thenation--2020-04-01--A Bribery Scandal Hits the ‘2020’ Tokyo Olympics

Several lifetimes ago , in 2013 , when the Tokyo bid committee presented its case to the International Olympic Committee ( IOC ) to host the 2020 Summer Games , it positioned itself as “ a safe pair of hands , ” in contrast to more protest- or scandal-wracked regions of the world .
This pitch resonated with Jacques Rogge , the Belgian count who ran the IOC at the time .
Recent disclosures , however , reveal that Tokyo Olympic officials were not so much “ a safe pair of hands ” as an extraordinarily corrupt pair of claws @ @ @ @ @ @ @ French prosecutors , were busy buying IOC votes .
The last few weeks have brought a dizzying spate of events around what are now the 2021 Tokyo Summer Olympics ( although , as if channeling their inner Orwell , Olympic bigwigs insist the Games will still be called Tokyo 2020 ) .
The IOC went from professing that its executive board would never utter the words “ postponement ” or “ cancellation ” because of the coronavirus to admitting that postponement was in fact on the table , to officially postponing the Games @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the Games be delayed .
Now we have the thorny issue of a gentleman named Haruyuki Takahashi .
According to Reuters , Takahashi became a high-flying bagman , armed with $ 8.2 million from the Tokyo bid committee to help secure IOC votes .
The former executive at the powerful Japanese advertising agency Dentsu has denied wrongdoing , although he admitted that he lobbied voting IOC members like Lamine Diack , the former head of the international governing body for track and field who has been under house arrest in France since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he concealed failed drug tests and blackmailed athletes .
Takahashi has only conceded that he provided humble presents to Diack like cameras and a Seiko watch .
Takahashi maintains that providing fancy gifts to people like Diack and other members of the IOC was just business as usual .
“ You don ’ t go empty-handed , ” he told Reuters .
“ That ’ s common sense.
” French prosecutors have long been investigating whether such “ common sense ” actually crossed the line into illegality , as investigators in France have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 bid were involved in a payola scam to secure the Olympics .
The Tokyo bid certainly looks suspicious .
Takahashi was brought on to the Tokyo bid team as a consultant by Tsunekazu Takeda , who headed the Tokyo 2020 bid and who also is the son of Prince Tsuneyoshi Takeda—an IOC member from 1967 to 1981—and the great-grandson of the Emperor Meiji , ruler of Japan from 1867 to 1912 .
Takeda was indicted in January 2019 on corruption charges linked to $ 2 million in payments that he allegedly authorized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
While he has maintained that these payments were for consulting work , French authorities believe they were bribes shunted to Papa Massata Diack—who is linked to the Black Tidings account and who is the son of the aforementioned Lamine Diack , the focus of Takahashi ’ s courting .
Prosecutors allege that the payments channeled through the Black Tidings account were meant for the elder Diack .
In mid-2019 , Takeda resigned his post at the Japanese Olympic Committee .
He insists he is innocent .
The legal machinations continue .
Meanwhile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victim .
Unbelievably , as a “ partie civile ” to the proceedings , it might even pursue compensation for damages .
Takahashi insists that he need not reveal what he did with the $ 8.2 million he received from the Tokyo bid committee .
“ One day before I die , I will tell you , ” he told Reuters .
French prosecutors may force that day of public reckoning to come sooner than later .
It should be noted that Japan is no stranger to Olympics-related corruption allegations .
When Nagano @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , its team flooded voting IOC members with gifts , spending $ 22,000 per member in the quest for 62 IOC votes .
Even though the IOC had placed a $ 200 limit on gift-giving to IOC members in 1991 , Nagano bidders brazenly pressed ahead .
We might know even more details , if the Nagano bid committee had not incinerated all its records after the Olympics , likely destroying evidence of additional trickery .
Of course , Japan is not alone when it comes to Olympic bribery .
The Salt Lake @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bar plenty high , doling out nearly $ 3 million in bribes and other inducements such as shopping sprees , tickets to NBA basketball games , and even a knee replacement for an IOC member ’ s mother-in-law .
Reuters unspooled new details that Olympic mavens have long craved .
But it doesn ’ t take a monomaniacal Olympics watcher to see that the IOC is overseeing a thoroughly corrupt process .
Wall-to-wall media coverage contemplating the possibility of Tokyo 2020 ’ s postponement or cancellation has redirected attention away from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Tokyo ’ s “ safe pair of hands ” to grab the Games in the first place .
The IOC is already running on reputational fumes at this point .
It ’ s a wheezing behemoth that continues to make the case for its own abolition .
Let those games begin .

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Several lifetimes ago, in 2013, when the Tokyo bid committee presented its case to the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to host the 2020 Summer Games, it positioned itself as “a safe pair of hands,” in contrast to more protest- or scandal-wracked regions of the world. This pitch resonated with Jacques Rogge, the Belgian count who ran the IOC at the time. Recent disclosures, however, reveal that Tokyo Olympic officials were not so much “a safe pair of hands” as an extraordinarily corrupt pair of claws that, according to new allegations by French prosecutors, were busy buying IOC votes.
The last few weeks have brought a dizzying spate of events around what are now the 2021 Tokyo Summer Olympics (although, as if channeling their inner Orwell, Olympic bigwigs insist the Games will still be called Tokyo 2020). The IOC went from professing that its executive board would never utter the words “postponement” or “cancellation” because of the coronavirus to admitting that postponement was in fact on the table, to officially postponing the Games after a remarkable upsurge of athletes demanded that the Games be delayed.
Now we have the thorny issue of a gentleman named Haruyuki Takahashi. According to Reuters, Takahashi became a high-flying bagman, armed with $8.2 million from the Tokyo bid committee to help secure IOC votes. The former executive at the powerful Japanese advertising agency Dentsu has denied wrongdoing, although he admitted that he lobbied voting IOC members like Lamine Diack, the former head of the international governing body for track and field who has been under house arrest in France since 2015 on corruption charges and accusations that he concealed failed drug tests and blackmailed athletes. Takahashi has only conceded that he provided humble presents to Diack like cameras and a Seiko watch.
Takahashi maintains that providing fancy gifts to people like Diack and other members of the IOC was just business as usual. “You don’t go empty-handed,” he told Reuters. “That’s common sense.”
French prosecutors have long been investigating whether such “common sense” actually crossed the line into illegality, as investigators in France have considered whether people involved with the Tokyo 2020 bid were involved in a payola scam to secure the Olympics. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
The Tokyo bid certainly looks suspicious. Takahashi was brought on to the Tokyo bid team as a consultant by Tsunekazu Takeda, who headed the Tokyo 2020 bid and who also is the son of Prince Tsuneyoshi Takeda—an IOC member from 1967 to 1981—and the great-grandson of the Emperor Meiji, ruler of Japan from 1867 to 1912. Takeda was indicted in January 2019 on corruption charges linked to $2 million in payments that he allegedly authorized for a Singapore-based company called Black Tidings. While he has maintained that these payments were for consulting work, French authorities believe they were bribes shunted to Papa Massata Diack—who is linked to the Black Tidings account and who is the son of the aforementioned Lamine Diack, the focus of Takahashi’s courting. Prosecutors allege that the payments channeled through the Black Tidings account were meant for the elder Diack. In mid-2019, Takeda resigned his post at the Japanese Olympic Committee. He insists he is innocent. The legal machinations continue.
Meanwhile, the IOC is positioning itself as victim. Unbelievably, as a “partie civile” to the proceedings, it might even pursue compensation for damages. Current Issue View our current issue
Takahashi insists that he need not reveal what he did with the $8.2 million he received from the Tokyo bid committee. “One day before I die, I will tell you,” he told Reuters. French prosecutors may force that day of public reckoning to come sooner than later.
It should be noted that Japan is no stranger to Olympics-related corruption allegations. When Nagano was bidding for the 1998 Winter Games, its team flooded voting IOC members with gifts, spending $22,000 per member in the quest for 62 IOC votes. Even though the IOC had placed a $200 limit on gift-giving to IOC members in 1991, Nagano bidders brazenly pressed ahead. We might know even more details, if the Nagano bid committee had not incinerated all its records after the Olympics, likely destroying evidence of additional trickery.
Of course, Japan is not alone when it comes to Olympic bribery. The Salt Lake City Olympic bid scandal of 2002 set the bar plenty high, doling out nearly $3 million in bribes and other inducements such as shopping sprees, tickets to NBA basketball games, and even a knee replacement for an IOC member’s mother-in-law.
Reuters unspooled new details that Olympic mavens have long craved. But it doesn’t take a monomaniacal Olympics watcher to see that the IOC is overseeing a thoroughly corrupt process. Wall-to-wall media coverage contemplating the possibility of Tokyo 2020’s postponement or cancellation has redirected attention away from the flabbergasting bribery allegations that paved a path for Tokyo’s “safe pair of hands” to grab the Games in the first place.
The IOC is already running on reputational fumes at this point. It’s a wheezing behemoth that continues to make the case for its own abolition. Let those games begin.


thenation--2020-04-01--The Coronavirus Class War Has Already Started

Catastrophes breed nationalism .
There is a perennial impulse to rally together in the face of a common enemy , whether it be a foreign power or a natural disaster .
In the current coronavirus crisis , political leaders all over the world are seeing a spike in popularity—even the polarizing and unpopular Donald Trump .
The desire for a strong leader in a time of trouble is producing all sorts of strange side effects , ranging from the fresh media enthusiasm for Andrew Cuomo to journalists ’ praising Trump for his “ new message and new tone ” after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that deaths from the pandemic could be between 100,000 and 240,000 .
Yet the national unity produced by the crisis can be a deceptive facade .
Even during the patriotic fervor of World War II , the social divisions of normal times didn ’ t end .
Detroit during wartime witnessed both wildcat strikes ( from auto workers who felt they were being asked to make sacrifices without fair compensation ) and race riots ( from whites who used violence to stem the migration of blacks coming from the South ) .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of social strife .
Racist attacks on Asian Americans are spiking , thanks in no small part to Donald Trump ’ s embrace of the phrase “ China virus.
” The class war is also becoming fiercer .
There is actually a two-pronged class war going on .
Among the rich and their allies in both political parties , the crisis offers an opportunity to loot the Treasury .
The stimulus packages that have passed or are being contemplated are all designed to lock in the privileged position of the existing rich , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the blow of the recession on the working-class majority .
At the same time , blue-collar workers are expected to work in dangerous conditions with little compensation .
Many of these same workers are being squeezed by furloughs , pay cuts and layoffs .
Workers Are Warriors in the Fight Against the Coronavirus Trump Toys With a Let-Them-Die Response to the Pandemic The combination of plutocratic bailouts and increasing precariousness and physical danger for the working class is an explosive one .
It ’ s hard to see how it can last long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In The Washington Post , Helaine Olen described the first stimulus package as “ not only a missed opportunity to permanently give American workers the benefits enjoyed by those in other wealthy countries , but yet another successful cash grab by corporate interests and the wealthiest among us.
” In exchange for four months of expanded unemployment benefits and a one-time stimulus of $ 1,200 ( plus $ 500 per child ) , the stimulus opened up the money spigots for Wall Street with a corporate rescue fund that could reach $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ likely to be equally skewed toward the rich .
The New York Times reports that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is talking about a deal to “ retroactively lift a limit on state and local tax deductions.
” As University of Michigan economist Justin Wolfers notes , “ More than half of these dollars would go to millionaires.
” Politically , the proposal might make sense , since it will reward blue-state suburban voters .
But economically , it has the same problem as the first stimulus : a desire to dole out dollars @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
While both Republicans and Democrats are looking after millionaires , the working class is getting hammered .
As ProPublica reported on Tuesday , “ Emergency room doctors and nurses—many of whom are dealing with an onslaught of coronavirus patients and shortages of protective equipment—are now finding out that their compensation is getting cut.
” Many of these health care workers are employed by staffing companies that in the wake of lost revenue from elective procedures , are cutting back compensation .
Alteon Health , a major employer of doctors and nurses , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the company would be reducing hours for clinicians , cutting pay for administrative employees by 20 % , and suspending 401 ( k ) matches , bonuses and paid time off.
” Why GE Workers Walked Out in Lynn Exclusive : The Military Knew Years Ago That a Coronavirus Was Coming More in this series It ’ s not just medical workers that are facing more precarious and dangerous workplaces .
Writing in The New York Times , veteran labor reporter Steven Greenhouse observed that there was a strong class division in how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Millions of white-collar workers are telecommuting from home to stay safe as the coronavirus extends its terrifying reach across America , ” Greenhouse observes .
“ But millions of other workers—supermarket cashiers , pharmacists , warehouse workers , bus drivers , meatpacking workers—still have to report to work each day , and many are furious that their employers are not doing enough to protect them against the pandemic.
” The growing lethality of the American workplace is fueling a wave of strikes , both union-led and spontaneous wildcat protests .
Greenhouse listed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Last Tuesday , after a mechanic tested positive for the coronavirus , more than half the workers at Bath Iron Works , a shipyard in Maine , stayed home from work to pressure their employer to thoroughly clean the shipyard .
Workers walked out at a Fiat Chrysler truck plant in Warren , Mich. , because there was no hot water for washing up .
Bus drivers in Birmingham , Ala. , went on strike because they felt not enough was being done to protect them from contracting the coronavirus from infected passengers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a sudden sickout for the same reason .
Sanitation workers in Pittsburgh engaged in a work stoppage over their coronavirus worries .
This wave of protests is only likely to grow , not just because of the coronavirus but also because of the breaking of the social contract by the rich .
By crafting bailouts that favored corporations and millionaires amid a pandemic during which blue-collar workers are being forced to work in life-threatening conditions , the American political elite is playing with fire .
We could well see social strife far more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wall Street and the Tea Party movement that emerged in the wake of the 2008 economic collapse .
The very collapse of American unions in recent decades means that the stabilizing force of organized labor is gone , making wildcat strikes the weapon of choice in this new class war .
America may be heading into a period of working-class militancy unlike anything it has experienced since the 1930s and ’ 40s .

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Catastrophes breed nationalism. There is a perennial impulse to rally together in the face of a common enemy, whether it be a foreign power or a natural disaster. In the current coronavirus crisis, political leaders all over the world are seeing a spike in popularity—even the polarizing and unpopular Donald Trump. The desire for a strong leader in a time of trouble is producing all sorts of strange side effects, ranging from the fresh media enthusiasm for Andrew Cuomo to journalists’ praising Trump for his “new message and new tone” after the president acknowledged in a press briefing that deaths from the pandemic could be between 100,000 and 240,000.
Yet the national unity produced by the crisis can be a deceptive facade. Even during the patriotic fervor of World War II, the social divisions of normal times didn’t end. Detroit during wartime witnessed both wildcat strikes (from auto workers who felt they were being asked to make sacrifices without fair compensation) and race riots (from whites who used violence to stem the migration of blacks coming from the South).
The coronavirus crisis is showing a similar intensification of social strife. Racist attacks on Asian Americans are spiking, thanks in no small part to Donald Trump’s embrace of the phrase “China virus.”
The class war is also becoming fiercer. There is actually a two-pronged class war going on. Among the rich and their allies in both political parties, the crisis offers an opportunity to loot the Treasury. The stimulus packages that have passed or are being contemplated are all designed to lock in the privileged position of the existing rich, with only limited efforts made to soften the blow of the recession on the working-class majority. At the same time, blue-collar workers are expected to work in dangerous conditions with little compensation. Many of these same workers are being squeezed by furloughs, pay cuts and layoffs. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
The combination of plutocratic bailouts and increasing precariousness and physical danger for the working class is an explosive one. It’s hard to see how it can last long without a breakdown of the social order.
In The Washington Post, Helaine Olen described the first stimulus package as “not only a missed opportunity to permanently give American workers the benefits enjoyed by those in other wealthy countries, but yet another successful cash grab by corporate interests and the wealthiest among us.” In exchange for four months of expanded unemployment benefits and a one-time stimulus of $1,200 (plus $500 per child), the stimulus opened up the money spigots for Wall Street with a corporate rescue fund that could reach $6 trillion. Current Issue View our current issue
Future stimulus packages are likely to be equally skewed toward the rich. The New York Times reports that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is talking about a deal to “retroactively lift a limit on state and local tax deductions.” As University of Michigan economist Justin Wolfers notes, “More than half of these dollars would go to millionaires.” Politically, the proposal might make sense, since it will reward blue-state suburban voters. But economically, it has the same problem as the first stimulus: a desire to dole out dollars to those who need them the least. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
While both Republicans and Democrats are looking after millionaires, the working class is getting hammered. As ProPublica reported on Tuesday, “Emergency room doctors and nurses—many of whom are dealing with an onslaught of coronavirus patients and shortages of protective equipment—are now finding out that their compensation is getting cut.” Many of these health care workers are employed by staffing companies that in the wake of lost revenue from elective procedures, are cutting back compensation. Alteon Health, a major employer of doctors and nurses, released a memo on Monday saying “the company would be reducing hours for clinicians, cutting pay for administrative employees by 20%, and suspending 401(k) matches, bonuses and paid time off.” Coronavirus Amid Partisan Politicking, Revelations on a Covid Origins Article Jimmy Tobias It’s Not “Unreasonable” to Want to Change Our Rotten Health Care System Gregg Gonsalves Covid Has Left Deep Wounds in America’s Rural Communities Anne N. Sosin
It’s not just medical workers that are facing more precarious and dangerous workplaces. Writing in The New York Times, veteran labor reporter Steven Greenhouse observed that there was a strong class division in how the coronavirus crisis is being experienced.
“Millions of white-collar workers are telecommuting from home to stay safe as the coronavirus extends its terrifying reach across America,” Greenhouse observes. “But millions of other workers—supermarket cashiers, pharmacists, warehouse workers, bus drivers, meatpacking workers—still have to report to work each day, and many are furious that their employers are not doing enough to protect them against the pandemic.”
The growing lethality of the American workplace is fueling a wave of strikes, both union-led and spontaneous wildcat protests. Greenhouse listed a few of these workplace actions:
Last Tuesday, after a mechanic tested positive for the coronavirus, more than half the workers at Bath Iron Works, a shipyard in Maine, stayed home from work to pressure their employer to thoroughly clean the shipyard. Workers walked out at a Fiat Chrysler truck plant in Warren, Mich., because there was no hot water for washing up. Bus drivers in Birmingham, Ala., went on strike because they felt not enough was being done to protect them from contracting the coronavirus from infected passengers, and bus drivers in Detroit staged a sudden sickout for the same reason. Sanitation workers in Pittsburgh engaged in a work stoppage over their coronavirus worries.
This wave of protests is only likely to grow, not just because of the coronavirus but also because of the breaking of the social contract by the rich. By crafting bailouts that favored corporations and millionaires amid a pandemic during which blue-collar workers are being forced to work in life-threatening conditions, the American political elite is playing with fire. We could well see social strife far more intense than even the turbulence of Occupy Wall Street and the Tea Party movement that emerged in the wake of the 2008 economic collapse.
The very collapse of American unions in recent decades means that the stabilizing force of organized labor is gone, making wildcat strikes the weapon of choice in this new class war. America may be heading into a period of working-class militancy unlike anything it has experienced since the 1930s and ’40s.


thenation--2020-04-01--Covid-19 Shows America’s Class Divide Is Untenable

“ Anyone who wants a test can get a test , ” President Trump said in early March , encouraging the country to remain calm over the coronavirus pandemic during a visit to the Centers for Disease Control headquarters in Atlanta .
We know what happened next : The threat began to proliferate exponentially , and most people who wanted tests couldn ’ t get them .
The CDC ’ s early attempts to distribute them were disastrous , and they have continued to be strictly restricted .
“ It is a failing , ” said White House Coronavirus task @ @ @ @ @ @ @ congressional hearing , a week after Trump ’ s remarks .
The sudden spread of the virus is so alarming that it has had many observers reaching for the comparison to science fiction , to disaster movies , to apocalyptic horror .
“ There can be no more divisions among the living , ” says Dr. Millard Rausch , the fictional scientist in George Romero ’ s Dawn of the Dead , as a zombie pandemic spreads .
A virus is a kind of zombie , an undead contagion that reproduces itself without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the living , divisions already exist .
In Romero ’ s vision , human victims become exposed in the most commonplace site of consumerism : the mall .
It ’ s in precisely this kind of space that public assembly , and our participation in the national economy , is no longer possible .
But the economic structures this space embodies stubbornly persist .
Cuomo Helped Get New York Into This Mess Dystopian fiction is often characterized by societies with rulers in remote locations , securing protection from the threats of both nature @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happens , that is the world we already live in , one where eight men own as much wealth as half of the world ’ s population .
Needless to say , this divide affects our access to security and safety in the midst of crisis .
As Americans isolate themselves in fear and uncertainty—in some cases , exhibiting Covid-19 symptoms but being told to stay out of the ER unless they can ’ t breathe—reports have poured in about certain citizens ’ getting tested .
Ostensibly , these tests are unavailable to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tracing .
Yet supermodel Heidi Klum , online influencer Arielle Charnas , Senators Mitt Romney , Rand Paul , and Lindsey Graham , and other high-profile figures have flaunted their results .
Some have been positive , some not , some are even asymptomatic .
At a press conference , NBA player Rudy Gobert of the Utah Jazz jokingly touched all the microphones within reach , echoing the president ’ s insouciance .
The next day , he tested positive .
To date , eight NBA teams have been tested , including the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kevin Stitt ’ s admission that the state was “ critically low on test kits.
” It is hard not to wonder how tests became so easily available to the rich and famous , when they have been largely inaccessible for those who need them most : health care workers , the critically ill , and the elderly .
In February , acting White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney described news of the virus at the Conservative Political Action Conference , where an attendee was later discovered to have been infected , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s enemies .
He had already been tested .
In The Atlantic , Adam Harris writes that a former insurance industry executive offered him a stark explanation for this disparity : “ the health-care system in the United States is built for the elite.
” Wendell Potter , once a communications director for industry giant Cigna , is now an advocate for universal health-care .
“ We hear politicians say all the time that we have the best health-care system in the world , ” he told The Atlantic .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but they ’ re off-limits to a lot of people because of the cost.
” Out From Under ‘ the Economy ’ The New York Times reports that after old age and the presence of preexisting health conditions , the third-highest indicator for risk of death from Covid-19 is “ low socioeconomic status.
” This is a cause for alarm for most of us , with the Labor Department recently reporting that a record 3.3 million Americans have applied for unemployment .
But for a privileged few , it puts them on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The wealthy are already more able to stay home from work , and to live comfortably while sheltering in place .
But a crisis of these proportions brings us , again , to the realm of science fiction .
The most absurd features of this kind of imaginary future appear to be playing out in reality , with the richest among us not only securing exclusive access to medical care , but plotting their escape .
Some have alighted to summer homes , risking carrying the illness to small towns with less reliable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chains .
A few have gone to further extremes .
The founder of a California-based manufacturer of underground concrete bunkers told The Guardian that his firm “ had seen a surge in inquiries and sales since the crisis took hold.
” The CEO of a competing firm told the San Francisco Chronicle his company has received 1,000 inquiries since the outbreak .
Another told the Los Angeles Times about the amenities available in some of these structures .
“ Movie theaters are common , ” he said .
“ We built one in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ swimming pool and bowling alley.
” But the lifestyles of the rich and famous are not characterized by self-sufficiency , and the luxury of mobility is cold comfort against nature ’ s imposition of both contagious illness and a rapidly encroaching climate crisis .
This has always been the ominous truth underlying the apparent security of the ruling classes , who rely on the labor of others to produce their conditions of affluence .
As geographer David Harvey writes , “ In the cholera epidemics of the nineteenth century , the transcendence of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to spawn the birth of a public sanitation and health movement ( which became professionalized ) that has lasted to this day.
” Public health emerged as a result of this dawning recognition that belonging to a society , including one starkly divided by class , puts even those at the top at risk .
For wealthy individuals to make sure they , and only they , are safe , the threat will remain , lurking around every corner .
It ’ s obvious why many commentators on the left have been invoking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slogan “ An injury to one is an injury to all ” : A pandemic serves as proof of concept .
In the age of Covid-19 , the sentiment appears even in the pages of the Financial Times : “ In a time of contagion , the case for universal healthcare , at times a fog of detail , has also found painful simplicity : unless everyone has care , no one does.
” Few situations have ever challenged the assumptions behind our sociopolitical structure so baldly ( or so quickly ) : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , not only for their own protection , but for the safety of others .
Without their incomes ’ being fed back into the market , the whole framework threatens to collapse .
The ideological presupposition of a functional society based on rational self-interest no longer seems to hold .
Who Gets Forgotten in a Pandemic In a letter he wrote in 1868 , Karl Marx anticipated a grim outcome should we ever face a crisis like the one we find ourselves in today : “ Every child knows a nation which ceased @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a year , but even for a few weeks , would perish.
” In order for a society to function under capitalism , the circuits of the market have to remain unbroken .
But the inability of this system to weather the threat of a pandemic makes the terms of survival clear : The prerogative of certain members of society to secure their own safety at the expense of others will doom us all .
The refrain of the moment has been “ We ’ re all in this together.
” But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dismantled , we are not .
Without universal health care , housing , and a living wage , the nation will remain collectively at risk from disasters both natural and economic .
If this crisis doesn ’ t get us , the next one will .

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“Anyone who wants a test can get a test,” President Trump said in early March, encouraging the country to remain calm over the coronavirus pandemic during a visit to the Centers for Disease Control headquarters in Atlanta. We know what happened next: The threat began to proliferate exponentially, and most people who wanted tests couldn’t get them. The CDC’s early attempts to distribute them were disastrous, and they have continued to be strictly restricted. “It is a failing,” said White House Coronavirus task force member Dr. Anthony Fauci at a congressional hearing, a week after Trump’s remarks.
The sudden spread of the virus is so alarming that it has had many observers reaching for the comparison to science fiction, to disaster movies, to apocalyptic horror. “There can be no more divisions among the living,” says Dr. Millard Rausch, the fictional scientist in George Romero’s Dawn of the Dead, as a zombie pandemic spreads. A virus is a kind of zombie, an undead contagion that reproduces itself without distinguishing between its hosts. But among the living, divisions already exist. In Romero’s vision, human victims become exposed in the most commonplace site of consumerism: the mall. It’s in precisely this kind of space that public assembly, and our participation in the national economy, is no longer possible. But the economic structures this space embodies stubbornly persist. Related Article Cuomo Helped Get New York Into This Mess Ross Barkan
Dystopian fiction is often characterized by societies with rulers in remote locations, securing protection from the threats of both nature and the global masses. As it happens, that is the world we already live in, one where eight men own as much wealth as half of the world’s population. Needless to say, this divide affects our access to security and safety in the midst of crisis. As Americans isolate themselves in fear and uncertainty—in some cases, exhibiting Covid-19 symptoms but being told to stay out of the ER unless they can’t breathe—reports have poured in about certain citizens’ getting tested. Ostensibly, these tests are unavailable to those who cannot supply direct contact tracing. Yet supermodel Heidi Klum, online influencer Arielle Charnas, Senators Mitt Romney, Rand Paul, and Lindsey Graham, and other high-profile figures have flaunted their results. Some have been positive, some not, some are even asymptomatic. At a press conference, NBA player Rudy Gobert of the Utah Jazz jokingly touched all the microphones within reach, echoing the president’s insouciance. The next day, he tested positive.
To date, eight NBA teams have been tested, including the Jazz, in spite of Oklahoma Governor Kevin Stitt’s admission that the state was “critically low on test kits.” It is hard not to wonder how tests became so easily available to the rich and famous, when they have been largely inaccessible for those who need them most: health care workers, the critically ill, and the elderly. In February, acting White House Chief of Staff Mick Mulvaney described news of the virus at the Conservative Political Action Conference, where an attendee was later discovered to have been infected, as a political maneuver by the president’s enemies. He had already been tested. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
In The Atlantic, Adam Harris writes that a former insurance industry executive offered him a stark explanation for this disparity: “the health-care system in the United States is built for the elite.” Wendell Potter, once a communications director for industry giant Cigna, is now an advocate for universal health-care. “We hear politicians say all the time that we have the best health-care system in the world,” he told The Atlantic. “We have fabulous doctors and health-care facilities, but they’re off-limits to a lot of people because of the cost.” Related Article Out From Under ‘the Economy’ Sheetal Chhabria and Aparna Gopalan
The New York Times reports that after old age and the presence of preexisting health conditions, the third-highest indicator for risk of death from Covid-19 is “low socioeconomic status.” This is a cause for alarm for most of us, with the Labor Department recently reporting that a record 3.3 million Americans have applied for unemployment. But for a privileged few, it puts them on the right side of a widening chasm.
The wealthy are already more able to stay home from work, and to live comfortably while sheltering in place. But a crisis of these proportions brings us, again, to the realm of science fiction. The most absurd features of this kind of imaginary future appear to be playing out in reality, with the richest among us not only securing exclusive access to medical care, but plotting their escape. Some have alighted to summer homes, risking carrying the illness to small towns with less reliable health care infrastructures and more limited supply chains. A few have gone to further extremes. The founder of a California-based manufacturer of underground concrete bunkers told The Guardian that his firm “had seen a surge in inquiries and sales since the crisis took hold.” The CEO of a competing firm told the San Francisco Chronicle his company has received 1,000 inquiries since the outbreak. Another told the Los Angeles Times about the amenities available in some of these structures. “Movie theaters are common,” he said. “We built one in California that has a shooting range, swimming pool and bowling alley.” Current Issue View our current issue
But the lifestyles of the rich and famous are not characterized by self-sufficiency, and the luxury of mobility is cold comfort against nature’s imposition of both contagious illness and a rapidly encroaching climate crisis. This has always been the ominous truth underlying the apparent security of the ruling classes, who rely on the labor of others to produce their conditions of affluence. As geographer David Harvey writes, “In the cholera epidemics of the nineteenth century, the transcendence of barriers of class was sufficiently dramatic as to spawn the birth of a public sanitation and health movement (which became professionalized) that has lasted to this day.” Public health emerged as a result of this dawning recognition that belonging to a society, including one starkly divided by class, puts even those at the top at risk. For wealthy individuals to make sure they, and only they, are safe, the threat will remain, lurking around every corner.
It’s obvious why many commentators on the left have been invoking the old Industrial Workers of the World slogan “An injury to one is an injury to all”: A pandemic serves as proof of concept. In the age of Covid-19, the sentiment appears even in the pages of the Financial Times: “In a time of contagion, the case for universal healthcare, at times a fog of detail, has also found painful simplicity: unless everyone has care, no one does.”
Few situations have ever challenged the assumptions behind our sociopolitical structure so baldly (or so quickly): Many workers have had to stop working, not only for their own protection, but for the safety of others. Without their incomes’ being fed back into the market, the whole framework threatens to collapse. The ideological presupposition of a functional society based on rational self-interest no longer seems to hold. Related Article Who Gets Forgotten in a Pandemic Mike Davis
In a letter he wrote in 1868, Karl Marx anticipated a grim outcome should we ever face a crisis like the one we find ourselves in today: “Every child knows a nation which ceased to work, I will not say for a year, but even for a few weeks, would perish.” In order for a society to function under capitalism, the circuits of the market have to remain unbroken. But the inability of this system to weather the threat of a pandemic makes the terms of survival clear: The prerogative of certain members of society to secure their own safety at the expense of others will doom us all. The refrain of the moment has been “We’re all in this together.” But unless the divisions among the living are dismantled, we are not. Without universal health care, housing, and a living wage, the nation will remain collectively at risk from disasters both natural and economic. If this crisis doesn’t get us, the next one will.


thenation--2020-04-01--Reinventing the Sound of Protest

Reinventing the Sound of Protest

On November 20 , 2014 , Brooklyn resident Akai Gurley was getting his hair braided in his seventh-floor apartment in an East New York housing project .
He was there with a friend , Melissa Butler ; later that night , they decided to leave the building for a while .
They waited for the elevator , but it was broken—as was often the case in the Louis Pink Houses—so they decided to take the stairs .
On the floor above , two members of the New York Police Department , Officers Peter Liang and Shaun Landau , were patrolling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question loiterers .
But it was dark , and according to reports , Landau had to shine his flashlight to see anything at all .
Liang , a rookie , also took out his flashlight , but he drew his service gun as well and walked down the dark stairwell armed .
That ’ s when Butler heard a shot and saw a flash of light .
Gurley was right behind her ; Liang ’ s bullet—reportedly fired by accident—hit his sternum .
After several attempts to revive him through CPR , Gurley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dead .
He was 28 .
It was an all too familiar story for black people in the United States : Gurley was unarmed and innocent but still fell victim to police brutality .
His death came months after the highly publicized killings of Mike Brown in Ferguson , Missouri , and Eric Garner in Staten Island , New York , and it was only two years removed from the death of Trayvon Martin in Florida .
Martin ’ s death , and the subsequent acquittal of his killer , George Zimmerman , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and waves of protests and activism across the country .
Irreversible Entanglements , an experimental free jazz collective whose members reside in Philadelphia , New York City , and Washington , DC , was born out of those incidents and the demonstrations that followed .
Poet/vocalist Camae Ayewa ( who releases solo work as Moor Mother ) , saxophonist Keir Neuringer , and bassist Luke Stewart performed together in 2015 at the Musicians Against Police Brutality rally in New York , which was organized after Gurley ’ s killing .
After the performance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and drummer Tcheser Holmes , both of whom also performed at the event .
Then the quintet converged on a Brooklyn recording studio soon after and played together for the first time .
The result was Irreversible Entanglements , an aggressive blast of screeching horns , volcanic drum fills , and surging bass , tied together by Ayewa ’ s scathing indictments of the police , American politics , capitalism , and racism .
The album they recorded , released in 2017 , was very much of the moment : Black people were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too long , they ’ d seen their peers murdered by law enforcement without justice , while living in a country that cashes in on black culture but doesn ’ t pay any respect to black people .
The band harnessed that rage into four songs , each one brimming with barbed lyrics .
“ Sometimes you can get lost in the rhythm of oppression , ” Ayewa declares on “ Chicago to Texas , ” the album ’ s combustible opener .
“ The way they beat it into you , carve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out , fetishize your flesh.
” The backing arrangement was equally urgent , a colossal blend of jazz evoking Afrocentric stalwarts like Sonny Sharrock , Brother Ah , and the New York Art Quartet .
There ’ s a palpable weight to the music of Irreversible Entanglements ; their sound hits with an earth-shattering force .
That can cut both ways : Thanks to musicians like Robert Glasper and Kamasi Washington , who blend jazz with more marketable genres like hip-hop and R & B , jazz is once again considered a viable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a sonically ambitious band like Irreversible Entanglements , you either love the music or don ’ t like it at all .
It takes a patient ear to absorb the band ’ s work ; their songs are sprawling ( sometimes clocking in at over 20 minutes long ) , mixing various subgenres of jazz along the way .
The results are always compelling .
“ We take the ugliest parts of the world and make them beautiful , ” Stewart told The Fader in February .
Yet they ’ re able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Through their frank critiques of political violence and organized religion , the band achieves something deeper and more emotional .
Theirs is an artful blend of raw lyrical emotion and exquisite musicianship .
The band ’ s new album , Who Sent You ?
, is just as serious , though it ’ s more introspective than confrontational .
They ’ re still urging action—for us to “ give a shit , ” as Ayewa deadpans on the opening track , “ The Code Noir/Amina ” —but the tone is more reflective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the instrumentals : Where their debut album seethed , this one meditates , trading in the racket for restraint .
On “ Who Sent You–Ritual , ” Ayewa revisits the incident that brought the band together in the first place .
“ Oh , you must be here to fix the elevator , ” she quips to an imagined Officer Liang , her voice dripping with contempt .
“ Good policeman from the other side of town , you must be here to fix the lights in the stairwell.
” The music behind @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blaring brass wails , frenetic drums , and undulating bass , it ’ s the most unrestrained track on Who Sent You ?
and the one most aligned with Irreversible Entanglements three years ago .
Eventually , the song eases into something more spiritual , like an old gospel hymn .
Where the previous album was tethered to police brutality and the rise of Black Lives Matter , this one takes a step back to assess how we got here in the first place .
Ayewa speaks of freedom as a tangible commodity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by staying the course .
On Irreversible Entanglements , it was a thing to be taken forcefully ; on Who Sent You ?
, it ’ s something we can enjoy through working together .
As she says on “ No Más ” : “ No longer will we allow them to divide and conquer , divide and oppress , define our humanity.
” On an album of thick arrangements and sometimes opaque lyricism , “ No Más ” and “ Blues Ideology ” are the clearest paths into the record and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s brief catalog .
The former settles into a high-spirited groove that offers a mix of Latin and New Orleans–style jazz , while the latter channels 1970s Nigerian Afrobeat .
But if there was a notion that “ Blues Ideology ” would be an easy dance melody , Ayewa ’ s words quickly dispel that .
“ The pope must be drunk , ” she asserts , “ manufacturing God in his own image.
” Blunt-force lyrics like these make Irreversible Entanglements one of the most fearless bands I ’ ve listened to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a single song , they ’ ll compel you to rebuke the powers that be .
“ At what point do we stand up ?
” Ayewa asks on “ The Code Noir/Amina.
” “ At the breaking point ?
At the point of no return ?
At what point .
”

On November 20, 2014, Brooklyn resident Akai Gurley was getting his hair braided in his seventh-floor apartment in an East New York housing project. He was there with a friend, Melissa Butler; later that night, they decided to leave the building for a while. They waited for the elevator, but it was broken—as was often the case in the Louis Pink Houses—so they decided to take the stairs. On the floor above, two members of the New York Police Department, Officers Peter Liang and Shaun Landau, were patrolling the stairwells and hallways to catch and question loiterers. But it was dark, and according to reports, Landau had to shine his flashlight to see anything at all. Liang, a rookie, also took out his flashlight, but he drew his service gun as well and walked down the dark stairwell armed. That’s when Butler heard a shot and saw a flash of light. Gurley was right behind her; Liang’s bullet—which his lawyers said he fired unintentionally—hit Gurley’s sternum. After several attempts to revive him through CPR, he was rushed to Brookdale Hospital and pronounced dead. He was 28.
It was an all too familiar story for black people in the United States: Gurley was unarmed and innocent but still fell victim to police brutality. His death came months after the highly publicized killings of Mike Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and Eric Garner on Staten Island in New York, and it was only two years removed from the death of Trayvon Martin in Florida. Martin’s death and the acquittal of his killer, George Zimmerman, sparked the rise of Black Lives Matter and waves of protests and activism across the country. Irreversible Entanglements—an experimental free jazz collective whose members reside in Philadelphia, New York City, and Washington, DC—was born out of those killings and the demonstrations that followed.
Poet and vocalist Camae Ayewa (who releases solo work as Moor Mother), saxophonist Keir Neuringer, and bassist Luke Stewart performed together in 2015 at the Musicians Against Police Brutality rally in New York, which was organized after Gurley’s killing. After the performance, the trio added trumpeter Aquiles Navarro and drummer Tcheser Holmes, both of whom also performed at the event. Soon after, the five converged on a Brooklyn recording studio and played together for the first time. The result was Irreversible Entanglements, an aggressive blast of screeching horns, volcanic drum fills, and surging bass, tied together by Ayewa’s scathing indictments of the police, American politics, capitalism, and racism. The album they recorded, released in 2017, was very much of the moment: Black people were angry, and rightfully so. For too long, they’d seen their peers murdered by law enforcement without justice while living in a country that cashes in on black culture but doesn’t pay any respect to black people. The band harnessed that rage in four songs, each one brimming with barbed lyrics. “Sometimes you can get lost in the rhythm of oppression,” Ayewa declares on “Chicago to Texas,” the album’s combustible opener. “The way they beat it into you, carve trees in your back, choke you out, fetishize your flesh.”
The backing arrangement was equally urgent, a colossal blend of jazz evoking Afrocentric stalwarts like Sonny Sharrock, Brother Ah, and the New York Art Quartet. There’s a palpable weight to the music of Irreversible Entanglements; its sound hits with an earth-shattering force. That can cut both ways: Thanks to musicians like Robert Glasper and Kamasi Washington, who blend jazz with more marketable genres like hip-hop and R&B, jazz is once again considered a viable genre in the mainstream marketplace. But for a sonically ambitious band like Irreversible Entanglements, you either love the music or don’t like it at all. It takes a patient ear to absorb the band’s work; its songs are sprawling (sometimes clocking in at over 20 minutes), mixing various subgenres of jazz along the way. The results are always compelling. “We take the ugliest parts of the world and make them beautiful,” Stewart told The Fader in February. Yet it’s able to do so without tapping into clichés. Through its frank critiques of political violence and organized religion, the band achieves something deeper and more emotional: an artful blend of raw lyrical emotion and exquisite musicianship. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
Irreversible Entanglements’ new album, Who Sent You?, is just as serious, though it’s more introspective than confrontational. The band is still urging action—for us to “give a shit,” as Ayewa deadpans on the opening track, “The Code Noir/Amina”—but the tone is more reflective. That’s mostly due to the instrumentals: Where its debut album seethed, this one meditates, trading in the racket for restraint. On “Who Sent You–Ritual,” Ayewa revisits the death that brought the band together. “Oh, you must be here to fix the elevator,” she quips to an imagined Liang, her voice dripping with contempt. “Good policeman from the other side of town, you must be here to fix the lights in the stairwell.”
The music behind her sounds like an alarm. All blaring brass wails, frenetic drums, and undulating bass, it’s the most unrestrained track on Who Sent You? and the one most aligned with Irreversible Entanglements three years ago. Eventually, the song eases into something more spiritual, like an old gospel hymn. Whereas the previous album is tethered to police brutality and the rise of Black Lives Matter, this one takes a step back to assess how we got here. Ayewa speaks of freedom as a tangible commodity, as something we can attain simply by staying the course. On Irreversible Entanglements, it was a thing to be taken forcefully; on Who Sent You? it’s something we can enjoy through working together. As she says on “No Más,” “No longer will we allow them to divide and conquer, divide and oppress, define our humanity.”
On an album of thick arrangements and sometimes opaque lyricism, “No Más” and “Blues Ideology” are the clearest paths into the record and the most accessible tracks in the band’s brief catalog. The former settles into a high-spirited groove that offers a mix of Latin and New Orleans–style jazz, while the latter channels 1970s Nigerian Afrobeat. But if there was a notion that “Blues Ideology” would be an easy dance melody, Ayewa’s words quickly dispel that. “The pope must be drunk,” she asserts, “manufacturing God in his own image.” Blunt-force lyrics like these make Irreversible Entanglements one of the most fearless bands I’ve listened to in recent memory; over the course of a single song, it will compel you to rebuke the powers that be. “At what point do we stand up?” Ayewa asks on “The Code Noir/Amina.” “At the breaking point? At the point of no return? At what point?”


thenation--2020-04-01--Campuses Are Closed, but Student Journalists Are Still Working

On Fridays , Jake Goldstein-Street usually wakes up at 9:55 am , just in time for his first class at 10:30 .
On March 6 , he woke up at 8:10 am to an e-mail announcing that starting Monday , all classes at the University of Washington would be held remotely .
Frazzled , he rolled out of bed .
In less than an hour , he had written a breaking news article for the school paper , The Daily of the University of Washington —the first of four he would write or contribute to that day .
Between filing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president ’ s press conference , Goldstein-Street took a shower , still shaking with adrenaline .
As The Daily ’ s news editor , Goldstein-Street has been covering Covid-19 since January , when the first cases appeared in the Seattle area .
After the deaths in late February at Kirkland ’ s Life Care Center nursing home , he ramped up the student newspaper ’ s coverage .
Over the past three months , he ’ s published more than 30 articles covering the virus , many cowritten with science editor Ash Shah @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nation , a section devoted to highlighting campus activism and student movements from students in their own words .
For more Student Nation , check out our archive .
Are you a student with a campus activism story ?
Send questions and pitches to Samantha Schuyler at samantha @ thenation.com .
The Student Nation program is made possible through generous funding from The Puffin Foundation .
Around the country , colleges and universities have closed campuses and transitioned to online learning in an effort to help flatten the curve .
And though students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ college newspapers continue to publish news about Covid-19—now mostly remotely .
Reporting campus news during a pandemic that has emptied out colleges and universities , while visiting unprecedented consequences on society and the economy , is something for which students , obviously , were not prepared .
“ There ’ s no textbook for the Coronavirus , ” Benjy Renton , editor at large at The Middlebury Campus , said .
Student journalists are “ writing that book right now , and every decision we make is something that must have a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ journalists , for example , have had to learn how to find sources when their campuses have closed .
Both Goldstein-Street and Marissa Martinez , editor in chief of The Daily Northwestern , said that they and their staffers have been relying more on their social and professional networks .
The Northwestern , along with other newspapers , such as The Daily Texan , have also created survey forms for readers to ask questions and send tips .
And according to Martinez , the Northwestern has been conducting interviews , frequently via video @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have submitted through the form and social media .
For Goldstein-Street , the pandemic is “ a rapidly-changing situation… .
it ’ s a lot about meeting people where they are and talking to them in situations where they ’ re most comfortable.
” He said that they ’ ve conducted interviews exclusively over text messages or direct messages on social media .
When she ’ s editing articles for publication , Penn State ’ s Daily Collegian ’ s editor-in-chief Elena Rose said she has become very particular about word choice .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” and “ cases are climbing ” —phrases that sensationalize the news or instill panic in their readers .
“ Stories need to be told , but we can…say what is happening in the most honest way , ” she said .
Goldstein-Street and Martinez see their organizations ’ reporting as a way to be honest with the student body about the seriousness and urgency of the virus .
“ We want people to be taking this seriously , because now students are going out and spreading this unknowingly .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
“ They ’ re going out and spreading it without even showing symptoms.
” To engage with readers , student newspapers have been leaning heavily on social media .
the Collegian has added local updates about the spread of the epidemic in its 60-second news roundups .
The paper has also expanded its multimedia content to include informational videos—one instructs students about how to best wash your hands .
Along with The Diamondback , the Collegian has added a “ Coronavirus ” segment on their Instagram stories .
To reach Spanish-preferred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the only daily newspaper for both Northwestern University and the town it is located in , Evanston , Illinois—has also been translating their Covid-19 coverage into Spanish .
Penn State junior Taylor O ’ Rourke depends on student media to stay informed about campus .
While Penn State publishes news on its website , according to O ’ Rourke , it ’ s only updated daily—versus the multiple posts per day by both the Collegian and Onward State , another independent student media outlet at Penn State .
She added that the university @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to students , and if she does receive one , it usually ends up in her spam .
For important news , like campus moving to remote learning , “ it ’ s easiest to be scrolling through Twitter or Facebook , ” she said “ and then just read their [ the Collegian ’ s and Onward State ’ s ] articles , instead of going onto [ the Penn State news page ] and hoping to find something that might not necessarily be there.
” University of Maryland senior Selena Rawlley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to campus .
Now that campus is closed , she ’ s home , separated from her classmates and friends .
For this senior trying to come to terms with a college career cut short , the isolation “ almost makes you feel like you ’ re the only one experiencing it.
” However , after reading her best friend ’ s column about the canceled commencement , she found an article about how other members of student organizations are coping with a shortened year .
When she saw the headline , crying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As she read the article , she started to feel comforted , knowing “ I ’ m not the only one who ’ s disappointed.
” Like Rawlley , student journalists are trying to cope with a new reality .
However , as they move back home or look for a place to live , adjust to online learning , and look for extra income , student journalists continue reporting .
“ We ’ ve been doing it because we love our community and we love our campus , ” Martinez said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ everyone has the right information .
”

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On Fridays, Jake Goldstein-Street usually wakes up at 9:55 am, just in time for his first class at 10:30. On March 6, he woke up at 8:10 am to an e-mail announcing that starting Monday, all classes at the University of Washington would be held remotely. Frazzled, he rolled out of bed. In less than an hour, he had written a breaking news article for the school paper, The Daily of the University of Washington —the first of four he would write or contribute to that day. Between filing the article and heading to the university president’s press conference, Goldstein-Street took a shower, still shaking with adrenaline.
As The Daily’s news editor, Goldstein-Street has been covering Covid-19 since January, when the first cases appeared in the Seattle area. After the deaths in late February at Kirkland’s Life Care Center nursing home, he ramped up the student newspaper’s coverage. Over the past three months, he’s published more than 30 articles covering the virus, many cowritten with science editor Ash Shah. This story was produced for Student Nation, a section devoted to highlighting campus activism and student movements from students in their own words. For more Student Nation, check out our archive. Are you a student with a campus activism story? Send questions and pitches to Samantha Schuyler at [email protected]. The Student Nation program is made possible through generous funding from The Puffin Foundation.
Around the country, colleges and universities have closed campuses and transitioned to online learning in an effort to help flatten the curve. And though students are no longer on campus, student-run college newspapers continue to publish news about Covid-19—now mostly remotely.
Reporting campus news during a pandemic that has emptied out colleges and universities, while visiting unprecedented consequences on society and the economy, is something for which students, obviously, were not prepared. “There’s no textbook for the Coronavirus,” Benjy Renton, editor at large at The Middlebury Campus, said. Student journalists are “writing that book right now, and every decision we make is something that must have a lot of thought put into it.”
Student journalists, for example, have had to learn how to find sources when their campuses have closed. Both Goldstein-Street and Marissa Martinez, editor in chief of The Daily Northwestern, said that they and their staffers have been relying more on their social and professional networks. The Northwestern, along with other newspapers, such as The Daily Texan, have also created survey forms for readers to ask questions and send tips. And according to Martinez, the Northwestern has been conducting interviews, frequently via video chat, based on the questions students have submitted through the form and social media.
For Goldstein-Street, the pandemic is “a rapidly-changing situation…. it’s a lot about meeting people where they are and talking to them in situations where they’re most comfortable.” He said that they’ve conducted interviews exclusively over text messages or direct messages on social media.
When she’s editing articles for publication, Penn State’s Daily Collegian’s editor-in-chief Elena Rose said she has become very particular about word choice. She omits phrases like “yet again,” and “cases are climbing”—phrases that sensationalize the news or instill panic in their readers. “Stories need to be told, but we can…say what is happening in the most honest way,” she said. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Current Issue View our current issue
Goldstein-Street and Martinez see their organizations’ reporting as a way to be honest with the student body about the seriousness and urgency of the virus. “We want people to be taking this seriously, because now students are going out and spreading this unknowingly. It’s a big deal,” Goldstein-Street said. “They’re going out and spreading it without even showing symptoms.”
To engage with readers, student newspapers have been leaning heavily on social media. the Collegian has added local updates about the spread of the epidemic in its 60-second news roundups. The paper has also expanded its multimedia content to include informational videos—one instructs students about how to best wash your hands. Along with The Diamondback, the Collegian has added a “Coronavirus” segment on their Instagram stories. To reach Spanish-preferred speakers, the Northwestern—which also acts as the only daily newspaper for both Northwestern University and the town it is located in, Evanston, Illinois—has also been translating their Covid-19 coverage into Spanish.
Penn State junior Taylor O’Rourke depends on student media to stay informed about campus. While Penn State publishes news on its website, according to O’Rourke, it’s only updated daily—versus the multiple posts per day by both the Collegian and Onward State, another independent student media outlet at Penn State. She added that the university also doesn’t send regular updates to students, and if she does receive one, it usually ends up in her spam. For important news, like campus moving to remote learning, “it’s easiest to be scrolling through Twitter or Facebook,” she said “and then just read their [the Collegian’s and Onward State’s] articles, instead of going onto [the Penn State news page] and hoping to find something that might not necessarily be there.”
University of Maryland senior Selena Rawlley says her student newspaper is a lifeline to campus. Now that campus is closed, she’s home, separated from her classmates and friends. For this senior trying to come to terms with a college career cut short, the isolation “almost makes you feel like you’re the only one experiencing it.” However, after reading her best friend’s column about the canceled commencement, she found an article about how other members of student organizations are coping with a shortened year. When she saw the headline, crying, she “braced” herself. As she read the article, she started to feel comforted, knowing “I’m not the only one who’s disappointed.”
Like Rawlley, student journalists are trying to cope with a new reality. However, as they move back home or look for a place to live, adjust to online learning, and look for extra income, student journalists continue reporting. “We’ve been doing it because we love our community and we love our campus,” Martinez said. “We want to make sure that everyone has the right information.”


thenation--2020-04-01--When Confronting the Coronavirus, Federalism Is Part of the Problem

In the absence of national leadership , states and cities have stepped up to take charge of the coronavirus crisis and its unfathomable economic fallout .
San Francisco early on took steps to mitigate spread among the city ’ s highly vulnerable homeless population .
New York state has enacted a 90-day moratorium on evictions .
Cities like Seattle and Columbus are issuing emergency vouchers to help people buy food .
It has largely been up to mayors and governors to decide how seriously to take the threat and how strenuously to respond .
Even some Republicans , like Ohio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for their decisive actions .
“ This has been mostly a state and local effort , ” one county health official explained to Politico .
“ The federal government has been sort of behind the times.
” Indeed , Washington has essentially abandoned the states to their own devices .
Conservatives have cheered this as a triumph of federalism , proof that the founders ’ model of splitting responsibility between the states and the central government still works .
The coming weeks will reveal the shortcomings of such an approach .
Far from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ambiguous division of powers has effectively fractured the country .
In the United States , Polly Price of Emory University explained , immediate responsibility for handling the pandemic rests not with the federal government but with “ 2,684 state , local , and tribal public-health departments.
” The Centers for Disease Control only offers nonbinding guidance for these smaller agencies .
Though states and cities can take important steps to limit contagion , this patchwork of competing jurisdictions and overlapping authorities is too creaky and cumbersome for this crisis .
Conservative celebrations of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact that their authors ’ own preference for candidates who seek to weaken the national government has undoubtedly had a hand in enfeebling the federal response and making the actions of states and cities necessary .
Some say that if the federal government is ineffective , it ’ s good to have power in the hands of the states—but the federal government is ineffective precisely because the ideology pushed by the right for at least 50 years has made it that way .
During one of his terrifying news conferences last week , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Defense Production Act to force companies to manufacture ventilators , personal protective equipment , and other necessities .
Trump said he didn ’ t want to use it because “ governors are supposed to be doing a lot of this work.
” Such reliance on state action is about to get us into big trouble .
It is hard to imagine anything ever going fully back to normal , and that includes our current fluid division of powers between the federal and state governments .
In the near term , states and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fight both the virus and the economic disruption that has already begun .
But when the emergency is over , it will be necessary to take a hard look at the naive assumptions that prevented this country from mounting a timely and effective response .
A political system that can be brought to its knees by a virus emanating from an obscure city in the Chinese hinterland—and with two months ’ notice to prepare—is perhaps not a system worth preserving .
At the very least , we should be raising difficult , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ constitutional system is fitted to the exigencies of contemporary life .
Our inexcusably delayed response to the virus is not simply a failure of the Trump administration .
The encounter with Covid-19 is a perfect case study in America ’ s deep-seated dysfunction .
The Atlantic ’ s Derek Thompson described the pandemic ’ s effects in the United States thus far as “ a kind of grotesque caricature of American federalism.
” We continue to worship the founders as far-seeing , even divinely inspired , political philosophers and constitutional craftsmen .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nearly two and a half centuries ago is never clear , on almost any subject , about which powers and responsibilities belong to the states and which to the federal government , American politics ever since has been one extended debate—occasionally tipping over into violent struggle—over just what they actually meant .
The United States wouldn ’ t be alone in seizing on the coronavirus outbreak as an invitation to reconsider long-accepted assumptions about the value of decentralized government .
Switzerland is a much looser confederacy than the United States .
But “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” one Swiss paper argued , “ federalism is definitely an outdated remedy.
” A similar debate has begun in Germany over the country ’ s commitment to the principle of subsidiarity—the idea that decisions should be made as close to the local level as possible .
Some have tried , as the Harvard scholar Archon Fung recently did in Politico , to put a positive spin on the wholesale abdication of leadership by the federal government .
“ Just as the trauma of fighting World War II laid the foundations for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Fung wrote , “ the coronavirus crisis might sow the seeds of a new civic federalism , in which states and localities become centers of justice , solidarity and far-sighted democratic problem-solving.
” Another way of putting this would be that America ’ s postwar solidarity—such as it was—has definitively come to an end and the “ stronger American government ” it supported will soon be a thing of the past .
If the worst-case scenarios come true , it may not be a “ new civic federalism ” that takes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but something darker , more anarchic , less democratic—and far from progressive .
Absent federal leadership , New America ’ s Anne-Marie Slaughter recently wrote in the Times , “ America will save America ” from the pandemic .
She cheered evidence of a “ horizontal , open society ” working as it should , far preferable to a closed , top-down autocratic society like China .
To Slaughter and others , the pandemic offers a war-like wake-up call to once more rally ’ round the flag .
“ We can use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Slaughter suggested .
Maybe .
But if the crisis offers a one-time opportunity to rebuild the American political system , perhaps we should consider options other than focusing power in a single radically unrepresentative national government or the 50 wildly unequal states , the often-senseless creations of Gilded Age railroad interests and 17th-century royal decrees .
Instead of prematurely celebrating the leadership shown by states and cities as some kind of triumph of the American system , we ought to recognize it as a desperate grasping for the usual exceptionalist narrative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ national failure .
Juliette Kayyem , a Homeland Security official under Obama , wrote in The Atlantic that Trump ’ s abandonment of the states calls to mind the weaker union of the Articles of Confederation , under which states constantly put up trade barriers with one another .
States are already vying over precious resources—competition that raises the costs for everyone .
It ’ s not inconceivable , once the virus spreads widely through Red State America—where denialist political and media figures have been consistently downplaying the seriousness of the pandemic—that armed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states .
It is almost as if the union is effectively dissolving before our eyes into its 50 component parts .
Our once widely admired federal system is obviously not up to the challenges of the modern world , or what will be left of it when all this is over .
When the dust settles , rethinking the fundamental geography and architecture of government ought to be near the top of the agenda .
Yet , while Trump ’ s ham-handed leadership has slowed the national response , we should be equally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ autocratic solutions , state-of-emergency “ exceptions ” that might prove difficult , or even impossible , to repeal .
We are genuinely fortunate that some states and localities have been able to partially fill the vacuum left by national political dysfunction and the Trump administration ’ s appalling mismanagement .
But it has also become clear that action at the state level is too limited to really have a significant effect .
That is why New York , Connecticut , and New Jersey have teamed up to contain and mitigate the outbreak .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrangements will transform in the months and years ahead into more formal interstate compacts or “ consortiums , ” which band together to work out long-term arrangements regarding not only public health but also transportation , infrastructure , and climate change .
That would be a good thing , suggestive of an alternate federal framework that could allow for both the scale of medium-size nations and the human-level responsiveness of smaller republics , without dangerously further empowering an already unstable national regime .
As with Trump , if there is any upside to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revealed so much of what was already wrong with our country .
It ’ s “ the disease that divided us , ” suggests one Bloomberg pundit—as if we were not deeply divided already .
Bipartisan resistance to thoroughgoing constitutional reform has for far too long prevented us from adequately reckoning with the manifold crises besetting 21st century America .
If a badly outdated political system is hindering our response to this unprecedented crisis , maybe the time has finally come to rethink it .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
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In the absence of national leadership, states and cities have stepped up to take charge of the coronavirus crisis and its unfathomable economic fallout. San Francisco early on took steps to mitigate spread among the city’s highly vulnerable homeless population. New York state has enacted a 90-day moratorium on evictions. Cities like Seattle and Columbus are issuing emergency vouchers to help people buy food. It has largely been up to mayors and governors to decide how seriously to take the threat and how strenuously to respond. Even some Republicans, like Ohio Governor Mike DeWine, have won praise for their decisive actions. “This has been mostly a state and local effort,” one county health official explained to Politico. “The federal government has been sort of behind the times.” Indeed, Washington has essentially abandoned the states to their own devices.
Conservatives have cheered this as a triumph of federalism, proof that the founders’ model of splitting responsibility between the states and the central government still works. The coming weeks will reveal the shortcomings of such an approach. Far from encouraging competition and thwarting authoritarianism, the ambiguous division of powers has effectively fractured the country. In the United States, Polly Price of Emory University explained, immediate responsibility for handling the pandemic rests not with the federal government but with “2,684 state, local, and tribal public-health departments.” The Centers for Disease Control only offers nonbinding guidance for these smaller agencies. Though states and cities can take important steps to limit contagion, this patchwork of competing jurisdictions and overlapping authorities is too creaky and cumbersome for this crisis.
Conservative celebrations of federalism have also served to obscure the fact that their authors’ own preference for candidates who seek to weaken the national government has undoubtedly had a hand in enfeebling the federal response and making the actions of states and cities necessary. Some say that if the federal government is ineffective, it’s good to have power in the hands of the states—but the federal government is ineffective precisely because the ideology pushed by the right for at least 50 years has made it that way. During one of his terrifying news conferences last week, President Trump expressed his reluctance to invoke the Defense Production Act to force companies to manufacture ventilators, personal protective equipment, and other necessities. Trump said he didn’t want to use it because “governors are supposed to be doing a lot of this work.” Such reliance on state action is about to get us into big trouble.
It is hard to imagine anything ever going fully back to normal, and that includes our current fluid division of powers between the federal and state governments. In the near term, states and cities have to continue to step up to fight both the virus and the economic disruption that has already begun. But when the emergency is over, it will be necessary to take a hard look at the naive assumptions that prevented this country from mounting a timely and effective response. A political system that can be brought to its knees by a virus emanating from an obscure city in the Chinese hinterland—and with two months’ notice to prepare—is perhaps not a system worth preserving. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
At the very least, we should be raising difficult, long-postponed questions about how well the present constitutional system is fitted to the exigencies of contemporary life. Our inexcusably delayed response to the virus is not simply a failure of the Trump administration. The encounter with Covid-19 is a perfect case study in America’s deep-seated dysfunction. The Atlantic’s Derek Thompson described the pandemic’s effects in the United States thus far as “a kind of grotesque caricature of American federalism.” We continue to worship the founders as far-seeing, even divinely inspired, political philosophers and constitutional craftsmen. But because the document they bequeathed to posterity nearly two and a half centuries ago is never clear, on almost any subject, about which powers and responsibilities belong to the states and which to the federal government, American politics ever since has been one extended debate—occasionally tipping over into violent struggle—over just what they actually meant.
The United States wouldn’t be alone in seizing on the coronavirus outbreak as an invitation to reconsider long-accepted assumptions about the value of decentralized government. Switzerland is a much looser confederacy than the United States. But “in the face of a global pandemic,” one Swiss paper argued, “federalism is definitely an outdated remedy.” A similar debate has begun in Germany over the country’s commitment to the principle of subsidiarity—the idea that decisions should be made as close to the local level as possible.
Some have tried, as the Harvard scholar Archon Fung recently did in Politico, to put a positive spin on the wholesale abdication of leadership by the federal government. “Just as the trauma of fighting World War II laid the foundations for a stronger American government and national solidarity,” Fung wrote, “the coronavirus crisis might sow the seeds of a new civic federalism, in which states and localities become centers of justice, solidarity and far-sighted democratic problem-solving.” Another way of putting this would be that America’s postwar solidarity—such as it was—has definitively come to an end and the “stronger American government” it supported will soon be a thing of the past. If the worst-case scenarios come true, it may not be a “new civic federalism” that takes the place of our discredited mid-century mythologies, but something darker, more anarchic, less democratic—and far from progressive. Current Issue View our current issue
Absent federal leadership, New America’s Anne-Marie Slaughter recently wrote in the Times, “America will save America” from the pandemic. She cheered evidence of a “horizontal, open society” working as it should, far preferable to a closed, top-down autocratic society like China. To Slaughter and others, the pandemic offers a war-like wake-up call to once more rally ’round the flag.
“We can use this crisis to create a better America,” Slaughter suggested. Maybe. But if the crisis offers a one-time opportunity to rebuild the American political system, perhaps we should consider options other than focusing power in a single radically unrepresentative national government or the 50 wildly unequal states, the often-senseless creations of Gilded Age railroad interests and 17th-century royal decrees.
Instead of prematurely celebrating the leadership shown by states and cities as some kind of triumph of the American system, we ought to recognize it as a desperate grasping for the usual exceptionalist narrative at a time of systemic, world-historical national failure. Juliette Kayyem, a Homeland Security official under Obama, wrote in The Atlantic that Trump’s abandonment of the states calls to mind the weaker union of the Articles of Confederation, under which states constantly put up trade barriers with one another. States are already vying over precious resources—competition that raises the costs for everyone. It’s not inconceivable, once the virus spreads widely through Red State America—where denialist political and media figures have been consistently downplaying the seriousness of the pandemic—that armed checkpoints will go up on roads between states. It is almost as if the union is effectively dissolving before our eyes into its 50 component parts.
Our once widely admired federal system is obviously not up to the challenges of the modern world, or what will be left of it when all this is over. When the dust settles, rethinking the fundamental geography and architecture of government ought to be near the top of the agenda. Yet, while Trump’s ham-handed leadership has slowed the national response, we should be equally wary of a turn toward erratic and autocratic solutions, state-of-emergency “exceptions” that might prove difficult, or even impossible, to repeal.
We are genuinely fortunate that some states and localities have been able to partially fill the vacuum left by national political dysfunction and the Trump administration’s appalling mismanagement. But it has also become clear that action at the state level is too limited to really have a significant effect. That is why New York, Connecticut, and New Jersey have teamed up to contain and mitigate the outbreak. It’s possible that further regional arrangements will transform in the months and years ahead into more formal interstate compacts or “consortiums,” which band together to work out long-term arrangements regarding not only public health but also transportation, infrastructure, and climate change. That would be a good thing, suggestive of an alternate federal framework that could allow for both the scale of medium-size nations and the human-level responsiveness of smaller republics, without dangerously further empowering an already unstable national regime.
As with Trump, if there is any upside to this virus it is that it has revealed so much of what was already wrong with our country. It’s “the disease that divided us,” suggests one Bloomberg pundit—as if we were not deeply divided already. Bipartisan resistance to thoroughgoing constitutional reform has for far too long prevented us from adequately reckoning with the manifold crises besetting 21st century America. If a badly outdated political system is hindering our response to this unprecedented crisis, maybe the time has finally come to rethink it.