thenation--2020-04-27--For White Nationalists, Covid-19 Came Right on Time

Since being ordered to shelter in place , I ’ ve watched every episode of Schitt ’ s Creek and have now resorted to Ru Paul ’ s Drag Race and Top Chef for comfort .
In that world , the worst that can happen is that a joke doesn ’ t land , a costume fails , or someone has to go home .
But those are just distractions .
Most of the day , often most of the night , I fuss and worry , cataloging all of the ways in which this pandemic has , as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ turned a black light onto the semen-stained hotel bed that is America .
The Covid-19 pandemic has exaggerated the downside of neoliberalism , making its effects suddenly legible by presenting them to us in grotesque caricature .
The chickens have come home to roost with a giant thud—a thud resonant enough that more than one kind of precarity is climbing the class ladder and crossing traditional racial divides .
Meanwhile , the haters , the white nationalists , are totally lit over what ’ s going down .
And they aren ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ religious right can hear the pitter-patter of 16 hooves just over the horizon , signaling the end times .
Reports of anti-Asian violence and harassment abound , and right-wing websites , subreddits , and message boards are full of conspiracy theories and racist tropes targeting the Chinese .
Incidents like those documented here , here , and here , point to a resurgence of “ yellow peril ” racism and remind us of the peculiar power of Orientalism to make Asians easy targets of racist conspiracy theories by casting us as forever foreign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ loyalties .
President Trump ’ s insistence on calling Covid-19 “ Chinese , ” whether intended as a deflection or red meat for his base , appears to be playing an important , even definitive role here , legitimating racist right-wing conspiracy theories , and giving white nationalists permission .
That permission is amplified by federal government inaction in the face of community demands to address reports of hate crimes .
The stakes are high .
This country ’ s white nationalists aren ’ t just a marginal movement guided by exotic ideologies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are a well-organized political movement that played a critical role in the election of an American president .
As a result , the far right is better positioned to wield influence than its counterparts on the left .
Taken together , the theocratic Christian and the white nationalist factions of the right are supported by right-wing oligarchs ; they have colleges , a law school , a major news network , and a well-organized , armed paramilitary wing .
And since the Trump presidency , the white nationalists have joined the theocratic Christian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them a direct pipeline into national politics and leadership positions on the White House staff , in the Department of Homeland Security , the Department of State , and the Department of Justice .
For white nationalists , this pandemic may be right on time .
Because when it comes to sheltering in place , white nationalists are the experts .
In the wake of the Oklahoma City bombing 25 years ago this week , they were driven underground .
There they built on their history as early adopters of new technologies by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social media sites that they were already using as one of their primary means of recruitment , radicalization , and political education long before the rest of us were sent indoors by Covid-19 .
And when economic and political systems are exposed as fragile , that apparent fragility may be far more galvanizing for radical movements on the right that are already intent on collapsing government , inciting a civil war , and fomenting revolution .
The current eruptions of anti-Asian harassment and violence may just be—as author Mab Segrest described the Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we are released from quarantine , the wave may follow , bringing the real , lasting damage .
Invigorated white nationalists , viewing the Chinese in Trump ’ s deflections and attacks as a proxy for “ globalists ” —a white nationalist dog whistle for “ Jews ” —could well emerge primed for action .
Steven Gardiner of Political Research Associates , a 40-year-old nonprofit strategy and research center that is monitoring how anti-Chinese resentment is blending with anti-globalism and anti-Semitism , sums up the current situation : “ The racist right is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bigoted call-and-response with the Trump administration… .
Provocateurs like Anne Coulter are consolidating every Sinophobic slur into Covid-19 currency for right-wing media consumers , while more sober seeming outlets like American Renaissance are waxing nostalgic for the Chinese Exclusion Act with unmasked white nationalism.
” This kind of bait-and-switch—in which targets of popular bigotry are used as proxies for less easily assailed scapegoats—is a tried and true tactic of the right .
And it ’ s facilitated by a failure of vigilance against racism and other bigotries , both as social ills @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Jews are both easy targets in the contemporary US context , because the racism we are subjected to isn ’ t regarded as important , politically meaningful , or sexy media fodder .
We think of racism only in terms of harm to “ the most vulnerable.
” We focus mainly on the most corrosive effects in terms of poverty—shortened life expectancies , mass incarceration , unemployment , etc.—which have the effect of making racism appear to be a “ them ” issue to mainstream white voters and not an “ us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ability to see across traditional divides to our shared interest in supporting an equitable welfare state that provides , among other things , robust public health infrastructure .
It is only when racism directed at soft targets like Jews and Asians takes on a certain lurid quality—when it gets exaggerated by racial terrorists—that we consider it important enough for serious consideration by the media and the general public .
I fear that this pandemic may prove to be the Reichstag fire of our time—the kind of shocking , terrorizing event that softens us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
We ’ ve already seen authoritarians around the world—Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines , Viktor Orbán of Hungary , Narendra Modi of India—take advantage of the pandemic to broaden their powers .
Here in the United States , Trump has talked of nationalizing industries and appears to have hopes of using the Covid-19 stimulus package to present himself as a benign dictator .
If the white nationalist right surges as the pandemic winds down , and waves of violence result , the authoritarian opening will only grow bigger .
Identity activists left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a healthy dose of cynicism toward law enforcement and government .
But the fight against the white nationalist movement should be viewed as a fight for the state , not against the state , making the fight against the violent wing of white nationalism a fight for police accountability—not a free-for-all .
If we fail to do so , I fear the opening will become bigger still .
The state must maintain a monopoly on violence .
A challenge to that monopoly from the right , as we saw in Charlottesville and other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s presidency , must be met with immediate , unequivocal opposition by law enforcement .
Opponents of white nationalism must demand enforcement efforts to contain white nationalist terror , seizing the high ground rather than allowing ourselves to be lured into the street brawls that white nationalists are trying to bait us into .
If we fail to do so , false equivalencies can be made , and , through a post-Covid lens conditioned by a softer , gentler brand of authoritarianism posing as protection , the justification for a dramatic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ far behind .
The right , as I pointed out earlier , has many advantages over the left .
But one thing the left has that the right can ’ t match is our shared interest with the majority of Americans who oppose right-wing political agendas and terrorism .
Taking advantage of this opportunity , however , will require us to ally ourselves with more centrist political factions in the most broadly based coalitions possible .
Can we go beyond simply being in the majority to acting like we are the majority ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The future of democracy—and perhaps our very lives—may depend on the answer .

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Since being ordered to shelter in place, I’ve watched every episode of Schitt’s Creek and have now resorted to Ru Paul’s Drag Race and Top Chef for comfort. In that world, the worst that can happen is that a joke doesn’t land, a costume fails, or someone has to go home. But those are just distractions. Most of the day, often most of the night, I fuss and worry, cataloging all of the ways in which this pandemic has, as a friend of a friend put it, turned a black light onto the semen-stained hotel bed that is America.
The Covid-19 pandemic has exaggerated the downside of neoliberalism, making its effects suddenly legible by presenting them to us in grotesque caricature. The chickens have come home to roost with a giant thud—a thud resonant enough that more than one kind of precarity is climbing the class ladder and crossing traditional racial divides. Meanwhile, the haters, the white nationalists, are totally lit over what’s going down. And they aren’t alone. The apocalyptic wing of the religious right can hear the pitter-patter of 16 hooves just over the horizon, signaling the end times.
Reports of anti-Asian violence and harassment abound, and right-wing websites, subreddits, and message boards are full of conspiracy theories and racist tropes targeting the Chinese. Incidents like those documented here, here, and here, point to a resurgence of “yellow peril” racism and remind us of the peculiar power of Orientalism to make Asians easy targets of racist conspiracy theories by casting us as forever foreign in our tastes, interests, and loyalties. President Trump’s insistence on calling Covid-19 “Chinese,” whether intended as a deflection or red meat for his base, appears to be playing an important, even definitive role here, legitimating racist right-wing conspiracy theories, and giving white nationalists permission. That permission is amplified by federal government inaction in the face of community demands to address reports of hate crimes.
The stakes are high. This country’s white nationalists aren’t just a marginal movement guided by exotic ideologies wielded by thugs and outlaws. They are a well-organized political movement that played a critical role in the election of an American president.
As a result, the far right is better positioned to wield influence than its counterparts on the left. Taken together, the theocratic Christian and the white nationalist factions of the right are supported by right-wing oligarchs; they have colleges, a law school, a major news network, and a well-organized, armed paramilitary wing. And since the Trump presidency, the white nationalists have joined the theocratic Christian right as part of the Republican coalition—giving them a direct pipeline into national politics and leadership positions on the White House staff, in the Department of Homeland Security, the Department of State, and the Department of Justice. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
For white nationalists, this pandemic may be right on time. Because when it comes to sheltering in place, white nationalists are the experts. In the wake of the Oklahoma City bombing 25 years ago this week, they were driven underground. There they built on their history as early adopters of new technologies by creating a dense, sophisticated array of social media sites that they were already using as one of their primary means of recruitment, radicalization, and political education long before the rest of us were sent indoors by Covid-19. And when economic and political systems are exposed as fragile, that apparent fragility may be far more galvanizing for radical movements on the right that are already intent on collapsing government, inciting a civil war, and fomenting revolution.
The current eruptions of anti-Asian harassment and violence may just be—as author Mab Segrest described the Trump election—the earthquake before the tsunami. When we are released from quarantine, the wave may follow, bringing the real, lasting damage. Invigorated white nationalists, viewing the Chinese in Trump’s deflections and attacks as a proxy for “globalists”—a white nationalist dog whistle for “Jews”—could well emerge primed for action. Current Issue View our current issue
Steven Gardiner of Political Research Associates, a 40-year-old nonprofit strategy and research center that is monitoring how anti-Chinese resentment is blending with anti-globalism and anti-Semitism, sums up the current situation: “The racist right is both inciting its followers and engaging in a bigoted call-and-response with the Trump administration…. Provocateurs like Anne Coulter are consolidating every Sinophobic slur into Covid-19 currency for right-wing media consumers, while more sober seeming outlets like American Renaissance are waxing nostalgic for the Chinese Exclusion Act with unmasked white nationalism.”
This kind of bait-and-switch—in which targets of popular bigotry are used as proxies for less easily assailed scapegoats—is a tried and true tactic of the right. And it’s facilitated by a failure of vigilance against racism and other bigotries, both as social ills and as antidemocratic ideologies. Asian Americans and Jews are both easy targets in the contemporary US context, because the racism we are subjected to isn’t regarded as important, politically meaningful, or sexy media fodder. We think of racism only in terms of harm to “the most vulnerable.” We focus mainly on the most corrosive effects in terms of poverty—shortened life expectancies, mass incarceration, unemployment, etc.—which have the effect of making racism appear to be a “them” issue to mainstream white voters and not an “us” crisis of democracy, eroding our ability to see across traditional divides to our shared interest in supporting an equitable welfare state that provides, among other things, robust public health infrastructure. It is only when racism directed at soft targets like Jews and Asians takes on a certain lurid quality—when it gets exaggerated by racial terrorists—that we consider it important enough for serious consideration by the media and the general public.
I fear that this pandemic may prove to be the Reichstag fire of our time—the kind of shocking, terrorizing event that softens us for scapegoating and authoritarian appeals from autocrats. We’ve already seen authoritarians around the world—Rodrigo Duterte of the Philippines, Viktor Orbán of Hungary, Narendra Modi of India—take advantage of the pandemic to broaden their powers. Here in the United States, Trump has talked of nationalizing industries and appears to have hopes of using the Covid-19 stimulus package to present himself as a benign dictator. If the white nationalist right surges as the pandemic winds down, and waves of violence result, the authoritarian opening will only grow bigger.
Identity activists left of center in the United States have a healthy dose of cynicism toward law enforcement and government. But the fight against the white nationalist movement should be viewed as a fight for the state, not against the state, making the fight against the violent wing of white nationalism a fight for police accountability—not a free-for-all. If we fail to do so, I fear the opening will become bigger still.
The state must maintain a monopoly on violence. A challenge to that monopoly from the right, as we saw in Charlottesville and other US cities in the first years of Trump’s presidency, must be met with immediate, unequivocal opposition by law enforcement. Opponents of white nationalism must demand enforcement efforts to contain white nationalist terror, seizing the high ground rather than allowing ourselves to be lured into the street brawls that white nationalists are trying to bait us into. If we fail to do so, false equivalencies can be made, and, through a post-Covid lens conditioned by a softer, gentler brand of authoritarianism posing as protection, the justification for a dramatic increase in police repression may not be far behind.
The right, as I pointed out earlier, has many advantages over the left. But one thing the left has that the right can’t match is our shared interest with the majority of Americans who oppose right-wing political agendas and terrorism. Taking advantage of this opportunity, however, will require us to ally ourselves with more centrist political factions in the most broadly based coalitions possible. Can we go beyond simply being in the majority to acting like we are the majority? That is the question of this moment. The future of democracy—and perhaps our very lives—may depend on the answer.


thenation--2020-04-27--Health Workers Care for Us—Are We Caring for Them?

The Nation and Magnum Foundation are partnering on a visual chronicle of untold stories as the coronavirus continues to spread across the United States and the rest of the world .
This week , Liz Sanders documents the health care workers who cared for her father during his final days .
—The Editors This photo essay was supported by the Economic Hardship Reporting Project ( @ econhardship ) .
As I left the hospital here in Hot Springs , Arkansas , after my dad died in early March from complications from dementia , I made a promise to myself to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : write them a letter , or visit them and thank them .
But then , life happened .
There was a funeral home to contact , a death certificate to order , and then , of course , the coronavirus hit .
I soon forgot my promise .
Anyone who has lost a loved one , or been at one ’ s side during illness , knows that your entire focus is on the one you love .
Everything outside of that fades away , your tunnel vision only seeing the one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of them become a blur , in and out of the room , tending to their needs , but then gone again in a flash .
But after my father ’ s death , and as the coronavirus crisis began outpacing our health care system ’ s ability to deal with it , I realized that the best way to deal with my own grief would be to photograph through it , to make images of the health care workers who had intimately cared for my dad during his illness and at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these workers only when we need them , and in the case of this pandemic , we weren ’ t , as a nation , prepared to protect them .
Every week , Sherry Hutson came by to bathe dad and give him a shave .
He called her “ the mayor ” because she was so good at getting him to take a bath , even though he hated it .
“ Well , you must be the president , then , ” ’ she quickly quipped back , and he laughed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get in touch with Sherry , because she was in our family home so often .
But for a lot of dad ’ s last days , I was scrambling between New York , where I had a day job in a gallery , and Arkansas , where I was trying to spend as much time as possible with my dad , to lighten my mom ’ s workload , and to document our relationship in a project called “ Be Here to Love Me.
” As a result , so many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ went smoothly for dad were relatively anonymous to me .
It was harder to track down the hospice care nurses , Joy , Teri , and Kallie .
They knew dad at the most intense and final moments of his life , and when he was gone , so were they .
When my dad was dying , Joy Speers kissed his forehead and stroked his brow .
Now , in the face of the pandemic , that intimacy and kindness comes only through words behind the ever-present and necessary masks .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ cold ” —it is , however , the only way to prevent the virus from ravaging places where people are already at their most vulnerable .
When I asked Teri what was , for her , the hardest thing about working during the Covid-19 pandemic she said , “ Seeing my patients die and their families not able to be with them.
” She wasn ’ t even talking about Covid patients , either .
In fact , in the Arkansas Hospice care floor housed in CHI St. Vincent hospital , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid patient .
So far , Arkansas has been spared the deluge of cases other states have faced—but there have still been over 2,000 confirmed cases in the state , and over 40 deaths .
Governor Asa Hutchinson has said that May 4 is his goal to begin lifting restrictions that have been put in place because of the virus .
Arkansas is the only Southern state in which the governor has not issued a stay-at-home order , leaving employers and individuals to suss out the risks for themselves and make decisions to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has led to an inconsistent response , where some employers and individuals are following the strictest protocol , and others seem lax in ways that are puzzling .
It is not uncommon to be in a public place and see some individuals decked out in gloves and masks and others taking no precautions at all .
All of this tends to add a level of anxiety in the minds of the health care workers and a sense of not knowing whom to trust .
But the virus still touches all aspects of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their patients .
Because of the restrictions hospitals have rightfully set in place because of the virus , only two people are allowed to visit loved ones in the hospital in an entire day .
After 9 pm , that number goes to one , until the next morning .
As a photographer , I wasn ’ t even allowed to go inside the hospital at all , whether or not I wore personal protective equipment .
Recently , Teri told me , a man in hospice care was close to dying .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was with him .
She begged Teri to let her daughter come to the hospital to be with her father as he died , and , despite the rules , Teri ultimately allowed the daughter to come see her dad .
It was a tough call , and too many patients aren ’ t able to be with their families at their time of greatest need .
At the end of someone ’ s life , hospice nurses often spend weeks and months with patients , whom they come to love and connect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and here , it keeps nurses like Teri and Joy from being able to show affection to their patients and their families .
Beyond the emotional strain , there is the pandemic ’ s economic toll : Sherry , who has been a certified nursing assistant ( CNA ) for 17 years , is paid hourly and has seen her hours cut since the pandemic began .
She is now left to budget as best as she can to support herself and her son , Tayveon .
Because of her dip in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stamps , but was denied because the local government said she made too much money to qualify .
The work a CNA performs is some of the riskiest of all , as it involves close contact when bathing and helping patients with hygiene needs .
Patients that were used to seeing Sherry at least once a week are now asking for her and other CNAs to come less often or not at all , for fear of contracting the virus .
Some of Sherry ’ s patients are in nursing homes , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home policies , to visit those patients until further notice .
In this situation , all roles are shifting and every health care worker is being forced to adapt in whatever way they can .
Kallie Lanham is 27 , and has been a nurse for six years , two of which have been in hospice care .
She told me that some facilities have locked supply closets to make sure supplies last until the virus subsides .
Meetings are online , and no one enters the Arkansas Hospice building at all for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home visits every 14 days instead of once a week .
Kallie is a salaried employee and has often asked the CNAs she works with if they would like to deliver medications for her in order to pad their hours and help keep their wages up .
Kallie ’ s husband , Jack , is also a hospice nurse .
When I asked her what it was like for them to be working together side by side in the same field , she told me the best part is being able to come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after a particularly bad day .
Kallie visited my dad and me in our home before we decided to move him to the hospital .
I climbed up in bed next to him and I asked her if she would take pictures of us with my cell phone .
Now a month later , the virus is still spreading and businesses are set to reopen soon—too soon , I worry .
It feels like a lifetime before her kind gesture , or any like it , will be possible .

The Nation and Magnum Foundation are partnering on a visual chronicle of untold stories as the coronavirus continues to spread across the United States and the rest of the world. This week, Liz Sanders documents the health care workers who cared for her father during his final days. —The Editors This photo essay was supported by the Economic Hardship Reporting Project (@econhardship).
As I left the hospital here in Hot Springs, Arkansas, after my dad died in early March from complications from dementia, I made a promise to myself to find the nurses that cared for him: write them a letter, or visit them and thank them. But then, life happened. There was a funeral home to contact, a death certificate to order, and then, of course, the coronavirus hit. I soon forgot my promise.
Anyone who has lost a loved one, or been at one’s side during illness, knows that your entire focus is on the one you love. Everything outside of that fades away, your tunnel vision only seeing the one in need. The people taking care of them become a blur, in and out of the room, tending to their needs, but then gone again in a flash.
But after my father’s death, and as the coronavirus crisis began outpacing our health care system’s ability to deal with it, I realized that the best way to deal with my own grief would be to photograph through it, to make images of the health care workers who had intimately cared for my dad during his illness and at the end of his life. We see these workers only when we need them, and in the case of this pandemic, we weren’t, as a nation, prepared to protect them.
Every week, Sherry Hutson came by to bathe dad and give him a shave. He called her “the mayor” because she was so good at getting him to take a bath, even though he hated it. “Well, you must be the president, then,”’ she quickly quipped back, and he laughed and laughed.
It was easy to get in touch with Sherry, because she was in our family home so often. But for a lot of dad’s last days, I was scrambling between New York, where I had a day job in a gallery, and Arkansas, where I was trying to spend as much time as possible with my dad, to lighten my mom’s workload, and to document our relationship in a project called “Be Here to Love Me.” As a result, so many of the people who made sure everyday life went smoothly for dad were relatively anonymous to me.
It was harder to track down the hospice care nurses, Joy, Teri, and Kallie. They knew dad at the most intense and final moments of his life, and when he was gone, so were they.
When my dad was dying, Joy Speers kissed his forehead and stroked his brow. Now, in the face of the pandemic, that intimacy and kindness comes only through words behind the ever-present and necessary masks. This barrier, Teri Hendry said, feels “cold”—it is, however, the only way to prevent the virus from ravaging places where people are already at their most vulnerable.
When I asked Teri what was, for her, the hardest thing about working during the Covid-19 pandemic she said, “Seeing my patients die and their families not able to be with them.” She wasn’t even talking about Covid patients, either. In fact, in the Arkansas Hospice care floor housed in CHI St. Vincent hospital, she has yet to care for a confirmed Covid patient. So far, Arkansas has been spared the deluge of cases other states have faced—but there have still been over 2,000 confirmed cases in the state, and over 40 deaths. Governor Asa Hutchinson has said that May 4 is his goal to begin lifting restrictions that have been put in place because of the virus.
(Liz Sanders)
Arkansas is the only Southern state in which the governor has not issued a stay-at-home order, leaving employers and individuals to suss out the risks for themselves and make decisions to the best of their abilities. This has led to an inconsistent response, where some employers and individuals are following the strictest protocol, and others seem lax in ways that are puzzling. It is not uncommon to be in a public place and see some individuals decked out in gloves and masks and others taking no precautions at all. All of this tends to add a level of anxiety in the minds of the health care workers and a sense of not knowing whom to trust.
Joy in front of her sister’s home in Hot Springs. Joy has been a licensed practical nurse for 25 years and has worked in hospice care for 10 years. (Liz Sanders)
But the virus still touches all aspects of the care that health workers are providing for their patients. Because of the restrictions hospitals have rightfully set in place because of the virus, only two people are allowed to visit loved ones in the hospital in an entire day. After 9 pm, that number goes to one, until the next morning. As a photographer, I wasn’t even allowed to go inside the hospital at all, whether or not I wore personal protective equipment.
A main thoroughfare in Hot Springs. (Liz Sanders)
CHI St. Vincent Hospital, where Teri and Joy work. (Liz Sanders)
Recently, Teri told me, a man in hospice care was close to dying. It was 5 am and his wife was with him. She begged Teri to let her daughter come to the hospital to be with her father as he died, and, despite the rules, Teri ultimately allowed the daughter to come see her dad. It was a tough call, and too many patients aren’t able to be with their families at their time of greatest need. At the end of someone’s life, hospice nurses often spend weeks and months with patients, whom they come to love and connect with deeply. Covid-19 compromises closeness everywhere, and here, it keeps nurses like Teri and Joy from being able to show affection to their patients and their families.
Kallie sits in her kitchen after her shift as a home hospice nurse for Arkansas Hospice. (Liz Sanders)
Beyond the emotional strain, there is the pandemic’s economic toll: Sherry, who has been a certified nursing assistant (CNA) for 17 years, is paid hourly and has seen her hours cut since the pandemic began. She is now left to budget as best as she can to support herself and her son, Tayveon. Because of her dip in hours, she recently applied for food stamps, but was denied because the local government said she made too much money to qualify. The work a CNA performs is some of the riskiest of all, as it involves close contact when bathing and helping patients with hygiene needs. Patients that were used to seeing Sherry at least once a week are now asking for her and other CNAs to come less often or not at all, for fear of contracting the virus. Some of Sherry’s patients are in nursing homes, and she is unable, due to nursing home policies, to visit those patients until further notice.
Sherry talks to her son Tayveon through the glass of her front door. Home from school like all other students in Arkansas, Tayveon spends most of his days at his dad’s house while his mom is at work. (Liz Sanders)
In this situation, all roles are shifting and every health care worker is being forced to adapt in whatever way they can. Kallie Lanham is 27, and has been a nurse for six years, two of which have been in hospice care. She told me that some facilities have locked supply closets to make sure supplies last until the virus subsides. Meetings are online, and no one enters the Arkansas Hospice building at all for the time being. She now makes home visits every 14 days instead of once a week. Kallie is a salaried employee and has often asked the CNAs she works with if they would like to deliver supplies for her in order to pad their hours and help keep their wages up. Kallie’s husband, Jack, is also a hospice nurse. When I asked her what it was like for them to be working together side by side in the same field, she told me the best part is being able to come home and have someone to cry with after a particularly bad day.
Kallie visited my dad and me in our home before we decided to move him to the hospital. I climbed up in bed next to him and I asked her if she would take pictures of us with my cell phone. Now a month later, the virus is still spreading and businesses are set to reopen soon—too soon, I worry. It feels like a lifetime before her kind gesture, or any like it, will be possible.


thenation--2020-04-27--Without Farmworkers You Wouldn’t Eat

Without Farmworkers You Wouldn’t Eat

Frontline workers during this pandemic , who put their lives on the line daily , are rightly called heroes , but a better term might be victims .
Cheering and clapping every day for health care and other “ essential ” workers does , I am sure , give them a much-needed and well-deserved morale boost .
This pandemic has changed things ; pre-Covid-19 , working under stressful conditions , for low wages , often unseen and underappreciated was , for many , just the way it was .
Clearly , health care workers and support staff are at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ list , as they put their lives on the line daily to provide care , comfort , and hope while tens of thousands are dying .
We all count on them , while hoping that the virus does not bring us under their care .
Food chain workers are also deemed essential , and , just as in the health care industry , many essential workers , especially farmworkers , are immigrants—75 percent , in fact , according to the most recent National Agricultural Workers Survey .
Undervalued and underpaid and doing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always been essential to our food supply , but the pandemic has made that designation official .
Few Americans have ever been inside a food processing plant and witnessed the pace of the work , the physical stress , and the close physical proximity the workers must labor under .
It is impossible to socially distance , so this pandemic has added a new threat to their work , and it could soon severely impact our food supply .
When Covid-19 necessitated processing plant closures , Smithfield chose to blame the immigrant workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ low pay , and Smithfield ’ s failure to ensure a safe working environment .
For White Nationalists , Covid-19 Came Right on Time Health Workers Care for Us—Are We Caring for Them ?
The Burden of Dangerous Work Must Be Shared by All More in this series I know the work ethic of immigrant workers , I ’ ve seen it in processing plants , in the fields of Immoakalee Florida , and on my own farm .
Always , they were hardworking , competent , and just trying to make a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that often does not welcome them and , in many cases , created conditions that forced them to leave their home countries .
The fragility of our consolidated food system is clearly visible during this pandemic : Store shelves are at times empty , while farmers are forced to dump milk and plow under vegetable crops .
We saw the lion ’ s share of last year ’ s Market Facilitation Program payments go to the largest farms , not small farmers or farmworkers .
Now we see a similar situation playing out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ immigrated to the United States ( who pay state , local , and federal taxes ) will not , unless they have a Social Security number , qualify for federal stimulus checks or unemployment insurance .
Farmworkers must continue to work every day as the pandemic changes our world .
They have always worked for low wages while being exposed to agricultural chemicals and forced to live in substandard housing with poor access to health care .
Now they are at even greater risk .
An effective response to this public health emergency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put themselves in harm ’ s way to feed us .
Farmworkers must be provided with adequate personal protective equipment and the ability to practice social distancing while they work .
Housing and transportation for workers must be improved to eliminate the cramped conditions under which workers are forced to live—conditions akin to living in a petri dish .
Paid sick leave and direct payments to farmworkers must be included in any future stimulus package , and congressional oversight must ensure that payments go to small farmers , ranchers , fishers , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agribusiness corporations like the previous Covid-19 stimulus packages .
Readily available virus testing must be provided and , since farmworkers seldom live in communities that provide them access to health care , steps must be taken to set up field hospitals , as was done in cities across the country , before the virus spreads to vulnerable farmworker communities—because if they go down , our food supply goes down with them .
Rather than proposing to cut farmworker wages and put a hold on immigration , perhaps the president should consider the immigrants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and help to build our society .
Perhaps he might also read a bit from his “ favorite book ” and take it to heart ?
“ When an alien resides with you in your land , you shall not oppress the alien .
The alien who resides with you shall be to you as the citizen among you ; you shall love them as yourself , for you were aliens in the land of Egypt ” ( Leviticus 19:33 ) .

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Frontline workers during this pandemic, who put their lives on the line daily, are rightly called heroes, but a better term might be victims. Cheering and clapping every day for health care and other “essential” workers does, I am sure, give them a much-needed and well-deserved morale boost. This pandemic has changed things; pre-Covid-19, working under stressful conditions, for low wages, often unseen and underappreciated was, for many, just the way it was.
Clearly, health care workers and support staff are at the top of everyone’s essential workers’ list, as they put their lives on the line daily to provide care, comfort, and hope while tens of thousands are dying. We all count on them, while hoping that the virus does not bring us under their care.
Food chain workers are also deemed essential, and, just as in the health care industry, many essential workers, especially farmworkers, are immigrants—75 percent, in fact, according to the most recent National Agricultural Workers Survey. Undervalued and underpaid and doing difficult and dangerous work, they have always been essential to our food supply, but the pandemic has made that designation official.
Few Americans have ever been inside a food processing plant and witnessed the pace of the work, the physical stress, and the close physical proximity the workers must labor under. It is impossible to socially distance, so this pandemic has added a new threat to their work, and it could soon severely impact our food supply. When Covid-19 necessitated processing plant closures, Smithfield chose to blame the immigrant workers rather than the poor working conditions, low pay, and Smithfield’s failure to ensure a safe working environment. Coronavirus Amid Partisan Politicking, Revelations on a Covid Origins Article Jimmy Tobias It’s Not “Unreasonable” to Want to Change Our Rotten Health Care System Gregg Gonsalves Covid Has Left Deep Wounds in America’s Rural Communities Anne N. Sosin
I know the work ethic of immigrant workers, I’ve seen it in processing plants, in the fields of Immoakalee Florida, and on my own farm. Always, they were hardworking, competent, and just trying to make a decent home for themselves in this country that often does not welcome them and, in many cases, created conditions that forced them to leave their home countries.
The fragility of our consolidated food system is clearly visible during this pandemic: Store shelves are at times empty, while farmers are forced to dump milk and plow under vegetable crops. We saw the lion’s share of last year’s Market Facilitation Program payments go to the largest farms, not small farmers or farmworkers. Now we see a similar situation playing out with Covid-19 payments: Farmworkers who have immigrated to the United States (who pay state, local, and federal taxes) will not, unless they have a Social Security number, qualify for federal stimulus checks or unemployment insurance.
Farmworkers must continue to work every day as the pandemic changes our world. They have always worked for low wages while being exposed to agricultural chemicals and forced to live in substandard housing with poor access to health care. Now they are at even greater risk. An effective response to this public health emergency must include everyone, especially those who put themselves in harm’s way to feed us. Current Issue View our current issue
Farmworkers must be provided with adequate personal protective equipment and the ability to practice social distancing while they work. Housing and transportation for workers must be improved to eliminate the cramped conditions under which workers are forced to live—conditions akin to living in a petri dish.
Paid sick leave and direct payments to farmworkers must be included in any future stimulus package, and congressional oversight must ensure that payments go to small farmers, ranchers, fishers, and farmworkers rather than targeting commodity growers and agribusiness corporations like the previous Covid-19 stimulus packages.
Readily available virus testing must be provided and, since farmworkers seldom live in communities that provide them access to health care, steps must be taken to set up field hospitals, as was done in cities across the country, before the virus spreads to vulnerable farmworker communities—because if they go down, our food supply goes down with them.
Rather than proposing to cut farmworker wages and put a hold on immigration, perhaps the president should consider the immigrants who feed us, care for us, and help to build our society. Perhaps he might also read a bit from his “favorite book” and take it to heart? “When an alien resides with you in your land, you shall not oppress the alien. The alien who resides with you shall be to you as the citizen among you; you shall love them as yourself, for you were aliens in the land of Egypt” (Leviticus 19:33).


thenation--2020-04-27--Responses to an ‘Open Letter to the New New Left’

The Nation ’ s recent publication of “ An Open Letter to the New New Left ” prompted a range of responses , from affirmation to criticism .
In the spirit of open debate , here are two of the critical responses .
History repeats itself , “ the first time as tragedy , the second time as farce.
” Karl Marx ’ s 170-year-old observation rings true , as some 81 former members of Students for Democratic Society ( SDS ) offer unsolicited advice to the “ new New Left ” in an open letter published by The Nation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s biography of Michael Harrington , SDS members themselves rejected advice from many of their own movement elders , and not solely on the basis of age .
They were open to mentorship from older peace activists who worked alongside them .
I.F .
Stone ’ s criticisms of the anti-war movement got “ a respectful hearing ” because they saw him as part of their struggle against military escalation .
“ By comparison , Michael , Irving Howe , and Bayard Rustin lacked the credentials in the eyes of young antiwar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advice seem cogent , useful , and well intended.
” But the “ old New Left ” did respect older comrades , and listened to those who struggled on their side .
In their open letter to the “ new New Left , ” the authors argue that this generation is somehow insufficiently interested in defeating Trump .
But their claims , particularly that DSA leadership has “ refused ” to back Biden , betray a crucial misunderstanding of the circumstances .
First off , it was delegates at the 2019 convention , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a resolution to endorse no Democrat other than Bernie Sanders for president in 2020 .
( I voted against this resolution as a delegate . )
Second , long gone are the days of paper endorsements .
Today ’ s DSA considers an endorsement not merely a public backing of a candidate but as entailing a serious investment of collective resources and often hundreds of local volunteers .
For some of the “ old New Left ” signatories , a full endorsement of Biden is a “ step too far.
” The same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ limited collective means .
So where is the disagreement ?
The authors seem to be arguing against a straw man—the idea that the “ new New Left ” is taking an accelerationist position in the 2020 presidential election with the belief that things must get worse before they can get better .
They write that some on the left “ can not see the difference between a capitalist democrat and a protofascist.
” This is a stance that neither DSA has taken nor the vast majority of members claim .
An Open Letter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Old New Left Former leaders of the Students for a Democratic Society It is almost certain that the vast majority of DSA members—especially those in swing states—will cast their ballots for Joe Biden in November .
Like in 2016 , DSA nationally may encourage get-out-the-vote efforts in addition to its ongoing work fighting the Trump administration .
In recent years , DSA has grown from roughly 6,000 members with three or four dozen chapters to nearly 70,000 , with hundreds of student and local groups .
The enormous influx of new members , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and political experiences to the organization , has helped transform it into something stronger than ever before .
As I approach middle age , after 17 years in the organization , I now find myself in the political minority , when my views had once been the consensus .
But I remain active and committed to DSA because I still believe we have the best chance to build a more democratic world economically , politically , and socially .
I also treasure the comradely relationships I ’ ve built over the years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and mentor .
I call on the authors of the letter to get active in their DSA chapters .
The socialist struggle is new to many , and these burgeoning comrades will open themselves up when they personally get to know movement veterans .
It will take some time and may include rejection , but will be much more emotionally rewarding and successful than an open letter .
Trust me .
David Duhalde is the former deputy director of DSA .
I ’ m astonished by the binary choice presented in this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fight over the platform .
It should be written by progressives and include Medicare for All .
The combined strength of Sanders and Warren delegates plus Biden delegates who support universal coverage makes this a real possibility .
In any case , we should never accept a simple coronation in the name of unity .
Some unnamed fraction of DSA is not the major problem ; it ’ s the deep alienation of millennials from the Democratic Party .
If we are to prevent Trump ’ s reelection , we must ensure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reasons to come to polls .
I share many of the experiences of the signers and will do my best , however , reluctantly , to bring out a vote for Biden .
But I ’ ve also been in heated conversation with my students and my own younger children , still in high school .
I can tell you that in their view of the world , beating Trump is not necessarily more important than stopping a “ return to normalcy ” by the Democratic establishment .
If we want a genuine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a convincing argument that a strategic vote for Biden does not entail any concession of the core demands of the Sanders campaign .
They , in turn , might educate us about some of the paths forward .
Mike Davis is a contributing editor to The Nation .

The Nation’s recent publication of “An Open Letter to the New New Left” prompted a range of responses, from affirmation to criticism. In the spirit of open debate, here are two of the critical responses.
David Duhalde: Fighting a Straw Man
History repeats itself, “the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce.” Karl Marx’s 170-year-old observation rings true, as some 81 former members of Students for Democratic Society (SDS) offer unsolicited advice to the “new New Left” in an open letter published by The Nation last week.
According to Maurice Isserman’s biography of Michael Harrington, SDS members themselves rejected advice from many of their own movement elders, and not solely on the basis of age. They were open to mentorship from older peace activists who worked alongside them. I.F. Stone’s criticisms of the anti-war movement got “a respectful hearing” because they saw him as part of their struggle against military escalation. “By comparison, Michael, Irving Howe, and Bayard Rustin lacked the credentials in the eyes of young antiwar protesters that would have made their unsolicited advice seem cogent, useful, and well intended.” But the “old New Left” did respect older comrades, and listened to those who struggled on their side.
In their open letter to the “new New Left,” the authors argue that this generation is somehow insufficiently interested in defeating Trump. But their claims, particularly that DSA leadership has “refused” to back Biden, betray a crucial misunderstanding of the circumstances.
First off, it was delegates at the 2019 convention, not the DSA leadership, who passed a resolution to endorse no Democrat other than Bernie Sanders for president in 2020. (I voted against this resolution as a delegate.)
Second, long gone are the days of paper endorsements. Today’s DSA considers an endorsement not merely a public backing of a candidate but as entailing a serious investment of collective resources and often hundreds of local volunteers. For some of the “old New Left” signatories, a full endorsement of Biden is a “step too far.” The same is true for DSA, with its limited collective means. So where is the disagreement?
The authors seem to be arguing against a straw man—the idea that the “new New Left” is taking an accelerationist position in the 2020 presidential election with the belief that things must get worse before they can get better. They write that some on the left “cannot see the difference between a capitalist democrat and a protofascist.” This is a stance that neither DSA has taken nor the vast majority of members claim. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Related Article An Open Letter to the New New Left From the Old New Left Former leaders of the Students for a Democratic Society
It is almost certain that the vast majority of DSA members—especially those in swing states—will cast their ballots for Joe Biden in November. Like in 2016, DSA nationally may encourage get-out-the-vote efforts in addition to its ongoing work fighting the Trump administration.
In recent years, DSA has grown from roughly 6,000 members with three or four dozen chapters to nearly 70,000, with hundreds of student and local groups. The enormous influx of new members, who have brought their ideas, energy, and political experiences to the organization, has helped transform it into something stronger than ever before. As I approach middle age, after 17 years in the organization, I now find myself in the political minority, when my views had once been the consensus. But I remain active and committed to DSA because I still believe we have the best chance to build a more democratic world economically, politically, and socially. I also treasure the comradely relationships I’ve built over the years as a friend, organizer, staffer, and mentor.
I call on the authors of the letter to get active in their DSA chapters. The socialist struggle is new to many, and these burgeoning comrades will open themselves up when they personally get to know movement veterans. It will take some time and may include rejection, but will be much more emotionally rewarding and successful than an open letter. Trust me.
David Duhalde is the former deputy director of DSA.
Mike Davis: Misunderstanding the Problem
I’m astonished by the binary choice presented in this letter. The immediate battle ahead is the fight over the platform. It should be written by progressives and include Medicare for All. The combined strength of Sanders and Warren delegates plus Biden delegates who support universal coverage makes this a real possibility. In any case, we should never accept a simple coronation in the name of unity.
Some unnamed fraction of DSA is not the major problem; it’s the deep alienation of millennials from the Democratic Party. If we are to prevent Trump’s reelection, we must ensure a Democratic platform that gives younger voters reasons to come to polls. I share many of the experiences of the signers and will do my best, however, reluctantly, to bring out a vote for Biden.
But I’ve also been in heated conversation with my students and my own younger children, still in high school. I can tell you that in their view of the world, beating Trump is not necessarily more important than stopping a “return to normalcy” by the Democratic establishment. If we want a genuine dialogue with them, we must make a convincing argument that a strategic vote for Biden does not entail any concession of the core demands of the Sanders campaign. They, in turn, might educate us about some of the paths forward.
Mike Davis is a contributing editor to The Nation.


thenation--2020-04-27--Larry Summers Is a Dead Albatross Around Biden’s Neck

In his bid to consolidate support within the Democratic coalition , Joe Biden keeps signaling that he ’ ll govern as a progressive .
In an interview with Politico published on Saturday , Biden declared that the $ 2 trillion spent so far on stimulus needs to be a “ a hell of a lot bigger.
” According to Politico ’ s Michael Grunwald , Biden sounded like Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders in calling for “ much stricter oversight of the Trump administration , much tougher conditions on business bailouts and long-term investments in infrastructure and climate that have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ debates.
” “ I think there ’ s going to be a willingness to fix some of the institutional inequities that have existed for a long time , ” Biden told Grunwald .
“ Milton Friedman isn ’ t running the show anymore.
” These are welcome words to anyone who believes recession-wracked America needs a massive injection of Keynesian spending , ideally structured around a Green New Deal to help tackle climate change .
But can Biden be trusted to keep his word ?
After all , his own long record as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to credit his newfound economic populism .
Further , some of Biden ’ s top advisers are anathema to progressives .
As Grunwald notes , “ This week , Biden has taken flak from the left for including the corporate-friendly Democratic economist Lawrence Summers on internal calls.
” Larry Summers , a Harvard economist who held senior posts under both Bill Clinton and Barack Obama , has a record that is even more dismaying than Biden ’ s .
Going back decades , Summers has opposed big stimulus spending , regulation of Wall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There are two main objections to Summers : his personality and his politics .
He has a well-documented history of being an overbearing boss , a know-it-all with a habit of publicly humiliating his underlings and colleagues .
Christina Romer , who served as chairwoman of the Council of Economic Advisers in the Obama administration , complained that Summers treated her like “ a piece of meat.
” Summers ’ s stormy tenure as president of Harvard University from 2001 to 2006 was cut short by a faculty revolt , motivated by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Cornel West , his claim that women weren ’ t doing well in the sciences because of innate cognitive inferiority in their math skills , and his support of a protégé who had run roughshod over conflict-of-interest regulations while running an economic reform program in Russia .
( In recent years , a fresh controversy has emerged from Summers ’ s tenure as Harvard president involving donations from the notorious child molester Jeffrey Epstein ) .
As appalling as Summers might be on a personal level , his politics are even worse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bid adieu to the era of Milton Friedman , the right-wing economist who was one of the major architects of neoliberalism , but Larry Summers most definitely is not .
In a 2006 New York Times opinion piece written on the occasion of Friedman ’ s death , Summers wrote , “ I feel that I have lost a hero—a man whose success demonstrates that great ideas convincingly advanced can change the lives of people around the world.
” Making a small demurral over Friedman ’ s lack of concern for social justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thinker ’ s worldview .
“ Not so long ago , we were all Keynesians , ” Summers wrote .
“ Equally , any honest Democrat will admit that we are now all Friedmanites.
” Summers was not merely being polite out of respect for a recently departed eminence .
Rather , he was being candid in describing himself as a Friedmanite Democrat , someone who belongs to a left-of-center party but constantly tugs it to the right .
Summers ’ s Friedmanite politics can be seen in virtually everything he ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Clinton administration , he opposed the efforts of Asian countries to impose capital controls during the economic crisis of 1997 .
He also pushed for the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act , a deregulatory move that allowed commercial banks to run hog wild with risky investments , a major factor in the 2008 economic crash .
As Michael Hirsh noted in National Journal in 2013 : According to Robert Kuttner , co-editor of The American Prospect , Hirch paid a price for documenting Summers ’ s history .
Kuttner claims that “ after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ then the publisher of Atlantic Media , which owned National Journal , Hirsh was advised to seek other work—he ended up moving to Politico and then to Foreign Policy , though no errors were ever found in the Summers piece and no correction was ever issued.
” Underlying all of Summers ’ s actions is a firm belief in the fundamental rightness of the existing economic order and the enormous inequality it produces .
During the early days of the Obama administration , Summers told a reporter , “ One of the reasons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our society is that people are being treated closer to the way that they ’ re supposed to be treated.
” Summers opposes a wealth tax .
In October 2019 , he made the strange argument that “ if the wealth tax had been in place a century ago , we would have had more anti-Semitism from Henry Ford and a smaller Ford Foundation today.
” In fact , Henry Ford spent lavishly on anti-Semitism .
Nor did Ford ’ s philanthropy make up for his bigotry .
The two sometimes went hand @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Foundation ’ s support of eugenics in the early 20th century .
When Barack Obama floated the idea of nominating Summers to be chairman of the Federal Reserve in 2013 , the move was opposed not just by progressive senators like Elizabeth Warren and Sherrod Brown but also by their moderate colleagues like Jon Tester and Heidi Heitkamp .
Summers was simply too tainted .
If Joe Biden wants to prove his bona fides to progressives , he ’ ll have to cut his ties to Larry Summers .

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In his bid to consolidate support within the Democratic coalition, Joe Biden keeps signaling that he’ll govern as a progressive. In an interview with Politico published on Saturday, Biden declared that the $2 trillion spent so far on stimulus needs to be a “a hell of a lot bigger.” According to Politico’s Michael Grunwald, Biden sounded like Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders in calling for “much stricter oversight of the Trump administration, much tougher conditions on business bailouts and long-term investments in infrastructure and climate that have so far been largely absent from congressional debates.”
“I think there’s going to be a willingness to fix some of the institutional inequities that have existed for a long time,” Biden told Grunwald. “Milton Friedman isn’t running the show anymore.”
These are welcome words to anyone who believes recession-wracked America needs a massive injection of Keynesian spending, ideally structured around a Green New Deal to help tackle climate change. But can Biden be trusted to keep his word? After all, his own long record as a Wall Street–friendly centrist makes it hard to credit his newfound economic populism.
Further, some of Biden’s top advisers are anathema to progressives. As Grunwald notes, “This week, Biden has taken flak from the left for including the corporate-friendly Democratic economist Lawrence Summers on internal calls.”
Larry Summers, a Harvard economist who held senior posts under both Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, has a record that is even more dismaying than Biden’s. Going back decades, Summers has opposed big stimulus spending, regulation of Wall Street, and pushes for economic equality.
There are two main objections to Summers: his personality and his politics. He has a well-documented history of being an overbearing boss, a know-it-all with a habit of publicly humiliating his underlings and colleagues. Christina Romer, who served as chairwoman of the Council of Economic Advisers in the Obama administration, complained that Summers treated her like “a piece of meat.”
Summers’s stormy tenure as president of Harvard University from 2001 to 2006 was cut short by a faculty revolt, motivated by his browbeating of African American professors such as Cornel West, his claim that women weren’t doing well in the sciences because of innate cognitive inferiority in their math skills, and his support of a protégé who had run roughshod over conflict-of-interest regulations while running an economic reform program in Russia. (In recent years, a fresh controversy has emerged from Summers’s tenure as Harvard president involving donations from the notorious child molester Jeffrey Epstein). Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
As appalling as Summers might be on a personal level, his politics are even worse. Joe Biden might be ready to bid adieu to the era of Milton Friedman, the right-wing economist who was one of the major architects of neoliberalism, but Larry Summers most definitely is not.
In a 2006 New York Times opinion piece written on the occasion of Friedman’s death, Summers wrote, “I feel that I have lost a hero—a man whose success demonstrates that great ideas convincingly advanced can change the lives of people around the world.” Making a small demurral over Friedman’s lack of concern for social justice, Summers aligned himself with the neoliberal thinker’s worldview. “Not so long ago, we were all Keynesians,” Summers wrote. “Equally, any honest Democrat will admit that we are now all Friedmanites.”
Summers was not merely being polite out of respect for a recently departed eminence. Rather, he was being candid in describing himself as a Friedmanite Democrat, someone who belongs to a left-of-center party but constantly tugs it to the right.
Summers’s Friedmanite politics can be seen in virtually everything he’s done in public life. During the Clinton administration, he opposed the efforts of Asian countries to impose capital controls during the economic crisis of 1997. He also pushed for the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act, a deregulatory move that allowed commercial banks to run hog wild with risky investments, a major factor in the 2008 economic crash.
As Michael Hirsh noted in National Journal in 2013:
As a government official, [Summers] helped author a series of ultimately disastrous or wrongheaded policies, from his big deregulatory moves as a Clinton administration apparatchik to his too-tepid response to the Great Recession as Obama’s chief economic adviser. Summers pushed a stimulus that was too meek, and, along with his chief ally, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner, he helped to ensure that millions of desperate mortgage-holders would stay underwater by failing to support a ‘cramdown’ that would have allowed federal bankruptcy judges to have banks reduce mortgage balances, cut interest rates, and lengthen the terms of loans.
According to Robert Kuttner, co-editor of The American Prospect, Hirch paid a price for documenting Summers’s history. Kuttner claims that “after Summers personally complained to David Bradley, then the publisher of Atlantic Media, which owned National Journal, Hirsh was advised to seek other work—he ended up moving to Politico and then to Foreign Policy, though no errors were ever found in the Summers piece and no correction was ever issued.”
Underlying all of Summers’s actions is a firm belief in the fundamental rightness of the existing economic order and the enormous inequality it produces. During the early days of the Obama administration, Summers told a reporter, “One of the reasons that inequality has probably gone up in our society is that people are being treated closer to the way that they’re supposed to be treated.” Summers opposes a wealth tax. In October 2019, he made the strange argument that “if the wealth tax had been in place a century ago, we would have had more anti-Semitism from Henry Ford and a smaller Ford Foundation today.” In fact, Henry Ford spent lavishly on anti-Semitism. Nor did Ford’s philanthropy make up for his bigotry. The two sometimes went hand in hand, as with the Ford Foundation’s support of eugenics in the early 20th century.
When Barack Obama floated the idea of nominating Summers to be chairman of the Federal Reserve in 2013, the move was opposed not just by progressive senators like Elizabeth Warren and Sherrod Brown but also by their moderate colleagues like Jon Tester and Heidi Heitkamp. Summers was simply too tainted.
If Joe Biden wants to prove his bona fides to progressives, he’ll have to cut his ties to Larry Summers.


thenation--2020-04-28--The End of the Campaign Is Not the End of the Movement

“ Bernie and I just talk about what ’ s next.
” Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez ’ s recent statement on the New York Times ‘ podcast The Daily reflected what ’ s on the minds of many who poured their time , energy , and resources into the progressive candidacies of Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren.1 Both presidential bids were as much cause as campaign .
Now that the campaigns have ended , what happens to the cause ?
2 Those of us who received our political baptism during Reverend Jesse Jackson ’ s progressive , movement-based , presidential campaigns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question at the conclusion of his second run .
Like Sanders , Jackson offered America a vision of a far more just and equal society ; his “ Rainbow Coalition ” rocked the political establishment in 1988 when he won the Michigan primary , temporarily taking the lead for the Democratic nomination.3 As an idealistic California college student , I gravitated toward Jackson ’ s campaigns .
I ended up running his student operation in the state and became a delegate at the 1988 convention .
When it became clear that his opponent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic nominee , it felt like we had failed .
But an electoral campaign can make lasting social change that extends far beyond the temporal limits of that specific election .
With the clarity of hindsight , I now see what Jackson meant when he said throughout the campaign : “ We ’ re winning every day.
” 4 The legacy of Jackson ’ s Rainbow Coalition reveals three important lessons for those who came of age in the Sanders and Warren campaigns , as they now seek to make their mark in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most lasting impact of the Jackson campaigns is the empowerment and elevation of the people who were part of that effort .
“ The most positive thing that came out of the campaign was how it inspired his supporters to run for local office , ” Eddie Wong , Jackson ’ s 1988 national field director , told me recently .
“ The momentum from the campaign and the infrastructure and alliances that were created laid the basis for several successful efforts.
” 7 I can personally attest to this .
The electoral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appearances , raising money , and identifying , contacting and mobilizing voters receptive to the Rainbow—inspired me to run for office , and educated me about how to win.8 In 1990 , Mabel Teng , the California state co-chair of Jackson ’ s 1988 campaign , became one of the first Chinese American women to be elected to citywide office in San Francisco when she won a seat on the city ’ s Community College Board .
When I congratulated her at her victory party , she pointed at me and said , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was right : Two years later , I was elected to the San Francisco Board of Education.9 That kind of encouragement and solidarity propelled people across the country to jump into electoral politics—and in the two years after Jackson ’ s candidacy ended , multiple progressive champions began their political ascent .
Barbara Lee entered elected office as a state legislator , Maxine Waters secured a US congressional seat , and Paul Wellstone , who co-chaired Jackson ’ s Minnesota campaign , won election to the United States Senate.10 Over the next two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ positions of power beyond elected office .
Activists inspired by Jackson ’ s 1984 campaign went on to become labor leaders in places such as Watsonville , California , where Gloria Betancourt and other Mexican American cannery workers led a historic , 18-month strike starting in 1985 that improved conditions for workers throughout the industry .
Leaders from that movement later helped transform the formerly all-white Watsonville city council into a body that is now majority Latinx.11 In the non-profit sector , Ben Jealous—who cut his teeth as a teenage field organizer in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president of the NAACP in 2008 .
He connected its considerable clout to successful efforts to end the death penalty in New Mexico and other states , pass the Dream Act in Maryland , and champion marriage equality across the country.12 The Sanders and Warren campaigns could have a similar legacy .
Ocasio-Cortez has already emerged as a national leader of the Sanders movement , and African American operative Jessica Byrd , who backed Warren , is becoming one of the country ’ s pre-eminent political strategists and experts .
Who else will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will manage those campaigns ?
Who will take the reins of Democratic committees , SuperPACs , and key non-profit organizations ?
Who will shape and implement pivotal public policies that advance the goals of the movement ?
13 The ultimate point of a populist revolution is to transform priorities and public policies .
It is particularly important to choose strategic policy battles that can build on the strengths of the movement.15 One such frontier is the expansion of democracy , and the elimination of rules that dilute the power of people of color @ @ @ @ @ @ @ primaries followed a winner-take-all format in which the winning candidate in any given congressional district received all of its allocated delegates .
( Republican primaries are still decided this way in some states . )
Jackson fought those rules for years , ultimately winning significant changes that lowered the threshold for accumulating delegates .
Now any candidate who secures at least 15 percent of the vote in any state receives a proportional number of that district ’ s state-level delegates.16 That change paved the way for Barack Obama to win the Democratic nomination @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meant that Obama could amass delegates in states with large black populations—even those where Hillary Clinton won overall—and establish a lead that his rival could not overcome.17 Other movements for change start at the local level , then gather momentum as they spread across the country .
Progressive policy agendas are not limited to what can get through Congress.18 Cities in California have already demonstrated this .
While extraordinary amounts of time , energy , and resources were poured into national battles over expanding health care coverage , San Francisco showed in 2007 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care plan at the municipal level first.19 Likewise , Sanders ’ s campaigns have galvanized a generation with the call to make college free .
Michael Tubbs of Stockton , California—then a city councilmember—welcomed Sanders to his city during the senator ’ s 2016 presidential campaign .
After becoming mayor , Tubbs implemented the Stockton Scholars program in 2018 , which guarantees that every high school graduate in the city can get funding to continue their education.20 Sanders and Warren supporters live all over the country , and they now have an opportunity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the state and local levels.21 The primary reason that Jackson ’ s candidacies have reverberated for decades is that his movement came out of—and remained connected to—the African American freedom struggle .
Jackson ’ s involvement extended all the way back to his days as a key lieutenant of Martin Luther King Jr. , and continued through his leadership in the civil rights movement in the 1970s and ‘ 80s.23 During his speech at the 1988 Democratic National Convention , Jackson situated the moment in its historical context : “ We sit here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sons and daughters of slave masters and the sons and daughters of slaves , sitting together around a common table to decide the direction of our party and our country.
” 24 His fidelity to the cause inspired historic African American voter turnout that year , propelling his candidacy close to the pinnacle of American politics.25 The harsh truth is that Sanders and Warren were unable to convince and inspire many black voters during their campaigns .
That failure is particularly cruel because the African American experience lies at the heart of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to highlight.26 If Progressives Want to Win , They ’ ll Have to Talk About White Supremacy Sanders , in particular , fell short because his language always seemed to reduce the struggle for racial justice to a subset of the larger fight against economic inequality .
As Jessica Byrd explained on the podcast Deep Democracy in October : “ So much of the nucleus of systemic oppression and injustice [ in America ] is around black identity in this country , and by centering black people , what we actually do is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recreate and reimagine a world in which everyone is free , because we have gotten to the root.
” 27 The people who will carry on the legacy of Sanders ’ s movement must not replicate his error .
They will be unable to elevate the leaders and pass the policies that this country needs most without making close connections to the African American struggle for justice and equality .
If they can prioritize these relationships in their own communities , it will pay dividends in political and social change.28 After the 1988 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , got involved in local politics , and joined a community-based organization called Black Men in Action that was founded by the late Rotea Gilford , who had been a deputy mayor to Dianne Feinstein.29 Gilford took me under his wing .
I ’ ll never forget him telling me : “ All these years white politicians been leaning on us for support .
Well , now I ’ m going to lean back on them for you.
” 30 When I went to Nancy Pelosi to seek her backing for my nascent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions she asked me was about my ties in the black community .
Gilford was true to his word : The Black Men in Action seal of approval helped secure her support , and proved pivotal to my becoming the youngest person ever elected to citywide office in San Francisco at the time.31 As Sanders and Warren supporters chart their next steps , they should ask themselves what their connections are to black communities in their area .
What black-led groups are they working with , and how are they harnessing the assets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the donor networks , the volunteer-organizing technology—to strengthen the work of those organizations ?
Can they recruit people from those communities to run for local office , and promise to put the knowledge and might of their movement behind them ?
32 I left the Democratic National Convention in Atlanta in 1988 disappointed that Jackson didn ’ t win .
I was nonetheless full of hope and optimism about the future of the Rainbow Coalition , and the years that followed his runs showed that the power and energy unleashed by a progressive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forward.33 Today , the hundreds of thousands of people who participated in or contributed to the Sanders and Warren campaigns face a similar situation .
I am a witness to the possibility that just because your candidate does not become the nominee , it doesn ’ t mean that your cause can ’ t continue to change the country for the better.34

“Bernie and I just talk about what’s next.” Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s recent statement on the New York Times’ podcast The Daily reflected what’s on the minds of many who poured their time, energy, and resources into the progressive candidacies of Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren.
Both presidential bids were as much cause as campaign. Now that the campaigns have ended, what happens to the cause?
Those of us who received our political baptism during the Rev. Jesse Jackson’s progressive, movement-based, presidential campaigns in 1984 and ’88 faced a similar question at the conclusion of his second run. Like Sanders, Jackson offered America a vision of a far more just and equal society; his Rainbow Coalition rocked the political establishment in 1988 when he won the Michigan primary, temporarily taking the lead for the Democratic nomination.
As an idealistic California college student, I gravitated toward Jackson’s campaigns. I ended up running his student operation in the state and became a delegate at the 1988 convention. When it became clear that his opponent, Michael Dukakis, would become the Democratic nominee, it felt like we had failed. But an electoral campaign can make lasting social change that extends far beyond the temporal limits of that specific election. With the clarity of hindsight, I now see what Jackson meant when he said throughout the campaign, “We’re winning every day.”
The legacy of Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition reveals three important lessons for those who came of age in the Sanders and Warren campaigns, as they now seek to make their mark in the coming months and years.
Put People in Positions of Power
Perhaps the most lasting impact of the Jackson campaigns is the empowerment and elevation of the people who were part of that effort. “The most positive thing that came out of the campaign was how it inspired his supporters to run for local office,” Eddie Wong, Jackson’s 1988 national field director, told me recently. “The momentum from the campaign and the infrastructure and alliances that were created laid the basis for several successful efforts.”
I can personally attest to this. The electoral experience I gained during those campaigns—doing media appearances, raising money, and identifying, contacting, and mobilizing voters receptive to the coalition—inspired me to run for office, and educated me about how to win. Current Issue View our current issue
In 1990, Mabel Teng, the California state cochair of Jackson’s 1988 campaign, became one of the first Chinese American women to be elected to citywide office in San Francisco when she won a seat on the city’s Community College Board. When I congratulated her at her victory party, she pointed at me and said, “You’re next.” She was right: Two years later, I was elected to the San Francisco Board of Education. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
That kind of encouragement and solidarity propelled people across the country to jump into electoral politics—and in the two years after Jackson’s candidacy ended, multiple progressive champions began their political ascent. Barbara Lee entered elected office as a state legislator, Maxine Waters secured a US congressional seat, and Paul Wellstone, who cochaired Jackson’s Minnesota campaign, won election to the United States Senate.
Over the next two decades, Rainbow veterans continued to secure positions of power beyond elected office. Activists inspired by Jackson’s 1984 campaign went on to become labor leaders in places such as Watsonville, California, where Gloria Betancourt and other Mexican American cannery workers led a historic, 18-month strike starting in 1985 that improved conditions for workers throughout the industry. Leaders from that movement later helped transform the formerly all-white Watsonville city council into a body that is now majority Latinx. Related Article Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition Created Today’s Democratic Politics Steve Cobble
In the nonprofit sector, Ben Jealous—who cut his teeth as a teenage field organizer in Jackson’s 1988 campaign—became the youngest-ever president of the NAACP in 2008. He connected its considerable clout to successful efforts to end the death penalty in New Mexico and other states, pass the Dream Act in Maryland, and champion marriage equality across the country.
The Sanders and Warren campaigns could have a similar legacy. Ocasio-Cortez has already emerged as a national leader of the Sanders movement, and African American operative Jessica Byrd, who backed Warren, is becoming one of the country’s preeminent political strategists and experts. Who else will run for office next, and who will manage those campaigns? Who will take the reins of Democratic committees, Super PACs, and key nonprofit organizations? Who will shape and implement pivotal public policies that advance the goals of the movement?
Pass Progressive Policies
The ultimate point of a populist revolution is to transform priorities and public policies. It is particularly important to choose strategic policy battles that can build on the strengths of the movement.
One such frontier is the expansion of democracy, and the elimination of rules that dilute the power of people of color. Prior to 1984, the Democratic primaries followed a winner-take-all format in which the winning candidate in any given congressional district received all of its allocated delegates. (Republican primaries are still decided this way in some states.) Jackson fought those rules for years, ultimately winning significant changes that lowered the threshold for accumulating delegates. Now, any candidate who secures at least 15 percent of the vote in any state receives a proportional number of that district’s state-level delegates.
That change paved the way for Barack Obama to win the Democratic nomination in 2007. The proportional allocation rules meant that Obama could amass delegates in states with large black populations—even those where Hillary Clinton won overall—and establish a lead that his rival could not overcome.
Other movements for change start at the local level, then gather momentum as they spread across the country. Progressive policy agendas are not limited to what can get through Congress.
Cities in California have already demonstrated this. While extraordinary amounts of time, energy, and resources were poured into national battles over expanding health care coverage, San Francisco showed in 2007 that you could pass a comprehensive health care plan at the municipal level first.
Likewise, Sanders’s campaigns have galvanized a generation with the call to make college free. Michael Tubbs of Stockton, California—then a city council member—welcomed Sanders to his city during the senator’s 2016 presidential campaign. After becoming mayor, Tubbs implemented the Stockton Scholars program in 2018, which guarantees that every high school graduate in the city can get funding to continue their education.
Sanders and Warren supporters live all over the country, and they now have an opportunity to explore and advance their causes at the state and local levels.
Bond with the Black Freedom Struggle
The primary reason that Jackson’s candidacies have reverberated for decades is that his movement came out of—and remained connected to—the African American freedom struggle. Jackson’s involvement extended all the way back to his days as a key lieutenant of Martin Luther King Jr., and continued through his leadership in the civil rights movement in the 1970s and ’80s.
During his speech at the 1988 Democratic National Convention, Jackson situated the moment in its historical context: “We sit here together, a rainbow coalition, the sons and daughters of slave masters and the sons and daughters of slaves, sitting together around a common table to decide the direction of our party and our country.”
Jackson stands with his family before delivering an emotional speech at the Democratic National Convention, July 1988. (David Longstreath / AP Photo)
His fidelity to the cause inspired historic African American voter turnout that year, propelling his candidacy close to the pinnacle of American politics.
The harsh truth is that Sanders and Warren were unable to convince and inspire many black voters during their campaigns. That failure is particularly cruel because the African American experience lies at the heart of the inequalities and contradictions that they both sought to highlight.
Sanders, in particular, fell short because his language always seemed to reduce the struggle for racial justice to a subset of the larger fight against economic inequality. As Jessica Byrd explained on the podcast Deep Democracy in October: “So much of the nucleus of systemic oppression and injustice [in America] is around black identity in this country, and by centering black people, what we actually do is address the root of the problem…. We can recreate and reimagine a world in which everyone is free, because we have gotten to the root.”
The people who will carry on the legacy of Sanders’s movement must not replicate his error. They will be unable to elevate the leaders and pass the policies that this country needs most without making close connections to the African American struggle for justice and equality. If they can prioritize these relationships in their own communities, it will pay dividends in political and social change.
After the 1988 campaign, I moved to San Francisco, got involved in local politics, and joined a community-based organization called Black Men in Action that was founded by the late Rotea Gilford, who had been a deputy mayor to Dianne Feinstein. Related Article If Progressives Want to Win, They’ll Have to Talk About White Supremacy Steve Phillips
Gilford took me under his wing. I’ll never forget him telling me, “All these years white politicians been leaning on us for support. Well, now I’m going to lean back on them for you.”
When I went to Nancy Pelosi to seek her backing for my nascent school board campaign, one of first questions she asked me was about my ties to the black community. Gilford was true to his word: The Black Men in Action seal of approval helped secure her support, and proved pivotal to my becoming the youngest person ever elected to citywide office in San Francisco at the time.
As Sanders and Warren supporters chart their next steps, they should ask themselves what their connections are to black communities in their area. What black-led groups are they working with, and how are they harnessing the assets of the campaign—the voter ID lists, the donor networks, the volunteer-organizing technology—to strengthen the work of those organizations? Can they recruit people from those communities to run for local office, and promise to put the knowledge and might of their movement behind them?
I left the Democratic National Convention in Atlanta in 1988 disappointed that Jackson didn’t win. I was nonetheless full of hope and optimism about the future of the Rainbow Coalition, and the years that followed his runs showed that the power and energy unleashed by a progressive campaign could still help to move us forward.
Today, the hundreds of thousands of people who participated in or contributed to the Sanders and Warren campaigns face a similar situation. I am a witness to the possibility that just because your candidate does not become the nominee, it doesn’t mean that your cause can’t continue to change the country for the better.