thenation--2020-10-22--QAnon Is Becoming a Republican Dog Whistle

QAnon may be losing some of its online platforms—but the conspiracy theory is increasingly being enabled by the Republican Party .
This week , TikTok became the latest app to clamp down on QAnon , announcing a ban on content and accounts that promote the conspiracy theory .
QAnon , which began in 2017 with an anonymous post on the Internet forum 4Chan by someone identifying themselves as “ Q ” and claiming to have a high-level government security clearance , revolves around the delusion that Democratic Party operatives , Hollywood stars , and members of the “ deep state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ring , and that President Trump is working to stop them .
The ranks of QAnon adherents have grown remarkably this year , spreading misinformation online and inspiring real-world violence .
TikTok ’ s action follows similar attempts by YouTube , Facebook , and Twitter to slow the spread of Q-related disinformation .
But QAnon has already morphed from an online community of amateur detectives to a budding political movement , encompassing a mess of other conspiracist beliefs .
Interest in QAnon has ballooned since the beginning of the pandemic and related economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nowhere to go but the Internet .
Between March and July membership in 10 large QAnon Facebook groups grew by nearly 600 percent .
During the same period , according to a Pew survey , the number of Americans who had heard or read “ a lot or a little ” about QAnon doubled from 23 percent to 47 percent ; 41 percent of Republicans who had heard about QAnon said they thought it was “ somewhat ” or “ very good ” for the country .
According to another recent poll , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ theory about “ deep state elites ” is at least partly true .
More than two dozen candidates who have endorsed QAnon or promoted QAnon content are vying for seats in Congress , according to Media Matters , almost all of them Republicans .
Not all of these candidates are serious contenders .
In Oregon , for instance , Jo Rae Perkins , who shared a video of a QAnon-related meme in which she took an oath to be “ digital soldier , ” is sure to lose her bid for Jeff Merkley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ least one of these candidates is all but sure to win : Marjorie Taylor Greene , running in Georgia ’ s 14th Congressional District .
“ There ’ s a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to take this global cabal of Satan-worshiping pedophiles out , and I think we have the president to do it , ” Greene said in a 2017 video , uploaded to YouTube this summer .
We ’ re Going to Need a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to Recover From Trump Misinformation about a vast child trafficking network has spread far beyond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ circulating among Instagram influencers , yogis , and anti-vaxxers , often without explicit reference to Q .
The fixation on pedophilia has also seeped into political campaigns even where candidates don ’ t openly support the conspiracy theory .
In September , the National Republican Congressional Committee ( NRCC ) spent $ 250,000 on an attack ad against Democratic Representative Tom Malinowski , who represents a swing district in New Jersey , that opens with an ominous warning : “ In every city , in every neighborhood , around every corner , sex @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ad goes on to claim that Malinowski “ tried to make it easier for predators to hide in the shadows ” and “ chose sex offenders over your family.
” It alleges that Malinowski “ worked as the top lobbyist for a radical group that strongly opposed the National Sex Offender Registry , ” referring to Human Rights Watch , where Malinowski was Washington director before serving as assistant secretary of state for democracy and human rights during President Obama ’ s second term .
In reality , neither Malinowski nor HRW opposed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deceptive thread that the NRCC is pulling on is a letter written 14 years ago by one of Malinowski ’ s then-colleagues at HRW raising concerns about a crime bill that , among other things , required people convicted of sex crimes to remain on the sex offender registry for the rest of their lives , long after completing their criminal sentence .
Malinowski has described the ad as an effort by the Republican Party to “ align their message with the paranoia that QAnon is promoting , ” without directly endorsing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the co-authors of a House resolution condemning QAnon , which 17 Republicans and one independent voted against .
In September , Malinowski received death threats after “ Q ” posted information about him on a message board , including an NRCC press release that , echoing the attack ad , falsely claimed that he “ lobbied to protect sexual predators.
” Similar attacks have come up in other congressional races .
In a suburban district in St Louis , Mo.
, Republican Representative Ann Wagner accused her challenger , Jill Schupp , of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sex offenders over our safety.
” In Florida ’ s 16th congressional district , the NRCC attacked the Democratic candidate , state Senator Margaret Good , for voting against a 2019 ban on childlike sex dolls .
( Good said it was an accident . )
In Michigan , the NRCC has described Democratic candidate Jon Hoadley as a “ pedo sex poet ” based upon a twisted and out-of-context interpretation of a satirical 2004 blog post .
Republicans in state-level races are also deploying QAnon-style messaging .
In Oregon , Republican state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and sent mailers accusing her opponent , a local prosecutor named Jason Kropf , of “ fail [ ing ] to protect victims of human trafficking.
” The ads don ’ t present any actual evidence of such a failure on Kropf ’ s part , but rather refer to comments made last year by his boss , Deschutes County District Attorney John Hummel , who described trafficking as “ not happening ” in the area .
Helt has rejected the comparison between her campaign ads and QAnon , describing the conspiracy theory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abuse conspiracies aren ’ t new , and these political campaigns aren ’ t the first to weaponize trafficking or “ soft on crime ” messaging .
Still , it ’ s notable that Republican campaigns are going to such great , tortured lengths to tie Democrats to trafficking this year .
QAnon leveraged the visceral horror of child sex abuse to reach new followers , to the extent that some of the people parroting QAnon talking points about trafficking don ’ t necessarily think of themselves as subscribers to the conspiracy theory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is winking and nodding at this new , active constituency , while trying to maintain some plausible deniability .
QAnon ’ s online infrastructure—its YouTube channels , Facebook groups , and hashtags—can be useful to Republicans , even as they try to sidestep the movement ’ s most unsavory aspects .
Trump , for his part , is barely even trying to sidestep .
Last week , in an interview with NBC ’ s Savanah Guthrie , he refused to disavow QAnon , claiming to know nothing about it .
Then he offered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rosy gloss : “ I do know they are very much against pedophilia .
They fight it very hard , ” said Trump , who has been credibly accused of sexual assault by at least 25 women .
At the Republican National Convention in August , Trump boasted of “ [ taking ] down human traffickers who prey on women and children.
” Later that month , the media reported that a joint effort by federal , state , and local law enforcement agencies had broken up a massive child trafficking ring in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Q-linked accounts credited to Trump .
However , an investigation by The Atlanta Journal-Constitution revealed that the operation involved several unrelated cases of missing children , only some of them related to trafficking or sex crimes , and that federal authorities created a “ false perception ” of having busted a major criminal enterprise .
On October 20 , the Department of Homeland Security announced the creation of a Center for Countering Human Trafficking .
It ’ s hard to say how much misinformation about child trafficking will affect the outcome of individual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defined as a referendum on Trump .
QAnon has been spreading quickly among evangelical Christians , a constituency loyal to the president .
But the movement ’ s “ soft front ” focus on child abuse ( the vast majority of which actually occurs within a home or family , rather than as a result of trafficking ) has also helped it find a foothold with white and suburban women , who were a crucial voting bloc for Trump in 2016 .
Moms ’ groups on Facebook have amplified QAnon messaging , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ influencers .
Polls suggest that white women ’ s support for Trump is eroding , but it ’ s possible that for at least some of these voters misinformation about trafficking could be “ gateway drug , ” as Slate suggests , to Trump support .
Spanish-speaking voters in Florida and other critical swing states are also being bombarded with conspiratorial misinformation on Facebook and WhatsApp , and from radio radio stations and websites created to look like news outlets .
“ It ’ s difficult to measure the effect exactly , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in focus groups it shows up , with people deeply questioning the Democrats , and referring to the ‘ deep state ’ in particular , ” Eduardo Gamarra , a pollster and director of the Latino Public Opinion Forum at Florida International University told Politico .
Beyond its influence in individual campaigns , QAnon is contributing to a broader conspiratorial din surrounding the election .
Trump has already warned that the election is “ rigged ” and might be “ stolen ” from him .
Misinformation about voter fraud and mail-in ballots is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a meta-narrative of a deep-state coup—a story that , if not explicitly embraced by Republican leaders , might still be useful to them in the event of a contested election .

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QAnon may be losing some of its online platforms—but the conspiracy theory is increasingly being enabled by the Republican Party.
This week, TikTok became the latest app to clamp down on QAnon, announcing a ban on content and accounts that promote the conspiracy theory. QAnon, which began in 2017 with an anonymous post on the Internet forum 4Chan by someone identifying themselves as “Q” and claiming to have a high-level government security clearance, revolves around the delusion that Democratic Party operatives, Hollywood stars, and members of the “deep state” are running a satanic child trafficking ring, and that President Trump is working to stop them. The ranks of QAnon adherents have grown remarkably this year, spreading misinformation online and inspiring real-world violence. TikTok’s action follows similar attempts by YouTube, Facebook, and Twitter to slow the spread of Q-related disinformation.
But QAnon has already morphed from an online community of amateur detectives to a budding political movement, encompassing a mess of other conspiracist beliefs. Interest in QAnon has ballooned since the beginning of the pandemic and related economic shutdowns, when suddenly many people had nowhere to go but the Internet. Between March and July membership in 10 large QAnon Facebook groups grew by nearly 600 percent. During the same period, according to a Pew survey, the number of Americans who had heard or read “a lot or a little” about QAnon doubled from 23 percent to 47 percent; 41 percent of Republicans who had heard about QAnon said they thought it was “somewhat” or “very good” for the country. According to another recent poll, a majority of Republicans believe the conspiracy theory about “deep state elites” is at least partly true.
More than two dozen candidates who have endorsed QAnon or promoted QAnon content are vying for seats in Congress, according to Media Matters, almost all of them Republicans. Not all of these candidates are serious contenders. In Oregon, for instance, Jo Rae Perkins, who shared a video of a QAnon-related meme in which she took an oath to be “digital soldier,” is sure to lose her bid for Jeff Merkley’s Senate seat. But at least one of these candidates is all but sure to win: Marjorie Taylor Greene, running in Georgia’s 14th Congressional District. “There’s a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to take this global cabal of Satan-worshiping pedophiles out, and I think we have the president to do it,” Greene said in a 2017 video, uploaded to YouTube this summer. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Related Article We’re Going to Need a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to Recover From Trump Elie Mystal
Misinformation about a vast child trafficking network has spread far beyond the bounds of explicit QAnon communities, circulating among Instagram influencers, yogis, and anti-vaxxers, often without explicit reference to Q. The fixation on pedophilia has also seeped into political campaigns even where candidates don’t openly support the conspiracy theory. In September, the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC) spent $250,000 on an attack ad against Democratic Representative Tom Malinowski, who represents a swing district in New Jersey, that opens with an ominous warning: “In every city, in every neighborhood, around every corner, sex offenders are living among us.” The ad goes on to claim that Malinowski “tried to make it easier for predators to hide in the shadows” and “chose sex offenders over your family.” It alleges that Malinowski “worked as the top lobbyist for a radical group that strongly opposed the National Sex Offender Registry,” referring to Human Rights Watch, where Malinowski was Washington director before serving as assistant secretary of state for democracy and human rights during President Obama’s second term. In reality, neither Malinowski nor HRW opposed the existence of the registry. The deceptive thread that the NRCC is pulling on is a letter written 14 years ago by one of Malinowski’s then-colleagues at HRW raising concerns about a crime bill that, among other things, required people convicted of sex crimes to remain on the sex offender registry for the rest of their lives, long after completing their criminal sentence.
Malinowski has described the ad as an effort by the Republican Party to “align their message with the paranoia that QAnon is promoting,” without directly endorsing the conspiracy theory. Malinowski was one of the co-authors of a House resolution condemning QAnon, which 17 Republicans and one independent voted against. In September, Malinowski received death threats after “Q” posted information about him on a message board, including an NRCC press release that, echoing the attack ad, falsely claimed that he “lobbied to protect sexual predators.”
Similar attacks have come up in other congressional races. In a suburban district in St Louis, Mo., Republican Representative Ann Wagner accused her challenger, Jill Schupp, of displaying “a disturbing pattern of putting sex offenders over our safety.” In Florida’s 16th congressional district, the NRCC attacked the Democratic candidate, state Senator Margaret Good, for voting against a 2019 ban on childlike sex dolls. (Good said it was an accident.) In Michigan, the NRCC has described Democratic candidate Jon Hoadley as a “pedo sex poet” based upon a twisted and out-of-context interpretation of a satirical 2004 blog post. Current Issue View our current issue
Republicans in state-level races are also deploying QAnon-style messaging. In Oregon, Republican state Representative Cheri Helt aired a TV ad and sent mailers accusing her opponent, a local prosecutor named Jason Kropf, of “fail[ing] to protect victims of human trafficking.” The ads don’t present any actual evidence of such a failure on Kropf’s part, but rather refer to comments made last year by his boss, Deschutes County District Attorney John Hummel, who described trafficking as “not happening” in the area. Helt has rejected the comparison between her campaign ads and QAnon, describing the conspiracy theory as “a bizarre fantasy.”
Sex abuse conspiracies aren’t new, and these political campaigns aren’t the first to weaponize trafficking or “soft on crime” messaging. Still, it’s notable that Republican campaigns are going to such great, tortured lengths to tie Democrats to trafficking this year. QAnon leveraged the visceral horror of child sex abuse to reach new followers, to the extent that some of the people parroting QAnon talking points about trafficking don’t necessarily think of themselves as subscribers to the conspiracy theory. The GOP, in turn, is winking and nodding at this new, active constituency, while trying to maintain some plausible deniability. QAnon’s online infrastructure—its YouTube channels, Facebook groups, and hashtags—can be useful to Republicans, even as they try to sidestep the movement’s most unsavory aspects.
Trump, for his part, is barely even trying to sidestep. Last week, in an interview with NBC’s Savanah Guthrie, he refused to disavow QAnon, claiming to know nothing about it. Then he offered this information, giving the movement a rosy gloss: “I do know they are very much against pedophilia. They fight it very hard,” said Trump, who has been credibly accused of sexual assault by at least 25 women. At the Republican National Convention in August, Trump boasted of “[taking] down human traffickers who prey on women and children.” Later that month, the media reported that a joint effort by federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies had broken up a massive child trafficking ring in Georgia, an intervention that conservatives and Q-linked accounts credited to Trump. However, an investigation by The Atlanta Journal-Constitution revealed that the operation involved several unrelated cases of missing children, only some of them related to trafficking or sex crimes, and that federal authorities created a “false perception” of having busted a major criminal enterprise. On October 20, the Department of Homeland Security announced the creation of a Center for Countering Human Trafficking.
It’s hard to say how much misinformation about child trafficking will affect the outcome of individual races in a political landscape already largely defined as a referendum on Trump. QAnon has been spreading quickly among evangelical Christians, a constituency loyal to the president. But the movement’s “soft front” focus on child abuse (the vast majority of which actually occurs within a home or family, rather than as a result of trafficking) has also helped it find a foothold with white and suburban women, who were a crucial voting bloc for Trump in 2016. Moms’ groups on Facebook have amplified QAnon messaging, as have health and wellness communities and Instagram influencers. Polls suggest that white women’s support for Trump is eroding, but it’s possible that for at least some of these voters misinformation about trafficking could be “gateway drug,” as Slate suggests, to Trump support. Spanish-speaking voters in Florida and other critical swing states are also being bombarded with conspiratorial misinformation on Facebook and WhatsApp, and from radio radio stations and websites created to look like news outlets. “It’s difficult to measure the effect exactly, but the polling sort of shows it and in focus groups it shows up, with people deeply questioning the Democrats, and referring to the ‘deep state’ in particular,” Eduardo Gamarra, a pollster and director of the Latino Public Opinion Forum at Florida International University told Politico.
Beyond its influence in individual campaigns, QAnon is contributing to a broader conspiratorial din surrounding the election. Trump has already warned that the election is “rigged” and might be “stolen” from him. Misinformation about voter fraud and mail-in ballots is rampant. All of this is converging in a meta-narrative of a deep-state coup—a story that, if not explicitly embraced by Republican leaders, might still be useful to them in the event of a contested election.


thenation--2020-10-22--We’re Never Going Back to Normal

We’re Never Going Back to Normal

Last Friday , the United States recorded 70,000 cases of SARS-CoV-2 , the largest single-day tally since the end of July .
Meanwhile , the president of the United States is trashing Dr. Anthony Fauci , the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases , saying , “ People are tired of hearing Fauci and these idiots , all these idiots who got it wrong.
” In the White House , all the scientists are gone except for Scott Atlas from the Hoover Institution whispering into the president ’ s ear like Rasputin at the side of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what he wants to hear : You ’ re on the right track ; masks don ’ t work ; we don ’ t need to be testing widely ; and we ’ re on the road to herd immunity .
The winter is most likely to be grim .
While it ’ s hard to predict with any reliability months out from now , the upward trajectory of cases over the past couple of weeks ( 34 percent over the previous two-week average ) is all but certain to be followed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have more deaths per day than we did in July .
This time around , the upper Midwest and Great Plains states are being slammed by the virus , hitting new records for their local epidemics .
And we ’ re all about to go inside , windows will be shut as the temperatures drop and we ’ ll all begin to lower our guard , lower our masks .
In fact , that is already happening : It ’ s small gatherings now that are driving increases in cases in many places @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re tired ; we ’ re all tired .
We crave human contact , to see our friends and family .
The holidays will simply amp up this desire to get together to celebrate the fall and winter holidays as we do every year .
You Think Things Couldn ’ t Get Any Worse With the Pandemic ?
As much as Trump has botched the response to the virus , it ’ s not only in the United States that we ’ re seeing a resurgence in cases .
In Europe , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first wave of Covid-19 are seeing the virus roar back and instituting new measures to contain the latest outbreaks .
As Julia Belluz reports in Vox , most of these countries didn ’ t use the summer wisely to scale up testing and contact tracing , ensure humane isolation and quarantine ( e.g.
, paid isolation “ leave ” ) , institute mandatory mask-wearing , and retro-fit ventilation in places like schools .
The countries that did , such as Germany and in Asia-Pacific—New Zealand , South Korea , and China—are thus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic far better than the rest of us .
This suggests that a possible Biden presidency doesn ’ t offer a quick fix to our plight , even if we have models of how to proceed in the “ success stories ” I mentioned above .
We have three months to go should he be inaugurated in January , and the difficulties in mounting and sustaining a pandemic response even with a new administration are considerable , particularly given the fractious nature of our national politics and the control over public health in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ localities , many of which will simply resist new policies on partisan grounds .
A vaccine , despite all the hoopla and hype , isn ’ t likely to be a key part of our response to the pandemic for much of 2021 ( and that ’ s being optimistic ) .
We ’ ll see data over the next few months , and even if one or more vaccines is shown to be safe and efficacious , we will need to get it to the people who need it and ensure they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ small feat .
Meanwhile , which of the new vaccines might be best ?
Right now , there is no plan to test them head-to-head , to answer this most basic question .
Outside of the direct effects of SARS-CoV-2 , American lives have been turned upside down .
Businesses in ruins ; school children shunted to online learning that many don ’ t even log on to ; steep drops in preventive medical procedures such as mammograms , pap smears , colonoscopies , and vaccinations ; a mental health crisis that was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evictions leaving thousands homeless , even with a CDC moratorium in place ; people still locked up despite the extraordinary risks prisons and jails present for those inside from SARS-CoV-2 .
This is just the start of the list of the downstream effects of this pandemic .
We ’ re never going to be the same .
We can grieve for the past , but going back to normal doesn ’ t offer solace to many , particularly when it ’ s “ normal ” that got us into this mess .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Benjamin upon Klee ’ s Angelus Novus and seeing history as “ one single catastrophe which keeps piling wreckage upon wreckage and hurls it in front of [ our ] feet , ” we have to figure out a future .
As Adia Benton , an anthropologist at Northwestern who studies epidemics has said , “ At some point we ’ re forced to think about the things we could do without .
It ’ s possible we may see absolute change in what it is that we do.… it ’ s about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imagined or we thought impossible or we thought were temporary.… But I also wonder if this is an opportunity to move to new ways of thinking , new ways of being in the world with each other.
” What will help us survive this long winter is not sinking into anger and resentment , looking behind us to make America great or “ normal ” again .
And this isn ’ t meant to be a moment of spiritual uplift but an invitation to work .
Components of the public health response are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the pandemic , but they are only one set of tools we need right now .
We have a lot of damage to repair and then we have to imagine and then create a world where we are all less vulnerable to new and unknown viruses , to the growing impact of climate change , to the next unforeseen challenge that will greet us when we least expect it .

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Last Friday, the United States recorded 70,000 cases of SARS-CoV-2, the largest single-day tally since the end of July. Meanwhile, the president of the United States is trashing Dr. Anthony Fauci, the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, saying, “People are tired of hearing Fauci and these idiots, all these idiots who got it wrong.”
In the White House, all the scientists are gone except for Scott Atlas from the Hoover Institution whispering into the president’s ear like Rasputin at the side of Russian Empress Alexandra Feodorovna, telling him what he wants to hear: You’re on the right track; masks don’t work; we don’t need to be testing widely; and we’re on the road to herd immunity.
The winter is most likely to be grim. While it’s hard to predict with any reliability months out from now, the upward trajectory of cases over the past couple of weeks (34 percent over the previous two-week average) is all but certain to be followed by an increase in deaths. We already have more deaths per day than we did in July. This time around, the upper Midwest and Great Plains states are being slammed by the virus, hitting new records for their local epidemics.
And we’re all about to go inside, windows will be shut as the temperatures drop and we’ll all begin to lower our guard, lower our masks. In fact, that is already happening: It’s small gatherings now that are driving increases in cases in many places. I’m tired; you’re tired; we’re all tired. We crave human contact, to see our friends and family. The holidays will simply amp up this desire to get together to celebrate the fall and winter holidays as we do every year. More From Gregg Gonsalves These New Alzheimer’s Drugs Are a Travesty July 27, 2023 It's Not “Unreasonable” to Want to Change Our Rotten Health Care System June 1, 2023 Now More Than Ever, We Need to Fight, Not Despair May 11, 2023
As much as Trump has botched the response to the virus, it’s not only in the United States that we’re seeing a resurgence in cases. In Europe, countries that were successful in beating back the first wave of Covid-19 are seeing the virus roar back and instituting new measures to contain the latest outbreaks.
As Julia Belluz reports in Vox, most of these countries didn’t use the summer wisely to scale up testing and contact tracing, ensure humane isolation and quarantine (e.g., paid isolation “leave”), institute mandatory mask-wearing, and retro-fit ventilation in places like schools. The countries that did, such as Germany and in Asia-Pacific—New Zealand, South Korea, and China—are thus far managing this next phase of the pandemic far better than the rest of us. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
This suggests that a possible Biden presidency doesn’t offer a quick fix to our plight, even if we have models of how to proceed in the “success stories” I mentioned above. We have three months to go should he be inaugurated in January, and the difficulties in mounting and sustaining a pandemic response even with a new administration are considerable, particularly given the fractious nature of our national politics and the control over public health in this country mostly residing with states and localities, many of which will simply resist new policies on partisan grounds. Current Issue View our current issue
A vaccine, despite all the hoopla and hype, isn’t likely to be a key part of our response to the pandemic for much of 2021 (and that’s being optimistic). We’ll see data over the next few months, and even if one or more vaccines is shown to be safe and efficacious, we will need to get it to the people who need it and ensure they are willing to take it. No small feat. Meanwhile, which of the new vaccines might be best? Right now, there is no plan to test them head-to-head, to answer this most basic question.
Outside of the direct effects of SARS-CoV-2, American lives have been turned upside down. Businesses in ruins; school children shunted to online learning that many don’t even log on to; steep drops in preventive medical procedures such as mammograms, pap smears, colonoscopies, and vaccinations; a mental health crisis that was evident early on in the pandemic; evictions leaving thousands homeless, even with a CDC moratorium in place; people still locked up despite the extraordinary risks prisons and jails present for those inside from SARS-CoV-2. This is just the start of the list of the downstream effects of this pandemic.
We’re never going to be the same.
We can grieve for the past, but going back to normal doesn’t offer solace to many, particularly when it’s “normal” that got us into this mess. But rather than simply looking backward like Walter Benjamin upon Klee’s Angelus Novus and seeing history as “one single catastrophe which keeps piling wreckage upon wreckage and hurls it in front of [our] feet,” we have to figure out a future.
As Adia Benton, an anthropologist at Northwestern who studies epidemics has said, “At some point we’re forced to think about the things we could do without. It’s possible we may see absolute change in what it is that we do.… it’s about the things that we thought we never imagined or we thought impossible or we thought were temporary.… But I also wonder if this is an opportunity to move to new ways of thinking, new ways of being in the world with each other.”
What will help us survive this long winter is not sinking into anger and resentment, looking behind us to make America great or “normal” again. And this isn’t meant to be a moment of spiritual uplift but an invitation to work. Components of the public health response are there to use to help us through the pandemic, but they are only one set of tools we need right now. We have a lot of damage to repair and then we have to imagine and then create a world where we are all less vulnerable to new and unknown viruses, to the growing impact of climate change, to the next unforeseen challenge that will greet us when we least expect it.


thenation--2020-10-22--We Need Joe Biden to Deliver the Knockout Trump Deserves Tonight

Donald Trump is terrified of accountability .
That ’ s why he walked out of a critical interview with Lesley Stahl for CBS News ’ 60 Minutes on Tuesday , and that ’ s why he ’ s been attacking the moderator of tonight ’ s final presidential debate , veteran NBC White House correspondent Kristen Welker .
Trump ’ s desperation is so evident and so politically self-destructive that it might lead Democrats to imagine that former vice president Joe Biden should simply coast on his lead in polls both nationally and in most of the 2020 battleground states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go easy on Trump .
The president is stumbling ; Biden must deliver the knockout blow tonight .
Like John ’ s writing ?
You ’ ll love him in conversation .
Check out John Nichols and an extraordinary group of speakers at the first-ever virtual Nation festival , Nov. 18-21 The former vice president is fighting not just for himself at this point ; he ’ s fighting for Democrats running in Senate contests that could flip control of the chamber—ending majority leader Mitch McConnell ’ s tenure as head of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to a surging pandemic and the economic devastation that extends from it as millions of Americans face unemployment , eviction , and hunger .
Biden should not worry about the distractions that Trump has prepared for tonight .
Despite the president ’ s obsession with foreign intrigues involving his rival ’ s son , no one is going to change their vote because of what Rudy Giuliani claims to know about Hunter Biden .
Nor will any “ undecided ” voter—if such a person still exists—be convinced by Trump ’ s incoherent ranting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New Deal , Black Lives Matter , Bernie Sanders , Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez , or “ the radical left.
” If the polls are to be believed , the Republican strategy of fear and loathing may appeal to the president ’ s dwindling base but it has no growth potential .
Biden , on the other hand , can build his numbers—and the numbers for Senate candidates who are running on the Democratic line—with a stark , unapologetic , and unrelenting accountability argument .
This is a pandemic election , and Biden must indict @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million Americans have been diagnosed with Covid-19 , and 221,000 Americans have died .
The numbers are spiking .
Hundreds of thousands of new cases have been identified over just the past week , thousands of new deaths have been recorded .
And some of the worst numbers are in the battleground states that will decide the 2020 election .
There have been : • 1,660 deaths in Wisconsin , with more than 100 of them recorded in the past week .
• 1,728 deaths in Nevada , with more than a dozen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
• 7,386 deaths in Michigan , with dozens of additional deaths reported in recent days .
• 7,494 deaths in Georgia , with disproportional suffering in urban areas .
• 8,591 deaths in Pennsylvania , with a rising count in rural regions .
• 16,104 deaths in Florida , with dozens of new fatalities just this week in Miami and Palm Beach counties .
• 17,644 deaths in Texas , with 80 more lives lost on Tuesday alone .
If Biden speaks of the death toll and the states where the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ jobs , and where businesses are shutting down , he ’ ll meet Americans where they are as they prepare to mark their ballots .
Biden should be specific , naming the cities , counties , and regions where Covid-19 is surging and killing Americans .
He should detail the disproportionate damage this virus has done to people of color , the elderly , low-income Americans , frontline workers , and the vulnerable millions who lack adequate access to health care .
Iowa Could Make Joe Biden President , and Give Him a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden Can Learn From Jacinda Ardern The facts are on Biden ’ s side .
Trump has admitted to lying to the American people about the scope and severity of the pandemic in the critical early stages of the fight to contain it .
Trump has attacked governors who have tried to contain it while he mocked public health orders , peddled snake-oil “ cures ” and promoted “ reopening ” schemes even after he was warned that doing so would allow the disease to spread .
The former vice president ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president , and to explain why Trump can not be allowed to continue .
Though he ’ ll be in the virtual presence of the incumbent , the Democrat must focus on the millions of Americans who are tuned in , and bluntly declare—as he did Sunday in response to Trump ’ s latest assertion that the United States has “ turned the corner ” in this pandemic struggle—that “ Things are getting worse .
He continues to lie to us about the circumstances.
” Trump will continue to lie .
He will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interrupt .
That ’ s what guilty men do .
Biden can not allow himself to be distracted .
There is too much at stake .
Tonight , he can close the case not just against a president who deliberately endangered the nation he swore to protect but also against the Republican senators—like Joni Ernst in Iowa , Steve Daines in Montana , Cory Gardner in Colorado , Martha McSally in Arizona , Susan Collins in Maine , Thom Tillis in North Carolina , David Perdue in Georgia , John Cornyn in Texas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and , yes , Mitch McConnell in Kentucky—who refused to hold the president accountable back when these crises might have been averted .
This is not a debate .
This is a trial .
Biden should prosecute Trump and his co-conspirators with a sense of urgency and righteous indignation that will be understood and embraced by an electoral jury that has the power to convict and punish the wrongdoers .

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Donald Trump is terrified of accountability. That’s why he walked out of a critical interview with Lesley Stahl for CBS News’ 60 Minutes on Tuesday, and that’s why he’s been attacking the moderator of tonight’s final presidential debate, veteran NBC White House correspondent Kristen Welker.
Trump’s desperation is so evident and so politically self-destructive that it might lead Democrats to imagine that former vice president Joe Biden should simply coast on his lead in polls both nationally and in most of the 2020 battleground states. But this is no time to go easy on Trump. The president is stumbling; Biden must deliver the knockout blow tonight. Like John’s writing? You’ll love him in conversation. Check out John Nichols and an extraordinary group of speakers at the first-ever virtual Nation festival, Nov. 18-21
The former vice president is fighting not just for himself at this point; he’s fighting for Democrats running in Senate contests that could flip control of the chamber—ending majority leader Mitch McConnell’s tenure as head of the partisan wrecking crew that refuses to respond to a surging pandemic and the economic devastation that extends from it as millions of Americans face unemployment, eviction, and hunger.
Biden should not worry about the distractions that Trump has prepared for tonight. Despite the president’s obsession with foreign intrigues involving his rival’s son, no one is going to change their vote because of what Rudy Giuliani claims to know about Hunter Biden. Nor will any “undecided” voter—if such a person still exists—be convinced by Trump’s incoherent ranting about Medicare for All, the Green New Deal, Black Lives Matter, Bernie Sanders, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, or “the radical left.” If the polls are to be believed, the Republican strategy of fear and loathing may appeal to the president’s dwindling base but it has no growth potential. Embracing Covid The Power of Covid-Positive Thinking Jeet Heer and The Nation
Biden, on the other hand, can build his numbers—and the numbers for Senate candidates who are running on the Democratic line—with a stark, unapologetic, and unrelenting accountability argument.
This is a pandemic election, and Biden must indict Trump.
As of Wednesday, 8.32 million Americans have been diagnosed with Covid-19, and 221,000 Americans have died. The numbers are spiking. Hundreds of thousands of new cases have been identified over just the past week, thousands of new deaths have been recorded. And some of the worst numbers are in the battleground states that will decide the 2020 election. There have been: Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
1,660 deaths in Wisconsin, with more than 100 of them recorded in the past week.
1,728 deaths in Nevada, with more than a dozen new deaths recorded Tuesday in Clark County.
7,386 deaths in Michigan, with dozens of additional deaths reported in recent days.
7,494 deaths in Georgia, with disproportional suffering in urban areas.
8,591 deaths in Pennsylvania, with a rising count in rural regions.
16,104 deaths in Florida, with dozens of new fatalities just this week in Miami and Palm Beach counties.
17,644 deaths in Texas, with 80 more lives lost on Tuesday alone.
If Biden speaks of the death toll and the states where the pandemic is raging, where people are losing jobs, and where businesses are shutting down, he’ll meet Americans where they are as they prepare to mark their ballots. Biden should be specific, naming the cities, counties, and regions where Covid-19 is surging and killing Americans. He should detail the disproportionate damage this virus has done to people of color, the elderly, low-income Americans, frontline workers, and the vulnerable millions who lack adequate access to health care. More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
The facts are on Biden’s side. Trump has admitted to lying to the American people about the scope and severity of the pandemic in the critical early stages of the fight to contain it. Trump has attacked governors who have tried to contain it while he mocked public health orders, peddled snake-oil “cures” and promoted “reopening” schemes even after he was warned that doing so would allow the disease to spread.
The former vice president’s job tonight is to indict the sitting president, and to explain why Trump cannot be allowed to continue. Though he’ll be in the virtual presence of the incumbent, the Democrat must focus on the millions of Americans who are tuned in, and bluntly declare—as he did Sunday in response to Trump’s latest assertion that the United States has “turned the corner” in this pandemic struggle—that “Things are getting worse. He continues to lie to us about the circumstances.”
Trump will continue to lie. He will deny, deflect, dissemble, and interrupt. That’s what guilty men do.
Biden cannot allow himself to be distracted. There is too much at stake. Tonight, he can close the case not just against a president who deliberately endangered the nation he swore to protect but also against the Republican senators—like Joni Ernst in Iowa, Steve Daines in Montana, Cory Gardner in Colorado, Martha McSally in Arizona, Susan Collins in Maine, Thom Tillis in North Carolina, David Perdue in Georgia, John Cornyn in Texas, Lindsey Graham in South Carolina, and, yes, Mitch McConnell in Kentucky—who refused to hold the president accountable back when these crises might have been averted.
This is not a debate. This is a trial. Biden should prosecute Trump and his co-conspirators with a sense of urgency and righteous indignation that will be understood and embraced by an electoral jury that has the power to convict and punish the wrongdoers.


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thenation--2020-10-23--Dianne Feinstein Demonstrates Why Democratic Challenges to Democratic Incumbents Are Necessary

California state Senator Kevin de León challenged Senator Dianne Feinstein ’ s 2018 reelection run as a “ proud progressive ” who promised to stand “ on the front lines and not on the sidelines ” of the fight against Republicans who were transforming the federal bench into a platform for right-wing judicial activism .
His fellow Democrat , de León warned , was too cautious , too willing to compromise .
“ I think that she subscribes to country club rules in Washington that are grossly outdated and no longer apply to California and to the rest of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who complained about Feinstein ’ s “ complacent , passive and muted ” approach to a nomination he identified as “ the greatest threat to our constitutional and human rights in a generation.
” Like John ’ s writing ?
You ’ ll love him in conversation .
Check out John Nichols and an extraordinary group of speakers at the first-ever virtual Nation festival , Nov. 18-21 Feinstein ’ s team hit back , criticizing de León as “ a classic losing candidate trying to create an issue out of nothing.
” Even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting the California Democratic Party to endorse de León , party leaders griped that the son of a Guatemalan immigrant who came of age as a community organizer and eventually served as the president pro tempore of the California State Senate was threatening party unity .
The media speculated about whether de León was pushing the party “ too far left.
” Feinstein ’ s fellow senators and Washington-based groups that usually back Democrats rallied to support the 26-year incumbent ’ s reelection , which was eventually secured by a closer-than-expected 54-46 margin @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , two years later , Feinstein is at the center of a controversy over her role as the ranking Democrat in the Senate Judiciary Committee that on Thursday approved the Supreme Court nomination of Judge Amy Coney Barrett .
While Feinstein has been critical of the Barrett nomination , the senator concluded an unusually tepid hearing process by hugging Judiciary Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham and hailing the rushed deliberation as “ one of the best sets of hearings that I ’ ve participated in.
” That statement drew a sharp rebuke from Jennifer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Center for Popular Democracy Action , and Christina Livingston , the executive director of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment , who issued a statement in which they declared : This week ’ s confirmation hearings for Judge Amy Coney Barrett for the US Supreme Court have been a travesty from start to finish .
But no moment has shown the disconnect between the Senate and voters and our leaders ’ utter disregard for our communities ’ concerns [ more ] than Sen. Dianne Feinstein ’ s abhorrent praise of Sen. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the best hearings she has ever joined .
She said this despite knowing that if Barrett is confirmed , millions of Americans stand to lose their health care .
Her careless words undermined their long fought struggle for decent health care and the tireless work of her colleagues to preserve it .
There is nothing praiseworthy about these proceedings .
On the contrary , they have debased our democracy , voters and the legacy of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg .
Sen. Feinstein ’ s performance and remarks during these hearings give @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to speak for voters .
She must immediately step down from her post as ranking member of the Senate Judiciary Committee .
We Need Joe Biden to Deliver the Knockout Trump Deserves Tonight Iowa Could Make Joe Biden President , and Give Him a Democratic Senate to Work With What Joe Biden Can Learn From Jacinda Ardern Brian Fallon , the executive director of Demand Justice , a group that has played a leading role in the fight against right-wing judicial nominees , called for Feinstein to step aside as ranking member , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shouldn ’ t be led by someone who treats “ the Republican theft of a Supreme Court seat with kid gloves.
” Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer says he “ had a long and serious talk with Sen. Feinstein.
” Republicans , by contrast , have been celebrating her .
In response to some activists ’ calls to replace California ’ s senior senator as the ranking member of the Judiciary Committee , Texas conservative John Cornyn griped that it “ would be a real shame if they run her off.
” Iowa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ sexist ” and “ ageist ” and tweeted , “ She ’ s such an outstanding legislator , it ’ s totally unjustified.
” They would think that , when she ’ s giving them what they want .
The cynical response of the Republicans highlights the damage Feinstein ’ s conciliatory approach has done to what was already a difficult fight .
As NARAL Pro-Choice America president Ilyse Hogue explained : This is precisely what Kevin de León , who was recently elected to the Los Angeles City Council , warned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pundits would do well to recall that fact the next time they complain about upstart challenges to entrenched incumbents .
Because of California ’ s nonpartisan blanket-primary law , which allows the top two finishers to progress to the November ballot , de León faced Feinstein in the fall of 2018 , during the fight over President Trump ’ s Supreme Court nomination of Brett Kavanaugh .
The challenger criticized Feinstein ’ s handling of that year ’ s confirmation fight as disjointed and ineffectual .
Like a number of critics , de @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enough after she was informed of a letter alleging sexual misconduct by the nominee .
But the problem , de Léon said , went deeper .
Noting that Feinstein “ has historically demonstrated that she is not willing to take the fight to the Republicans , ” de León pointed to the incumbent ’ s record of approving even the most controversial Republican judicial nominees .
“ I would never have opened the door to his confirmation to the Third Circuit Court of Appeals , basically , the farm team for the Supreme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an interview about the Kavanaugh nomination fight .
He continued : Those words from just two years ago sound all the more prescient as Democrats fret about Feinstein ’ s praise for a process that has sent the most threatening Supreme Court nomination of the modern era to the floor of the Senate .

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California state Senator Kevin de León challenged Senator Dianne Feinstein’s 2018 reelection run as a “proud progressive” who promised to stand “on the front lines and not on the sidelines” of the fight against Republicans who were transforming the federal bench into a platform for right-wing judicial activism.
His fellow Democrat, de León warned, was too cautious, too willing to compromise. “I think that she subscribes to country club rules in Washington that are grossly outdated and no longer apply to California and to the rest of the country,” argued the legislator, who complained about Feinstein’s “complacent, passive and muted” approach to a nomination he identified as “the greatest threat to our constitutional and human rights in a generation.” Like John’s writing? You’ll love him in conversation. Check out John Nichols and an extraordinary group of speakers at the first-ever virtual Nation festival, Nov. 18-21
Feinstein’s team hit back, criticizing de León as “a classic losing candidate trying to create an issue out of nothing.” Even after grassroots activists surprised the establishment by getting the California Democratic Party to endorse de León, party leaders griped that the son of a Guatemalan immigrant who came of age as a community organizer and eventually served as the president pro tempore of the California State Senate was threatening party unity. The media speculated about whether de León was pushing the party “too far left.” Feinstein’s fellow senators and Washington-based groups that usually back Democrats rallied to support the 26-year incumbent’s reelection, which was eventually secured by a closer-than-expected 54-46 margin over de León.
It was all very typical of how party leaders and pundits have responded since 2018—the year in which Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez shocked DC with her New York primary defeat of the fourth-ranking Democrat in the House—to the prospect of electoral accountability. More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
But, now, two years later, Feinstein is at the center of a controversy over her role as the ranking Democrat in the Senate Judiciary Committee that on Thursday approved the Supreme Court nomination of Judge Amy Coney Barrett. While Feinstein has been critical of the Barrett nomination, the senator concluded an unusually tepid hearing process by hugging Judiciary Committee Chairman Lindsey Graham and hailing the rushed deliberation as “one of the best sets of hearings that I’ve participated in.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
That statement drew a sharp rebuke from Jennifer Epps Addison, the co–executive director of the Center for Popular Democracy Action, and Christina Livingston, the executive director of the Alliance of Californians for Community Empowerment, who issued a statement in which they declared:
This week’s confirmation hearings for Judge Amy Coney Barrett for the US Supreme Court have been a travesty from start to finish. But no moment has shown the disconnect between the Senate and voters and our leaders’ utter disregard for our communities’ concerns [more] than Sen. Dianne Feinstein’s abhorrent praise of Sen. Lindsey Graham, calling it one of the best hearings she has ever joined. She said this despite knowing that if Barrett is confirmed, millions of Americans stand to lose their health care. Her careless words undermined their long fought struggle for decent health care and the tireless work of her colleagues to preserve it. There is nothing praiseworthy about these proceedings. On the contrary, they have debased our democracy, voters and the legacy of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Sen. Feinstein’s performance and remarks during these hearings give yet more proof that she is ill-equipped to speak for voters. She must immediately step down from her post as ranking member of the Senate Judiciary Committee.
Brian Fallon, the executive director of Demand Justice, a group that has played a leading role in the fight against right-wing judicial nominees, called for Feinstein to step aside as ranking member, arguing that Democrats on the Judiciary Committee shouldn’t be led by someone who treats “the Republican theft of a Supreme Court seat with kid gloves.” Senate minority leader Chuck Schumer says he “had a long and serious talk with Sen. Feinstein.” Republicans, by contrast, have been celebrating her. In response to some activists’ calls to replace California’s senior senator as the ranking member of the Judiciary Committee, Texas conservative John Cornyn griped that it “would be a real shame if they run her off.” Iowa Senator Chuck Grassley termed criticism of Feinstein “sexist” and “ageist” and tweeted, “She’s such an outstanding legislator, it’s totally unjustified.”
No surprise that they would think that, when she’s giving them rave reviews for a rigged process.
The cynical response of the Republicans highlights the damage Feinstein’s conciliatory approach has done to what was already a difficult fight. As NARAL Pro-Choice America president Ilyse Hogue explained:
Americans—whose lives hang in the balance—deserve leadership that underscores how unprecedented, shameful and wrong this process is. The Ranking Member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, Senator Dianne Feinstein, failed to make this clear and in fact offered an appearance of credibility to the proceedings that is wildly out of step with the American people. As such, we believe the committee needs new leadership.
That is precisely what Kevin de León, who was recently elected to the Los Angeles City Council, warned about in 2018. Those nay-saying party leaders and pundits would do well to recall this fact the next time they complain about upstart challenges by progressives to entrenched incumbents.
Because of California’s nonpartisan blanket-primary law, which allows the top two finishers to progress to the November ballot, de León faced Feinstein in the fall of 2018, during the fight over President Trump’s Supreme Court nomination of Brett Kavanaugh. The challenger criticized Feinstein’s handling of that year’s confirmation fight as disjointed and ineffectual. Like a number of critics, de León said she had not been aggressive enough after she was informed of a letter alleging sexual misconduct by the nominee. But the problem, de Léon said, went deeper. Noting that Feinstein “has historically demonstrated that she is not willing to take the fight to the Republicans,” de León pointed to the incumbent’s record of approving even the most controversial Republican judicial nominees.
“I would never have opened the door to his confirmation to the Third Circuit Court of Appeals, basically, the farm team for the Supreme Court,” de León said in an interview about the Kavanaugh nomination fight. He continued:
Senator Feinstein volunteered her vote in 2006 to allow this man, a known partisan political operative, to hit the Senate floor for confirmation. If that didn’t happen quite frankly we would not have Brett Kavanaugh before the U.S. Senate today, and I would not vote to confirm 60 percent of Trump’s judicial nominees. Now these are, as we know, lifetime appointments, and these are men who almost surely will undo a woman’s right to choose, workers rights, civil rights, voting rights, our environmental laws, so this is something that I would have done dramatically different than the current senior senator from California.
Those words from just two years ago sound all the more prescient as Democrats fret about Feinstein’s praise for a process that has sent the most threatening Supreme Court nomination of the modern era to the floor of the Senate.


thenation--2020-10-23--Corporate Consultants Set Their Targets on American Universities

Last year , the leadership of The New School ( TNS ) celebrated its storied progressive history by organizing a centennial festival .
The event , featuring artistic events , panels , and exhibitions , was intended to highlight its reputation as a quirky , heterodox university committed to social justice .
“ We ask the questions that lead to new questions , challenging the status quo , ” said the announcement .
The festival was also a hugely expensive event , promoted as a fundraiser , albeit one seemingly quite ineffective at its goal of raising money .
Months @ @ @ @ @ @ @ struggling with a projected budget shortfall of $ 130 million .
But contrary to the celebratory spirit of its carefully crafted public image , the leadership is attempting to transform the university—without the input and against the wishes of faculty , staff , and students—into a corporate paragon of anti-labor austerity .
On August 6 , employees of The New School received an e-mail from the new president , Dwight A. McBride , a long-time administrator as well as a scholar of race and literary studies .
The e-mail announced that the school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that it had hired Huron Consulting , “ a firm with a dedicated practice focused on higher education , ” to guide them .
Many of us in the TNS community were flabbergasted by the decision to invest hundreds of thousands of dollars in an external consulting company in the middle of a purported fiscal crisis , rather than mobilizing resources and expertise already present in-house .
Union members were concerned about the possibility for union busting given the new president ’ s stance on unions .
As it turns out , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ October 2—five months after Huron was hired , and with the approval of the Board of Trustees—the school laid off 122 employees to offset the projected budget shortfall .
More than a third of the laid-off employees were union members , and essential positions were eliminated in student advising , health services , and departmental administration .
The total number of employees who have lost their jobs and health insurance in the middle of a pandemic is even higher because dozens of employees furloughed in March will not be recalled .
Taken together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to combat “ administrative bloat ” —the steady increase in spending on administrative positions , including substantial increase in salaries and related benefits for the leadership of the university—approximates 20 percent of The New School ’ s staff .
The layoffs made minimal difference to the budget shortfall : In fact , they are only meant to result in annual savings of $ 12 million , starting from the fiscal year 2022 .
The decision to throw around 200 workers into unemployment in the midst of the worst pandemic in a century looks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Huron , the shadowy entity in dialogue with the administration behind closed doors , is a corporate consulting firm that has been mired in corruption from the beginning .
It was established in 2002 by 25 former executives of Arthur Andersen , an accounting agency that went under in 2001–02 .
The agency had been cooking the books for the energy giant Enron , a company that became a household name signifying corporate corruption , as well as the subject of a bestselling book and a documentary .
Using “ mark-to-market ” ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to claim prospective future profits and list them on its current balance sheet , wildly and fraudulently inflating the company ’ s value .
This was not its only crime .
Enron routinely advocated the privatization of essential services and resources and expanded its operation to India , Mozambique , and Argentina .
In India , Human Rights Watch accused the firm of paying police to violently attack protesters .
By the time the company collapsed , shareholders had lost $ 74 billion , and its employees lost billions in pension benefits—all under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It didn ’ t take long for Huron to follow in the footsteps of its corrupt creators .
In 2009 , Huron became embroiled in its own scandal , accused of overstating pretax income from 2005 to early 2009 .
The consulting firm ended up having to pay out millions of dollars , between a civil fine and reparations to shareholders .
Perhaps unsurprisingly , several of Huron ’ s executive leaders are Republican Party donors .
In spite of the occasional donation to a Democratic candidate , Huron executives seem to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ McCain , Mike Pence , Mitt Romney , George W. Bush , and Ted Cruz .
Huron turned its eye to the field of higher education in 2015 .
Remarkably , Huron ’ s own primers point to post–Hurricane Katrina dispossession as a model for universities looking to navigate the crises brought about by Covid-19 .
In a report titled “ COVID-19 and Hurricane Katrina : Parallels and Lessons Learned , ” Huron advocates that universities immediately institute aggressive measures such as staff and faculty layoffs , program closures , salary reductions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ renewal plans ” engineered by private and public entities in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina exacerbated racialized dispossession seems not to have been a concern .
In 2017 , under the watch of the reactionary , “ right-to-work ” Governor Scott Walker , Huron was hired by the University of Wisconsin—historically a exemplar of the state-funded , public institution serving the poor as well as the affluent—to manage a state-driven austerity plan .
In addition to laying off a hundred employees , reducing employment for non-tenure-track staff , and forcibly reassigning tenured @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thriving programs in humanities and social sciences and drove mass faculty layoffs at the university ’ s Stevens Point Campus .
The University of New Hampshire ( UNH ) didn ’ t fare any better .
In 2019 , UNH paid Huron $ 600,000 to produce a cost-saving , “ reimagining ” assessment that Huron claimed would save the university $ 12 million over two years .
The solutions proposed in the report included cuts to research and libraries , layoffs of facility and maintenance staff , and adjustments to the faculty mix @ @ @ @ @ @ @ untenured positions ) based on a merely quantitative criterion for cost efficiency , credit hour production ( CHP ) per faculty member .
CHP is the total number of credit hours produced in a semester and is calculated multiplying the number of students enrolled by the credit hour per course .
Huron ’ s business model for restructuring higher education also emphasizes the expansion of the market through online learning and the development of global education platforms .
It not only suggests that universities use the strategy of their “ Fortune 1000 counterparts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ partnerships .
This is a plainly at odds with The New School ’ s historic commitment to promoting and defending the values of intellectual and academic freedom .
Outside of corporate and institutional boardrooms , fierce resistance to the “ reimagining ” is mounting across The New School .
Employees , students , and faculty are demanding to have a voice in shaping the future of their university .
In an unprecedented display of solidarity among students , faculty , and staff members , the unions present on campus ( UAW Local 7902 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local 802 ) and The New School ’ s American Association of University Professors Chapter have come together under the umbrella of the New School Labor Coalition , organizing a campaign to force the school ’ s leadership to recognize the community ’ s needs and to bring its workers to the table .
In a couple of emotional Zoom meetings , laid-off workers described the effects of the university ’ s austerity measures , the imposition of what Ruth Wilson Gilmore refers to as “ organized abandonment.
” Some employees have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20 years or more , only to find themselves with no retirement , no income , and no health insurance .
Underfunded graduate students expressed rage about the number of teaching fellowships that have been canceled , one of the few sources of income for international students on a visa .
And an exhausted faculty body , whose salaries have been cut , retirement contributions halted , and research funds eliminated , expressed their concerns about being confronted with an institution they no longer recognize as their own .
Despite repeated requests , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the labor coalition .
Demands for financial transparency and meaningful participation in decision-making have been similarly deflected .
Crucial information has been withheld even from the task force of faculty , staff , and administrators created by the administration to help “ reimagine ” the university , leading all faculty and staff representatives in the task force to send a letter to the president and the provost explaining that they find it impossible to fulfill their mission without access to transparent and reliable data about the school ’ s finances .
The administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Naomi Klein calls the “ shock doctrine ” —the tactic of using a supposed crisis to “ push through radical pro-corporate measures.
” Corporate sharks like Huron have been helping university bosses across the country implement different versions of this austerity-driven doctrine , and The New School is clearly no exception .
This vision of the future is not only borne on the backs of the most vulnerable in our communities ; it threatens to undermine higher education itself .
To remain true to its historical commitments , The New School needs to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the bone , and begin listening to those who make the institution , against all odds , a place of humane , progressive education .

Jaskiran Dhillon, Cinzia Arruzza, AAUP-TNS Media Collective

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Last year, the leadership of The New School (TNS) celebrated its storied progressive history by organizing a centennial festival. The event, featuring artistic events, panels, and exhibitions, was intended to highlight its reputation as a quirky, heterodox university committed to social justice. “We ask the questions that lead to new questions, challenging the status quo,” said the announcement. The festival was also a hugely expensive event, promoted as a fundraiser, albeit one seemingly quite ineffective at its goal of raising money. Months down the line, the university is struggling with a projected budget shortfall of $130 million. But contrary to the celebratory spirit of its carefully crafted public image, the leadership is attempting to transform the university—without the input and against the wishes of faculty, staff, and students—into a corporate paragon of anti-labor austerity.
On August 6, employees of The New School received an e-mail from the new president, Dwight A. McBride, a long-time administrator as well as a scholar of race and literary studies. The e-mail announced that the school would undergo extensive “reimagining” and that it had hired Huron Consulting, “a firm with a dedicated practice focused on higher education,” to guide them. Many of us in the TNS community were flabbergasted by the decision to invest hundreds of thousands of dollars in an external consulting company in the middle of a purported fiscal crisis, rather than mobilizing resources and expertise already present in-house. Union members were concerned about the possibility for union busting given the new president’s stance on unions.
As it turns out, they were right to be worried. On October 2—five months after Huron was hired, and with the approval of the Board of Trustees—the school laid off 122 employees to offset the projected budget shortfall. More than a third of the laid-off employees were union members, and essential positions were eliminated in student advising, health services, and departmental administration. The total number of employees who have lost their jobs and health insurance in the middle of a pandemic is even higher because dozens of employees furloughed in March will not be recalled.
Taken together, the number of employees laid off to combat “administrative bloat”—the steady increase in spending on administrative positions, including substantial increase in salaries and related benefits for the leadership of the university—approximates 20 percent of The New School’s staff. The layoffs made minimal difference to the budget shortfall: In fact, they are only meant to result in annual savings of $12 million, starting from the fiscal year 2022. The decision to throw around 200 workers into unemployment in the midst of the worst pandemic in a century looks all the more cynical and shocking.
Huron, the shadowy entity in dialogue with the administration behind closed doors, is a corporate consulting firm that has been mired in corruption from the beginning. It was established in 2002 by 25 former executives of Arthur Andersen, an accounting agency that went under in 2001–02. The agency had been cooking the books for the energy giant Enron, a company that became a household name signifying corporate corruption, as well as the subject of a bestselling book and a documentary. Using “mark-to-market” (MTM) accounting, Enron was able to claim prospective future profits and list them on its current balance sheet, wildly and fraudulently inflating the company’s value. This was not its only crime. Enron routinely advocated the privatization of essential services and resources and expanded its operation to India, Mozambique, and Argentina. In India, Human Rights Watch accused the firm of paying police to violently attack protesters. By the time the company collapsed,shareholders had lost $74 billion, and its employees lost billions in pension benefits—all under the watchful eye of Arthur Andersen. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
It didn’t take long for Huron to follow in the footsteps of its corrupt creators. In 2009, Huron became embroiled in its own scandal, accused of overstating pretax income from 2005 to early 2009. The consulting firm ended up having to pay out millions of dollars, between a civil fine and reparations to shareholders. Perhaps unsurprisingly, several of Huron’s executive leaders are Republican Party donors. In spite of the occasional donation to a Democratic candidate, Huron executives seem to be particularly keen on supporting Republicans like John McCain, Mike Pence, Mitt Romney, George W. Bush, and Ted Cruz.
Huron turned its eye to the field of higher education in 2015. Remarkably, Huron’s own primers point to post–Hurricane Katrina dispossession as a model for universities looking to navigate the crises brought about by Covid-19. In a report titled “COVID-19 and Hurricane Katrina: Parallels and Lessons Learned,” Huron advocates that universities immediately institute aggressive measures such as staff and faculty layoffs, program closures, salary reductions, and hiring freezes. The fact that “renewal plans” engineered by private and public entities in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina exacerbated racialized dispossession seems not to have been a concern. Current Issue View our current issue
In 2017, under the watch of the reactionary, “right-to-work” Governor Scott Walker, Huron was hired by the University of Wisconsin—historically a exemplar of the state-funded, public institution serving the poor as well as the affluent—to manage a state-driven austerity plan. In addition to laying off a hundred employees, reducing employment for non-tenure-track staff, and forcibly reassigning tenured faculty, Huron’s plan shuttered thriving programs in humanities and social sciences and drove mass faculty layoffs at the university’s Stevens Point Campus.
The University of New Hampshire (UNH) didn’t fare any better. In 2019, UNH paid Huron $600,000 to produce a cost-saving, “reimagining” assessment that Huron claimed would save the university $12 million over two years. The solutions proposed in the report included cuts to research and libraries, layoffs of facility and maintenance staff, and adjustments to the faculty mix (the combination of tenure track and untenured positions) based on a merely quantitative criterion for cost efficiency, credit hour production (CHP) per faculty member. CHP is the total number of credit hours produced in a semester and is calculated multiplying the number of students enrolled by the credit hour per course.
Huron’s business model for restructuring higher education also emphasizes the expansion of the market through online learning and the development of global education platforms. It not only suggests that universities use the strategy of their “Fortune 1000 counterparts,” it advocates fostering corporate educational partnerships. This is plainly at odds with The New School’s historic commitment to promoting and defending the values of intellectual and academic freedom.
Outside of corporate and institutional boardrooms, fierce resistance to the “reimagining” is mounting across The New School. Employees, students, and faculty are demanding to have a voice in shaping the future of their university. In an unprecedented display of solidarity among students, faculty, and staff members, the unions present on campus (UAW Local 7902, Teamsters Local 1205, and AFM local 802) and The New School’s American Association of University Professors Chapter have come together under the umbrella of the New School Labor Coalition, organizing a campaign to force the school’s leadership to recognize the community’s needs and to bring its workers to the table.
In a couple of emotional Zoom meetings, laid-off workers described the effects of the university’s austerity measures, the imposition of what Ruth Wilson Gilmore refers to as “organized abandonment.” Some employees have been working at the school for up to 20 years or more, only to find themselves with no retirement, no income, and no health insurance. Underfunded graduate students expressed rage about the number of teaching fellowships that have been canceled, one of the few sources of income for international students on a visa. And an exhausted faculty body, whose salaries have been cut, retirement contributions halted, and research funds eliminated, expressed their concerns about being confronted with an institution they no longer recognize as their own.
Despite repeated requests, university leadership has yet to meet with the labor coalition. Demands for financial transparency and meaningful participation in decision-making have been similarly deflected. Crucial information has been withheld even from the task force of faculty, staff, and administrators created by the administration to help “reimagine” the university, leading all faculty and staff representatives in the task force to send a letter to the president and the provost explaining that they find it impossible to fulfill their mission without access to transparent and reliable data about the school’s finances.
The administration’s actions add up to what Naomi Klein calls the “shock doctrine”—the tactic of using a supposed crisis to “push through radical pro-corporate measures.” Corporate sharks like Huron have been helping university bosses across the country implement different versions of this austerity-driven doctrine, and The New School is clearly no exception. This vision of the future is not only borne on the backs of the most vulnerable in our communities; it threatens to undermine higher education itself. To remain true to its historical commitments, The New School needs to dispense with corporate models that cut to the bone, and begin listening to those who make the institution, against all odds, a place of humane, progressive education.