasin said .
And that avalanche will overwhelm the country just as the weather gets even colder .
Covid is likely to still be spreading rapidly as people are stuck indoors .
Homeless shelters are already at capacity after trying to socially distance residents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Meanwhile , a tsunami of back rent will come due without an extension or rental assistance .
Moody ’ s Analytics estimates that 12.8 million people could owe as much as $ 70 billion in back rent by the end of the year .
“ What ’ s in store in January is terrifying , ” Benfer said .
“ The expiration of eviction moratoriums across the country will usher in the next housing crisis of unparalleled proportions.
” And more housing displacement will inevitably lead to more Covid spread .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , stay-at-home orders , school closures , and testing rates found that lifting an eviction moratorium was associated with 1.5 times more Covid cases and 2.1 times more deaths four and a half months later .
“ The failure to act , the failure to prevent this crisis , the failure to intervene at this exact moment will set the entire country up for harm we will be hard-pressed to recover from , ” Benfer said .

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On the first of September, the Centers for Disease Control issued a moratorium on evictions to curb the spread of Covid-19. But the moratorium, which applies only to qualifying tenants through the end of the year, is riddled with loopholes and has been ineffectively enforced. Thousands of tenants have been evicted despite the ban.
Edward, who lost his job as a contractor for a financial company based in Spain in February, is one of those thousands. He should have been covered by the CDC’s eviction ban. But he is currently homeless, living in a hotel and hoping the eviction on his record doesn’t keep him from finding somewhere else to live.
Edward, who wished to use only his first name, had lived in his Texas townhouse for about a year and a half before the pandemic hit. The rent was a bit steep—about $2,000 a month—but he wanted a yard for his aging dog, and his job paid generously. Then when Spain was hit hard by Covid, his employer started laying people off. His last paycheck was February 21.
Edward suffers from diabetes and feared that another job that might expose him to the coronavirus. “I don’t get afraid of much, but the way the virus broke out, I was totally afraid,” he said. He enrolled in unemployment, which helped, but not enough. His elderly father lives nearby, but he survives on a fixed income. “I couldn’t ask him for $2,000 a month,” he said. “That’s crazy.” Related Article The Pandemic Sent Americans’ Health Care Coverage Into Free Fall Bryce Covert
Edward tried to pay rent when he could, $1,000 here, $500 there. But he wasn’t able to pay in full. In late June his landlord moved to evict him. A remote court hearing was scheduled for September 9, but Edward got the date mixed up and didn’t appear, and the judge ruled in his landlord’s favor. It was then that he reached out to Legal Aid of NorthWest Texas, which told him that that he likely qualified for protection under the CDC ban.
Seeking to prevent eviction, Edward filled out the CDC’s declaration form, testifying that he met all of the requirements: he was making less than $99,000 a year, couldn’t afford his rent because of lost work, had made his “best efforts” to make partial payments and seek rental assistance, and would likely become homeless if evicted. The judge agreed to rehear his case. But at the hearing, his landlord challenged him over whether he had tried hard enough to seek rental assistance. Edward says he looked for help early on, but that he was told that the funding for various assistance programs had dried up, and he didn’t have any documentation of his search. A veteran of the army, he later contacted a few agencies, including Veterans Affairs, and kept documentation.
That wasn’t enough. The judge ruled again in favor of his landlord. He was evicted—for the first time ever in his life—and left his townhouse by the end of October. He still owes $14,000 in back rent. He’s planning to sell his Jeep to try to at least pay some of it back, but he doesn’t have it all. “You can’t squeeze money out of a turnip if you don’t have any money to give them,” he said. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Current Issue View our current issue
The CDC eviction ban was explicitly implemented because, the agency said, “the evictions of tenants could be detrimental to public health control measures to slow the spread of SARS-Cov-2, the virus that causes COVID-19.” But housing advocates and attorneys across the country say that the ban’s lack of clarity and enforcement means that judges are still allowing evictions to move forward in many places. The CDC has only exacerbated the problem since issuing that initial declaration.
In October, the agency issued an FAQ saying that landlords can take every action in the eviction process up to actually removing someone from a home. That means many tenants will be threatened with an eviction and simply choose to move, rather than risk the ordeal or having an eviction on their record. And once the moratorium lifts on December 31, a flood of cases will be teed up such that people will face immediate removal. The FAQ “made an already challenged order worse,” said Diane Yentel, president of the National Low-Income Housing Coalition.
The FAQ also explicitly allowed landlords to challenge tenants on the veracity of their declarations. Some courts are going as far as holding evidentiary hearings over them. That’s not how the declarative statement that tenants sign should work, says Yentel. “The whole point of having a declarative statement [is that] when it’s difficult to prove something, you sign under the threat of perjury that it’s true,” she explains. That should spare tenants from having to gather evidence that they qualify, evidence that could be difficult or impossible to piece together. Renters also face perjury charges if they are found not to qualify after signing a declaration. That’s having “a chilling effect,” said Emily Benfer, a visiting professor of law at Wake Forest University. “The majority of tenants, who already understand that the eviction system is tilted toward the landlord’s favor, will not expect it to uphold their rights. So why would they gamble with their liberty?”
Then, there’s the fact that the FAQ made it clear that landlords have no obligation to tell tenants about the eviction ban. If renters don’t know about the CDC ban, they stand to be kicked out of their homes, even if they might qualify. And at the same time, the FAQ clarifies that landlords can only evict tenants for failing to pay rent. They’re free to evict them on any other grounds—and landlords are finding their way around the CDC ban by claiming to evict tenants for lease violations or refusing to renew their leases.
The ban is keeping some people in their homes who would otherwise be evicted. But far too many tenants are falling through the cracks. Corporate landlords have filed nearly 10,000 evictions in just five states since the ban was in place. This all raises the question: “Is this administration at all serious about having renters protected under the order, or was this just a show?” Yentel asks.
The ban’s lack of detail means implementation is inconsistent across different states and jurisdictions. In Texas, courts are postponing eviction cases until December 31st any time a tenant signs the declaration form. But landlords can revive a case by challenging the declaration, and many are, particularly pushing back on whether tenants made their “best faith efforts” to pay partial rent or seek assistance. These provisions are “very subjective,” noted Huma Yasin, an attorney at Legal Aid of NorthWest Texas. What if someone doesn’t have internet access and doesn’t have a car—what is a best faith effort to reach out to rental assistance agencies in that case? What does it mean to try to make partial rent payments if someone has no income coming in at all?
A number of Yasin’s clients have said that they tried to make partial payments and their landlords refused, saying they only wanted the full balance. Other landlords refuse to accept rental assistance because it requires them to complete paperwork. It’s “one of the loopholes” in the ban, Yasin said. “It requires your best efforts to do these things, but it doesn’t compel the landlord to accept these things.”
Whether judges are sympathetic to landlords’ arguments varies significantly. “It really depends on what judge you’re in front of, what day of the week it is, and if they had coffee that morning,” Yasin noted. Some aren’t requiring tenants to show any proof for the declarations. Others are still skeptical even after an evidentiary hearing.
In North Carolina, judges are similarly all over the place. “It’s like the wild west,” said Isaac Sturgill, an attorney at Legal Aid of North Carolina. Some judges refuse to allow an eviction against a tenant who has signed a declaration. But others have only done so for federally subsidized housing, confusing the CDC ban with the eviction ban included in the CARES Act Congress passed in March that has since expired. Sturgill says that at least one magistrate has shown “naked contempt” for the ban, saying “it’s not worth the paper it’s printed on.”
In the majority of cases Sturgill has been involved with, landlords or their attorneys are cross-examining tenants to question whether they qualify. In some cases, where the landlord hasn’t raised questions, he’s seen the magistrate, who is supposed to remain neutral, question tenants.
North Carolina governor Roy Cooper tried to address some of the shortcomings of the CDC ban, issuing an executive order in an attempt to clarify who is protected that also required landlords to tell tenants about the CDC ban. But the state’s Administrative Office of the Courts had already sent out a notice a few days after the CDC ban went into effect telling the court’s clerks that the moratorium doesn’t stop them from accepting eviction filings and that they should still issue writs of possession that allow evictions to be carried out. Then on October 30, the North Carolina Sheriffs’ Association sent guidance to its members saying, “The CDC Order does not change a sheriff’s duty to execute a writ for possession of real property,” or in other words, enforce an eviction, adding, “the sheriff does not have the authority to determine the legal correctness of the basis for eviction.” That runs contrary to the executive order, Sturgill says. He says he’s seen evictions carried out against tenants who should qualify for protection.
A similar landscape faces tenants in Kansas City, Mo., and some landlords are going to some extremes to disprove their tenants’ declarations. Shanice Taylor, a fellow with housing advocacy group KC Tenants, is fielding calls from renters on a legal hotline she helps staff. She has heard from renters whose landlords have demanded grocery bill receipts and bank account statements and interrogated them about whether they own a television or recently had their nails done. One renter who had recently started a new job told her landlord she couldn’t get current on rent yet because she had just started earning money. Her landlord called her employer, McDonald’s, in an effort to find out how much and when she was getting paid.
Then there’s the fact that the CDC order only bans evictions of qualifying tenants based on the nonpayment of rent. If the intent of the order was to keep people housed to prevent the spread of Covid, that “is completely nonsensical,” said Tara Raghuveer, founding director of KC Tenants. “Any eviction is going to displace someone from their home regardless of whether or not it’s because of the rent.”
It’s also a loophole that landlords are explicitly using to get around the ban. In a webinar hosted by the Kansas City Regional Association of REALTORS and Heartland MLS on October 7, Megan Booth, director of federal housing at the National Association of Realtors, assured the landlords in the audience, “You can evict for nonpayment of rent,” pointing out that the “most useful” way stipulated in the CDC order is any lease violation other than nonpayment.
Julie Anderson, managing partner at the law firm Anderson & Associates in Missouri and Kansas that represents landlords, spelled it out even more clearly. “I’m having significant discussions with client saying, ‘Can we terminate for something other than nonpayment of rent?’” she said. “If we can file for a lease violation it would be my preference at this time. I don’t want to have to get into the CDC order unless we have to.”
She offered advice about how to go about it, telling the audience to “pay close attention” to tenants’ behavior. “A lot of nonpaying tenants are also bad actors. They are also not good housekeepers. They have a lot of problems in their life,” she said. “If they’re violent, if there’s trash on the balcony, if they moved in their boyfriend, if they’ve got an unauthorized dog, they’re cooking PCP, they made a threat to their landlord, ‘Get off my this or that,’ that’s good grounds.” She noted that she’s “having quite a bit of success” pursuing these kinds of evictions.
Anderson also pointed out that if all else fails, a landlord can put a tenant whose lease is expiring on a month-to-month agreement and then refuse to renew it the following month. She said she’s discussing with clients “as to whether or not they should just put everybody into a month-to-month tenancy so if they stop paying we can terminate the month-to-month tenancy rather than dealing with the CDC order.”
Meanwhile, given that there’s no obligation for landlords to tell their tenants about the CDC protection, she urged the audience to continue “business as usual” with those who aren’t paying rent, until they sign a declaration form. Out of over 800 eviction cases that she has worked on since the ban went into effect, she noted that only about 100 tenants had signed declarations. Her clients have overseen “numerous lockouts every day.” She added, “I don’t want you to stop filing. We need to keep filing.”
And when tenants do sign forms, “I am challenging or encouraging my clients to consider challenging,” she said. When judges allow her to cross-examine tenants, she said, she asks, “Which agency did you apply to, when, where, how much did you get, how much did you ask for, did you try again, did you try the next month, how much money do you make, where do you bank?”
Raghuveer sees landlords putting Anderson’s advice into practice. Many are refusing to renew leases, a legal way to force people out who aren’t able to pay rent because of the pandemic. More From Bryce Covert The New Law to Protect Pregnant Workers Is Already Changing Lives August 14, 2023 Finally, the Biden Administration Will Offer Some Relief for Childcare Costs July 11, 2023 One of #MeToo’s Biggest Wins Is About to Be Tested in Court June 13, 2023
That’s what happened to Alicia Wright, who lives in south Kansas City. A mother of four, she was excited to move into her current home: this was the first place she was renting on her own without government assistance. She’s been living there for about a year. But she’s a pre-K teacher who’s paid hourly, not a salary, and when schools shut down in March, she was furloughed. She managed financially for the first month, but in late April her bills started to catch up with her. Things got really dire by June. “There was no money,” she said. She got help paying June’s rent, and she made most of her July rent by selling some of her possessions to a pawnshop.
Still, she hoped she could hang on, because she was scheduled to go back to work on July 30 to oversee remote instruction for the children of essential workers—and the hours would be longer and the wage slightly higher, allowing her some breathing room to catch up on what she owed. Then on July 8th she was diagnosed with Covid after her fiancé was exposed at his job in a nursing home. She suffers from lupus, and she was knocked out for eight days with body aches, a fever, and difficulty breathing.
She had to have two negative tests before she could go back to work, which wasn’t until August 8. She still had other bills to catch up on—utilities, her car payment—so she started paying what she could in rent. But her landlord was demanding full restitution. Then toward the end of September the landlord asked if she wanted to renew her lease. She told them yes, but she was informed she couldn’t renew unless she paid everything she owed in full, which at that point was about $3,000, by October 1. She offered to pay in installments as she earned more, but they refused. “I’m like, there’s no way, because I’ve been behind for so many months,” she said. She had no intention of moving, but her landlord told her that if she wasn’t renewing her lease, that would considered to be issuing an intent to vacate.
She got in touch with legal advice through her employer, but the lawyer informed her that her situation—a landlord’s refusal to renew a lease—wasn’t covered by the CDC order, even though the reason she can’t pay rent is the pandemic.
Wright was told to hand in her keys on October 31. She refused. We spoke on November 3, and at that point she was still living in her home, but she knew it was a matter of time. “You’re walking on eggshells because you don’t know what’s going to happen day to day,” she said.
These tactics are common in North Carolina, too. Leases in the state automatically convert into a month-to-month agreement after the first year is up. Now, landlords are simply refusing to continue month-to-month leases. “We know the real reason they’re evicting them is because they’re behind on the rent, but they won’t even mention the rent in the legal papers,” Sturgill said. He’s even seen landlords who file nonpayment evictions and lose because of the CDC ban turn around and file again after refusing to renew a lease.
Mark Melton, a partner at Holland & Knight LLP who helped set up pro bono legal advice for people facing eviction at the Dallas Evictions 2020 campaign, sees this happening “all the time,” he said. Some landlords claim tenants are destroying the property, but when he goes out to survey it, it’s clear that the property as already long in significant disrepair.
Many tenants are simply unaware that they could be protected by the CDC ban. It depends, in many instances, on whether they have Internet access or if they’re in some other way connected to resources that could inform them of their rights. “Many of the most marginalized, and in many ways most vulnerable, people don’t have information about the moratorium,” Yentel said.
Every Saturday, KC Tenants has been disseminating handouts about the CDC protections at apartment complexes where landlords have initiated a number of evictions, as well as laundromats, grocery stores, community centers, and bus stops. They’ve knocked around 9,500 doors in the span of six weeks. “A lot of them don’t even know that [the CDC ban] exists,” Shanice Taylor said. And, she noted, “We can’t catch everybody, even though we’re trying. There are some people unfortunately who are slipping through the cracks.” The organization is going as far as to pull the addresses of every single person who has an upcoming eviction hearing and going to their home to give them information. But often, “by the time we get to those doors, the mail has piled up, there are letters taped to the door,” Raghuveer said. The tenant has already moved on.
Melton says he’s won every single case in favor of renters he’s represented. But most tenants show up to eviction hearings without a lawyer at their side; in civil cases, defendants—who, in eviction proceedings, are the tenants—only have counsel about a quarter of the time. Sturgill has been able to use the CDC moratorium to keep people in their homes, but he noted that his organization represents only about 5 percent of tenants in the state. “A large number of low-income people who can’t afford representation and can’t get a lawyer are being evicted in violation of the CDC order because they don’t know how to navigate the court system and because the state won’t do anything to implement it,” he said.
Yasin’s organization has created a spreadsheet of all rental assistance agencies, and she prints it out and makes sure her clients calls them all and documents the calls. She has a whole list of documents she asks her clients to bring to court. “I’m not going to leave it to chance,” she said. But she is also aware of how many people she isn’t able to reach when she watches the other cases in eviction court. “It’s painful,” she said.
Sometimes tenants reach lawyers too late. Melton recently got a call from a woman in her 60s who told him a constable was at her home of 20 years moving all of her belongings onto the front yard. She had been laid off while her state’s stay-at-home order was in effect and she couldn’t find another job, so she couldn’t afford her rent. The landlord claimed she was being evicted because she was a hoarder. By the time Melton got there, she was in tears in her yard, telling him she didn’t have the will to keep living. He was able to find her a spot in a shelter and some social services. But he wasn’t able to undo the eviction.
Evictions, then, are still proceeding. “All over the place, everyday,” Yasin said. The day we spoke, there were 26 eviction cases on the docket in the courthouse she had just come from. Sturgill’s organization has been getting “slammed” with calls from tenants facing eviction—some days, they’ve fielded around 1,000. “We’re seeing the cases continue to swell,” he said. There were over 8,000 pending eviction cases as of November 1 statewide in North Carolina. In 16 cities across the country, eviction filings surged by more than 3,000 just before the CDC ban went into place, and while they dipped the week after, they rebounded by nearly 2,000 the following week.
In Jackson County, Mo., which covers much of Kansas City, landlords filed 442 evictions between September 1 and 25. Nearly half of those were rushed into the three days before the CDC moratorium went into effect—but they’ve still continued. Raghuveer knows of at least a half dozen that have actually been executed.
Even Melton’s winning streak is going to come to a screeching halt in January without further legislative action. The CDC order expires on December 31, and the cases he’s had postponed are all now set for early in the new year. A few governors, such as in Colorado, have reinstated or extended moratoriums, but many others have let them lapse. Even if President-elect Joe Biden were to sign an extension on day one, the weeks-long gap between the two would allow countless landlords to force tenants from their homes.
“It’s going to be an absolute avalanche,” Yasin said.
And that avalanche will overwhelm the country just as the weather gets even colder. Covid is likely to still be spreading rapidly as people are stuck indoors. Homeless shelters are already at capacity after trying to socially distance residents. Rental assistance programs have been depleted.
Meanwhile, a tsunami of back rent will come due without an extension or rental assistance. Moody’s Analytics estimates that 12.8 million people could owe as much as $70 billion in back rent by the end of the year.
“What’s in store in January is terrifying,” Benfer said. “The expiration of eviction moratoriums across the country will usher in the next housing crisis of unparalleled proportions.” And more housing displacement will inevitably lead to more Covid spread. A recent analysis that controlled for mask orders, stay-at-home orders, school closures, and testing rates found that lifting an eviction moratorium was associated with 1.5 times more Covid cases and 2.1 times more deaths four and a half months later. “The failure to act, the failure to prevent this crisis, the failure to intervene at this exact moment will set the entire country up for harm we will be hard-pressed to recover from,” Benfer said.


thenation--2020-11-24--Unforgetting: Confronting El Salvador’s—and My Family’s—Past

As a young man , I joined a guerrilla insurgency and went to war , but I didn ’ t really know why I did so .
Just six years after the Vietnam War ended , my family and all other Salvadorans started facing the profound consequences of the Reagan administration ’ s decision to begin spending billions of dollars to bolster the universally condemned Salvadoran government and military in their war against the leftist guerrillas of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front .
The FMLN was the Salvadoran embodiment of what Reagan referred to as the “ evil empire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the war , some 80,000 people had been killed in a country of just over 5 million that ’ s the size of Massachusetts .
Most of the innocents were slaughtered by their own government , according to the United Nations and international human rights groups.1 This article is excerpted from Roberto Lovato ’ s Unforgetting : A Memoir of Family , Migration , Gangs , and Revolution in the Americas ( Harper ) .
Born in the United States , I ’ m the son of Salvadorans , so the postwar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ young men who , like my younger self , don ’ t know why they ’ re violent , and mass migration—is , before anything else , personal .
My childhood American innocence was protected by my family , while my father cordoned off key parts of his story , leaving me to sort through and try to make sense of the half-truths and outright myths of family history that hardly explained why I , a Salvadoran kid born in San Francisco , decided to go to war .
Excavating my family history @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , helped me to understand not just the violent history of El Salvador , but also that of my country of birth , the United States.2 “ Damn it , ” pop said .
“ I wish someone would exterminate those sons of bitches .
They ’ re ruining the country.
” My father repeated this sentiment often , especially when he was watching Spanish-language broadcasts featuring reports from El Salvador about gang violence—the near-constant news story about his homeland.3 He was watching TV while sitting on the black leather sofa beneath the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the walls of the living room .
It was in 2000 , and I was visiting my hometown of San Francisco from LA , where I taught in the country ’ s first Central American studies program .
Years earlier , Pop ’ s logistical support for my work with urban commandos of the FMLN during El Salvador ’ s civil war brought us closer , helping to thaw what had been , at best , a tense relationship.4 Pop had never met a member of MS-13 , the most notorious of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maras and their real violence remains hidden to Pop and most Salvadorans.5 In no way did I advocate Pop ’ s final solution to the gang problem , but tempering my desire to fire back was my growing interest in learning what he knew about La Matanza—the slaughter of 10,000 to 30,000 peasants in 1932 by the dictatorship of Gen. Maximiliano Hernández Martínez in response to an Indigenous uprising aided by Communist insurgents .
I had started to take a greater interest in this grim topic recently , thanks to the Central American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the books I ’ d read on La Matanza mentioned Ahuachapán , Pop ’ s hometown and the capital of the western Salvadoran department of the same name .
Pop would ’ ve been 9 in January 1932 , when the slaughter began , old enough to remember something .
In the course of my research , I ’ d started to wonder what impact the colossal event had on his generation—and on the current generation of Salvadorans facing continued violence .
Helping the students in my Salvadoran Experience class take the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of war , violence , and overcoming that had shaped their immigrant families was inspiring me to look into the ways these forces had shaped mine.6 Both of my parents ’ stories interested me , but because his history was the most forbidden fruit in our home , Pop ’ s story interested my inner Detective Columbo the most , especially the stuff he remained silent about : what he remembered about 1930s El Salvador and why he didn ’ t like to talk about these things .
Like an archaeologist searching for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a map of El Salvador .
I ’ d also brought some of my books on Salvadoran history .
With the resolve of a former revolucionario , I was determined to do el todo por el todo—go all out—to try to smash the wall of silence protecting the unspeakable things in my father ’ s past , which I suspected haunted me on some level as well.7 Mom brought out Pop ’ s dinner , a ham and cheese sandwich with hot atole , to the living room table toward the end of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they were about to enter Final Jeopardy .
Taking advantage of the commercial break , I approached the table where Pop sat regally , despite his advanced age.8 “ Hey , Pop , ” I said , sitting down beside him .
“ I ’ m really enjoying teaching the students at Northridge .
We finally got formal approval to start our Central American studies program a few weeks ago .
Now we ’ re doing the research to create a strong curriculum.
” 9 “ That ’ s great , ” Pop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you ’ ll get a permanent job ?
” 10 “ Nothing ’ s permanent , Pop .
Anyone who knows history knows that , right ?
” I was appealing to Pop ’ s insatiable will to learn that had led him to read newspapers daily and devour World War II books .
“ That ’ s right , son .
Nothing ’ s permanent .
Everything changes .
I can tell you from all my friends who ’ ve died over the years.
” Pop rarely mentioned death ; I felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pop , ” I began , laying the map on the table.12 “ Yeah .
I ’ ve been reading a lot about the history of Ahuachapán in books like this one .
It ’ s got some cool pictures and maps and stuff.
” 14 “ Oh , yes .
There ’ s San Vicente , your mother ’ s hometown , ” he said , before calling out , “ Nena , your son is researching that homely hometown of yours.
” 15 “ Call it what you want , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ retorted .
Mom was an eternal optimist , lightness coming out of every fiber of her being.16 “ Says here in this book that La Matanza took place in Ahuachapán , Pop , ” I said , my stomach tensing up for either another disappointment or a breakthrough.17 “ La Matanza ?
What ’ s that ?
” he asked , with a real look of puzzlement on his face .
The commercial break advertising laxatives summed up my situation.18 Then , before I could answer , his eyebrows rose , his mouth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nod .
“ You ’ re talking about 1932 , ” he said , with the confident , intelligent , David Niven–esque air I always loved about him , “ when they killed the comunistas and the indios.
” 19 “ Yes !
” I said loudly , my mix of excitement and fear competing with the blaring television .
“ Yes , Pop , that ’ s what I ’ m talking about.
” 20 “ You know , in 1932 I was 9 years old on my way to turning 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remember everything.
” 21 I couldn ’ t believe he was actually going to speak about such a significant part of Salvadoran history that I ’ d never realized he ’ d experienced.22 “ We had some friends , Adrian Rodas , his brother Virgilio , La Chica López , a big beautiful india who was good with a gun and rode a big white horse .
She was friends with my mother and my abuela Mamá Juanita and was involved with Adrian .
Adrian and Virgilio were two men who had balls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t fit in their pants .
They could ride a horse backward , shoot with two guns , and killed guardias before ‘ 32 .
La Chica was good with a gun , too .
They were somehow involved with the indios , but they weren ’ t comunistas .
Adrian and La Chica told my mother and my other grandmother , Mamá Fina , ‘ It ’ s probably a good idea for you to leave to Ataco or San Salvador.
’ There were rumores , and my mother and Fina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t leave in time.
” 23 “ In the early morning we heard tatatatat !
” he said .
“ My grandmother told my mother to send me to Mamá Juanita ’ s house , but it was too late .
I was scared hearing the shots .
My mother looked out , saw what was happening , and told me and Mamá Fina , ‘ Don ’ t be scared .
We ’ ll get through this .
Just go back to the bed .
I ’ m going to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 25 “ I was worried about my mother going out .
You could hear it sound like this ” —he rapped on the door with his hand to imitate gunshots .
“ We thought they were knocking on our door .
But it was the machine guns .
Soldiers were on the corner shooting at about 200 men who were in the barranco [ ravine ] , about a block from our house .
My friend Joaquin ’ s father , Coronel Chacón , and some troops came out of the cuartel [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there .
It was a matazón [ massacre ] of people.26 “ One of the men escaping the matazón tried to come into our house .
He hid in the oven , a big adobe oven my mother and Mamá Fina made bread in .
Mamá Fina told him , ‘ I ’ ll give you five pesos .
Leave , and God bless you.
’ He took the money and started running out the back .
He was hopping over a fence when the bullet hit him .
He died .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The first place they searched was the adobe oven .
My mother eventually came back and told us what was happening.
” 27 Pop caught his breath .
until that moment , he ’ d shown no signs of difficulty talking about stuff he ’ d been silent about for so long .
28 “ Later that morning , a friend said , ‘ Hey , let ’ s go see what happened at the cuartel , ’ ” he continued .
“ We walked toward it and got close enough to see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There were men with machine guns standing above men with shovels digging holes .
After they dug the holes , you could hear the tatatatatat of the machine guns .
We saw the military guys give the prisoners shovels .
They made the comunistas dig their own graves to bury themselves in .
They shot many.
” 29 The weight of this silenced memory pressed my stomach.30 “ There was a band , a group of soldier musicians playing music .
One of them started reading a manifesto : ‘ We invite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the afternoon to see the execution of a group of rebels.
’ Many people went .
Some went out of curiosity .
Others went out of fear , like they were forced .
In the cuartel , there were a bunch of men and boys lined up to be killed.31 “ We thought they were going to march them to the cemetery , ” Pop said , “ but instead they went to the patio of the cuartel , a tremendous big place .
It was beautiful there .
They took them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Papapapapap .
Puta , sííííí .
They invited people to come and see what the Socorro Rojo Internacional was .
[ International Red Aid , a social service organization established by the Communist International , was led in Latin America by Farabundo Martí , who was killed in La Matanza . ]
They made mass graves not just in the cemetery but in the cuartel.
” 32 Not noticing much emotion in the telling , I asked , “ Pop , how did seeing this make you feel ?
” 33 “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these dead people , ” he said .
“ At night , I felt afraid of seeing the dead and the ones that were almost dead before they came to give them the tiro de gracia.34 El Salvador ’ s Gang Violence : The Continuation of Civil War by Other Means Time for a US Apology to El Salvador “ Later on , I spoke with other kids about it .
After that , I never spoke about this again , have not since childhood .
I saw not just one but hundreds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Why didn ’ t you say anything , Pop ?
” 36 “ I had no occasion to speak about it .
I never belonged to a political party and wasn ’ t partisan .
At night , me surraba [ I shit in my pants ] in the darkness .
When I was alone , I went to Mamá Fina ’ s cot to sleep with her.
” 37 Pop paused to breathe and started trembling like when he was angry .
Then he began shaking more violently .
At that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 9-year-old boy who ’ d witnessed one of the worst massacres in the history of the Americas .
He looked so vulnerable .
Mucus started dripping from his nose .
Tears followed.38 After a few moments he tried to gather his composure .
“ This makes me very sad , son .
Can we stop now ?
” 39 A moment of silence .
Pop looked around the living room , as if he ’ d lost his glasses or something .
Then came the sounds of his big nose honking from crying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had always been broken because of the heartbreak I inherited from Pop .
I started crying , too , and hugged him as he remained silent , unable to look directly at me.41 Mom came into the room ; she had surely been listening .
She looked concerned for him but also happy to see us bonding.42 “ It ’ s OK , Nena , ” he told her .
“ It ’ s OK. ” 43 In that moment I was full of pride , giving myself credit for breaking through Pop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Holocaust survivors have been driven to bring their parents ’ hidden stories to light .
Psychologist Dina Wardi calls them “ memorial candles.
” Lighting up this story hidden in the shadows of our family history , I felt like the Salvadoran equivalent.44 Minutes later , I gained a different perspective .
Looking at Pop gather a smile as he struggled to raise his frail physique from the sofa to walk to the bathroom , the revolucionario in me realized that Pop had been doing the same emotional heavy lifting I ’ d @ @ @ @ @ @ @ final phase of his life , Pop felt ready to talk about his silent darkness .
I was simply the listener he found to help him do so.45 Certain things Mamá Tey , my paternal grandmother , had told me about Pop ’ s hard life made sense now .
I understood why , for example , at 12 he had started decades of heavy drinking.46 I also became even more aware of the tender force of Mom ’ s lightness—how Mom and Mamá Tey ’ s love had saved Pop from himself @ @ @ @ @ @ @ connected me to a lost part of my history and helped me understand the importance of extended family—all my cousins and aunts , whose pictures hung on the walls of our apartment in San Francisco .
My father ’ s tragic past—in many ways the unconscious root of my anger—had helped form me into Tito , the crazy dude who , without knowing the emotional atom bomb he ’ d inherited from his family , had joined Los Originales , an informal group of street toughs others likely saw as a gang , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the FMLN .
The born-again Christian phase of my youth probably had something to do with trying to redeem myself from my terrible inheritance , too.47 My inner and outer peace with Pop fundamentally altered my sense of my family , my country , and myself .
I ’ d never before experienced this level of compassion or the profound ways a compassionate perspective of the past could alter one ’ s view of people and of nations .
Suddenly I experienced Pop , my family , and Salvadorans , and El @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tender way .
But to find emotional equilibrium , I also had to turn this perspective inward and find compassion for the spoiled , misguided little gringo boy who was so angry and confused about being Salvadoran .
This newfound love of myself helped me map the layers of emotion—fear , anger , hopelessness—working below my conscious awareness to create my inner conflicts .
Through all of this , I ’ d found my way .
I ’ d come to realize that if we do the necessary work of unforgetting , our @ @ @ @

This article appears in the November 30/December 7, 2020 issue.
As a young man, I joined a guerrilla insurgency and went to war, but I didn’t really know why I did so. Just six years after the Vietnam War ended, my family and all other Salvadorans started facing the profound consequences of the Reagan administration’s decision to begin spending billions of dollars to bolster the universally condemned Salvadoran government and military in their war against the leftist guerrillas of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front. The FMLN was the Salvadoran embodiment of what Reagan referred to as the “evil empire” of communism. By the end of the war, some 80,000 people had been killed in a country of just over 5 million that’s the size of Massachusetts. Most of the innocents were slaughtered by their own government, according to the United Nations and international human rights groups.1 This article is excerpted from Roberto Lovato’s Unforgetting: A Memoir of Family, Migration, Gangs, and Revolution in the Americas (Harper).
Born in the United States, I’m the son of Salvadorans, so the postwar humanitarian crisis—gang and government violence perpetrated by young men who, like my younger self, don’t know why they’re violent, and mass migration—is, before anything else, personal. My childhood American innocence was protected by my family, while my father cordoned off key parts of his story, leaving me to sort through and try to make sense of the half-truths and outright myths of family history that hardly explained why I, a Salvadoran kid born in San Francisco, decided to go to war. Excavating my family history, especially my father’s history, helped me to understand not just the violent history of El Salvador, but also that of my country of birth, the United States.2
“Damn it,” pop said. “I wish someone would exterminate those sons of bitches. They’re ruining the country.” My father repeated this sentiment often, especially when he was watching Spanish-language broadcasts featuring reports from El Salvador about gang violence—the near-constant news story about his homeland.3
He was watching TV while sitting on the black leather sofa beneath the portraits of my two grandmothers hanging on the walls of the living room. It was in 2000, and I was visiting my hometown of San Francisco from LA, where I taught in the country’s first Central American studies program. Years earlier, Pop’s logistical support for my work with urban commandos of the FMLN during El Salvador’s civil war brought us closer, helping to thaw what had been, at best, a tense relationship.4
Pop had never met a member of MS-13, the most notorious of the Salvadoran gangs. The story of the maras and their real violence remains hidden to Pop and most Salvadorans.5
In no way did I advocate Pop’s final solution to the gang problem, but tempering my desire to fire back was my growing interest in learning what he knew about La Matanza—the slaughter of 10,000 to 30,000 peasants in 1932 by the dictatorship of Gen. Maximiliano Hernández Martínez in response to an Indigenous uprising aided by Communist insurgents. I had started to take a greater interest in this grim topic recently, thanks to the Central American studies program where I taught. Most of the books I’d read on La Matanza mentioned Ahuachapán, Pop’s hometown and the capital of the western Salvadoran department of the same name. Pop would’ve been 9 in January 1932, when the slaughter began, old enough to remember something. In the course of my research, I’d started to wonder what impact the colossal event had on his generation—and on the current generation of Salvadorans facing continued violence. Helping the students in my Salvadoran Experience class take the difficult but necessary dive into the history of war, violence, and overcoming that had shaped their immigrant families was inspiring me to look into the ways these forces had shaped mine.6 Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
Both of my parents’ stories interested me, but because his history was the most forbidden fruit in our home, Pop’s story interested my inner Detective Columbo the most, especially the stuff he remained silent about: what he remembered about 1930s El Salvador and why he didn’t like to talk about these things. Like an archaeologist searching for ancient buried treasure, I had brought a map of El Salvador. I’d also brought some of my books on Salvadoran history. With the resolve of a former revolucionario, I was determined to do el todo por el todo—go all out—to try to smash the wall of silence protecting the unspeakable things in my father’s past, which I suspected haunted me on some level as well.7 Current Issue View our current issue
Mom brought out Pop’s dinner, a ham and cheese sandwich with hot atole, to the living room table toward the end of Jeopardy! Alex Trebek told the contestants they were about to enter Final Jeopardy. Taking advantage of the commercial break, I approached the table where Pop sat regally, despite his advanced age.8
“Hey, Pop,” I said, sitting down beside him. “I’m really enjoying teaching the students at Northridge. We finally got formal approval to start our Central American studies program a few weeks ago. Now we’re doing the research to create a strong curriculum.”9
“That’s great,” Pop said. “Is there a chance you’ll get a permanent job?”10
“Nothing’s permanent, Pop. Anyone who knows history knows that, right?” I was appealing to Pop’s insatiable will to learn that had led him to read newspapers daily and devour World War II books. “That’s right, son. Nothing’s permanent. Everything changes. I can tell you from all my friends who’ve died over the years.” Pop rarely mentioned death; I felt emboldened.11
“So check this out, Pop,” I began, laying the map on the table.12
“Look there,” he said. “There’s Ahuachapán.”13
“Yeah. I’ve been reading a lot about the history of Ahuachapán in books like this one. It’s got some cool pictures and maps and stuff.”14
“Oh, yes. There’s San Vicente, your mother’s hometown,” he said, before calling out, “Nena, your son is researching that homely hometown of yours.”15
“Call it what you want, but I love my pueblo,” she retorted. Mom was an eternal optimist, lightness coming out of every fiber of her being.16
“Says here in this book that La Matanza took place in Ahuachapán, Pop,” I said, my stomach tensing up for either another disappointment or a breakthrough.17
“La Matanza? What’s that?” he asked, with a real look of puzzlement on his face. The commercial break advertising laxatives summed up my situation.18
Then, before I could answer, his eyebrows rose, his mouth opened wide, and he started to nod. “You’re talking about 1932,” he said, with the confident, intelligent, David Niven–esque air I always loved about him, “when they killed the comunistas and the indios.”19
“Yes!” I said loudly, my mix of excitement and fear competing with the blaring television. “Yes, Pop, that’s what I’m talking about.”20
“You know, in 1932 I was 9 years old on my way to turning 10,” he said. “I remember everything.”21
I couldn’t believe he was actually going to speak about such a significant part of Salvadoran history that I’d never realized he’d experienced.22
“We had some friends, Adrian Rodas, his brother Virgilio, La Chica López, a big beautiful india who was good with a gun and rode a big white horse. She was friends with my mother and my abuela Mamá Juanita and was involved with Adrian. Adrian and Virgilio were two men who had balls, so much balls, they didn’t fit in their pants. They could ride a horse backward, shoot with two guns, and killed guardias before ‘32. La Chica was good with a gun, too. They were somehow involved with the indios, but they weren’t comunistas. Adrian and La Chica told my mother and my other grandmother, Mamá Fina, ‘It’s probably a good idea for you to leave to Ataco or San Salvador.’ There were rumores, and my mother and Fina were talking about leaving, but we didn’t leave in time.”23
“Wow, Pop. So what happened?”24
“In the early morning we heard tatatatat!” he said. “My grandmother told my mother to send me to Mamá Juanita’s house, but it was too late. I was scared hearing the shots. My mother looked out, saw what was happening, and told me and Mamá Fina, ‘Don’t be scared. We’ll get through this. Just go back to the bed. I’m going to see what’s going on.’25
“I was worried about my mother going out. You could hear it sound like this”—he rapped on the door with his hand to imitate gunshots. “We thought they were knocking on our door. But it was the machine guns. Soldiers were on the corner shooting at about 200 men who were in the barranco [ravine], about a block from our house. My friend Joaquin’s father, Coronel Chacón, and some troops came out of the cuartel [barracks] and started a massacre right there. It was a matazón [massacre] of people.26
“One of the men escaping the matazón tried to come into our house. He hid in the oven, a big adobe oven my mother and Mamá Fina made bread in. Mamá Fina told him, ‘I’ll give you five pesos. Leave, and God bless you.’ He took the money and started running out the back. He was hopping over a fence when the bullet hit him. He died. The military came and searched our house. The first place they searched was the adobe oven. My mother eventually came back and told us what was happening.”27
Pop caught his breath. until that moment, he’d shown no signs of difficulty talking about stuff he’d been silent about for so long. 28
“Later that morning, a friend said, ‘Hey, let’s go see what happened at the cuartel,’” he continued. “We walked toward it and got close enough to see the cuartel. We climbed a tree. There were men with machine guns standing above men with shovels digging holes. After they dug the holes, you could hear the tatatatatat of the machine guns. We saw the military guys give the prisoners shovels. They made the comunistas dig their own graves to bury themselves in. They shot many.”29
The weight of this silenced memory pressed my stomach.30
“There was a band, a group of soldier musicians playing music. One of them started reading a manifesto: ‘We invite the people to come out at 2:00 in the afternoon to see the execution of a group of rebels.’ Many people went. Some went out of curiosity. Others went out of fear, like they were forced. In the cuartel, there were a bunch of men and boys lined up to be killed.31
“We thought they were going to march them to the cemetery,” Pop said, “but instead they went to the patio of the cuartel, a tremendous big place. It was beautiful there. They took them there and shot them by the dozens. Papapapapap. Puta, sííííí. They invited people to come and see what the Socorro Rojo Internacional was. [International Red Aid, a social service organization established by the Communist International, was led in Latin America by Farabundo Martí, who was killed in La Matanza.] They made mass graves not just in the cemetery but in the cuartel.”32
Not noticing much emotion in the telling, I asked, “Pop, how did seeing this make you feel?”33
“I started feeling scared after seeing all these dead people,” he said. “At night, I felt afraid of seeing the dead and the ones that were almost dead before they came to give them the tiro de gracia.34 More on El Salvador El Salvador’s Gang Violence: The Continuation of Civil War by Other Means Roberto Lovato Time for a US Apology to El Salvador Raymond Bonner Remembering El Mozote, the Worst Massacre in Modern Latin American History Sarah Esther Maslin Carolyn Forché’s Powerful Reckoning Suzy Hansen Justice, Finally, for a War Crime in El Salvador Kate Doyle
“Later on, I spoke with other kids about it. After that, I never spoke about this again, have not since childhood. I saw not just one but hundreds of dead in those days.”35
“Why didn’t you say anything, Pop?”36
“I had no occasion to speak about it. I never belonged to a political party and wasn’t partisan. At night, me surraba [I shit in my pants] in the darkness. When I was alone, I went to Mamá Fina’s cot to sleep with her.”37
Pop paused to breathe and started trembling like when he was angry. Then he began shaking more violently. At that moment, my 78-year-old father became the 9-year-old boy who’d witnessed one of the worst massacres in the history of the Americas. He looked so vulnerable. Mucus started dripping from his nose. Tears followed.38
After a few moments he tried to gather his composure. “This makes me very sad, son. Can we stop now?”39
“Of course, Pop.”40
A moment of silence. Pop looked around the living room, as if he’d lost his glasses or something. Then came the sounds of his big nose honking from crying. Unbeknownst to me, my heart had always been broken because of the heartbreak I inherited from Pop. I started crying, too, and hugged him as he remained silent, unable to look directly at me.41
Mom came into the room; she had surely been listening. She looked concerned for him but also happy to see us bonding.42
“It’s OK, Nena,” he told her. “It’s OK.”43
In that moment I was full of pride, giving myself credit for breaking through Pop’s silence. Many children of Holocaust survivors have been driven to bring their parents’ hidden stories to light. Psychologist Dina Wardi calls them “memorial candles.” Lighting up this story hidden in the shadows of our family history, I felt like the Salvadoran equivalent.44
Minutes later, I gained a different perspective. Looking at Pop gather a smile as he struggled to raise his frail physique from the sofa to walk to the bathroom, the revolucionario in me realized that Pop had been doing the same emotional heavy lifting I’d thought only Mom did. Entering the final phase of his life, Pop felt ready to talk about his silent darkness. I was simply the listener he found to help him do so.45
Certain things Mamá Tey, my paternal grandmother, had told me about Pop’s hard life made sense now. I understood why, for example, at 12 he had started decades of heavy drinking.46
I also became even more aware of the tender force of Mom’s lightness—how Mom and Mamá Tey’s love had saved Pop from himself and helped me save myself. They connected me to a lost part of my history and helped me understand the importance of extended family—all my cousins and aunts, whose pictures hung on the walls of our apartment in San Francisco. My father’s tragic past—in many ways the unconscious root of my anger—had helped form me into Tito, the crazy dude who, without knowing the emotional atom bomb he’d inherited from his family, had joined Los Originales, an informal group of street toughs others likely saw as a gang, and, later, the comandos urbanos of the FMLN. The born-again Christian phase of my youth probably had something to do with trying to redeem myself from my terrible inheritance, too.47
My inner and outer peace with Pop fundamentally altered my sense of my family, my country, and myself. I’d never before experienced this level of compassion or the profound ways a compassionate perspective of the past could alter one’s view of people and of nations. Suddenly I experienced Pop, my family, and Salvadorans, and El Salvador generally, in a much more tender way. But to find emotional equilibrium, I also had to turn this perspective inward and find compassion for the spoiled, misguided little gringo boy who was so angry and confused about being Salvadoran. This newfound love of myself helped me map the layers of emotion—fear, anger, hopelessness—working below my conscious awareness to create my inner conflicts. Through all of this, I’d found my way. I’d come to realize that if we do the necessary work of unforgetting, our buried love can blossom.48


thenation--2020-11-25--Diego Maradona: Comrade of the Global South

The world mourns today the passing of Diego Maradona , the soccer god and revolutionary from Argentina whose play inspired all manner of poetry and prose .
The best description of Maradona ’ s abilities came from the late Eduardo Galeano , who wrote of Maradona in his book Soccer in Sun and Shadow , No one can predict the devilish tricks this inventor of surprises will dream up for the simple joy of throwing the computers off track , tricks he never repeats .
He ’ s not quick , more like a short-legged bull , but he carries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he ’ s got eyes all over his body .
His acrobatics light up the field… .
In the frigid soccer of the end of the century , which detests defeat and forbids all fun , that man was one of the few who proved that fantasy can be efficient .
That Maradona died of a heart attack at the too young age of 60 seems preordained for multiple reasons .
He lived a life of excess and addiction ; of cocaine and massive weight fluctuations that undoubtedly placed a mammoth stress on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ life of passionate , rebel intensity , always standing against imperialism ; always standing for self-determination for Latin America and the Global South , always speaking for the children growing up in conditions similar to the abject poverty of his own upbringing in the Villa Fiorito barrio of Buenos Aires .
He was the fifth of eight children , living without running water or electricity , and never forgot it for a moment .
His heart may have simply been too big for his chest .
Maradona took political stances throughout his life @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he met with Pope John Paul II and told the press afterward , “ I was in the Vatican and I saw all these golden ceilings and afterwards I heard the Pope say the Church was worried about the welfare of poor kids .
Sell your ceiling then , amigo , do something !
” He tried to form a union of professional soccer players for years , saying in 1995 , “ The idea of the association came to me as a way of showing my solidarity with the many players @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are more famous.… We don ’ t intend to fight anyone unless they want a fight.
” Maradona always stood with the oppressed , particularly with the people of Palestine .
He made sure they were not forgotten , saying in 2018 , “ In my heart , I ’ m Palestinian.
” He was a critic of Israeli violence against Gaza , and it was even rumored that he would coach the Palestinian national team during the 2015 AFC Asian Cup .
Maradona had tattoos of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him his hero .
Maradona credited the Cuban medical system with saving his life , when he arrived there , addicted and dangerously overweight , only to emerge looking like he could still take on the next generation of competition .
He supported Venezuelan leader Hugo Chávez , at a time when Chávez was undertaking radical plans to redistribute income and education to the country ’ s poor .
He was a steadfast opponent of the Bush regime and the Iraq war and sported T-shirts proclaiming Bush as a war criminal .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that comes from the United States .
I hate it with all my strength.
” That sentiment made him a hero to the billions who live under this country ’ s boot .
Many will surely write about Maradona ’ s prowess on the pitch ; his legendary World Cup runs , his “ hand of God ” goal against England , his ability to go the length of the field with the ball “ sewn to his foot.
” Others will dwell over his torments , his pain , and his demons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moment and raise a glass to Diego Maradona , comrade , friend , and fierce advocate for all trying to eke out survival in a world defined by savage inequalities .
Many are writing today that Maradona is now resting in the “ hand of God.
” I prefer to believe that he is hard at work organizing the angels .
Diego Maradona : ¡Presente !

This article appears in the December 28, 2020/January 4, 2021 issue.
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The world mourns today the passing of Diego Maradona, the soccer god and revolutionary from Argentina whose play inspired all manner of poetry and prose. The best description of Maradona’s abilities came from the late Eduardo Galeano, who wrote of Maradona in his book Soccer in Sun and Shadow,
No one can predict the devilish tricks this inventor of surprises will dream up for the simple joy of throwing the computers off track, tricks he never repeats. He’s not quick, more like a short-legged bull, but he carries the ball sewn to his foot and he’s got eyes all over his body. His acrobatics light up the field…. In the frigid soccer of the end of this century, which detests defeat and forbids all fun, that man was one of the few who proved that fantasy can be efficient.
That Maradona died of a heart attack at the too young age of 60 seems preordained for multiple reasons. He lived a life of excess and addiction; of cocaine and massive weight fluctuations that undoubtedly placed a mammoth stress on his heart. He also lived a life of passionate, rebel intensity, always standing against imperialism; always standing for self-determination for Latin America and the Global South, always speaking for the children growing up in conditions similar to the abject poverty of his own upbringing in the Villa Fiorito barrio of Buenos Aires. He was the fifth of eight children, living without running water or electricity, and never forgot it for a moment. His heart may have simply been too big for his chest.
Maradona took political stances throughout his life that were never easy. A Catholic, he met with Pope John Paul II and told the press afterward, “I was in the Vatican and I saw all these golden ceilings and afterwards I heard the Pope say the Church was worried about the welfare of poor kids. Sell your ceiling then, amigo, do something!”
He tried to form a union of professional soccer players for years, saying in 1995, “The idea of the association came to me as a way of showing my solidarity with the many players who need the help of those who are more famous.… We don’t intend to fight anyone unless they want a fight.”
Maradona always stood with the oppressed, particularly with the people of Palestine. He made sure they were not forgotten, saying in 2018, “In my heart, I’m Palestinian.” He was a critic of Israeli violence against Gaza, and it was even rumored that he would coach the Palestinian national team during the 2015 AFC Asian Cup.
Maradona had tattoos of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, and likened himself to Guevara, calling him his hero. Maradona credited the Cuban medical system with saving his life, when he arrived there, addicted and dangerously overweight, only to emerge looking like he could still take on the next generation of competition. He supported Venezuelan leader Hugo Chávez, at a time when Chávez was undertaking radical plans to redistribute income and education to the country’s poor. He was a steadfast opponent of the Bush regime and the Iraq war and sported T-shirts proclaiming Bush as a war criminal. He once said, “I hate everything that comes from the United States. I hate it with all my strength.” That sentiment made him a hero to the billions who live under this country’s boot.
Many will surely write about Maradona’s prowess on the pitch; his legendary World Cup runs, his “hand of God” goal against England, his ability to go the length of the field with the ball “sewn to his foot.” Others will dwell over his torments, his pain, and his demons. But let’s take a moment and raise a glass to Diego Maradona, comrade, friend, and fierce advocate for all trying to eke out survival in a world defined by savage inequalities. Many are writing today that Maradona is now resting in the “hand of God.” I prefer to believe that he is hard at work organizing the angels. Diego Maradona: ¡Presente!