thenation--2020-08-21--Will Public Schools Survive Covid-19?

Will Public Schools Survive Covid-19?

Seventeen years ago , against the advice of my parents , I decided to become a public school teacher .
Once I did , both my mother and father , educators themselves , warned me that choosing to teach was to invite attacks from those who viewed the profession with derision and contempt .
They advised me to stay strong and push through when budgets were cut , my intellect was questioned , or my dedication to my students was exploited .
Nobody , however , warned me that someday I might have to defend myself against those who asked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and risk my own life , the lives of my students and their families , of my friends , my husband , and my child in the middle of a global health crisis .
And nobody told me that I ’ d be worrying about whether or not our nation ’ s public schools , already under siege , would survive the chaos of Covid-19 .
Pushing students back into school buildings right now simply telegraphs an even larger desire in this society to return to business as usual .
We want our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sense of normalcy in a time of the deepest uncertainty .
We want to pretend that schools ( like bars ) will deliver us from the stresses created by a massive public health crisis .
We want to believe that if we simply put our children back in their classrooms , the economy will recover and life as we used to know it will resume .
In reality , the pandemic is—or at least should be—teaching us that there can be no going back to that past .
As the first students and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , images of crowded hallways , unmasked kids , and reports of school-induced Covid-19 outbreaks have already revealed the depths to which we seem willing to plunge when it comes to the safety and well-being of our children .
So let ’ s just call the situation what it is : a misguided attempt to prop up an economy failing at near–Great Depression levels because federal , state , and local governments have been remarkably unwilling to make public policy grounded in evidence-based science .
In other words , we ’ re living @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terms with the deadly repercussions of a social safety net gutted even before the virus reached our shores and decisions guided by the most self-interested kind of politics rather than the public good .
For teachers like me , with the privilege of not having to work a second or third job , summer can be a time to reflect on the previous school year and prepare for the next .
I take classes , read , develop new curriculum , and spend time with family and friends .
Summer has been a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pieces of my life I ’ ve neglected during the school year and recharge my physical and emotional batteries .
Like many other public school teachers I know , I step away in order to step back in .
Not this summer , though .
In these months , there ’ s been no reprieve .
In Portland , Ore. , where I live , the confluence of the historic Black Lives Matter uprising , a subsequent invasion by the president ’ s federal agents , the hovering menace and tragic devastation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homelessness and joblessness have contributed to a seismic disruption of the routines and structures of our community .
A feeling of uncertainty and anxiety now permeates every facet of daily life .
Like so many , I ’ ve been parenting full time without relief since March , acutely aware of the absence of the usual indispensable web of teachers , caregivers , coaches , camp counselors , family , and friends who have helped me raise my child so that I can help raise the children of others .
The dislocation from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the breakdown of normal social ties , as well as my daughter ’ s and my lack of access to school , has had a profound effect on our lives .
And yet , knowing all that , feeling it all so deeply , I would still never advocate sending our children back to school in person as Covid-19 still rages out of control .
Without a concerted effort to stop the spread of the virus—as cases in this country soar past five million and deaths top 170,000—including masking mandates , widespread testing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to change the physical layout of classrooms and school buildings , a radical reduction in class sizes , and proper personal protective equipment for all school employees , returning to school becomes folly on a grand scale .
Of course , an effort like that would require a kind of social cohesion , innovation , and focused allocation of resources that , by definition , is nonexistent in the age of Trump .
In late July , when it was announced that school districts across the state of Oregon would open fully online @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things : enormous relief and profound grief .
The experience of virtual schooling in the spring had resulted in many families suffering due to a lack of access to the social , emotional , and educational resources of school .
No one understands that reality better than the teachers who have dedicated our waking hours to supporting those students and the parents who have watched them suffer .
As refreshing as it should be to hear politicians across the political spectrum communicating their worries about a widening achievement gap and the ways in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fall behind if they don ’ t experience in-person schooling , their concerns ring hollow .
Our most vulnerable children are historically the least served by our schools and the most likely to get sick if they go back .
Having never prioritized the needs of those very students , their families , and the communities they live in , those politicians have the audacity to demand that schools open now .
Truly caring for the health and well-being of such students during the pandemic would mean extending unemployment benefits , providing rental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The answer is hardly sending vulnerable kids into a building where they could possibly become infected and carry the virus back to communities that have already been disproportionately affected by Covid-19 .
Take the example of my school , which has an air ventilation system that ’ s been on the fritz for more than a decade , insufficient soap or even places to wash your hands , and windows that don ’ t open .
In other words , perfect conditions for spreading a virus .
Even if I were given @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I ’ d still be stuck in classrooms with far too many students and inadequate air flow .
And those are just the physical concerns .
What very few people seem to be considering , no less discussing , is the long-term psychological trauma associated with the spread of the virus .
What if I unknowingly infected my students or their family members ?
What if I brought the virus home to my family and friends ?
What if I contracted the virus from a student and died ?
No educator I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ serve our students , but stepping back into in-person learning while the virus is still out of control in America will clearly only contribute to its further spread .
Schools are unable to shoulder the burden of this crisis .
Politicizing the return to school and pitting parents against teachers—as if many teachers weren ’ t themselves parents—is a devious way of once again scapegoating those very schools for perennial failures of funding , leadership , and policy .
Forty years of the neoliberal version of austerity and divestment from public schools by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , unlike in many of the wealthiest nations on this planet , public schools in the United States don ’ t have the necessary institutional support , infrastructure , or resources to envision and carry out a safe and effective return to school .
To put all this in perspective , in its budget proposal for 2021 , the Trump administration requested $ 66.6 billion for the Department of Education , $ 6.1 billion less than in 2020 .
In contrast , Congress just passed the National Defense Authorization Act authorizing $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Department .
Even with the proposed allocation of an additional $ 70 billion for schools in the Republican-backed HEALS Act , the now-stalled second attempt to respond to the spreading pandemic , two-thirds of those funds would only be available to school districts that hold in-person classes .
And because a majority of school funding is tied to local and state tax revenues , badly hit by an economy hobbled by the virus , schools will actually be operating on even smaller budgets this year .
It ’ s as if they want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ powerful foe of public education in the Trump administration , Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos , even threatened to withhold federal funding if local school districts decided to resume school totally online this fall .
After she was reminded that she didn ’ t have the authority to do so , she pivoted instead to asking parents to consider other options for their children .
That request amounted to encouraging them to pull their children from public schools ( depriving them of essential funding ) and instead seek out vouchers for private or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just stop there .
In an attempt to redirect funds allocated to low-income students by the CARES Act , Congress ’ s initial response to the pandemic , she ruled that school districts deciding to use that money for programs that might benefit all students ( instead of just low-income students ) must also pay for “ equitable services ” for all private schools in the district .
This would potentially siphon up to $ 1.5 billion of CARES Act money from public to private schools .
Such schools have already benefited from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as part of the CARES Act .
I ’ m sure you won ’ t be surprised to know that they stand to receive yet more money if anything like the present version of the Senate ’ s HEALS Act ever passes .
It ’ s easy to see who wins and who loses in such an equation .
The fear and anxiety prompted by uncertainty about how public schools will function in the chaos of this moment is giving way to grassroots decision-making that will adversely affect such basic institutions for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even more segregated schools .
People like me—white , highly educated , and accustomed to having options—are scrambling to figure out individual solutions to problems that would best be solved by community organizing .
Some families are indeed choosing to pull their children out of public schools , enrolling them in online academies , private schools , or simply homeschooling their kids .
Others are forming small instructional pods , or micro schools , and hiring private teachers or tutors to educate their kids .
The twisted irony of these developments is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lives Matter movement are making decisions for their own children that will adversely affect Black students for years to come .
Declining enrollment and white divestment in public schools will bring about funding shortages and educational disparities sure to undermine whatever gains those protests achieve .
The inevitable result will be more segregated schools , while the gap between the haves and the have-nots only widens .
Ultimately , privatization on the smallest scale plays into the desire of those like DeVos who seek to undermine and , in the end , even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ private schools and charter schools , which , unsurprisingly enough , were first formed to perpetuate school segregation .
Public schools are deeply imperfect institutions .
Historically , they ’ ve perpetuated racial inequities and solidified economic and social disparities .
In many ways , they ’ ve failed all our children on almost every conceivable level .
Their funding models are little short of criminal and the lack of resources across the system should have been ( but generally wasn ’ t ) considered unconscionable long before the coronavirus struck .
Yet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , many of them , myself included , believe that a free public education accessible to all is a foundation for hope in the future .
In the end , schools may still prove to be our last best chance for salvaging what ’ s left of our fractured nation and the promise of democracy .
Abandon them now , when they ’ re under threat at the federal , state , and grassroots level , and you imperil the fate of the nation .
Needed today are creative solutions that put the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children .
Perhaps enlisting our nation ’ s retirees , many of whom are currently isolated at home , to help small groups of students , or launching a civilian corps of the currently unemployed , paid to step in to rebuild critical public school infrastructure or provide supplementary support and tutoring for kids who might otherwise be left behind , would help .
I know there are creative solutions out there that don ’ t just benefit the most privileged among us , that could , in fact , focus on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to be creative , not to withdraw from the system .
Now is the time to pool resources , while amplifying the voices of students , parents , and families historically not invited into such conversations .
Long-term divestment in public education has brought America ’ s schools to a dangerous crossroads , where mistrust of science and expert advice is threatening the very fabric of this nation .
The only way out of this mess is to reverse the tide .
Do we really want to be governed by fear and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the gears of institutional racism to grind on , whether virtually or in person ?
It ’ s time to act more collectively , to truly put the “ public ” back in public schools .
It ’ s time to set partisanship aside to protect all our children as we navigate the unknown and unknowable .
As I prepare for an academic year unlike any other , I expect to watch with terror as many of our nation ’ s schools , woefully unprepared , open in the midst of a pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worry nonstop about the students and teachers walking through those doors .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy. This article originally appeared at TomDispatch.com. To stay on top of important articles like these, sign up to receive the latest updates from TomDispatch.
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Seventeen years ago, against the advice of my parents, I decided to become a public school teacher. Once I did, both my mother and father, educators themselves, warned me that choosing to teach was to invite attacks from those who viewed the profession with derision and contempt. They advised me to stay strong and push through when budgets were cut, my intellect was questioned, or my dedication to my students was exploited. Nobody, however, warned me that someday I might have to defend myself against those who asked me to step back into my classroom and risk my own life, the lives of my students and their families, of my friends, my husband, and my child in the middle of a global health crisis. And nobody told me that I’d be worrying about whether or not our nation’s public schools, already under siege, would survive the chaos of Covid-19.
Pushing students back into school buildings right now simply telegraphs an even larger desire in this society to return to business as usual. We want our schools to open because we want a sense of normalcy in a time of the deepest uncertainty. We want to pretend that schools (like bars) will deliver us from the stresses created by a massive public health crisis. We want to believe that if we simply put our children back in their classrooms, the economy will recover and life as we used to know it will resume.
In reality, the pandemic is—or at least should be—teaching us that there can be no going back to that past. As the first students and teachers start to return to school buildings, images of crowded hallways, unmasked kids, and reports of school-induced Covid-19 outbreaks have already revealed the depths to which we seem willing to plunge when it comes to the safety and well-being of our children.
So let’s just call the situation what it is: a misguided attempt to prop up an economy failing at near–Great Depression levels because federal, state, and local governments have been remarkably unwilling to make public policy grounded in evidence-based science. In other words, we’re living in a nation struggling to come to terms with the deadly repercussions of a social safety net gutted even before the virus reached our shores and decisions guided by the most self-interested kind of politics rather than the public good.
A Return to School?
For teachers like me, with the privilege of not having to work a second or third job, summer can be a time to reflect on the previous school year and prepare for the next. I take classes, read, develop new curriculum, and spend time with family and friends. Summer has been a time to catch up with all the pieces of my life I’ve neglected during the school year and recharge my physical and emotional batteries. Like many other public school teachers I know, I step away in order to step back in. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Not this summer, though. In these months, there’s been no reprieve. In Portland, Ore., where I live, the confluence of the historic Black Lives Matter uprising, a subsequent invasion by the president’s federal agents, the hovering menace and tragic devastation of the coronavirus, and rising rates of homelessness and joblessness have contributed to a seismic disruption of the routines and structures of our community. A feeling of uncertainty and anxiety now permeates every facet of daily life. Like so many, I’ve been parenting full time without relief since March, acutely aware of the absence of the usual indispensable web of teachers, caregivers, coaches, camp counselors, family, and friends who have helped me raise my child so that I can help raise the children of others.
The dislocation from my community and the isolation caused by the breakdown of normal social ties, as well as my daughter’s and my lack of access to school, has had a profound effect on our lives. And yet, knowing all that, feeling it all so deeply, I would still never advocate sending our children back to school in person as Covid-19 still rages out of control. Current Issue View our current issue
Without a concerted effort to stop the spread of the virus—as cases in this country soar past five million and deaths top 170,000—including masking mandates, widespread testing, effective contact tracing, enough funding to change the physical layout of classrooms and school buildings, a radical reduction in class sizes, and proper personal protective equipment for all school employees, returning to school becomes folly on a grand scale. Of course, an effort like that would require a kind of social cohesion, innovation, and focused allocation of resources that, by definition, is nonexistent in the age of Trump.
Sacrificing the Vulnerable
In late July, when it was announced that school districts across the state of Oregon would open fully online again this fall, I felt two things: enormous relief and profound grief. The experience of virtual schooling in the spring had resulted in many families suffering due to a lack of access to the social, emotional, and educational resources of school. No one understands that reality better than the teachers who have dedicated our waking hours to supporting those students and the parents who have watched them suffer.
As refreshing as it should be to hear politicians across the political spectrum communicating their worries about a widening achievement gap and the ways in which the most vulnerable American children will fall behind if they don’t experience in-person schooling, their concerns ring hollow. Our most vulnerable children are historically the least served by our schools and the most likely to get sick if they go back. Having never prioritized the needs of those very students, their families, and the communities they live in, those politicians have the audacity to demand that schools open now.
Truly caring for the health and well-being of such students during the pandemic would mean extending unemployment benefits, providing rental assistance, and enacting universal health care. The answer is hardly sending vulnerable kids into a building where they could possibly become infected and carry the virus back to communities that have already been disproportionately affected by Covid-19.
Take the example of my school, which has an air ventilation system that’s been on the fritz for more than a decade, insufficient soap or even places to wash your hands, and windows that don’t open. In other words, perfect conditions for spreading a virus. Even if I were given a face shield and ample hand sanitizer, I’d still be stuck in classrooms with far too many students and inadequate air flow. And those are just the physical concerns.
What very few people seem to be considering, no less discussing, is the long-term psychological trauma associated with the spread of the virus. What if I unknowingly infected my students or their family members? What if I brought the virus home to my family and friends? What if I contracted the virus from a student and died? No educator I know believes that online teaching will better serve our students, but stepping back into in-person learning while the virus is still out of control in America will clearly only contribute to its further spread.
Schools are unable to shoulder the burden of this crisis. Politicizing the return to school and pitting parents against teachers—as if many teachers weren’t themselves parents—is a devious way of once again scapegoating those very schools for perennial failures of funding, leadership, and policy. Forty years of the neoliberal version of austerity and divestment from public schools by both Democratic and Republican administrations have ensured that, unlike in many of the wealthiest nations on this planet, public schools in the United States don’t have the necessary institutional support, infrastructure, or resources to envision and carry out a safe and effective return to school.
To put all this in perspective, in its budget proposal for 2021, the Trump administration requested $66.6 billion for the Department of Education, $6.1 billion less than in 2020. In contrast, Congress just passed the National Defense Authorization Act authorizing $740 billion in spending for the Defense Department. Even with the proposed allocation of an additional $70 billion for schools in the Republican-backed HEALS Act, the now-stalled second attempt to respond to the spreading pandemic, two-thirds of those funds would only be available to school districts that hold in-person classes. And because a majority of school funding is tied to local and state tax revenues, badly hit by an economy hobbled by the virus, schools will actually be operating on even smaller budgets this year.
Grassroots Privatization
It’s as if they want us to fail. Perhaps the most powerful foe of public education in the Trump administration, Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos, even threatened to withhold federal funding if local school districts decided to resume school totally online this fall. After she was reminded that she didn’t have the authority to do so, she pivoted instead to asking parents to consider other options for their children. That request amounted to encouraging them to pull their children from public schools (depriving them of essential funding) and instead seek out vouchers for private or charter schools.
DeVos didn’t just stop there. In an attempt to redirect funds allocated to low-income students by the CARES Act, Congress’s initial response to the pandemic, she ruled that school districts deciding to use that money for programs that might benefit all students (instead of just low-income students) must also pay for “equitable services” for all private schools in the district. This would potentially siphon up to $1.5 billion of CARES Act money from public to private schools. Such schools have already benefited from Paycheck Protection Program loans that were distributed as part of the CARES Act. I’m sure you won’t be surprised to know that they stand to receive yet more money if anything like the present version of the Senate’s HEALS Act ever passes. It’s easy to see who wins and who loses in such an equation.
The fear and anxiety prompted by uncertainty about how public schools will function in the chaos of this moment is giving way to grassroots decision-making that will adversely affect such basic institutions for the foreseeable future and may even contribute to even more segregated schools. People like me—white, highly educated, and accustomed to having options—are scrambling to figure out individual solutions to problems that would best be solved by community organizing.
Some families are indeed choosing to pull their children out of public schools, enrolling them in online academies, private schools, or simply homeschooling their kids. Others are forming small instructional pods, or micro schools, and hiring private teachers or tutors to educate their kids.
The twisted irony of these developments is that many white people who support the Black Lives Matter movement are making decisions for their own children that will adversely affect Black students for years to come. Declining enrollment and white divestment in public schools will bring about funding shortages and educational disparities sure to undermine whatever gains those protests achieve.
The inevitable result will be more segregated schools, while the gap between the haves and the have-nots only widens. Ultimately, privatization on the smallest scale plays into the desire of those like DeVos who seek to undermine and, in the end, even potentially dismantle public education in favor of private schools and charter schools, which, unsurprisingly enough, were first formed to perpetuate school segregation.
The Survival of Public Schools
Public schools are deeply imperfect institutions. Historically, they’ve perpetuated racial inequities and solidified economic and social disparities. In many ways, they’ve failed all our children on almost every conceivable level. Their funding models are little short of criminal and the lack of resources across the system should have been (but generally wasn’t) considered unconscionable long before the coronavirus struck.
Yet institutions are made up of people and, many of them, myself included, believe that a free public education accessible to all is a foundation for hope in the future. In the end, schools may still prove to be our last best chance for salvaging what’s left of our fractured nation and the promise of democracy. Abandon them now, when they’re under threat at the federal, state, and grassroots level, and you imperil the fate of the nation.
Needed today are creative solutions that put the focus on the most vulnerable of our children. Perhaps enlisting our nation’s retirees, many of whom are currently isolated at home, to help small groups of students, or launching a civilian corps of the currently unemployed, paid to step in to rebuild critical public school infrastructure or provide supplementary support and tutoring for kids who might otherwise be left behind, would help. I know there are creative solutions out there that don’t just benefit the most privileged among us, that could, in fact, focus on the most marginalized students. Now is the time to be creative, not to withdraw from the system. Now is the time to pool resources, while amplifying the voices of students, parents, and families historically not invited into such conversations.
Long-term divestment in public education has brought America’s schools to a dangerous crossroads, where mistrust of science and expert advice is threatening the very fabric of this nation. The only way out of this mess is to reverse the tide. Do we really want to be governed by fear and self-imposed scarcity? Do we really want the gears of institutional racism to grind on, whether virtually or in person? It’s time to act more collectively, to truly put the “public” back in public schools. It’s time to set partisanship aside to protect all our children as we navigate the unknown and unknowable.
As I prepare for an academic year unlike any other, I expect to watch with terror as many of our nation’s schools, woefully unprepared, open in the midst of a pandemic. Exhausted and heartbroken, I will worry nonstop about the students and teachers walking through those doors.


thenation--2020-08-21--Biden’s Next Job Is to Convince America That He Means It

Joe Biden finally got to accept the Democratic presidential nomination that he began seeking in the 1980s , and he did so with a graceful turn , promising , “ We can and will overcome this season of darkness.
” The former vice president ’ s address on the closing night of his party ’ s virtual convention was elegant , even poetic , in its outlining of an agenda for beating Donald Trump , tackling a pandemic , and renewing the economy .
But acceptance addresses are always aspirational , and voters know that candidates often promise more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work to do .
And so do the progressives who have provided so many of the ideas that Biden touched on in an address where he spoke of tackling Four historic crises .
All at the same time .
A perfect storm .
The worst pandemic in over 100 years .
The worst economic crisis since the Great Depression .
The most compelling call for racial justice since the ’ 60s .
And the undeniable realities and accelerating threats of climate change .
To meet those challenges , the federal government must spend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a predecessor who dramatically expanded the role of government : Nearly a century ago , Franklin Roosevelt pledged a New Deal in a time of massive unemployment , uncertainty , and fear .
Stricken by disease , stricken by a virus , FDR insisted that he would recover and prevail and he believed America could as well .
And he did .
And so can we .
These are appropriate and necessary ambitions .
Unfortunately , even as the candidate was putting the finishing touches on his speech , creating doubts about whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with deeds.. “ When we get in , the pantry is going to be bare , ” longtime Biden aide Ted Kaufman told The Wall Street Journal in an article published Wednesday , the third day of the convention .
“ When you see what Trump ’ s done to the deficit…forget about Covid-19 , all the deficits that he built with the incredible tax cuts .
So we ’ re going to be limited.
” Milwaukee Has a Lot to Teach Joe Biden and the Democrats Dissenting Delegates Send a Medicare for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explained that Kaufman “ predicted…that a large increase in federal spending would be difficult to achieve in 2021.
” Ted Kaufman is not some Biden campaign hanger-on .
He ’ s the head of the transition team .
When someone in his position starts talking about limited options , alarm bells should go off .
This is the kind of talk you heard in 1993 when Bill Clinton , after winning the presidency with a campaign that talked big about all that he would accomplish , suddenly became a deficit hawk .
Similarly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bush handed Barack Obama a Great Recession , right-wing Republicans and centrist Democrats leaped in to tell the newly elected president everything he could not do .
When Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders heard that Kaufman was laying the groundwork for another austerity , Sanders said , “ He is dead wrong.
” Americans have grown cynical about whether Democrats in government will address the fundamental challenges facing the nation .
Kaufman fed that cynicism .
If his thinking takes hold , the Democrats will be tripped up ; austerity won ’ t cut @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party ’ s new leader , Biden , have to communicate that they are willing to spend what is necessary to provide health care , housing , and employment , and to ensure justice .
To that end , economist Dean Baker says , “ Biden ’ s people should be prohibited from ever whining about the government debt.
” The deficit hawk agenda is dangerous for the country .
“ We need massive investment in our country or it will fall apart .
This is not a joke , ” argues Representative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deficit-hawking now , when millions of lives are at stake , is utterly irresponsible.
” It ’ s also utterly unnecessary , because , as AOC notes , the pantry that ’ s always got plenty of money to fund the military-industrial complex and tax breaks for the rich “ is absolutely not bare.
” “ Let ’ s be clear , ” says economist Stephanie Kelton .
“ The pantry is bare for millions of families .
Not for Congress .
Not now .
Not ever.
” Kelton takes on deficit hawks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Myth : Modern Monetary Theory and the Birth of the People ’ s Economy .
The deficit hawk agenda is also dangerous for the Democrats .
Donald Trump won ’ t be campaigning this fall on an austerity agenda .
He ’ ll be promising the moon and the stars—including a mad scheme to defer the payroll taxes that sustain Social Security .
Trump just wants another term so that he and his wrecking crew can cut more taxes for the wealthy and barter off the United States Postal Service .
If Democrats @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tightening our belts , ” they will undermine their own prospects .
Biden might still prevail , but his margin will narrow and prospects for taking the Senate will be diminished .
To achieve a meaningful victory in 2020 , Democrats must mobilize millions of disenchanted and disengaged Americans .
That won ’ t happen unless voters know that the election of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris will lead to bold structural changes that address economic pain , racial injustice , and the fate of the planet .
These are urgent times , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Biden ’ s campaign can ’ t afford to send mixed signals that lead people to fear that he won ’ t keep the promises he made on the last night of the convention .
The Democratic nominee must recognize that he has a moral and a practical duty to serve as a change agent , and he has to communicate that recognition to potential voters whose cynicism has been honed by too many betrayals .
The trouble is that some of Biden ’ s people are sending the wrong signals .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ The party ’ s platform , which was drafted by a committee packed with Biden allies , pulled its punches by not embracing Medicare for All , a Green New Deal , legalization of marijuana , and criminal justice reforms as bold as those supported by Democrats in Congress .
That was a missed opportunity .
And now Ted Kaufman is running around talking about an “ empty ” pantry and “ limited ” government .
“ This is wrong big time , and it is the sort of silly thing that no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be saying , ” says Baker , who explains : It takes some very deliberate head-in-the-ground economics to argue that we are somehow limited by the size of the government debt .
Japan provides a great model here .
Its ratio of debt to GDP is more than 250 percent , more than twice the current U.S. level .
Yet , the country is seeing new zero inflation and has a 0.03 percent interest rate on its long-term debt .
The interest on its debt is near zero , since much of its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The idea that we would not address pressing needs , like climate change , child care , and health care because we are concerned about the debt burden is close to crazy .
As long as the economy is not near its capacity , there is zero reason not to spend to address these priorities , and even when it does approach its capacity , we can impose higher taxes on the economy ’ s big winners over the last four decades .
Kelton , whom Biden appointed to one of his pre-convention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the danger in Team Biden ’ s making deficit hawk noises : “ Allow me to translate ‘ There will be no money ’ from beltway speak into everyday English : ‘ That is not a priority for us.
’ ” If Biden wants to convince voters that he intends to do what he talked about in his acceptance speech , he should tell his team to drop the deficit hawking .

Joe Biden finally got to accept the Democratic presidential nomination that he began seeking in the 1980s, and he did so with a graceful turn, promising, “We can and will overcome this season of darkness.”
The former vice president’s address on the closing night of his party’s virtual convention was elegant, even poetic, in its outlining of an agenda for beating Donald Trump, tackling a pandemic, and renewing the economy.
But acceptance addresses are always aspirational, and voters know that candidates often promise more than they deliver. So Biden still has work to do. And so do the progressives who have provided so many of the ideas that Biden touched on in an address where he spoke of tackling
Four historic crises. All at the same time. A perfect storm. The worst pandemic in over 100 years. The worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. The most compelling call for racial justice since the ’60s. And the undeniable realities and accelerating threats of climate change.
To meet those challenges, the federal government must spend money. Biden acknowledged this by referencing a predecessor who dramatically expanded the role of government:
Nearly a century ago, Franklin Roosevelt pledged a New Deal in a time of massive unemployment, uncertainty, and fear. Stricken by disease, stricken by a virus, FDR insisted that he would recover and prevail and he believed America could as well. And he did. And so can we.
These are appropriate and necessary ambitions—as was Biden’s June proposal for the $2 trillion investment in clean energy and infrastructure.
Unfortunately, even as the candidate was putting the finishing touches on his speech, creating doubts about whether the nominee is prepared to match words with deeds.. “When we get in, the pantry is going to be bare,” longtime Biden aide Ted Kaufman told The Wall Street Journal in an article published Wednesday, the third day of the convention. “When you see what Trump’s done to the deficit…forget about Covid-19, all the deficits that he built with the incredible tax cuts. So we’re going to be limited.” More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
The Journal explained that Kaufman “predicted…that a large increase in federal spending would be difficult to achieve in 2021.”
Ted Kaufman is not some Biden campaign hanger-on. He’s the head of the transition team. When someone in his position starts talking about limited options, alarm bells should go off. This is the kind of talk you heard in 1993 when Bill Clinton, after winning the presidency with a campaign that talked big about all that he would accomplish, suddenly became a deficit hawk. Similarly, in 2009, after George W. Bush handed Barack Obama a Great Recession, right-wing Republicans and centrist Democrats leaped in to tell the newly elected president everything he could not do. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
When Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders heard that Kaufman was laying the groundwork for another austerity, Sanders said, “He is dead wrong.”
Dead wrong morally. Dead wrong economically. Dead wrong politically. Current Issue View our current issue
Americans have grown cynical about whether Democrats in government will address the fundamental challenges facing the nation. Kaufman fed that cynicism. If his thinking takes hold, the Democrats will be tripped up; austerity won’t cut it this time. Democrats and the party’s new leader, Biden, have to communicate that they are willing to spend what is necessary to provide health care, housing, and employment, and to ensure justice. To that end, economist Dean Baker says, “Biden’s people should be prohibited from ever whining about the government debt.”
The deficit hawk agenda is dangerous for the country. “We need massive investment in our country or it will fall apart. This is not a joke,” argues Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. “To adopt GOP deficit-hawking now, when millions of lives are at stake, is utterly irresponsible.” It’s also utterly unnecessary, because, as AOC notes, the pantry that’s always got plenty of money to fund the military-industrial complex and tax breaks for the rich “is absolutely not bare.”
“Let’s be clear,” says economist Stephanie Kelton. “The pantry is bare for millions of families. Not for Congress. Not now. Not ever.” Kelton takes on deficit hawks in her new book, The Deficit Myth: Modern Monetary Theory and the Birth of the People’s Economy.
The deficit hawk agenda is also dangerous for the Democrats. Donald Trump won’t be campaigning this fall on an austerity agenda. He’ll be promising the moon and the stars—including a mad scheme to defer the payroll taxes that sustain Social Security. Trump just wants another term so that he and his wrecking crew can cut more taxes for the wealthy and barter off the United States Postal Service.
If Democrats campaign on the Republican-lite promise of “tightening our belts,” they will undermine their own prospects. Biden might still prevail, but his margin will narrow and prospects for taking the Senate will be diminished.
To achieve a meaningful victory in 2020, Democrats must mobilize millions of disenchanted and disengaged Americans. That won’t happen unless voters know that the election of Joe Biden and Kamala Harris will lead to bold structural changes that address economic pain, racial injustice, and the fate of the planet. These are urgent times, reordered by the pandemic and spiking unemployment. Biden’s campaign can’t afford to send mixed signals that lead people to fear that he won’t keep the promises he made on the last night of the convention.
The Democratic nominee must recognize that he has a moral and a practical duty to serve as a change agent, and he has to communicate that recognition to potential voters whose cynicism has been honed by too many betrayals.
The trouble is that some of Biden’s people are sending the wrong signals. The convention was light on content. The party’s platform, which was drafted by a committee packed with Biden allies, pulled its punches by not embracing Medicare for All, a Green New Deal, legalization of marijuana, and criminal justice reforms as bold as those supported by Democrats in Congress. That was a missed opportunity. And now Ted Kaufman is running around talking about an “empty” pantry and “limited” government.
“This is wrong big time, and it is the sort of silly thing that no one in a Biden administration should ever be saying,” says Baker, who explains:
It takes some very deliberate head-in-the-ground economics to argue that we are somehow limited by the size of the government debt. Japan provides a great model here. Its ratio of debt to GDP is more than 250 percent, more than twice the current U.S. level. Yet, the country is seeing new zero inflation and has a 0.03 percent interest rate on its long-term debt. The interest on its debt is near zero, since much of its debt carries a negative interest rate. The idea that we would not address pressing needs, like climate change, child care, and health care because we are concerned about the debt burden is close to crazy. As long as the economy is not near its capacity, there is zero reason not to spend to address these priorities, and even when it does approach its capacity, we can impose higher taxes on the economy’s big winners over the last four decades.
Kelton, whom Biden appointed to one of his pre-convention task forces, was even blunter about the danger in Team Biden’s making deficit hawk noises: “Allow me to translate ‘There will be no money’ from beltway speak into everyday English: ‘That is not a priority for us.’”
If Biden wants to convince voters that he intends to do what he talked about in his acceptance speech, he should tell his team to drop the deficit hawking.


thenation--2020-08-21--Biden’s Grief Versus Trump’s Grievances

Biden’s Grief Versus Trump’s Grievances

America , indeed the entire world , is in a season of death .
Every day , hundreds of Americans die from Covid-19 .
Given this reality , it ’ s not surprising that the Democrats have had a death-haunted convention .
Indeed , one of the main qualities of Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden repeatedly touted in the convention was his ability to comfort the grieving.1 This is a skill Biden learned the hard way .
He is , famously , a man who has been acquainted with grief .
In 1972 , he lost his first wife , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in a car accident .
In 2015 , Beau Biden , one of two sons who survived that accident , died of cancer.2 Biden ’ s ability to relate to those in pain was a recurring theme in the convention .
On Thursday night , Delaware Senator Chris Coons said , “ I ’ ll never forget how Joe took the time to offer me words of comfort as my father lay in hospice .
Time and again , I ’ ve seen him stop everything and listen , really listen to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on or a partner in prayer .
That compassion , that empathy is part of his character.
” 3 Biden ’ s acceptance speech focused on the need to get the Covid-19 pandemic under control—something , he pointed out , that Donald Trump has failed to do .
But Biden also used the pandemic to talk about grief:4 I know how it feels to lose someone you love .
I know that deep black hole that opens up in your chest .
That you feel your whole being is sucked into it .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ unfair life can be sometimes.5 First , your loved ones may have left this Earth but they never leave your heart .
They will always be with you.7 And second , I found the best way through pain and loss and grief is to find purpose.8 As God ’ s children each of us have a purpose in our lives.9 Biden ’ s acceptance speech was one of the most religious statements a Democratic politician has made since Jimmy Carter ’ s presidency .
It was saturated with the language of faith.10 Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be a national grief counselor , someone who can guide the nation through a period of pain.11 It ’ s worth contrasting Biden ’ s language with words Donald Trump spoke on Fox News on August 17 about the death of his younger brother , Robert:12 Well , we did interact , and he was always there and he was , you know , he wasn ’ t a jealous person , he was a very smart guy .
But he wasn ’ t , you know , he would be there and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and if I had the number one show , if I had a big success , and no matter what I did , whether it was real estate deals or anything else , he was right there , in many cases helped me very much with whatever I did and then when I became president , he was I think one of the most loyal people .
He—there was no jealousy , you know , a lot of times in families , I hate to say it , but there ’ s jealousy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children that are competitive children , because he was very competitive , there was not an ounce of jealousy , he ’ d go around talking about how great this is for the country and it ’ s so incredible and he was my biggest fan .
People would tell me all the time , “ I spoke to your brother and your brother was so thrilled and so thrilled at what was happening.
” And what was happening for the country .
He was so angry with China , because of what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they shouldn ’ t have allowed it to happen , they could have stopped it , he was so upset by that it was he couldn ’ t , more than people would be upset , a lot of people have already forgotten , and you can ’ t forget , but he was a fantastic guy.13 Trump ’ s narcissism is on full display with his praise of his brother for not being jealous of Trump ’ s success .
But there is also an undercurrent of anger and resentment that shines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offers America a chance to confront grief ; Trump can ’ t process grief without expressing grievance .
The poet Robert Frost once said , “ Poetry is about the grief .
Politics is about the grievance.
” This might explain why Biden , even as he runs for president , isn ’ t really running a political campaign in the normal sense .
There ’ s very little ideology in his speech ; rather , he is making a personal argument about decency and shared humanity.15 Trump ’ s political strength is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no ability to deal with suffering maturely , even though he can effectively turn widely shared pain into expressions of anger.16 The choice facing Americans is not only political but , as Frost would recognize , personal and poetic : Do American citizens have the maturity to tackle grief without embracing grievances ?
17

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America, indeed the entire world, is in a season of death. Every day, hundreds of Americans die from Covid-19. Given this reality, it’s not surprising that the Democrats have had a death-haunted convention. Indeed, one of the main qualities of Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden repeatedly touted in the convention was his ability to comfort the grieving.1
This is a skill Biden learned the hard way. He is, famously, a man who has been acquainted with grief. In 1972, he lost his first wife, Neilia, and their daughter, Naomi, in a car accident. In 2015, Beau Biden, one of two sons who survived that accident, died of cancer.2
Biden’s ability to relate to those in pain was a recurring theme in the convention. On Thursday night, Delaware Senator Chris Coons said, “I’ll never forget how Joe took the time to offer me words of comfort as my father lay in hospice. Time and again, I’ve seen him stop everything and listen, really listen to someone who needs a shoulder to cry on or a partner in prayer. That compassion, that empathy is part of his character.”3
Biden’s acceptance speech focused on the need to get the Covid-19 pandemic under control—something, he pointed out, that Donald Trump has failed to do. But Biden also used the pandemic to talk about grief:4
I know how it feels to lose someone you love. I know that deep black hole that opens up in your chest. That you feel your whole being is sucked into it. I know how mean and cruel and unfair life can be sometimes.5 But I’ve learned two things.6 First, your loved ones may have left this Earth but they never leave your heart. They will always be with you.7 And second, I found the best way through pain and loss and grief is to find purpose.8 As God’s children each of us have a purpose in our lives.9
Biden’s acceptance speech was one of the most religious statements a Democratic politician has made since Jimmy Carter’s presidency. It was saturated with the language of faith.10
Biden is, in effect, running to be a national grief counselor, someone who can guide the nation through a period of pain.11
It’s worth contrasting Biden’s language with words Donald Trump spoke on Fox News on August 17 about the death of his younger brother, Robert:12 Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Well, we did interact, and he was always there and he was, you know, he wasn’t a jealous person, he was a very smart guy. But he wasn’t, you know, he would be there and he’d be behind me, and if I had the number one show, if I had a big success, and no matter what I did, whether it was real estate deals or anything else, he was right there, in many cases helped me very much with whatever I did and then when I became president, he was I think one of the most loyal people. He—there was no jealousy, you know, a lot of times in families, I hate to say it, but there’s jealousy, and especially among children and among children that are competitive children, because he was very competitive, there was not an ounce of jealousy, he’d go around talking about how great this is for the country and it’s so incredible and he was my biggest fan. People would tell me all the time, “I spoke to your brother and your brother was so thrilled and so thrilled at what was happening.” And what was happening for the country. He was so angry with China, because of what happened where the plague came in and they shouldn’t have allowed it to happen, they could have stopped it, he was so upset by that it was he couldn’t, more than people would be upset, a lot of people have already forgotten, and you can’t forget, but he was a fantastic guy.13
Trump’s narcissism is on full display with his praise of his brother for not being jealous of Trump’s success. But there is also an undercurrent of anger and resentment that shines forth in the comments about China.14
Biden offers America a chance to confront grief; Trump can’t process grief without expressing grievance. The poet Robert Frost once said, “Poetry is about the grief. Politics is about the grievance.” This might explain why Biden, even as he runs for president, isn’t really running a political campaign in the normal sense. There’s very little ideology in his speech; rather, he is making a personal argument about decency and shared humanity.15
Trump’s political strength is also his personal weakness. He shows no ability to deal with suffering maturely, even though he can effectively turn widely shared pain into expressions of anger.16
The choice facing Americans is not only political but, as Frost would recognize, personal and poetic: Do American citizens have the maturity to tackle grief without embracing grievances?17


thenation--2020-08-21--When It Comes to Climate Change, It’s Joe Biden Versus the DNC

The Democratic National Convention this week played against the backdrop of compound crises : Covid-19 and climate change , economic instability and racial injustice .
Our country is dying , literally , for change , and the current president can not deliver .
So it ’ s up to the Democratic Party and its nominees , Joe Biden and Kamala Harris , to tackle this mess—and they ’ re off to a good start .
Biden ’ s climate plan is the strongest of any presidential nominee in history .
And polls show that 70 percent of the electorate favors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a climate activist , I can ’ t help but wonder : Why on earth is the Democratic National Committee fighting its own nominee ’ s climate policies ?
Climate change received a number of mentions during the Democratic convention ; an entire segment Wednesday night was dedicated to the importance of climate action , and Biden also listed the crisis in his acceptance speech as one of the most urgent issues facing us .
This is a testament to the energy and force of the climate movement .
Yet , earlier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Committee quietly removed some of the most foundational climate language from the party ’ s 2020 platform : a commitment to eliminate subsidies to fossil fuels .
When confronted by a HuffPost reporter about the removal , a DNC spokesperson said that including the language in the first place had been a procedural “ error.
” But John Laesch , a member of the DNC platform committee , responded that the DNC ’ s claim was “ 100 percent false , ” adding that he gave “ no consent ” to scrap the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said , had already been approved .
During the Conventions , the Media Needs to Be Treating Climate Like the Emergency It Is To its credit , the Biden campaign quickly reaffirmed its commitment to eliminating fossil fuel subsidies .
Yet the DNC has remained silent .
This is unacceptable .
The DNC platform is a statement of the party ’ s vision for the next four years .
It must be in alignment with the stronger vision that Biden and Harris have campaigned on , including an end to fossil fuel subsidies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden doesn ’ t yet have a clear plan to phase out fossil fuels .
Ending subsidies was itself a significant addition , in that it signaled a willingness to listen to and work with communities on the ground—but it ’ s just a first step .
Next needs to come a plan to phase out fossil fuels .
In the lead-up to the convention , we saw many thoughtful proposals aimed at reshaping the Democratic Party ’ s approach to the climate crisis .
The Biden-Sanders Unity Task Force , established to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other issues ) , led Biden ’ s campaign to unveil a Clean Energy Plan .
Among other things , that plan charts a path to net-zero emissions in the country ’ s electricity sector by 2035 , while earmarking 40 percent of federal climate spending for communities of color and others that have long suffered disproportionately from fossil fuel production and climate impacts .
The plan also pledged to end subsidies for fossil fuel production , an obvious and necessary step in the shift to a fossil-free economy .
After all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to destroy our climate even further ?
But the Democratic Party platform outlines a different , significantly weaker vision of climate action .
In particular , it includes no tangible commitment to phasing out fossil fuel production—a policy that is essential to any credible approach to curbing the worst impacts of climate change while also addressing environmental injustice .
By evading the need to stop fossil fuel subsidies and phase out fossil fuel extraction , the DNC leadership is avoiding the root causes of climate change and environmental injustice .
The entire business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ extraction , pollution , and exploitation , while ignoring the impact this has on human health and safety .
It concentrates harm in many vulnerable communities and wealth within a small number of corporations .
The worst of those companies invest their dirty profits in disinformation campaigns to cover their tracks , and seed partisan fighting about the awful truth of climate change .
Leadership in the Democratic Party must focus on repairing the damage to communities caused by fossil fuel extraction , storage , and transportation , rather than obscuring the reality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proposals from Biden ’ s campaign , the Unity Task Force , and the DNC ’ s own climate and environment committee .
But the DNC adopted next to none of these proposals in its final platform , and now , adding insult to injury , it has deleted one of the strong provisions it did adopt .
It ’ s time for the Democratic Party to unite around the reality that we must fully transform our energy system to protect people and the planet .
Biden ’ s climate plan leaves a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ January , we ’ ll need to push him on it .
Right now , the Democratic Party should have two goals when it comes to climate policy : winning the election , and then governing to solve the crisis .
That crisis can not be solved without phasing out the extraction of fossil fuels , and the essential first step is to stop subsidizing that extraction .
Both Biden and Harris have campaigned on that promise , and we will hold them to it .
The Democratic National Committee needs to get @ @ @ @ @ @ @

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The Democratic National Convention this week played against the backdrop of compound crises: Covid-19 and climate change, economic instability and racial injustice. Our country is dying, literally, for change, and the current president cannot deliver. So it’s up to the Democratic Party and its nominees, Joe Biden and Kamala Harris, to tackle this mess—and they’re off to a good start.
Biden’s climate plan is the strongest of any presidential nominee in history. And polls show that 70 percent of the electorate favors strong federal climate action. So, as a climate activist, I can’t help but wonder: Why on earth is the Democratic National Committee fighting its own nominee’s climate policies?
Climate change received a number of mentions during the Democratic convention; an entire segment Wednesday night was dedicated to the importance of climate action, and Biden also listed the crisis in his acceptance speech as one of the most urgent issues facing us. This is a testament to the energy and force of the climate movement. Yet, earlier in the week, the Democratic National Committee quietly removed some of the most foundational climate language from the party’s 2020 platform: a commitment to eliminate subsidies to fossil fuels.
When confronted by a HuffPost reporter about the removal, a DNC spokesperson said that including the language in the first place had been a procedural “error.” But John Laesch, a member of the DNC platform committee, responded that the DNC’s claim was “100 percent false,” adding that he gave “no consent” to scrap the language in question, which, he said, had already been approved. Climate Coverage During the Conventions, the Media Needs to Be Treating Climate Like the Emergency It Is Mark Hertsgaard
To its credit, the Biden campaign quickly reaffirmed its commitment to eliminating fossil fuel subsidies. Yet the DNC has remained silent. This is unacceptable. The DNC platform is a statement of the party’s vision for the next four years. It must be in alignment with the stronger vision that Biden and Harris have campaigned on, including an end to fossil fuel subsidies.
Now, to be sure, Biden doesn’t yet have a clear plan to phase out fossil fuels. Ending subsidies was itself a significant addition, in that it signaled a willingness to listen to and work with communities on the ground—but it’s just a first step. Next needs to come a plan to phase out fossil fuels.
In the lead-up to the convention, we saw many thoughtful proposals aimed at reshaping the Democratic Party’s approach to the climate crisis. The Biden-Sanders Unity Task Force, established to craft a common approach on climate (and other issues), led Biden’s campaign to unveil a Clean Energy Plan. Among other things, that plan charts a path to net-zero emissions in the country’s electricity sector by 2035, while earmarking 40 percent of federal climate spending for communities of color and others that have long suffered disproportionately from fossil fuel production and climate impacts. The plan also pledged to end subsidies for fossil fuel production, an obvious and necessary step in the shift to a fossil-free economy. After all, why should tax dollars be used to destroy our climate even further? Current Issue View our current issue
But the Democratic Party platform outlines a different, significantly weaker vision of climate action. In particular, it includes no tangible commitment to phasing out fossil fuel production—a policy that is essential to any credible approach to curbing the worst impacts of climate change while also addressing environmental injustice. By evading the need to stop fossil fuel subsidies and phase out fossil fuel extraction, the DNC leadership is avoiding the root causes of climate change and environmental injustice.
The entire business model of fossil fuel corporations relies on extraction, pollution, and exploitation, while ignoring the impact this has on human health and safety. It concentrates harm in many vulnerable communities and wealth within a small number of corporations. The worst of those companies invest their dirty profits in disinformation campaigns to cover their tracks, and seed partisan fighting about the awful truth of climate change. Leadership in the Democratic Party must focus on repairing the damage to communities caused by fossil fuel extraction, storage, and transportation, rather than obscuring the reality.
There are ambitious measures included in proposals from Biden’s campaign, the Unity Task Force, and the DNC’s own climate and environment committee. But the DNC adopted next to none of these proposals in its final platform, and now, adding insult to injury, it has deleted one of the strong provisions it did adopt.
It’s time for the Democratic Party to unite around the reality that we must fully transform our energy system to protect people and the planet. Biden’s climate plan leaves a lot to be desired, and come January, we’ll need to push him on it. Right now, the Democratic Party should have two goals when it comes to climate policy: winning the election, and then governing to solve the crisis. That crisis cannot be solved without phasing out the extraction of fossil fuels, and the essential first step is to stop subsidizing that extraction. Both Biden and Harris have campaigned on that promise, and we will hold them to it. The Democratic National Committee needs to get on the same page, now.


thenation--2020-08-21--The DNC Was Virtual, but the Protests Were Real as Hell

In the early months of 2020 , this year ’ s Democratic National Convention ( DNC ) in Milwaukee seemed primed for a showdown between the moderate and progressive wings of the party .
Organizers with the Coalition to March on the DNC , an alliance of over 70 groups from around the country , initially planned for a huge turnout , and hoped to use the occasion to advance left policy demands.1 Of course , history had a different plan .
In response to Covid-19 , the party dramatically scaled the convention ’ s physical presence in Milwaukee down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ centering the Democratic presidential ticket , the protests felt more like an extension of this year ’ s nationwide protests against police violence than a repeat of 2016 , when pro-Bernie partisans descended on Philadelphia , and Sanders delegates staged a dramatic walkout.2 The first three days of the 2020 DNC were marked by banner drops and other minor actions , but the last day of the convention saw its biggest direct action .
On Thursday , August 20 , about 500 protesters gathered in Red Arrow park , the site of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a 31-year-old mentally ill Black man.3 Ryan Hamann , a Wisconsin organizer with the Freedom Road Socialist Organization and cochair of the Coalition to March on the DNC , had been involved in organizing the protest for months .
He acknowledged that turnout was lower than once expected , but also that the event ’ s focus had evolved .
“ We decided that it would make sense for us to make the emphasis of our action the one point of unity that deals with police crimes , ” he said .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Democrats to put an end to killer cops.
” 4 A small handful of protesters had traveled to Wisconsin from around the country , including a notable showing of the modern reincarnation of Students for a Democratic Society ( SDS ) —a much diminished iteration of the organization that once played a key role in the tumultuous 1968 DNC protests in Chicago .
“ The Democratic Party says that they ’ re for Black lives , ” said Taylor Cook , a Tampa Bay SDS member who had flown in for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done for Black people in this country ?
” 5 A central tenet of Biden ’ s centrist pitch to progressives is the idea that Democrats are accountable to social pressure—but on the final day of the convention , as Biden accepted the nomination , there seemed to be little dialogue between the party and its grassroots base.6 Although the protest was occasioned by the DNC , and there was a noticeable contingent of Sanders supporters , most attendees seemed to have little faith in the idea that the National Democratic Party might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ convention had gone virtual , insulating the party from physical confrontation .
Rather than “ pressuring Joe Biden , ” most protesters seemed concerned with local actors in one of America ’ s most racially segregated cities , such as Milwaukee mayor Tom Barrett , who has gone easy on the city ’ s police force , and Alfonso Morales , the city ’ s police chief , who was recently demoted to captain after his excessive response to anti-police protestors.7 Another consistent target was Officer Joseph Mensah of the Wauwatosa Police Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has killed three young men over the past five years : Jay Anderson Jr. , Alvin Cole , and Antonio Gonzales , collectively referred to as “ Thee Three ” by local activists .
The most recent shooting , of Cole , took place in early February , and it took months of protests before Mensah was finally suspended—albeit with pay—on July 15 .
Cole ’ s parents , as well as the families of Anderson and Gonzales , are still holding out hope that Mensah will face real justice.8 “ We can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a national crisis is going on , ” said Taleavia Cole , Alvin ’ s sister .
“ Joe Biden , Ms. Harris , do you know what ’ s going on here ?
Do you know that one officer killed three people of color within five years ?
” 9 If the families of victims of police violence have found renewed strength to resume their fights for justice , it was not in the rhetoric of elected officials , but in the solidarity of a movement mounting across the country .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ killed , the world has been listening , ” said Jay Anderson Sr. , whose son Jay Jr. was killed by Mensah in 2016.10 Several members of the Oneida Nation of Wisconsin also told the the gut-wrenching story of Jonathon Tubby , a 26-year-old Oneida man who was killed by a Green Bay police officer in 2018 .
Last year , a prosecutor said that Officer Erik O ’ Brien acted lawfully when he shot a handcuffed Tubby five times inside a police station.11 After leaving the park , the march crossed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demand justice from a police department that has repeatedly dodged accountability .
Then , after circling the streets of downtown Milwaukee , the group pushed up against the barricades surrounding the Wisconsin Center , whose 190,000-square-foot exhibition hall was hosting the DNC ’ s minuscule in-person footprint , which on Thursday included a speech by Senator Tammy Baldwin.12 “ We ’ ll admit , we were a little disappointed when we found out that Joe Biden and Kamala Harris weren ’ t going to be here in Milwaukee , ” said Omar Flores @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the DNC .
“ While the politicians stay home , we ’ re still out on the streets fighting.
” 13 After a few speakers , the march picked up again , moving back across the river to Milwaukee ’ s Homeland Security building , which houses Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers as well as federal agents deployed to the city as part of Operation Legend , a Trump program that sends federal agents to do law enforcement work in American cities.14 From the vantage of the streets , yesterday was about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , not just making appeals to professional representatives .
The protesters demonstrated one way to effectively stand up against a center of power without a physical presence , like this year ’ s virtual convention : by grounding the response in solidarity , tangible struggles , and winnable objectives .
At the end of the day , the DNC was just a pit stop.15

In the early months of 2020, this year’s Democratic National Convention (DNC) in Milwaukee seemed primed for a showdown between the moderate and progressive wings of the party. Organizers with the Coalition to March on the DNC, an alliance of over 70 groups from around the country, initially planned for a huge turnout, and hoped to use the occasion to advance left policy demands.1
Of course, history had a different plan. In response to Covid-19, the party dramatically scaled the convention’s physical presence in Milwaukee down to virtually nothing. And instead of centering the Democratic presidential ticket, the protests felt more like an extension of this year’s nationwide protests against police violence than a repeat of 2016, when pro-Bernie partisans descended on Philadelphia, and Sanders delegates staged a dramatic walkout.2
The first three days of the 2020 DNC were marked by banner drops and other minor actions, but the last day of the convention saw its biggest direct action. On Thursday, August 20, about 500 protesters gathered in Red Arrow park, the site of the 2014 police killing of Dontre Hamilton, a 31-year-old mentally ill Black man.3
Ryan Hamann, a Wisconsin organizer with the Freedom Road Socialist Organization and cochair of the Coalition to March on the DNC, had been involved in organizing the protest for months. He acknowledged that turnout was lower than once expected, but also that the event’s focus had evolved. “We decided that it would make sense for us to make the emphasis of our action the one point of unity that deals with police crimes,” he said. “We want to pressure Joe Biden and the Democrats to put an end to killer cops.”4
A small handful of protesters had traveled to Wisconsin from around the country, including a notable showing of the modern reincarnation of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS)—a much diminished iteration of the organization that once played a key role in the tumultuous 1968 DNC protests in Chicago. “The Democratic Party says that they’re for Black lives,” said Taylor Cook, a Tampa Bay SDS member who had flown in for the protest, “but what have they done for Black people in this country?”5
(Photo by Megan Magray)
A central tenet of Biden’s centrist pitch to progressives is the idea that Democrats are accountable to social pressure—but on the final day of the convention, as Biden accepted the nomination, there seemed to be little dialogue between the party and its grassroots base.6
Although the protest was occasioned by the DNC, and there was a noticeable contingent of Sanders supporters, most attendees seemed to have little faith in the idea that the National Democratic Party might respond to their demands—especially now that the convention had gone virtual, insulating the party from physical confrontation. Rather than “pressuring Joe Biden,” most protesters seemed concerned with local actors in one of America’s most racially segregated cities, such as Milwaukee mayor Tom Barrett, who has gone easy on the city’s police force, and Alfonso Morales, the city’s police chief, who was recently demoted to captain after his excessive response to anti-police protestors.7 Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Another consistent target was Officer Joseph Mensah of the Wauwatosa Police Department in suburban Milwaukee, a cop who has killed three young men over the past five years: Jay Anderson Jr., Alvin Cole, and Antonio Gonzales, collectively referred to as “Thee Three” by local activists. The most recent shooting, of Cole, took place in early February, and it took months of protests before Mensah was finally suspended—albeit with pay—on July 15. Cole’s parents, as well as the families of Anderson and Gonzales, are still holding out hope that Mensah will face real justice.8
“We cannot focus on a democratic convention when a national crisis is going on,” said Taleavia Cole, Alvin’s sister. “Joe Biden, Ms. Harris, do you know what’s going on here? Do you know that one officer killed three people of color within five years?”9
If the families of victims of police violence have found renewed strength to resume their fights for justice, it was not in the rhetoric of elected officials, but in the solidarity of a movement mounting across the country. “Since George Floyd and Breonna Taylor got killed, the world has been listening,” said Jay Anderson Sr., whose son Jay Jr. was killed by Mensah in 2016.10
Several members of the Oneida Nation of Wisconsin also told the the gut-wrenching story of Jonathon Tubby, a 26-year-old Oneida man who was killed by a Green Bay police officer in 2018. Last year, a prosecutor said that Officer Erik O’Brien acted lawfully when he shot a handcuffed Tubby five times inside a police station.11
After leaving the park, the march crossed the Milwaukee River to the county jail to demand justice from a police department that has repeatedly dodged accountability. Then, after circling the streets of downtown Milwaukee, the group pushed up against the barricades surrounding the Wisconsin Center, whose 190,000-square-foot exhibition hall was hosting the DNC’s minuscule in-person footprint, which on Thursday included a speech by Senator Tammy Baldwin.12
“We’ll admit, we were a little disappointed when we found out that Joe Biden and Kamala Harris weren’t going to be here in Milwaukee,” said Omar Flores, cochair of the Coalition to March on the DNC. “While the politicians stay home, we’re still out on the streets fighting.”13
After a few speakers, the march picked up again, moving back across the river to Milwaukee’s Homeland Security building, which houses Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers as well as federal agents deployed to the city as part of Operation Legend, a Trump program that sends federal agents to do law enforcement work in American cities.14
From the vantage of the streets, yesterday was about building people power in a direct sense, not just making appeals to professional representatives. The protesters demonstrated one way to effectively stand up against a center of power without a physical presence, like this year’s virtual convention: by grounding the response in solidarity, tangible struggles, and winnable objectives. At the end of the day, the DNC was just a pit stop.15


thenation--2020-08-21--California Is Burning—and Trump Gathers Kindling

As I start writing this column on Wednesday afternoon , it ’ s well over 100 degrees in Sacramento , as it has been every day since the end of last week .
Normally when it gets this hot , we wait until the evening brings relief , and then we open the doors and windows .
We won ’ t be able to do that this evening , however , since an apocalyptic burst of wildfires , triggered by more than 10,000 lightning strikes generated by this superheated weather system , have converted Northern California into a massive fire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Signal .
The air outside is a smoky soup of particles drifting in from fires to the west , the east , the north , and the south .
The air quality varies , depending on which way the wind is blowing ; currently , the index for particulate matter here is 157—putting it deep in the “ unhealthy ” zone , though not yet in the you ’ re-at-imminent-risk-of-death purple zone that we saw in Sacramento during the wildfires two summers ago .
Forget the Nasty Insults .
Trump Plans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ zone is , however , approaching in cities just to the west : in Vacaville , where a fire came out of nowhere on Tuesday and is now consuming significant chunks of property on the edge of the city , and in Fairfield , where a converging series of fires has resulted in sudden evacuation orders for several neighborhoods and has closed I-80 , the freeway that runs from San Francisco to New York .
The air quality over the Bay Area now compares unfavorably to that of Delhi , India .
Such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an annual sport : Come August , will the air of San Francisco , Oakland , and Berkeley ; of California ’ s fabled wine country ; of the wondrous beach towns to the north and south rank among the most dangerous places on earth ?
Meanwhile , Highway 1 , California ’ s fabled scenic coastal route , was closed to traffic on Wednesday because of huge fires in the Big Sur region .
For the third straight year , as California and nearby states struggles to cope with the fires , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climate catastrophe .
In 2018 , he dismissively claimed that California ’ s environmental policies and water management systems were responsible for the out-of-control fires .
In 2019 , he threatened to withhold FEMA dollars from the state unless it removed tinder-dry underbrush from forest floors .
And this year , a former Trump official says the president wants to withhold federal firefighting aid from California because it wasn ’ t part of his political base .
Three days after the blazes began , Trump himself has still not said a word about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the firefighters who are risking life and limb to try to control the fires .
He hasn ’ t talked about coordinating a federal response to help the Western states as they battle these blazes—although he has lobbed insults at California ’ s green-energy policies , blaming renewable energy commitments and an alleged Democratic Party conspiracy for the state ’ s series of rolling blackouts this week .
That ’ s been the extent of Trump ’ s involvement : Noise , Noise , and still more Noise .
Unlike the Democrats , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week talked about climate change and how to rebuild the economy in a greener , more sustainable way , he hasn ’ t deigned to address global warming .
Unlike Biden , who in his powerful , focused acceptance speech on Thursday argued that it was a moral imperative to provide young people with hope for a cleaner , greener , less environmentally degraded future , Trump does nothing but carp about , insult , and mock those who take environmental policy seriously .
Just as he has shown himself to be inept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he is now showing himself to be uncaring—and in the smallness of his policy vision , irrelevant—in handling the fire-and-climate crisis .
To the contrary , with the West aflame and with countries around the world increasingly worried about how to head off catastrophic global warming , Trump ’ s administration finalized plans this week to overturn 60 years of environmental protections and open up Alaska ’ s Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil and gas drilling .
That contempt for global norms is in keeping with Trump ’ s broader modus operandi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ other Signals in this same vein , you can focus on the Senate Intelligence Committee ’ s bombshell report this week—signed on to by GOP senators such as Richard Burr and Marco Rubio—detailing just how extensively the Russians cozied up to Trump ’ s campaign ( and vice versa ) back in 2016 .
In any other year or month , this report , so damning of Trump and his motivations , of the danger that his team has posed from the get-go to national security , and of his anything-goes political methods @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have led to a chorus of demands for Trump ’ s resignation or second impeachment .
Now , with so many catastrophes unfolding simultaneously , and with the Democratic convention building to a crescendo , it barely registered .
If you cut through the din , however , the message is clear : Trump ’ s people are—as Barack Obama warned in his compelling convention speech Wednesday night—willing to do anything for power , and are willing to sabotage all democratic norms and institutions to hold on to it .
That opportunism explains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ willingness to foment an international crisis in the run-up to the election .
At the start of the year , the administration assassinated Iran ’ s Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani , risking a full-on conflagration in order to score cheap political points .
Now , they ’ re at it again .
After all , if you can ’ t run for reelection on the economy or the pandemic response , why not manufacture a conflict overseas ?
On Wednesday evening , to the astonishment of European allies as well as Russia and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump demanded that the UN Security Council reimpose tough sanctions on Iran , ostensibly because Iran is no longer complying with the nuclear agreement that Trump himself withdrew from two years ago !
I ordinarily dislike using exclamation points , but if anything merits one , Trump ’ s demand that Iran comply with the terms of an agreement that America has flouted does .
It gives new dimension to the term chutzpah .
As do the stunning goings-on of Steve Bannon , Trump ’ s nationalist Svengali from 2016 , whom prosecutors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrested Thursday morning on charges of defrauding investors in his absurd GoFundMe project to use citizens ’ donations to speed construction of a border wall that Congress refused to authorize .
Those “ criminals ” Trump and Bannon wanted to keep out with a border wall ?
Well , apparently the real criminals were the demagogues on our side of the border who used fear of immigrants to convince gullible Americans to part with their hard-earned dollars so that Bannon and his cronies could skim money from their donations to pad their lavish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the Signal right now .
Everything about this moment is bizarre , twisted , and dangerous .
And each day Trump , who sought to distract viewers from the Democratic convention Wednesday by telling the world that followers of the QAnon cult were very good people—patriots , in fact—seems determined to make it even more dangerous .

As I start writing this column on Wednesday afternoon, it’s well over 100 degrees in Sacramento, as it has been every day since the end of last week.
Normally when it gets this hot, we wait until the evening brings relief, and then we open the doors and windows. We won’t be able to do that this evening, however, since an apocalyptic burst of wildfires, triggered by more than 10,000 lightning strikes generated by this superheated weather system, have converted Northern California into a massive fire zone.
Those fires are this week’s Signal.
The air outside is a smoky soup of particles drifting in from fires to the west, the east, the north, and the south. The air quality varies, depending on which way the wind is blowing; currently, the index for particulate matter here is 157—putting it deep in the “unhealthy” zone, though not yet in the you’re-at-imminent-risk-of-death purple zone that we saw in Sacramento during the wildfires two summers ago. More Signal:Noise Trump’s Attacks on Science Will Hasten Climate Catastrophe Sasha Abramsky Forget the Nasty Insults. Trump Plans to Sabotage the Election. Sasha Abramsky
That purple zone is, however, approaching in cities just to the west: in Vacaville, where a fire came out of nowhere on Tuesday and is now consuming significant chunks of property on the edge of the city, and in Fairfield, where a converging series of fires has resulted in sudden evacuation orders for several neighborhoods and has closed I-80, the freeway that runs from San Francisco to New York.
The air quality over the Bay Area now compares unfavorably to that of Delhi, India. Such a comparison is now, alas, an annual sport: Come August, will the air of San Francisco, Oakland, and Berkeley; of California’s fabled wine country; of the wondrous beach towns to the north and south rank among the most dangerous places on earth? Meanwhile, Highway 1, California’s fabled scenic coastal route, was closed to traffic on Wednesday because of huge fires in the Big Sur region.
For the third straight year, as California and nearby states struggles to cope with the fires, Trump is failing to respond to our climate catastrophe. In 2018, he dismissively claimed that California’s environmental policies and water management systems were responsible for the out-of-control fires. In 2019, he threatened to withhold FEMA dollars from the state unless it removed tinder-dry underbrush from forest floors. And this year, a former Trump official says the president wants to withhold federal firefighting aid from California because it wasn’t part of his political base. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
Three days after the blazes began, Trump himself has still not said a word about the people whose homes are threatened or the firefighters who are risking life and limb to try to control the fires. He hasn’t talked about coordinating a federal response to help the Western states as they battle these blazes—although he has lobbed insults at California’s green-energy policies, blaming renewable energy commitments and an alleged Democratic Party conspiracy for the state’s series of rolling blackouts this week.
That’s been the extent of Trump’s involvement: Noise, Noise, and still more Noise. Unlike the Democrats, who have at their virtual convention this week talked about climate change and how to rebuild the economy in a greener, more sustainable way, he hasn’t deigned to address global warming. Unlike Biden, who in his powerful, focused acceptance speech on Thursday argued that it was a moral imperative to provide young people with hope for a cleaner, greener, less environmentally degraded future, Trump does nothing but carp about, insult, and mock those who take environmental policy seriously. Just as he has shown himself to be inept in handling the Covid-19 crisis, so he is now showing himself to be uncaring—and in the smallness of his policy vision, irrelevant—in handling the fire-and-climate crisis.
To the contrary, with the West aflame and with countries around the world increasingly worried about how to head off catastrophic global warming, Trump’s administration finalized plans this week to overturn 60 years of environmental protections and open up Alaska’s Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to oil and gas drilling.
That contempt for global norms is in keeping with Trump’s broader modus operandi. If you’re looking for other Signals in this same vein, you can focus on the Senate Intelligence Committee’s bombshell report this week—signed on to by GOP senators such as Richard Burr and Marco Rubio—detailing just how extensively the Russians cozied up to Trump’s campaign (and vice versa) back in 2016.
In any other year or month, this report, so damning of Trump and his motivations, of the danger that his team has posed from the get-go to national security, and of his anything-goes political methods, would have dominated the news—and would have led to a chorus of demands for Trump’s resignation or second impeachment. Now, with so many catastrophes unfolding simultaneously, and with the Democratic convention building to a crescendo, it barely registered.
If you cut through the din, however, the message is clear: Trump’s people are—as Barack Obama warned in his compelling convention speech Wednesday night—willing to do anything for power, and are willing to sabotage all democratic norms and institutions to hold on to it.
That opportunism explains their appetite for confrontation with Iran—and their willingness to foment an international crisis in the run-up to the election. At the start of the year, the administration assassinated Iran’s Maj. Gen. Qassim Suleimani, risking a full-on conflagration in order to score cheap political points. Now, they’re at it again. After all, if you can’t run for reelection on the economy or the pandemic response, why not manufacture a conflict overseas? On Wednesday evening, to the astonishment of European allies as well as Russia and China, Secretary of State Pompeo and Trump demanded that the UN Security Council reimpose tough sanctions on Iran, ostensibly because Iran is no longer complying with the nuclear agreement that Trump himself withdrew from two years ago!
I ordinarily dislike using exclamation points, but if anything merits one, Trump’s demand that Iran comply with the terms of an agreement that America has flouted does. It gives new dimension to the term chutzpah. As do the stunning goings-on of Steve Bannon, Trump’s nationalist Svengali from 2016, whom prosecutors from the Southern District of New York arrested Thursday morning on charges of defrauding investors in his absurd GoFundMe project to use citizens’ donations to speed construction of a border wall that Congress refused to authorize.
Those “criminals” Trump and Bannon wanted to keep out with a border wall? Well, apparently the real criminals were the demagogues on our side of the border who used fear of immigrants to convince gullible Americans to part with their hard-earned dollars so that Bannon and his cronies could skim money from their donations to pad their lavish lifestyles.
That, for me, is the Signal right now. Everything about this moment is bizarre, twisted, and dangerous. And each day Trump, who sought to distract viewers from the Democratic convention Wednesday by telling the world that followers of the QAnon cult were very good people—patriots, in fact—seems determined to make it even more dangerous.