thenation--2020-08-05--Will Climate Break Through in Big Media’s Elections Coverage?

This story is being co-published by The Guardian , The Nation , and Columbia Journalism Review as part of Covering Climate Now , a global collaboration of more than 400 news outlets committed to transforming news coverage of the defining story of our time .
On November 4 , the United States will officially leave the Paris climate accord .
The accord , agreed upon five years ago by virtually every country on earth , commits governments to keeping global temperature rise “ well below ” 2 degrees Celsius—a sensible ambition considering the record heat waves , hurricanes , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around the world after “ only ” 1 degree of warming .
Whether the US departure from the accord is sustained ( in the event that Republican president Donald Trump is reelected ) or reversed ( if Democratic nominee Joe Biden wins ) is one of many critical issues making the 2020 US election , as much as anything , a climate-change election .
With fewer than 100 days remaining before Election Day , journalists at some of America ’ s leading news organizations are working with their own newsrooms and others to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ large understand what ’ s at stake .
“ It ’ s not our responsibility to tell people who to vote for , but it is important to lay out the consequences of what those decisions are , and that we can do very , very clearly , ” Al Ortiz of CBS News said at a July 30 “ Talking Shop ” webinar of Covering Climate Now , a global consortium of 400-plus news outlets committed to improving climate coverage .
Ortiz , vice president of news standards and practices at CBS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1980s and will direct the network ’ s election night coverage this year .
The challenge , he said , is that climate change can be “ drowned out ” by other urgent stories , including Covid-19 , Black Lives Matter protests , and the dismal state of the economy .
“ But there ’ s a climate connection to just about everything.
” For example , he said , “ reconstructing from this economic disaster…is going to involve a lot of choices about whether we try to rebuild [ using ] old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Climate Emergency Won ’ t Wait for the Press to Play Catch-up Again More in this series “ Countries and financial institutions around the world have spent some $ 11 trillion [ to stimulate their Covid-ravaged economies ] , and they ’ re going to be spending trillions more , ” Justin Worland , the environment and energy correspondent for Time , said .
In the magazine ’ s July 9 cover story , “ One Last Chance , ” Worland wrote that 2020 will be remembered as the year when humanity decided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climate cliff—or take the last exit.
” To wit , the debate around Covid stimulus spending is between “ folks who want to bail out coal and build new roads to lock us into a carbon-intensive economy and others [ who ] are focusing on ways to build a greener economy , ” Worland told the webinar audience .
“ Who controls Washington will be central to those decisions.
” On August 3 , an open letter published by some of the world ’ s leading economists urged that Covid stimulus spending help @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ If we attempt an economic rebuilding whose guiding principle is a return to ‘ business as usual ’ we will simply substitute one crisis for another.
” “ People consider climate like [ it ’ s ] one menu item when you go in to vote , and I ’ m saying , ‘ No , it ’ s the whole restaurant , ’ ” said Bill Weir , the chief climate correspondent at CNN .
“ Everything on that menu ties back to the health of a living planet .
Foreign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ civil unrest , novel viruses—all of these things just get intensified in a warmer world.
” In April , CNN broadcast Weir ’ s landmark 90-minute special on the climate crisis and its solutions , The Road To Change .
Critical reaction was so positive that CNN will air the special again on August 8 .
The Guardian , meanwhile , has launched “ 100 Days To Save the Earth , ” a series counting down the days to the US departure from the Paris accord .
“ It ’ s a big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an animated clock that [ counts down from ] 100 , and a new factoid about climate change that corresponds to each day , ” Jane Spencer , the deputy editor of Guardian US , said .
“ We also have a series landing page where we ’ re doing all kinds of climate coverage .
It ’ s a way to keep climate change in the national conversation during the election , reminding people that it ’ s really one of the core issues at stake.
” The Guardian will join other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Media Group , NBC News , Columbia Journalism Review , The Nation , and NowThis , in hosting a “ First-Time Voter Youth Takeover Day ” to amplify the voices of the generation whose lives will be most profoundly shaped by how the next US president and Congress handle the climate crisis in this critical moment .
On September 21 , participating outlets are highlighting the experiences of first-time voters and other young people .
In some cases , those young people will collaborate with newsroom editors on reporting stories , making videos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ TV segments .
In others , newsrooms will hand over the reins to their social media accounts .
Still others will run climate-focused op-eds by young people or simply interview them for reported pieces .
The day will kick off a week of joint coverage by Covering Climate Now ’ s partners , from September 21 to 28 , that will feature newsmaker interviews , in-depth reporting , and cutting edge analysis focused on the climate-politics connection in 2020 .
Spotlighting young people is already core to the mission of “ Stay Tuned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that draws between 4 million and 10 million viewers a day .
The show appears not on television but on Instagram , Snapchat , TikTok , and other online platforms .
The audience is “ mainly Gen Z and millennials , and climate change is something they care very , very much about , ” Savannah Sellers , the show ’ s anchor , told the webinar group .
“ When you ask , ‘ Why are you voting for this [ candidate ] ?
’ climate change [ is ] the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the time.
” Noting that her program has “ huge viewership in very red states , ” Sellers added that climate is no longer an ideological issue “ as much as it is generational.
” A second divide is between people who accept science and those who reject it , the panelists added , emphasizing that science has to guide climate coverage regardless of the political implications .
“ It ’ s pretty clear what side is more aligned with science and which isn ’ t , and that ’ s not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ That ’ s just reality , and it ’ s important not to shy away from that in the name of false balance.
” The 2020 US elections carry staggering consequences for life on this planet , and the climate story will only get bigger in years to come .
Heat-trapping emissions must be cut in half by 2030 to avoid catastrophic , possibly irreversible climate impacts , scientists say .
That will require transforming the world economy at an “ unprecedented ” scale and speed .
Humanity ’ s race @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story of our time ; newsrooms that want to remain relevant should prioritize it sooner rather than later .
“ Eventually , ” said Weir , “ we ’ re all going to be climate reporters , whether we call it that or not .
Because it ’ s going to touch everything in more obvious ways every year .
”

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This story is being co-published by The Guardian, The Nation, and Columbia Journalism Review as part of Covering Climate Now, a global collaboration of more than 400 news outlets committed to transforming news coverage of the defining story of our time.
On November 4, the United States will officially leave the Paris climate accord. The accord, agreed upon five years ago by virtually every country on earth, commits governments to keeping global temperature rise “well below” 2 degrees Celsius—a sensible ambition considering the record heat waves, hurricanes, and other forms of climate chaos now erupting around the world after “only” 1 degree of warming. Whether the US departure from the accord is sustained (in the event that Republican president Donald Trump is reelected) or reversed (if Democratic nominee Joe Biden wins) is one of many critical issues making the 2020 US election, as much as anything, a climate-change election.
With fewer than 100 days remaining before Election Day, journalists at some of America’s leading news organizations are working with their own newsrooms and others to make sure voters and the public at large understand what’s at stake.
“It’s not our responsibility to tell people who to vote for, but it is important to lay out the consequences of what those decisions are, and that we can do very, very clearly,” Al Ortiz of CBS News said at a July 30 “Talking Shop” webinar of Covering Climate Now, a global consortium of 400-plus news outlets committed to improving climate coverage. Ortiz, vice president of news standards and practices at CBS, has covered presidential campaigns since the 1980s and will direct the network’s election night coverage this year. The challenge, he said, is that climate change can be “drowned out” by other urgent stories, including Covid-19, Black Lives Matter protests, and the dismal state of the economy. “But there’s a climate connection to just about everything.” For example, he said, “reconstructing from this economic disaster…is going to involve a lot of choices about whether we try to rebuild [using] old technologies or environmentally responsible technologies.” Covering Climate Now How to Stop the Spread of Climate Disinformation Erika Seiber and Michael Khoo A Soundtrack for the Climate Emergency Mark Hertsgaard Can Gen Z Save the Midterms for Democrats? Mark Hertsgaard
“Countries and financial institutions around the world have spent some $11 trillion [to stimulate their Covid-ravaged economies], and they’re going to be spending trillions more,” Justin Worland, the environment and energy correspondent for Time, said. In the magazine’s July 9 cover story, “One Last Chance,” Worland wrote that 2020 will be remembered as the year when humanity decided whether “to keep driving off the climate cliff—or take the last exit.” To wit, the debate around Covid stimulus spending is between “folks who want to bail out coal and build new roads to lock us into a carbon-intensive economy and others [who] are focusing on ways to build a greener economy,” Worland told the webinar audience. “Who controls Washington will be central to those decisions.” On August 3, an open letter published by some of the world’s leading economists urged that Covid stimulus spending help end the carbon economy, arguing, “If we attempt an economic rebuilding whose guiding principle is a return to ‘business as usual’ we will simply substitute one crisis for another.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
“People consider climate like [it’s] one menu item when you go in to vote, and I’m saying, ‘No, it’s the whole restaurant,’” said Bill Weir, the chief climate correspondent at CNN. “Everything on that menu ties back to the health of a living planet. Foreign policy, economics, social justice, civil unrest, novel viruses—all of these things just get intensified in a warmer world.” In April, CNN broadcast Weir’s landmark 90-minute special on the climate crisis and its solutions, The Road To Change. Critical reaction was so positive that CNN will air the special again on August 8.
The Guardian, meanwhile, has launched “100 Days To Save the Earth,” a series counting down the days to the US departure from the Paris accord. “It’s a big banner across our site every day with an animated clock that [counts down from] 100, and a new factoid about climate change that corresponds to each day,” Jane Spencer, the deputy editor of Guardian US, said. “We also have a series landing page where we’re doing all kinds of climate coverage. It’s a way to keep climate change in the national conversation during the election, reminding people that it’s really one of the core issues at stake.” Current Issue View our current issue
The Guardian will join other Covering Climate Now partners, including Vice Media Group, NBC News, Columbia Journalism Review, The Nation, and NowThis, in hosting a “First-Time Voter Youth Takeover Day” to amplify the voices of the generation whose lives will be most profoundly shaped by how the next US president and Congress handle the climate crisis in this critical moment. On September 21, participating outlets are highlighting the experiences of first-time voters and other young people. In some cases, those young people will collaborate with newsroom editors on reporting stories, making videos, and producing radio, podcast or TV segments. In others, newsrooms will hand over the reins to their social media accounts. Still others will run climate-focused op-eds by young people or simply interview them for reported pieces. The day will kick off a week of joint coverage by Covering Climate Now’s partners, from September 21 to 28, that will feature newsmaker interviews, in-depth reporting, and cutting edge analysis focused on the climate-politics connection in 2020.
Spotlighting young people is already core to the mission of “Stay Tuned,” a twice-daily NBC News show that draws between 4 million and 10 million viewers a day. The show appears not on television but on Instagram, Snapchat, TikTok, and other online platforms. The audience is “mainly Gen Z and millennials, and climate change is something they care very, very much about,” Savannah Sellers, the show’s anchor, told the webinar group. “When you ask, ‘Why are you voting for this [candidate]?’ climate change [is] the first thing out of their mouth 90 percent of the time.” Noting that her program has “huge viewership in very red states,” Sellers added that climate is no longer an ideological issue “as much as it is generational.”
A second divide is between people who accept science and those who reject it, the panelists added, emphasizing that science has to guide climate coverage regardless of the political implications. “It’s pretty clear what side is more aligned with science and which isn’t, and that’s not a partisan statement,” Worland remarked. “That’s just reality, and it’s important not to shy away from that in the name of false balance.”
The 2020 US elections carry staggering consequences for life on this planet, and the climate story will only get bigger in years to come. Heat-trapping emissions must be cut in half by 2030 to avoid catastrophic, possibly irreversible climate impacts, scientists say. That will require transforming the world economy at an “unprecedented” scale and speed. Humanity’s race to meet this deadline is the defining story of our time; newsrooms that want to remain relevant should prioritize it sooner rather than later. “Eventually,” said Weir, “we’re all going to be climate reporters, whether we call it that or not. Because it’s going to touch everything in more obvious ways every year.”


thenation--2020-08-05--Time for Some #WearADamnMask Politics

Time for Some #WearADamnMask Politics

adison , isc.—Wisconsin is the most politically divided state in the country .
It has one Democratic Senator and one Republican .
It has a Democratic governor and a Republican legislature .
It gave Donald Trump 47.22 percent of the vote in 2016 to 46.45 for Hillary Clinton .
So it shouldn ’ t come as a surprise then that Wisconsin is one of the biggest battlegrounds in the fight over the “ issue ” that shouldn ’ t even be an issue : whether to wear a mask in order to prevent the spread of Covid-19 .
Until last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with a Democratic governor that did not have a mask mandate .
Why ?
It ’ s not because Governor Tony Evers , a 68-year-old former science teacher , does not recognize the need for masks .
It ’ s because every time Evers tries to advance a public-health mandate , the Republican-controlled legislature moves to upend it—and the right-wing judicial activists on the state Supreme Court side with the ghouls who control the state Assembly and state Senate .
The President ’ s Damned Lies Are Killing Us Trump Can ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Make It a Chaotic Mess As they do on so many issues , nationally and in Wisconsin , Democrats find themselves in the surreal position of being told that they are against “ freedom ” because they want to save lives .
The madness of the moment was summed up by Congressional Progressive Caucus cochair Mark Pocan , who noted at the end of a harrowing July for the state that “ the numbers are staggering .
As of right now , Wisconsin has over 50,000 confirmed positive COVID-19 cases and almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seem low to you compared to states like Texas and Florida , think again .
Before last week , Wisconsin had never reached a single-day total of over 1,000 positive COVID-19 cases .
Last week , we surpassed 1,000 cases on three separate days .
On top of that , more deaths were reported last week than any other week in July.
” So , while masks , social distancing , and testing , should not be political issues , they are .
And Democrats are left asking themselves questions that sum of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ How do you respond to irresponsibility ?
How do you counter claptrap ?
Wisconsin legislative candidate Francesca Hong has come up with her answer .
She regularly posts social media images of herself wearing face coverings to protect against the spread of Covid-19 , and she has coupled the images with a message : “ # WearADamnMask.
” Hong , one of a number of Democratic candidates in an August 11 primary for a Madison–based 76th state Assembly seat , leaves no doubt about her position on the supposedly controversial issue of whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic .
She ’ s made herself the # WearADamnMask candidate—and good on her for that .
Right-wing Republicans , from Washington to Madison , have rejected science and common sense from the start of the coronavirus pandemic .
They have attacked legitimate and necessary public health mandates and politicized discussions about public safety with an eye toward dividing voters at a point when unity of purpose may be more essential than at any time in the modern history of the country .
That ’ s wrong .
But that ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Candidates who recognize the seriousness of the threats we face must take a stand—and they must do so aggressively .
This is no time for cautious language or compromise positions .
At a point when more than 150,000 Americans have died from Covid-19 , when case numbers are surging in Wisconsin and across the country , when decisions about reopening schools and businesses are being placed on hold because of the failure of the Trump administration and its political allies to address this crisis , we have reached a “ Which Side Are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ issue-oriented progressive who campaigns as “ a second-generation Wisconsinite , mother , community organizer , and service industry worker ” —is clear about the side she is on .
She didn ’ t just hail last week ’ s decision by Evers to again try to get a mask mandate in place by declaring a statewide public health emergency and issuing an emergency order requiring Wisconsinites to wear face coverings .
She posted another masked image and repeated the “ # WearADamnMask ” message .
When right-wing state Senator Steve Nass urged his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Legislature back into session to pass a joint resolution ending Governor Evers ’ new illegal and unnecessary emergency declaration , ” Hong pushed back with an appropriate mix of fury and scorching sarcasm .
“ Oh so now you want to go to work .
Not because almost 1,000 people have died in Wisconsin from Covid19 , the economy is permanently damaged and we are in the midst of multiple public health crises as well as being the most segregated state in the nation , ” she wrote .
“ Woooooooooooow.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ condemning racism , ” she says , “ Wisconsin GOP leaders are leading the charge in perpetuating multiple public health crises.
” Like Pocan—the Wisconsin Democrat who regularly mocks the “ ignorant politics ” of Republicans who are on the wrong side of science—Hong refuses to respect the absurd pronouncements of political charlatans .
That ’ s the right response .
When lives and livelihoods are at stake , the cautious messaging of the past doesn ’ t cut it .
Too much is at stake for anything less than a # WearADamnMask @ @

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M adison, W isc.—Wisconsin is the most politically divided state in the country. It has one Democratic Senator and one Republican. It has a Democratic governor and a Republican legislature. It gave Donald Trump 47.22 percent of the vote in 2016 to 46.45 for Hillary Clinton.
So it shouldn’t come as a surprise then that Wisconsin is one of the biggest battlegrounds in the fight over the “issue” that shouldn’t even be an issue: whether to wear a mask in order to prevent the spread of Covid-19.
Until last week, Wisconsin was the only state with a Democratic governor that did not have a mask mandate.
Why? It’s not because Governor Tony Evers, a 68-year-old former science teacher, does not recognize the need for masks.
It’s because every time Evers tries to advance a public-health mandate, the Republican-controlled legislature moves to upend it—and the right-wing judicial activists on the state Supreme Court side with the ghouls who control the state Assembly and state Senate. More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
As they do on so many issues, nationally and in Wisconsin, Democrats find themselves in the surreal position of being told that they are against “freedom” because they want to save lives.
The madness of the moment was summed up by Congressional Progressive Caucus cochair Mark Pocan, who noted at the end of a harrowing July for the state that “the numbers are staggering. As of right now, Wisconsin has over 50,000 confirmed positive COVID-19 cases and almost 900 confirmed deaths. If those numbers seem low to you compared to states like Texas and Florida, think again. Before last week, Wisconsin had never reached a single-day total of over 1,000 positive COVID-19 cases. Last week, we surpassed 1,000 cases on three separate days. On top of that, more deaths were reported last week than any other week in July.”
So, while masks, social distancing, and testing, should not be political issues, they are. And Democrats are left asking themselves questions that sum of the dangerously off-kilter politics of 2020: How do you respond to irresponsibility? How do you counter claptrap?
Wisconsin legislative candidate Francesca Hong has come up with her answer. She regularly posts social media images of herself wearing face coverings to protect against the spread of Covid-19, and she has coupled the images with a message: “#WearADamnMask.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Hong, one of a number of Democratic candidates in an August 11 primary for a Madison–based 76th state Assembly seat, leaves no doubt about her position on the supposedly controversial issue of whether Wisconsinites should take reasonable steps to combat the pandemic.
She’s made herself the #WearADamnMask candidate—and good on her for that.
Right-wing Republicans, from Washington to Madison, have rejected science and common sense from the start of the coronavirus pandemic. They have attacked legitimate and necessary public health mandates and politicized discussions about public safety with an eye toward dividing voters at a point when unity of purpose may be more essential than at any time in the modern history of the country. That’s wrong. But that’s where the debate stands in 2020.
Candidates who recognize the seriousness of the threats we face must take a stand—and they must do so aggressively.
This is no time for cautious language or compromise positions. At a point when more than 150,000 Americans have died from Covid-19, when case numbers are surging in Wisconsin and across the country, when decisions about reopening schools and businesses are being placed on hold because of the failure of the Trump administration and its political allies to address this crisis, we have reached a “Which Side Are You On?” moment.
Hong—an issue-oriented progressive who campaigns as “a second-generation Wisconsinite, mother, community organizer, and service industry worker”—is clear about the side she is on. Current Issue View our current issue
She didn’t just hail last week’s decision by Evers to again try to get a mask mandate in place by declaring a statewide public health emergency and issuing an emergency order requiring Wisconsinites to wear face coverings. She posted another masked image and repeated the “#WearADamnMask” message.
When right-wing state Senator Steve Nass urged his Republican legislative leaders “to immediately call the Legislature back into session to pass a joint resolution ending Governor Evers’ new illegal and unnecessary emergency declaration,” Hong pushed back with an appropriate mix of fury and scorching sarcasm.
“Oh so now you want to go to work. Not because almost 1,000 people have died in Wisconsin from Covid19, the economy is permanently damaged and we are in the midst of multiple public health crises as well as being the most segregated state in the nation,” she wrote. “Woooooooooooow.”
Hong is blunt and unapologetic.
“Instead of suppressing the virus and condemning racism,” she says, “Wisconsin GOP leaders are leading the charge in perpetuating multiple public health crises.”
Like Pocan—the Wisconsin Democrat who regularly mocks the “ignorant politics” of Republicans who are on the wrong side of science—Hong refuses to respect the absurd pronouncements of political charlatans.
That’s the right response. When lives and livelihoods are at stake, the cautious messaging of the past doesn’t cut it. Too much is at stake for anything less than a #WearADamnMask politics.


thenation--2020-08-05--Arca’s Rebellion Against Music and Life

Arca’s Rebellion Against Music and Life

On the cover of her new album , KiCk i , the Venezuelan experimental artist and producer Arca is wrapped in gauzy white underwear , the soft fabric across her skin in stark juxtaposition to the blade-like bionic prosthetics she ’ s wearing on her arms and legs .
She ’ s bare but also armed , vulnerable yet gladiatorial .
The image , taken by the Spanish photographer Carlota Guerrero , captures something of the album ’ s tensions—the way Arca stitches together industrial blasts , blankets of glitch noise , and sudden waves of glossy pop into songs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shards of sound that she uses are often incongruous and alarmingly divergent , so much so that each change is like an unexpected splash of cold water to the face .
But KiCk i isn ’ t simply a study in contrasts ; it ’ s a rebellion against convention in both music and life .
The project is a living , breathing example of how Arca has found a way to be so much at once , committed only to pushing deeper into her mind-bending artistry .
Transformations—both major , miraculous ones @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Arca ’ s slinking path through music .
She began as a bit of a cipher , dwelling in the underground corners of the Internet and releasing sonic experiments on Soundcloud in the early 2010s .
Then she caught the attention of Kanye West , who enlisted her to contribute production to 2013 ’ s Yeezus .
As she gained more recognition for her albums—2014 ’ s Xen , 2015 ’ s Mutant , 2017 ’ s Arca—she became something of a secret weapon of the avant-pop set .
Her name sprang up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , FKA Twigs , Kelela , and Frank Ocean .
Arca , who started using they/them pronouns in 2018 and opened up about her transition in 2019 , eevolved musically with each new record , testing vocals , serpentine structures , and unpredictable production work .
She launched conceptual work as well : 2020 ’ s @ @ @ @ @ was a 62-minute track conceived as a transmission from a character named Diva Experimental , and last year she debuted Mutant ; Faith , a four-day performance art piece at The Shed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ past collaborators , it ’ s not all that surprising she ’ d eventually move her career under a pop spotlight , and KiCk i is that leap forward .
With this latest album , Arca has slipped into the deepest layers of popular music and changed its source code without giving in to its structural traditions .
She ’ s also brought along some of her contemporaries and previous collaborators : Björk , the Scottish artist Sophie , the Spanish singer Rosalía , the London DJ Shygirl .
And while the album @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approachable mainstream , it ’ s occasionally entangled in the larger problems of pop music , a risk any foray into the genre would likely have faced .
KiCk i is loaded with some of Arca ’ s most technical work , but these sonic flexes can feel more impenetrable , even messier , than her prior releases .
Certain moments also seem to counter the radical impulses Arca has become known for , yet these contradictions end up shaping an album that ’ s as complex , free , and unyielding as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The opener , “ Nonbinary , ” is a manifesto for Arca ’ s current mindset : propulsive , salacious , and proud .
A distant smattering of thuds and snares trickle into the arrangement before she darts in and drops heated spoken-word verses , her as voice smooth and fluid as molten lava .
“ I do what I wan na do when I wan na do it / Bitch I got the bags to prove it /Hips to move it around and make shapes , ” she says sharply before hitting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ French tips wrapped ’ round a dick.
” It ’ s a show-stopper of a song that marks a departure from her earlier music ; she started experimenting with vocals only later in her career .
To some , the new lyricism might seem too direct or obvious , but it exemplifies the unfiltered approach Arca has taken here .
She ’ s unafraid to use her words to demand and set the terms for her visibility , all while her community and her fans cheer her on .
The beat skips along @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s voice becomes amorphous and robotic .
She sings at one point , “ Ask me about my luck / Yeah , I ’ ve been lucky / And I ’ ve been unlucky / It ’ s both.
” The declaration is subtle , but it hints at the challenges she ’ s faced as well as the breaks she ’ s had throughout her career .
It might even evoke a recent social media debate about her privileged upbringing , which Arca addressed somewhat clumsily on Twitter by saying she hadn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from her family “ since college graduation.
” Regardless , Arca doesn ’ t shy away from the truths she represents .
She exposes her complexities and , in the process , refuses to exist in marginalized , limited spaces or adhere to simplistic binaries .
She takes on heteronormative gender roles and subverts ideas of desire frequently .
“ I want a male that knows how to touch me , ” she purrs in an androgynous Auto-Tuned voice on the electronic dreamscape “ Machote.
” Often , she delivers her lyrics in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Rip the Slit , ” where she raps in a helium-high pitch , “ I ’ ll hit you with that limp wrist / Lipstick / Slit lip / Rip slit.
” Each verse unspools like a riddle , as knotty and intricate as the aspects of herself she ’ s putting forward .
Arca ’ s previous full-length , her self-titled album from 2017 , was as raw and pained as an open wound , tying together queer experiences and diasporic desolation .
The aims of KiCk i are decidedly different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I want to explore gender euphoria , ” she told Garage magazine earlier this year .
She ’ s chosen instead to focus on the exhilaration of queer love and the blurring of body and form that happens on the dance floor .
“ Calor , ” which most resembles the spaciousness of Arca , is a tender ballad in which she sings about her partner , showing off a more intimate side .
Later , she and Sophie kick up crackles of noise and grime on “ La Chiqui , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ club moment you ’ d want to experience with your closest friends .
Both are demonstrative of the many ways in which Arca has interpreted ideas of ecstasy , but perhaps the best example is “ Mequetrefe.
” The title comes from a colloquial term , Arca has explained , thrown around in Venezuela at sleazy , “ good-for-nothing ” men .
She sings about how badly she wants this kind of guy for her personal enjoyment , for a mischievous reclamation of the word , but steely synth twinkles and reggaeton percussion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to get lost dancing in it .
The sound is nostalgic , understated , and mesmerizing—just before it explodes into a firework of static and chopped up vocal loops .
Unfortunately , the depth of “ Mequetrefe ” doesn ’ t carry into “ KLK , ” a highly anticipated collaboration with Rosalía that ’ s far less moving ( and even discomfiting ) as the two artists trade boasts and Caribbean slang over a grim reggaeton beat .
Since 2019 , the Spanish-speaking music industry has boosted Rosalía to the center @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact that she ’ s a white European woman experimenting with sounds created by Black people in Latin America and the Caribbean .
Arca ’ s decision to have her lead yet another reggaeton-influenced song is a disappointment , and though it boasts contributions from the talented producer Cardopusher , “ KLK ” doesn ’ t really take the genre anywhere new .
It ’ s a missed opportunity to acknowledge the roots of music that has clearly had an influence on Arca , and it stands out as almost regressive on such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Arca ’ s work is its inventiveness .
Cultural work that proposes new modes of expression and communication is especially important right now as people have organized to call out the lack of imagination that has continued systems of oppression and inequality for generations .
KiCk i fits into a recent series of releases—some of the year ’ s best , in fact—from queer and nonbinary artists that defy the limits of traditional genre and form in distinct ways .
Moses Sumney turned soul and R & B inside out on his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s Set My Heart On Fire Immediately offered gut-wrenching portraits of intimacy when it came out in May , just a few weeks before Yves Tumor embraced off-kilter , abrasive sounds on Heaven to a Tortured Mind .
It ’ s not exactly fair to group these artists together , given how wildly different their output has been , but what they share is a resistance to convention that creates a portal into an uncharted artistic future .
Sasha Geffen summed up their work best in the recent book Glitter Up the Dark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ force the body against its true shape , ” Geffen writes .
“ In their slippery , confounding , and transcendent music , these artists—and the hundreds of others that join them on this path—cast off the claustrophobic molds that would keep them from themselves .
Their music twists into new shapes without names , shapes that open the way into a world that lets in the light.
” During her own act of letting in the light on this record , Arca is fearless .
She lays bare her multiplicity and her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , celebrating it all .
The title of the final song , “ No Queda Nada ” ( “ There Is Nothing Left ” ) , is a love letter to her partner that rejoices in how full and self-realized she is in this moment of her career .
“ Nothing left , ” she sings .
“ Except that which you see .
”

This article appears in the September 7/14, 2020 issue.
On the cover of her new album, KiCk i, the Venezuelan experimental artist and producer Arca is wrapped in gauzy white underwear, the soft fabric across her skin in stark juxtaposition to the blade-like bionic prosthetics she’s wearing on her arms and legs. She’s bare but also armed, vulnerable yet gladiatorial.
The image, taken by the Spanish photographer Carlota Guerrero, captures something of the album’s tensions—the way Arca stitches together industrial blasts, blankets of glitch noise, and sudden waves of glossy pop into songs that mutate by the second. The shards of sound that she uses are often incongruous and alarmingly divergent, so much so that each change is like an unexpected splash of cold water to the face. But KiCk i isn’t simply a study in contrasts; it’s a rebellion against convention in both music and life. The project is a living, breathing example of how Arca has found a way to be so much at once, committed only to pushing deeper into her mind-bending artistry.
Transformations—both major, miraculous ones and steady, gradual shifts—are central to Arca’s slinking path through music. She began as a bit of a cipher, dwelling in the underground corners of the Internet and releasing sonic experiments on Soundcloud in the early 2010s. Then she caught the attention of Kanye West, who enlisted her to contribute production to 2013’s Yeezus. As she gained more recognition for her albums—2014’s Xen, 2015’s Mutant, 2017’s Arca—she became something of a secret weapon of the avant-pop set. Her name sprang up in the credits for albums by Björk, FKA Twigs, Kelela, and Frank Ocean. Arca, who started using they/them pronouns in 2018 and opened up about her transition in 2019, evolved musically with each new record, testing vocals, serpentine structures, and unpredictable production work. She launched conceptual work as well: 2020’s @@@@@ was a 62-minute track conceived as a transmission from a character named Diva Experimental, and last year she debuted Mutant;Faith, a four-day performance art piece at The Shed in Manhattan.
Still, given her past collaborators, it’s not all that surprising that she’d eventually move her career under a pop spotlight, and KiCk i is that leap forward. With this latest album, Arca has slipped into the deepest layers of popular music and changed its source code without giving in to its structural traditions. She’s also brought along some of her contemporaries and previous collaborators: Björk, the Scottish artist Sophie, the Spanish singer Rosalía, the London DJ Shygirl. And while the album doesn’t sound much like the approachable mainstream, it’s occasionally entangled in the larger problems of pop music, a risk any foray into the genre would likely have faced. KiCk i is loaded with some of Arca’s most technical work, but these sonic flexes can feel more impenetrable, even messier, than her prior releases. Certain moments also seem to counter the radical impulses Arca has become known for, yet these contradictions end up shaping an album that’s as complex, free, and unyielding as Arca and her uncompromising artistic method. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
The opener, “Nonbinary,” is a manifesto for Arca’s current mindset: propulsive, salacious, and proud. A distant smattering of thuds and snares trickle into the arrangement before she darts in and drops heated spoken-word verses, her as voice smooth and fluid as molten lava. “I do what I wanna do when I wanna do it / Bitch I got the bags to prove it /Hips to move it around and make shapes,” she says sharply before hitting the kicker: “It’s French tips wrapped ’round a dick.” It’s a show-stopper of a song that marks a departure from her earlier music; she started experimenting with vocals only later in her career. To some, the new lyricism might seem too direct or obvious, but it exemplifies the unfiltered approach Arca has taken here. She’s unafraid to use her words to demand and set the terms for her visibility, all while her community and her fans cheer her on.
The beat skips along and then speeds up; Arca’s voice becomes amorphous and robotic. She sings at one point, “Ask me about my luck / Yeah, I’ve been lucky / And I’ve been unlucky / It’s both.” The declaration is subtle, but it hints at the challenges she’s faced as well as the breaks she’s had throughout her career. It might even evoke a recent social media debate about her privileged upbringing, which Arca addressed somewhat clumsily on Twitter by saying she hadn’t seen “$1” from her family “since college graduation.” Regardless, Arca doesn’t shy away from the truths she represents. She exposes her complexities and, in the process, refuses to exist in marginalized, limited spaces or adhere to simplistic binaries. She takes on heteronormative gender roles and subverts ideas of desire frequently. “I want a male that knows how to touch me,” she purrs in an androgynous Auto-Tuned voice on the electronic dreamscape “Machote.” Often, she delivers her lyrics in quick, winding twists, as on “Rip the Slit,” where she raps in a helium-high pitch, “I’ll hit you with that limp wrist / Lipstick / Slit lip / Rip slit.” Each verse unspools like a riddle, as knotty and intricate as the aspects of herself she’s putting forward.
Arca’s previous full-length, her self-titled album from 2017, was as raw and pained as an open wound, tying together queer experiences and diasporic desolation. The aims of KiCk i are decidedly different. “Rather than depicting gender dysphoria, I want to explore gender euphoria,” she told Garage magazine earlier this year. She’s chosen instead to focus on the exhilaration of queer love and the blurring of body and form that happens on the dance floor. “Calor,” which most resembles the spaciousness of Arca, is a tender ballad in which she sings about her partner, showing off a more intimate side. Later, she and Sophie kick up crackles of noise and grime on “La Chiqui,” creating the kind of pitch-black, pulsing club moment you’d want to experience with your closest friends. Both are demonstrative of the many ways in which Arca has interpreted ideas of ecstasy, but perhaps the best example is “Mequetrefe.” The title comes from a colloquial term, Arca has explained, thrown around in Venezuela at sleazy, “good-for-nothing” men. She sings about how badly she wants this kind of guy for her personal enjoyment, for a mischievous reclamation of the word, but steely synth twinkles and reggaeton percussion make the track so blissful you just want to get lost dancing in it. The sound is nostalgic, understated, and mesmerizing—just before it explodes into a firework of static and chopped up vocal loops.
Unfortunately, the depth of “Mequetrefe” doesn’t carry into “KLK,” a highly anticipated collaboration with Rosalía that’s far less moving (and even discomfiting) as the two artists trade boasts and Caribbean slang over a grim reggaeton beat. Since 2019, the Spanish-speaking music industry has boosted Rosalía to the center of reggaeton and dembow, despite the fact that she’s a white European woman experimenting with sounds created by Black people in Latin America and the Caribbean. Arca’s decision to have her lead yet another reggaeton-influenced song is a disappointment, and though it boasts contributions from the talented producer Cardopusher, “KLK” doesn’t really take the genre anywhere new. It’s a missed opportunity to acknowledge the roots of music that has clearly had an influence on Arca, and it stands out as almost regressive on such a progressively minded project.
The power of Arca’s work is its inventiveness. Cultural work that proposes new modes of expression and communication is especially important right now as people have organized to call out the lack of imagination that has continued systems of oppression and inequality for generations. KiCk i fits into a recent series of releases—some of the year’s best, in fact—from queer and nonbinary artists that defy the limits of traditional genre and form in distinct ways. Moses Sumney turned soul and R&B inside out on his 20-song masterpiece græ. Perfume Genius’s Set My Heart On Fire Immediately offered gut-wrenching portraits of intimacy when it came out in May, just a few weeks before Yves Tumor embraced off-kilter, abrasive sounds on Heaven to a Tortured Mind. It’s not exactly fair to group these artists together, given how wildly different their output has been, but what they share is a resistance to convention that creates a portal into an uncharted artistic future.
Sasha Geffen summed up their work best in the recent book Glitter Up the Dark. “I hear a refusal to force the body against its true shape,” Geffen writes. “In their slippery, confounding, and transcendent music, these artists—and the hundreds of others that join them on this path—cast off the claustrophobic molds that would keep them from themselves. Their music twists into new shapes without names, shapes that open the way into a world that lets in the light.” During her own act of letting in the light on this record, Arca is fearless. She lays bare her multiplicity and her contradictions, the compelling and unflattering bits, celebrating it all. The title of the final song, “No Queda Nada” (“There Is Nothing Left”), is a love letter to her partner that rejoices in how full and self-realized she is in this moment of her career. “Nothing left,” she sings. “Except that which you see.”


thenation--2020-08-05--The Democratic Party Is Setting the Stage for a Letdown

During the week of August 17 , thousands of Democrats elected to serve as delegates to their party ’ s national convention will log on to their computers to view the proceedings .
They will cast electronic votes on the party platform and for their party ’ s nominee to challenge Donald Trump for the presidency .
About one-quarter of this year ’ s delegates are Bernie Sanders supporters .
Most of them are progressive political activists—and many are first-time participants in a national convention .
This virtual event will not be the experience they expected .
And while all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spoken are supportive of the precautions being taken in this era of pandemic , most remain in the dark about the convention plans and whether their participation is valued .
Months ago , when the 2020 Summer Olympics and a host of professional sporting events were canceled , it should have been clear that we were going to have problems bringing tens of thousands of delegates , supporters , and press to Milwaukee .
I fully recognize the political calculations that had to be made , the problems of disappointing the host city @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that would serve as a launching pad for the presidential election season .
And I have no doubt that the convention planning team and DNC staffers were working round the clock weighing all these problems and exploring options .
Nevertheless , what was missing was a recognition that the convention wasn ’ t just the concern of the planning staff or the Biden campaign .
It was personal for the delegates—especially first-timers , many of whom worked hard to earn their posts , felt empowered when they won , and were looking forward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drama .
Given this , it was troubling how little communication there was with prospective delegates and how little engagement there was with DNC members while deliberations were ongoing .
I should be clear that I am not faulting the convention or DNC staff that delegates were left in the dark .
This was a political call that should have come from the leadership of the party .
With this in mind , the Bernie Delegates Network ( BDN ) conducted a national survey of Sanders delegates .
We wanted to get their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they felt respected as delegates , and ideas they might have shared had they been consulted .
Their responses should be seen as troubling both for the party and the Biden campaign .
More than 80 percent of those who responded said they felt disrespected or ignored .
And their comments made clear why .
Common refrains were that as delegates they “ felt left out ” and that the process was “ lacking in transparency and input.
” Some went further , cautioning that this year ’ s “ organizing , like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minimize participation by Sanders delegates.
” Two others summed up the views of many : “ It should have been anticipated much earlier that the convention would be online and things planned with that in mind ahead of time .
[ There were ] a lot of missed opportunities… ” And there was “ too little communication with stakeholders , that is , delegates and DNC members .
It has been a closed affair— not seeking input… ” Frequently , the Sanders delegates also complained that they had no idea how this convention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They expressed the desire to participate but said they “ don ’ t know how.
” And a number of first-time delegates were unsure whether their participation was even valued by the party .
Some may dismiss these complaints as coming from the disgruntled losing side , but there is a risk in doing so .
Young and old progressives are an important constituency .
They make up a respectable share of Democratic voters , and many are activists who represent communities Democrats will need to win .
As Jesse Jackson famously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It takes two wings to fly.
” In party-building , there can be no victor/vanquished .
The role of a successful convention is to heal internal divisions and create unity of purpose among the various component groups of the party .
In 2016 , too little attention was paid to this critical undertaking .
Bernie Sanders , personally , tried to soothe the disappointment felt by his delegation .
But the message they received from the establishment was “ We won , and you lost.
” They felt shut out of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This year could have been different .
So far , it has not been .
There isn ’ t the same degree of rancor as there was four years ago ; the Biden/Sanders task forces formed to create a unified approach to writing the platform , while producing a document not wholly satisfying to progressives , was still a good-faith effort to bridge differences .
But leaving grassroots delegates in the dark as to how the convention will work—and reducing their role to passive online viewers—runs the risk of producing a massive letdown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What this may mean is that at the conclusion of the party confab , many first-time Sanders delegates ( and some old-timers , as well ) , instead of being energized and engaged , may turn off their computers feeling deflated and dejected .
The unity so necessary for victory will not have been achieved .
This can still be addressed .
If there is a will , creative solutions can still be found to give us the “ two wings ” we need to fly .
But time is running out @

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During the week of August 17, thousands of Democrats elected to serve as delegates to their party’s national convention will log on to their computers to view the proceedings. They will cast electronic votes on the party platform and for their party’s nominee to challenge Donald Trump for the presidency.
About one-quarter of this year’s delegates are Bernie Sanders supporters. Most of them are progressive political activists—and many are first-time participants in a national convention. This virtual event will not be the experience they expected. And while all of those with whom I’ve spoken are supportive of the precautions being taken in this era of pandemic, most remain in the dark about the convention plans and whether their participation is valued.
Months ago, when the 2020 Summer Olympics and a host of professional sporting events were canceled, it should have been clear that we were going to have problems bringing tens of thousands of delegates, supporters, and press to Milwaukee. I fully recognize the political calculations that had to be made, the problems of disappointing the host city, the need to have an event that would serve as a launching pad for the presidential election season. And I have no doubt that the convention planning team and DNC staffers were working round the clock weighing all these problems and exploring options.
Nevertheless, what was missing was a recognition that the convention wasn’t just the concern of the planning staff or the Biden campaign. It was personal for the delegates—especially first-timers, many of whom worked hard to earn their posts, felt empowered when they won, and were looking forward to playing their part in this quadrennial drama.
Given this, it was troubling how little communication there was with prospective delegates and how little engagement there was with DNC members while deliberations were ongoing. I should be clear that I am not faulting the convention or DNC staff that delegates were left in the dark. This was a political call that should have come from the leadership of the party. Current Issue View our current issue
With this in mind, the Bernie Delegates Network (BDN) conducted a national survey of Sanders delegates. We wanted to get their assessment of the planning process, whether they felt respected as delegates, and ideas they might have shared had they been consulted.
Their responses should be seen as troubling both for the party and the Biden campaign. More than 80 percent of those who responded said they felt disrespected or ignored. And their comments made clear why.
Common refrains were that as delegates they “felt left out” and that the process was “lacking in transparency and input.” Some went further, cautioning that this year’s “organizing, like the 2016 DNC convention, seems to minimize participation by Sanders delegates.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Two others summed up the views of many:
“It should have been anticipated much earlier that the convention would be online and things planned with that in mind ahead of time. [There were] a lot of missed opportunities…” And there was “too little communication with stakeholders, that is, delegates and DNC members. It has been a closed affair— not seeking input…”
Frequently, the Sanders delegates also complained that they had no idea how this convention will allow their voices to be heard. They expressed the desire to participate but said they “don’t know how.” And a number of first-time delegates were unsure whether their participation was even valued by the party.
Some may dismiss these complaints as coming from the disgruntled losing side, but there is a risk in doing so. Young and old progressives are an important constituency. They make up a respectable share of Democratic voters, and many are activists who represent communities Democrats will need to win. As Jesse Jackson famously noted at the 1988 Democratic convention, “It takes two wings to fly.”
In party-building, there can be no victor/vanquished. The role of a successful convention is to heal internal divisions and create unity of purpose among the various component groups of the party. In 2016, too little attention was paid to this critical undertaking. Bernie Sanders, personally, tried to soothe the disappointment felt by his delegation. But the message they received from the establishment was “We won, and you lost.” They felt shut out of the proceedings and left the convention demoralized.
This year could have been different. So far, it has not been. There isn’t the same degree of rancor as there was four years ago; the Biden/Sanders task forces formed to create a unified approach to writing the platform, while producing a document not wholly satisfying to progressives, was still a good-faith effort to bridge differences.
But leaving grassroots delegates in the dark as to how the convention will work—and reducing their role to passive online viewers—runs the risk of producing a massive letdown that could leave hundreds of delegates alienated. What this may mean is that at the conclusion of the party confab, many first-time Sanders delegates (and some old-timers, as well), instead of being energized and engaged, may turn off their computers feeling deflated and dejected. The unity so necessary for victory will not have been achieved.
This can still be addressed. If there is a will, creative solutions can still be found to give us the “two wings” we need to fly. But time is running out.


thenation--2020-08-05--As Covid Slams Us, Elders Want Solidarity, Not Sentiment—or Blame

ardwick , Vt.—Like a lot of people my age—pushing 68—I don ’ t usually feel old .
Now it turns out I am .
Among the ways my body is aging is its decreased production of “ fresh naïve T cells ” ( or , probably , fresh naive anything ) .
This makes me more susceptible to contracting Covid-19 , and if I do , to dying .
This fact sensitizes me to the uneven , and politicized , state of mask wearing in my town .
In the food co-op , the scoops for bulk foods—grains , granola @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a box .
No such precautions at Rite Way Sports , where customers are free to pick up a container of night crawlers , a Beretta M9 semiautomatic handgun , or a case of Covid-19 .
To many around here , the virus is an abstraction .
Caledonia County , among the most rural in the state , has had 25 cases—less than one in 100,000—and no deaths .
In all of Vermont , just over 1,400 people have sickened and 57 died .
As elsewhere , the dying are old .
Only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by rural isolation and elderly caution , I watch videos of the Black Lives Matter uprisings and police brutality and federal military invasions and feel my emotions swinging between radical hope and apocalyptic terror .
Hope inspired by the diversity and militancy of the protesters ; terror , by the flash-bangs and teargas and an awareness of the future these young folks face .
I note they almost all wear masks , acknowledgement of their outsize vulnerability as Black and brown people , but also , to my eyes , of concern for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Then I switch to videos of maskless twentysomethings crowding beaches and bars , and I seethe .
The phrase kids these days springs uninvited to mind .
Such mixed feelings are not rare among my contemporaries ; the rigidly disapproving oldster is a caricature .
Yet how easily we can be caricatured .
Here is the usually nuanced political analyst , labor and health care historian Gabriel Winant , in “ Coronavirus and Chronopolitics , ” in n+1 : There is a great contradiction embodied in the facts that the virus is fundamentally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this threat has been magnified enormously by the incompetence and malice of the ruling regime ; and that the old are the primary mass political constituency of that regime .
The coincidence in time of the outbreak of coronavirus in the United States and the crushing of Bernie Sanders ’ s bid to democratize our health system and face the related crisis of climate change—a defeat inflicted through extreme generational polarization—intensifies this contradiction further .
The young are trying to save the old , as well as themselves ; the old are trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as themselves .
Winant quotes sociologist Gøsta Esping-Andersen , coiner of chronopolitics : “ As the necessity of financial cuts mounts , the need for trade-offs mounts.
” What “ necessity ” for cuts and trade-offs ?
You mean austerity ?
Adds Winant : “ The old have formed into battalions to mount a defense of the predatory and destructive capitalism we have known.
” You ’ re a Doc , You ’ ve Got This , but Your Face Shield ’ s Foggy The Covid Crisis Reveals the Need to Abolish Abortion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , as older Americans drop dead from the coronavirus , the economic shutdown is slamming senior workers as hard as the youngest cohort .
Age discrimination means most elders won ’ t work again .
Drawing down savings or going into debt , “ people who are middle-class workers now will be poor or near-poor retirees for the rest of their lives , ” says economist Teresa Ghilareducci .
“ Entitlements ” don ’ t go far .
In 2019 , a third of Social Security recipients relied solely , or almost solely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 1,461 a month .
Medicare , deducted from a person ’ s Social Security but increasingly privatized , costs more and covers less .
Out-of-pocket bills consume , on average , 40 cents of each dollar of recipients ’ income ; by age 85 , the portion rises to three-quarters .
A 2013 analysis predicted that the ranks of the homeless old would swell by a third between 2010 and 2020 .
What now ?
We rarely list age among intersectional oppressions .
But deep in the genocidal US pandemic , there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the top 50 Covid clusters prisons and jails ?
It ’ s not only racial health disparities and overcrowding , says the Marshall Project .
Because of ever-longer sentences , inmates over 55 make up a larger share of state prison populations than those 24 and under .
Chronic illnesses render them easy marks for Covid-19 .
“ The young are not interested in reducing old-age benefits but rather increasing other ones , ” says Winant .
But who are the young ?
Paul Ryan , elected to Congress at 29 , spent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the old into the jaws of Republican swamp creatures .
Neil Gorsuch , corporate proxy on the Supreme Court , is a Gen-Xer .
Alicia Garza is the same age as Jared Kushner , 39 .
Angela Davis is two years older than Mitch McConnell .
The young people crowding the beaches are not the young people being gassed in the streets .
Winant concludes with a call to solidarity : “ Our survival depends upon resolving the antagonisms that have separated us and joining together against the regime of capital accumulation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Yet having condemned his elders for starting the fight , he doesn ’ t absolve them .
Similarly here , amid paeans to protecting “ our ” elders , the governor declares Vermont ’ s aging population a “ crisis.
” Voters are never told why an older populace—that is , increasingly , themselves—is the problem , especially given that in the coming depression their Social Security checks may be the one reliable source of state revenues .
I come not to praise , or plead for , my generation .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blame us for the policies that will bury us—or you .
History makes us , not age .
No generation holds greater claim to justice or greater responsibility for attaining it .
Scenes From a Pandemic is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind , a living memorial to radical journalist Andrew Kopkind , who from 1982–94 was the magazine ’ s chief political writer and analyst .
This series of dispatches from Kopkind ’ s far-flung network of participants , advisers , guests , and friends is edited by Nation contributor and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appears weekly on thenation.com and kopkind.org .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
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H ardwick, Vt.—Like a lot of people my age—pushing 68—I don’t usually feel old. Now it turns out I am. Among the ways my body is aging is its decreased production of “fresh naïve T cells” (or, probably, fresh naive anything). This makes me more susceptible to contracting Covid-19, and if I do, to dying.
This fact sensitizes me to the uneven, and politicized, state of mask wearing in my town. In the food co-op, the scoops for bulk foods—grains, granola, nuts—are used once and collected in a box. No such precautions at Rite Way Sports, where customers are free to pick up a container of night crawlers, a Beretta M9 semiautomatic handgun, or a case of Covid-19.
To many around here, the virus is an abstraction. Caledonia County, among the most rural in the state, has had 25 cases—less than one in 100,000—and no deaths. In all of Vermont, just over 1,400 people have sickened and 57 died. As elsewhere, the dying are old. Only two have been under 60.
Sidelined by rural isolation and elderly caution, I watch videos of the Black Lives Matter uprisings and police brutality and federal military invasions and feel my emotions swinging between radical hope and apocalyptic terror. Hope inspired by the diversity and militancy of the protesters; terror, by the flash-bangs and teargas and an awareness of the future these young folks face. I note they almost all wear masks, acknowledgement of their outsize vulnerability as Black and brown people, but also, to my eyes, of concern for their elders. Tenderness overwhelms me.
Then I switch to videos of maskless twentysomethings crowding beaches and bars, and I seethe. The phrase kids these days springs uninvited to mind.
Such mixed feelings are not rare among my contemporaries; the rigidly disapproving oldster is a caricature. Yet how easily we can be caricatured. Here is the usually nuanced political analyst, labor and health care historian Gabriel Winant, in “Coronavirus and Chronopolitics,” in n+1:
There is a great contradiction embodied in the facts that the virus is fundamentally a threat to the old; that this threat has been magnified enormously by the incompetence and malice of the ruling regime; and that the old are the primary mass political constituency of that regime. The coincidence in time of the outbreak of coronavirus in the United States and the crushing of Bernie Sanders’s bid to democratize our health system and face the related crisis of climate change—a defeat inflicted through extreme generational polarization—intensifies this contradiction further. The young are trying to save the old, as well as themselves; the old are trying to kill the young, as well as themselves.
Emphasis mine, as in, WTF, Gabe? Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Winant quotes sociologist Gøsta Esping-Andersen, coiner of chronopolitics: “As the necessity of financial cuts mounts, the need for trade-offs mounts.”
What “necessity” for cuts and trade-offs? You mean austerity?
Adds Winant: “The old have formed into battalions to mount a defense of the predatory and destructive capitalism we have known.” Scenes From a Pandemic Untethered, or The Year of Living Virtually Patricia J. Williams The Art of the Meal Mary Lewis Maybe We Shouldn’t Go Back to Normal Bri M.
What battalions? The AARP?
In fact, as older Americans drop dead from the coronavirus, the economic shutdown is slamming senior workers as hard as the youngest cohort. Age discrimination means most elders won’t work again. Drawing down savings or going into debt, “people who are middle-class workers now will be poor or near-poor retirees for the rest of their lives,” says economist Teresa Ghilareducci.
“Entitlements” don’t go far. In 2019, a third of Social Security recipients relied solely, or almost solely, on that benefit, which averaged $1,461 a month. Medicare, deducted from a person’s Social Security but increasingly privatized, costs more and covers less. Out-of-pocket bills consume, on average, 40 cents of each dollar of recipients’ income; by age 85, the portion rises to three-quarters. A 2013 analysis predicted that the ranks of the homeless old would swell by a third between 2010 and 2020. What now? Current Issue View our current issue
We rarely list age among intersectional oppressions. But deep in the genocidal US pandemic, there it is. Why are 48 of the top 50 Covid clusters prisons and jails? It’s not only racial health disparities and overcrowding, says the Marshall Project. Because of ever-longer sentences, inmates over 55 make up a larger share of state prison populations than those 24 and under. Chronic illnesses render them easy marks for Covid-19.
“The young are not interested in reducing old-age benefits but rather increasing other ones,” says Winant. But who are the young? Paul Ryan, elected to Congress at 29, spent his career trying to feed the poor and the old into the jaws of Republican swamp creatures. Neil Gorsuch, corporate proxy on the Supreme Court, is a Gen-Xer.
Alicia Garza is the same age as Jared Kushner, 39. Angela Davis is two years older than Mitch McConnell. The young people crowding the beaches are not the young people being gassed in the streets.
Winant concludes with a call to solidarity: “Our survival depends upon resolving the antagonisms that have separated us and joining together against the regime of capital accumulation that has brought us to this precipice.” Yet having condemned his elders for starting the fight, he doesn’t absolve them.
Similarly here, amid paeans to protecting “our” elders, the governor declares Vermont’s aging population a “crisis.” Voters are never told why an older populace—that is, increasingly, themselves—is the problem, especially given that in the coming depression their Social Security checks may be the one reliable source of state revenues.
I come not to praise, or plead for, my generation. But, younger comrades, don’t blame us for the policies that will bury us—or you. History makes us, not age. No generation holds greater claim to justice or greater responsibility for attaining it.
Scenes From a Pandemic is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind, a living memorial to radical journalist Andrew Kopkind, who from 1982–94 was the magazine’s chief political writer and analyst. This series of dispatches from Kopkind’s far-flung network of participants, advisers, guests, and friends is edited by Nation contributor and Kopkind program director JoAnn Wypijewski, and appears weekly on thenation.com and kopkind.org.