thenation--2020-07-23--What We Can Learn From Feminist Federal Credit Unions

At the opening of the Connecticut Feminist Federal Credit Union in August 1974 , 24-year-old Dawn Ladd used a bolt cutter to snap a five-foot-long steel chain .
Ladd , the credit union ’ s president , explained that she was symbolically “ breaking the economic chains ” that tie women down .
Susan Osborne , 26 and a cofounder of the credit union , spoke to reporters about the group ’ s mission : “ Our answer to this continuing discrimination is to create our own credit institution , a credit union where we can save money together and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ each other.
” Forty-six years later , Osborne repeated her message to me : “ It ’ s not just enough to have the will or the need , you actually need the resources.
” In the 1970s , feminist federal credit unions tried to bypass sexist financial institutions by supporting women ’ s economic decisions and funding women ’ s businesses .
Today , amid the Covid-19 pandemic , women- and minority-owned businesses are still contending with unequal access to credit .
In the absence of strong regulatory measures under the Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can again be a model for activists and businesses unwilling to wait for the government to enforce its anti-discrimination laws .
Throughout the women ’ s liberation movement , activists often split into two categories : a mainstream willing to push for legislation , like the Equal Rights Amendment , and a vanguard that believed legislative reform was not enough to change culture .
Women ’ s health activists , for instance , embraced “ self help , ” the idea that women could be their own gynecologists and , if necessary , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attitude was at its height in 1972 in Detroit when Joanne Parrent and Valerie Angers met at the church-basement meetings of the Women ’ s Liberation Coalition of Michigan .
“ We had come out of groups in college working to protest the war , ” Parrent recalled over the phone from her home in Los Angeles .
At the Women ’ s Liberation Coalition , she and other feminists gathered for National Organization for Women ( NOW ) meetings , operated a phone line for women seeking an abortion , and organized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to discuss the root political causes behind their personal struggles .
It was at those meetings that Parrent noticed women frequently talking about not having access to credit , especially when going through a divorce .
Until the Equal Credit Opportunity Act of 1974 , most banks required a woman to present a male cosigner—usually her father if she was single and her husband if she was married .
Bank officers also frequently asked women about their reproductive plans to determine if they were eligible for a loan .
“ Growing up in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , particularly in Detroit , we all needed autos to get around , and none of us could get an automobile without a father or a husband or an older brother or someone cosigning for us , ” Parrent told me .
So , with a few other members of the Women ’ s Liberation Coalition of Michigan , Parrent and Angers launched the Detroit Feminist Federal Credit Union in 1973 .
“ I remembered reading at the time of how credit unions were the best because they were membership supported , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ FFCU , women had to be members of an affiliated feminist organization , like NOW or the National Black Feminist Organization .
“ Detroit is a big labor town , and credit unions are also sort of pretty allied with the labor movement and so we joined the Michigan Credit Union League.
” In its first week , 75 women joined the Detroit FFCU .
By 1979 , it would have 3,100 members .
Within feminist circles , word of the credit union experiment in Detroit began to circulate , and Osborne was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Detroit FFCU .
At the time , Osborne , like many of her friends , was young , single , and not yet earning much .
“ I just really couldn ’ t get access to credit , and it wasn ’ t because I ’ d done anything wrong , ” she said .
“ I felt financially disenfranchised.
” So , in 1974 , Osborne brought the idea of a credit union to the attention of her feminist colleagues in Connecticut .
Two years later , there would be 18 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Canada , controlling assets of over $ 3 million .
( The last , located in Dallas remained open until 2013 . )
At both the Detroit and Connecticut FFCUs , members lent to women who needed help making large household purchases , like cars or washing machines .
They also tried to teach financial literacy to women who had never been allowed to manage money before .
“ This was less about idealism and more about solving immediate ongoing problems that women had at that time , ” Osborne said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ luxury items .
It was basic needs that women had and really couldn ’ t get at the time with the kinds of livelihoods they had.
” Some of those needs took on a political nature as the credit unions lent women the money for divorce attorney fees or abortions .
“ Those kinds of decisions , particularly in that day , were ones that we wanted to support , ” Osborne said .
By the early 1980s , the credit union movement was losing momentum .
In 1976 , members of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Feminist Economic Network , had leveraged $ 252,000 to buy what would become the Feminist Women ’ s City Club , but they couldn ’ t keep up with the loan payments .
Across the movement , credit unions had prioritized trusting women over assessing whether individual women were credit risks , and many of their loans were not paid back .
But reflecting on their work nearly 50 years later , Ladd and Osborne felt like they had succeeded in catalyzing the movement for equal credit .
“ This was the beginning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights , ” Osborne said .
“ By the time we decided to close the credit union , it was because the whirlwind that had happened was so effective at clearing some of the immediate problems that we ’ d gone on to other problems.
” Although the credit unions began disbanding in the 1980s , “ they did change culture .
We did get more women ’ s voices in publishing , we did get more feminist books , and more diversity of ideas than we had before , ” said Debra @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s and gender studies program at Merrimack College and author of the forthcoming She ’ s the Boss : The Rise of Women ’ s Entrepreneurship since World War II .
“ Feminist credit unions wanted to create a separate female/feminist culture in which they would use the banks to fund feminist bookstores and daycare centers and publishing companies and all kinds of health centers and art buildings and all kinds of things that would never have been funded under traditional lending practices , ” added Michals .
The Feminist Women ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of those spaces—at the time it was hailed as the largest “ womanspace ” in the country .
Elsewhere , FFCUs funded the burgeoning feminist bookstore movement : In Oakland , the Bay Area Feminist Federal Credit Union loaned Carol Wilson money to open Mama Bears , and in Boston , New Words : A Woman ’ s Bookstore borrowed from the Massachusetts Feminist Federal Credit Union .
Michals said she can “ imagine a world today in which feminist credit unions still exist ” and are popular among women who want to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Although the women ’ s liberation movement codified measures to ensure equal access to credit , the enforcement of those laws is an ongoing battle .
The feminist credit union movement , like other feminist self-help movements , is a reminder of times when women organized to support one another without the support of the law .
After the 2008 financial crisis and the ensuing Dodd-Frank reforms , the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau amended the Equal Credit Opportunity Act to require that the agency collect data about loans to women- and minority-owned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Warren , then a professor at Harvard Law School and chair of the Congressional Oversight Panel , was studying household debt and bankruptcy and leading the effort to design the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau .
In 2011 , she told Congress that data collection would “ facilitate enforcement of fair lending laws ” and “ identify business and community development needs.
” That focus on fair lending was especially relevant because many minority- and women-owned businesses had disappeared during the Great Recession .
The Census Bureau found that 60 percent of white-owned businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ existed in 2002 “ survived ” until 2011 , compared to 49 percent of Black-owned businesses and 55 percent of women-owned businesses .
But in 2018 , then–Acting CFPB Director Mick Mulvaney had the bureau stop gathering that information .
Reacting to the Republican Party ’ s 2016 platform calling the CFPB a “ rogue agency ” and demanding its abolition , Mulvaney began dismantling the bureau : dissolving the student-loan ombudsman ’ s office and easing up on lawsuits against payday lenders .
“ The lack of lending data hampers CFPB ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to investigate and oversee compliance with the Equal Credit Opportunity Act , the Community Reinvestment Act , and other federal laws that seek to curb discriminatory lending practices , ” said Charisma Troiano , communications director at Democracy Forward , a nonprofit legal organization focused on corruption in the executive branch .
“ It stymies efforts of advocacy groups to file complaints with the CFPB or work with state and local governments to enact policies to improve lending practices.… And it makes it harder for community development organizations to target the communities that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outright discrimination.
” Last year , Democracy Forward sued the CFPB on behalf of the California Reinvestment Coalition , an advocacy group focused on economic justice for communities of color and low income communities .
This February , the CFPB agreed to a settlement : By September of this year , it would publish its proposals for collecting data on the diversity of lending practices .
Even with the pandemic , Troiano told me the deadlines remains in effect .
Still , Covid-19 makes clear why data collection should have been prioritized long @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the federal government distributed Paycheck Protection Program loans at the beginning of the pandemic , Senator Kamala Harris said on Good Morning America that “ 90 percent of minority- and women-owned businesses , small businesses , did not get access to the PPP.
” Smaller industry surveys have found that only 12 percent of Black and Latino business owners received the funds they requested and that nearly a quarter of female business owners were not able to apply to the program .
The structure of the PPP gave preferential treatment to businesses that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ employees , and greater access to capital—all factors that favored white- and male-owned businesses .
Further , the Brookings Institution has noted that women-owned businesses are likely suffering more from the pandemic because they often exist in industries that can not practice social distancing—like retail , food service , and accommodation ( think salons , laundromats , spas , and gyms ) .
Others have also pointed out that female business owners face additional challenges complicated by the pandemic—like procuring child care .
“ There are serious concerns that women and entrepreneurs of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in normal times are being overlooked as they weather the coronavirus pandemic , ” said Troiano .
But without CFPB data , there ’ s no way to know for certain .
The early months of the pandemic saw a proliferation of mutual aid networks that followed a mission similar to the feminist federal credit unions of the 1970s : self-help .
In the absence of government leadership , communities began organizing to share resources like masks , food , and money .
Mutual aid networks have kept expanding at Black Lives Matter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , volunteers distribute hand sanitizer , chefs supply meals , and bikers direct traffic .
The FFCUs offer a model for a new mutual aid movement that might seek to support minority- and women-owned businesses with loans when government help falls short .
When we spoke over Zoom , Osborne at her Colorado home and Ladd in the studio of her Brooklyn business Aurora Lampworks , the two had not seen each other in decades .
Exclaiming first in joy at seeing each other ’ s faces , they quickly switched to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how they were persevering through the pandemic .
Then , they turned to me , the young woman in the room , suggesting that the coronavirus could be an opportunity to reform old systems .
“ This is a time when we can begin to imagine new opportunities , ” Osborne said .
“ It creates a whole new canvas to paint on , in many new ways .
And I , for one , am ready to throw out the old canvas .
”

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At the opening of the Connecticut Feminist Federal Credit Union in August 1974, 24-year-old Dawn Ladd used a bolt cutter to snap a five-foot-long steel chain. Ladd, the credit union’s president, explained that she was symbolically “breaking the economic chains” that tie women down. Susan Osborne, 26 and a cofounder of the credit union, spoke to reporters about the group’s mission: “Our answer to this continuing discrimination is to create our own credit institution, a credit union where we can save money together and where we lend our money, to each other.”
Forty-six years later, Osborne repeated her message to me: “It’s not just enough to have the will or the need, you actually need the resources.”
In the 1970s, feminist federal credit unions tried to bypass sexist financial institutions by supporting women’s economic decisions and funding women’s businesses. Today, amid the Covid-19 pandemic, women- and minority-owned businesses are still contending with unequal access to credit. In the absence of strong regulatory measures under the Trump administration, the feminist credit union movement can again be a model for activists and businesses unwilling to wait for the government to enforce its anti-discrimination laws.
Throughout the women’s liberation movement, activists often split into two categories: a mainstream willing to push for legislation, like the Equal Rights Amendment, and a vanguard that believed legislative reform was not enough to change culture. Women’s health activists, for instance, embraced “self help,” the idea that women could be their own gynecologists and, if necessary, perform their own abortions. That do-it-ourselves attitude was at its height in 1972 in Detroit when Joanne Parrent and Valerie Angers met at the church-basement meetings of the Women’s Liberation Coalition of Michigan.
“We had come out of groups in college working to protest the war,” Parrent recalled over the phone from her home in Los Angeles. At the Women’s Liberation Coalition, she and other feminists gathered for National Organization for Women (NOW) meetings, operated a phone line for women seeking an abortion, and organized consciousness-raising groups, meetings where women gathered to discuss the root political causes behind their personal struggles. It was at those meetings that Parrent noticed women frequently talking about not having access to credit, especially when going through a divorce.
Until the Equal Credit Opportunity Act of 1974, most banks required a woman to present a male cosigner—usually her father if she was single and her husband if she was married. Bank officers also frequently asked women about their reproductive plans to determine if they were eligible for a loan.
“Growing up in that time period, all of us, particularly in Detroit, we all needed autos to get around, and none of us could get an automobile without a father or a husband or an older brother or someone cosigning for us,” Parrent told me. Current Issue View our current issue
So, with a few other members of the Women’s Liberation Coalition of Michigan, Parrent and Angers launched the Detroit Feminist Federal Credit Union in 1973. “I remembered reading at the time of how credit unions were the best because they were membership supported,” Parrent said. To join the Detroit FFCU, women had to be members of an affiliated feminist organization, like NOW or the National Black Feminist Organization. “Detroit is a big labor town, and credit unions are also sort of pretty allied with the labor movement and so we joined the Michigan Credit Union League.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
In its first week, 75 women joined the Detroit FFCU. By 1979, it would have 3,100 members. Within feminist circles, word of the credit union experiment in Detroit began to circulate, and Osborne was just one of many who read about the Detroit FFCU. At the time, Osborne, like many of her friends, was young, single, and not yet earning much. “I just really couldn’t get access to credit, and it wasn’t because I’d done anything wrong,” she said. “I felt financially disenfranchised.”
So, in 1974, Osborne brought the idea of a credit union to the attention of her feminist colleagues in Connecticut. Two years later, there would be 18 feminist credit unions in the United States and Canada, controlling assets of over $3 million. (The last, located in Dallas remained open until 2013.)
At both the Detroit and Connecticut FFCUs, members lent to women who needed help making large household purchases, like cars or washing machines. They also tried to teach financial literacy to women who had never been allowed to manage money before. “This was less about idealism and more about solving immediate ongoing problems that women had at that time,” Osborne said. “What we were financing was not luxury items. It was basic needs that women had and really couldn’t get at the time with the kinds of livelihoods they had.”
Some of those needs took on a political nature as the credit unions lent women the money for divorce attorney fees or abortions. “Those kinds of decisions, particularly in that day, were ones that we wanted to support,” Osborne said.
By the early 1980s, the credit union movement was losing momentum. In 1976, members of the Detroit FFCU, now working as the Feminist Economic Network, had leveraged $252,000 to buy what would become the Feminist Women’s City Club, but they couldn’t keep up with the loan payments. Across the movement, credit unions had prioritized trusting women over assessing whether individual women were credit risks, and many of their loans were not paid back.
But reflecting on their work nearly 50 years later, Ladd and Osborne felt like they had succeeded in catalyzing the movement for equal credit. “This was the beginning of a whirlwind—and the whirlwind was equal rights,” Osborne said. “By the time we decided to close the credit union, it was because the whirlwind that had happened was so effective at clearing some of the immediate problems that we’d gone on to other problems.”
Although the credit unions began disbanding in the 1980s, “they did change culture. We did get more women’s voices in publishing, we did get more feminist books, and more diversity of ideas than we had before,” said Debra Michals, director of the women’s and gender studies program at Merrimack College and author of the forthcoming She’s the Boss: The Rise of Women’s Entrepreneurship since World War II. Related Article How ‘No More Miss America’ Announced a Feminist Upheaval Laura Tanenbaum and Mark Engler
“Feminist credit unions wanted to create a separate female/feminist culture in which they would use the banks to fund feminist bookstores and daycare centers and publishing companies and all kinds of health centers and art buildings and all kinds of things that would never have been funded under traditional lending practices,” added Michals.
The Feminist Women’s City Club was intended to be one of those spaces—at the time it was hailed as the largest “womanspace” in the country. Elsewhere, FFCUs funded the burgeoning feminist bookstore movement: In Oakland, the Bay Area Feminist Federal Credit Union loaned Carol Wilson money to open Mama Bears, and in Boston, New Words: A Woman’s Bookstore borrowed from the Massachusetts Feminist Federal Credit Union.
Michals said she can “imagine a world today in which feminist credit unions still exist” and are popular among women who want to put their money where their politics are. Although the women’s liberation movement codified measures to ensure equal access to credit, the enforcement of those laws is an ongoing battle. The feminist credit union movement, like other feminist self-help movements, is a reminder of times when women organized to support one another without the support of the law.
After the 2008 financial crisis and the ensuing Dodd-Frank reforms, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau amended the Equal Credit Opportunity Act to require that the agency collect data about loans to women- and minority-owned businesses. At the time, Elizabeth Warren, then a professor at Harvard Law School and chair of the Congressional Oversight Panel, was studying household debt and bankruptcy and leading the effort to design the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. In 2011, she told Congress that data collection would “facilitate enforcement of fair lending laws” and “identify business and community development needs.” That focus on fair lending was especially relevant because many minority- and women-owned businesses had disappeared during the Great Recession. The Census Bureau found that 60 percent of white-owned businesses and 61 percent of male-owned business that existed in 2002 “survived” until 2011, compared to 49 percent of Black-owned businesses and 55 percent of women-owned businesses.
But in 2018, then–Acting CFPB Director Mick Mulvaney had the bureau stop gathering that information. Reacting to the Republican Party’s 2016 platform calling the CFPB a “rogue agency” and demanding its abolition, Mulvaney began dismantling the bureau: dissolving the student-loan ombudsman’s office and easing up on lawsuits against payday lenders.
“The lack of lending data hampers CFPB’s and other financial regulators’ ability to investigate and oversee compliance with the Equal Credit Opportunity Act, the Community Reinvestment Act, and other federal laws that seek to curb discriminatory lending practices,” said Charisma Troiano, communications director at Democracy Forward, a nonprofit legal organization focused on corruption in the executive branch. “It stymies efforts of advocacy groups to file complaints with the CFPB or work with state and local governments to enact policies to improve lending practices.… And it makes it harder for community development organizations to target the communities that are most affected by credit deserts or outright discrimination.”
Last year, Democracy Forward sued the CFPB on behalf of the California Reinvestment Coalition, an advocacy group focused on economic justice for communities of color and low income communities. This February, the CFPB agreed to a settlement: By September of this year, it would publish its proposals for collecting data on the diversity of lending practices. Even with the pandemic, Troiano told me the deadlines remains in effect. Still, Covid-19 makes clear why data collection should have been prioritized long before this global health crisis.
After the federal government distributed Paycheck Protection Program loans at the beginning of the pandemic, Senator Kamala Harris said on Good Morning America that “90 percent of minority- and women-owned businesses, small businesses, did not get access to the PPP.” Smaller industry surveys have found that only 12 percent of Black and Latino business owners received the funds they requested and that nearly a quarter of female business owners were not able to apply to the program. The structure of the PPP gave preferential treatment to businesses that had preexisting relationships with banks, more employees, and greater access to capital—all factors that favored white- and male-owned businesses. Further, the Brookings Institution has noted that women-owned businesses are likely suffering more from the pandemic because they often exist in industries that cannot practice social distancing—like retail, food service, and accommodation (think salons, laundromats, spas, and gyms). Others have also pointed out that female business owners face additional challenges complicated by the pandemic—like procuring child care.
“There are serious concerns that women and entrepreneurs of color who face hurdles accessing credit even in normal times are being overlooked as they weather the coronavirus pandemic,” said Troiano. But without CFPB data, there’s no way to know for certain.
The early months of the pandemic saw a proliferation of mutual aid networks that followed a mission similar to the feminist federal credit unions of the 1970s: self-help. In the absence of government leadership, communities began organizing to share resources like masks, food, and money. Mutual aid networks have kept expanding at Black Lives Matter demonstrations, where community medics assess injuries, volunteers distribute hand sanitizer, chefs supply meals, and bikers direct traffic. The FFCUs offer a model for a new mutual aid movement that might seek to support minority- and women-owned businesses with loans when government help falls short.
When we spoke over Zoom, Osborne at her Colorado home and Ladd in the studio of her Brooklyn business Aurora Lampworks, the two had not seen each other in decades. Exclaiming first in joy at seeing each other’s faces, they quickly switched to the subject on everyone’s minds: how they were persevering through the pandemic. Then, they turned to me, the young woman in the room, suggesting that the coronavirus could be an opportunity to reform old systems. “This is a time when we can begin to imagine new opportunities,” Osborne said. “It creates a whole new canvas to paint on, in many new ways. And I, for one, am ready to throw out the old canvas.”


thenation--2020-07-23--As Trump Threatens Cities, Philadelphia’s DA Prepares to Uphold the Rule of Law

President Trump is naming more and more cities to which his administration may deploy federal agents in order to stop protests against police violence and structural racism .
Even as Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum is now suing federal officials , alleging that agents who were dispatched to Portland have rounded up people “ without warning or explanation , without a warrant , and without providing any way to determine who is directing this action , ” the president says agents deployed to that city have been doing “ a fantastic job.
” And Trump adds that he is “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York and Chicago and Philadelphia and Detroit and Baltimore and all of these [ cities ] run by liberal Democrats.
” The presidential threat has stirred an outcry , with mayors and other local officials across the country echoing the message of Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler , who was teargassed Wednesday night when he joined protesters on the streets .
“ Their presence is neither wanted nor is it helpful , and we ’ re asking them to leave , ” Wheeler said of the feds .
“ In fact , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Philadelphia Mayor Jim Kenney complains , “ To send federal agents to police U.S. cities that have not requested such aid can only impede the work of local governments and exacerbate already heightened tensions in these cities .
And to target cities that are led by Democratic mayors is clearly a politicization of federal resources that should outrage all taxpayers.
” “ While the City of Philadelphia has not received any formal notification that federal agents will be sent here , ” the mayor said on Tuesday , ” we would use all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ effort and abuse of power.
” We Can No Longer Afford the Military-Industrial Complex John Lewis Never Stopped Bending the Arc Toward Justice Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner is boldly spelling out his view of what form the resistance might take .
“ My dad volunteered and served in World War II to fight fascism , like most of my uncles , so we would not have an American president brutalizing and kidnapping Americans for exercising their constitutional rights and trying to make America a better place , which is what patriots do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Anyone , including federal law enforcement , who unlawfully assaults and kidnaps people will face criminal charges from my office.
” Krasner , a Democrat and one of the most progressive local prosecutors in the country , made the point even more bluntly in an interview with Bloomberg CityLab , where he explained : What ’ s unusual here is the fluffy rhetoric about taking over cities .
What ’ s unusual is the politicization of a normal relationship between federal law enforcement and local law enforcement .
And what is really unusual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been used by federal law enforcement in Portland .
It is not OK to fracture skulls with what they like to call non-lethal rubber bullets or tear gas canisters .
It is not OK when there is no probable cause to jump out of a rental van and just requisition people off the street .
That looks like a dictatorship .
That looks like a kidnapping .
That looks like a crime .
So there ’ s nothing unusual about federal law enforcement doing law enforcement work , where it may follow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do so .
That ’ s not what we ’ re dealing with here , though .
We ’ re dealing with a shiny object that the president is waving around to distract from his outrageous failures in many other areas .
And to try to use his usual tactics of neo-fascist division , hate , and racism to improve his almost deceased campaign .
Krasner is not alone in talking about official responses to Trump ’ s scheming to send federal forces into cities that do not want them .
Senator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Trump administration ’ s unconstitutional occupation of Portland , ” arguing that “ Donald Trump is inciting violence on the streets of my hometown.
” With Senator Jeff Merkley of Oregon , he is proposing legislation to force Trump “ to remove these unwanted forces from our city.
” Wyden is not stopping there .
Noting that tactical units from the Department of Homeland Security ’ s Customs and Border Protection section have been deployed to Portland , he is arguing that “ limiting the authority of federal agents at DHS is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ op-ed for NBC , Wyden wrote : I ’ d remind anyone participating in this shameful occupation of an American city that they can not hide behind Donald Trump forever .
The willingness of officials to participate in such a flagrant abuse of power exposes a rot that goes deep into the agency , and that rot must be removed .
To start , any official who signed off on this unconstitutional operation will be identified and held legally responsible .
The militarization of DHS must be ended .
And the absurd expansion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ border and customs agencies must and will be restricted to securing the border and stopping smuggling , while more appropriate agencies handle refugees , asylum-seekers and others seeking help .
But it is Krasner ’ s response that has inspired headlines and heated debates .
Progressives have applauded him .
Trump defenders have rushed to condemn him—and yet Philadelphia ’ s district attorney has not wavered .
As Trump ramps up the rhetoric , Krasner calmly explains that he will stand up for the rule of law .
“ The Philadelphia police department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , absolutely have jurisdiction to arrest and to charge federal law enforcement officials if they commit crimes , ” says the prosecutor .
“ The only wrinkle to this is that under certain circumstances the case may eventually end up being handled in federal court .
But there ’ s no question that the law applies to the feds , including the president , whatever he may want to say otherwise .
”

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President Trump is naming more and more cities to which his administration may deploy federal agents in order to stop protests against police violence and structural racism. Even as Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum is now suing federal officials, alleging that agents who were dispatched to Portland have rounded up people “without warning or explanation, without a warrant, and without providing any way to determine who is directing this action,” the president says agents deployed to that city have been doing “a fantastic job.” And Trump adds that he is “going to do something” in “New York and Chicago and Philadelphia and Detroit and Baltimore and all of these [cities] run by liberal Democrats.”
The presidential threat has stirred an outcry, with mayors and other local officials across the country echoing the message of Portland Mayor Ted Wheeler, who was teargassed Wednesday night when he joined protesters on the streets. “Their presence is neither wanted nor is it helpful, and we’re asking them to leave,” Wheeler said of the feds. “In fact, we’re demanding that they leave.”
Philadelphia Mayor Jim Kenney complains, “To send federal agents to police U.S. cities that have not requested such aid can only impede the work of local governments and exacerbate already heightened tensions in these cities. And to target cities that are led by Democratic mayors is clearly a politicization of federal resources that should outrage all taxpayers.”
“While the City of Philadelphia has not received any formal notification that federal agents will be sent here,” the mayor said on Tuesday, ”we would use all available means to resist such a wrong-headed effort and abuse of power.” More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
Philadelphia District Attorney Larry Krasner is boldly spelling out his view of what form the resistance might take.
“My dad volunteered and served in World War II to fight fascism, like most of my uncles, so we would not have an American president brutalizing and kidnapping Americans for exercising their constitutional rights and trying to make America a better place, which is what patriots do,” Krasner announced Tuesday. “Anyone, including federal law enforcement, who unlawfully assaults and kidnaps people will face criminal charges from my office.”
Krasner, a Democrat and one of the most progressive local prosecutors in the country, made the point even more bluntly in an interview with Bloomberg CityLab, where he explained:
Krasner is not alone in talking about official responses to Trump’s scheming to send federal forces into cities that do not want them. Senator Ron Wyden of Oregon has decried “the Trump administration’s unconstitutional occupation of Portland,” arguing that “Donald Trump is inciting violence on the streets of my hometown.” With Senator Jeff Merkley of Oregon, he is proposing legislation to force Trump “to remove these unwanted forces from our city.”
Wyden is not stopping there. Noting that tactical units from the Department of Homeland Security’s Customs and Border Protection section have been deployed to Portland, he is arguing that “limiting the authority of federal agents at DHS is sorely needed as well.” In a op-ed for NBC, Wyden wrote:
I’d remind anyone participating in this shameful occupation of an American city that they cannot hide behind Donald Trump forever. The willingness of officials to participate in such a flagrant abuse of power exposes a rot that goes deep into the agency, and that rot must be removed. To start, any official who signed off on this unconstitutional operation will be identified and held legally responsible. The militarization of DHS must be ended. And the absurd expansion of authority must be reversed. Our border and customs agencies must and will be restricted to securing the border and stopping smuggling, while more appropriate agencies handle refugees, asylum-seekers and others seeking help. But it is Krasner’s response that has inspired headlines and heated debates. Progressives have applauded him. Trump defenders have rushed to condemn him—and yet Philadelphia’s district attorney has not wavered. As Trump ramps up the rhetoric, Krasner calmly explains that he will stand up for the rule of law.
“The Philadelphia police department and the Philadelphia D.A.’s office, absolutely have jurisdiction to arrest and to charge federal law enforcement officials if they commit crimes,” says the prosecutor. “The only wrinkle to this is that under certain circumstances the case may eventually end up being handled in federal court. But there’s no question that the law applies to the feds, including the president, whatever he may want to say otherwise.”


thenation--2020-07-23--The Federal Response to Protests Extends Far Beyond Portland

In a conspicuous show of force , armed Customs and Border Protection ( CBP ) officers were recently seen in Portland carrying out surveillance and arrests .
Agency director Mark Morgan has defended the deployment as measured and restrained .
“ I will not send any resource out anywhere to confront American citizens , ” he told Time .
But CBP ’ s support to local law enforcement has extended far beyond its controversial Portland deployment , and includes not just thousands of personnel but also drones and dozens of other aircraft , according to a CBP document obtained exclusively @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a draft of the agency ’ s answers to questions posed to them by Senator Kamala Harris on June 5 , 2020 , details the assets CBP deployed in response to requests for assistance from local law enforcement agencies across the country .
So many local law enforcement agencies requested support that , according to the document , CBP was not aware of any state or local entities that explicitly declined assistance .
The assistance includes a broad array of services like aerial surveillance , crowd control , unmarked vehicles , and plainclothes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ units like CBP ’ s amphibious Riverine Force .
An index lists requests from various metropolitan police departments , including the NYPD , Chicago PD , Miami PD , Philadelphia PD , San Diego PD , and DC ’ s Metropolitan PD .
Even federal agencies requested assistance , including several FBI field offices and the Drug Enforcement Agency .
CBP aerial assets have been deployed to a variety of states including Illinois , New York , Ohio , Texas , Michigan , California , Florida , and Minnesota .
When Minneapolis erupted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ killing of George Floyd , CBP deployed a predator drone over the airspace .
Several members of Congress sent CBP a letter demanding that the agency “ cease any and all surveilling of Americans engaged in peaceful protests , ” while CBP response to the protests also prompted Senator Harris to send the agency her list of questions .
Director Morgan testified to the US Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs on June 25 , on the subject of “ CBP Oversight.
” ICE Just Became Even Less Transparent The document @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CBP official on condition of anonymity to avoid professional reprisal .
It is unclear when CBP intends to provide the information to Senator Harris .
According to the document , between May 20 and June 10 , these requests resulted in 326.4 hours of aviation assets deployments as well as 2,174 personnel .
Aviation support—CBP ’ s Air and Marine Operations possesses hundreds of aircraft—totaled 326.4 flight hours and included 38 rotor-wing , eight fixed -wing , and two unmanned aircraft systems .
Included in the deployment was one Bearcat , two ATVs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marked vehicles , and 52 unmarked vehicles .
Federal law enforcement ’ s reported use of unmarked vehicles in Portland led to uproar after video surfaced on social media showing what appeared to be a demonstrator arrested by an unidentified federal agent who ushered him into an unmarked vehicle .
Among these federal agents were BORTAC agents—CBP ’ s elite tactical unit .
Although the document states , “ The policies require the use of identifiable agency uniforms with badging and name tapes on the outermost garment ( e.g .
jacket , body @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no explanation about its use of agents who did not carry such identification .
The document is often vague about the deployments , especially those involving aircraft , saying only that “ the nature of these deployments were based on the requests.
” But answers to questions about surveillance capabilities provide some clues about the measures taken .
“ CBP ’ s aircrafts can be equipped with cameras , radar and/or other technologies to support CBP components in patrolling the border , conducting surveillance as part of a law enforcement investigation or tactical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incidents as directed , ” the document states .
The document also shows that CBP is conducting intelligence gathering operations in relation to the protests , though limited to “ basic open source/social media research techniques.
” In several cases , CBP appears hesitant to answer Senator Harris ’ s questions .
Responding to whether they discussed these deployments with anyone at the White House and , if so , with which individuals specifically , the document confirms the White House ’ s involvement but declines to specify : “ CBP defers to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] to address this question as it coordinated component efforts with the White House.
” In another instance , when asked to confirm that CBP will not conduct immigration enforcement activities at protests and demonstrations , CBP refuses to do so , stating : “ Our efforts are directed at the preservation of life and safety .
Beyond that , CBP has not made any additional comments/statements to this effort .
Thus , CBP has no additional information to provide with respect to this question and the sub-questions.
” “ As the active @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we have to carry out their mission to protect and safeguard the federal buildings , as well as protect and safeguard the law enforcement personnel that are there , ” CBP director Morgan told Time .
The document , however , counts “ no CBP facilities disrupted or damaged at this time , ” and lists only a single CBP employee as having been injured .

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In a conspicuous show of force, armed Customs and Border Protection (CBP) officers were recently seen in Portland carrying out surveillance and arrests. Agency director Mark Morgan has defended the deployment as measured and restrained. “I will not send any resource out anywhere to confront American citizens,” he told Time. But CBP’s support to local law enforcement has extended far beyond its controversial Portland deployment, and includes not just thousands of personnel but also drones and dozens of other aircraft, according to a CBP document obtained exclusively by The Nation.
The document, a draft of the agency’s answers to questions posed to them by Senator Kamala Harris on June 5, 2020, details the assets CBP deployed in response to requests for assistance from local law enforcement agencies across the country. So many local law enforcement agencies requested support that, according to the document, CBP was not aware of any state or local entities that explicitly declined assistance. The assistance includes a broad array of services like aerial surveillance, crowd control, unmarked vehicles, and plainclothes surveillance. Several requests involve specialized tactical units like CBP’s amphibious Riverine Force.
An index lists requests from various metropolitan police departments, including the NYPD, Chicago PD, Miami PD, Philadelphia PD, San Diego PD, and DC’s Metropolitan PD. Even federal agencies requested assistance, including several FBI field offices and the Drug Enforcement Agency. CBP aerial assets have been deployed to a variety of states including Illinois, New York, Ohio, Texas, Michigan, California, Florida, and Minnesota.
When Minneapolis erupted in protest in response to the police killing of George Floyd, CBP deployed a predator drone over the airspace. Several members of Congress sent CBP a letter demanding that the agency “cease any and all surveilling of Americans engaged in peaceful protests,” while CBP response to the protests also prompted Senator Harris to send the agency her list of questions. Director Morgan testified to the US Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs on June 25, on the subject of “CBP Oversight.” mission creep ICE Just Became Even Less Transparent Ken Klippenstein
The document was provided to The Nation by a CBP official on condition of anonymity to avoid professional reprisal. It is unclear when CBP intends to provide the information to Senator Harris.
According to the document, between May 20 and June 10, these requests resulted in 326.4 hours of aviation assets deployments as well as 2,174 personnel. Aviation support—CBP’s Air and Marine Operations possesses hundreds of aircraft—totaled 326.4 flight hours and included 38 rotor-wing, eight fixed -wing, and two unmanned aircraft systems. Included in the deployment was one Bearcat, two ATVs, three “vessels,” 50 marked vehicles, and 52 unmarked vehicles. Federal law enforcement’s reported use of unmarked vehicles in Portland led to uproar after video surfaced on social media showing what appeared to be a demonstrator arrested by an unidentified federal agent who ushered him into an unmarked vehicle. Among these federal agents were BORTAC agents—CBP’s elite tactical unit. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Although the document states, “The policies require the use of identifiable agency uniforms with badging and name tapes on the outermost garment (e.g. jacket, body armor),” CBP has offered no explanation about its use of agents who did not carry such identification. Current Issue View our current issue
The document is often vague about the deployments, especially those involving aircraft, saying only that “the nature of these deployments were based on the requests.” But answers to questions about surveillance capabilities provide some clues about the measures taken.
“CBP’s aircrafts can be equipped with cameras, radar and/or other technologies to support CBP components in patrolling the border, conducting surveillance as part of a law enforcement investigation or tactical operations, and respond to other significant incidents as directed,” the document states.
Footage from AMO [CBP Air and Marine Operations] aircraft systems is not shared with other law enforcement agencies, unless needed for an investigation or in connection with law enforcement activity. Requests for footage must be processed, reviewed and approved before dissemination by the CBP Office of Intelligence’s Production, Exploitation and Dissemination Cell.
The document also shows that CBP is conducting intelligence gathering operations in relation to the protests, though limited to “basic open source/social media research techniques.”
In several cases, CBP appears hesitant to answer Senator Harris’s questions. Responding to whether they discussed these deployments with anyone at the White House and, if so, with which individuals specifically, the document confirms the White House’s involvement but declines to specify: “CBP defers to DHS [CBP’s parent agency] to address this question as it coordinated component efforts with the White House.”
In another instance, when asked to confirm that CBP will not conduct immigration enforcement activities at protests and demonstrations, CBP refuses to do so, stating: “Our efforts are directed at the preservation of life and safety. Beyond that, CBP has not made any additional comments/statements to this effort. Thus, CBP has no additional information to provide with respect to this question and the sub-questions.”
“As the active commissioner I will authorize any assets that we have to carry out their mission to protect and safeguard the federal buildings, as well as protect and safeguard the law enforcement personnel that are there,” CBP director Morgan told Time. The document, however, counts “no CBP facilities disrupted or damaged at this time,” and lists only a single CBP employee as having been injured.
N


thenation--2020-07-23--Is Our Generation Ready to Take Up the Torch That John Lewis Lit?

My mother was born in 1950 in segregated Mississippi .
The first time she met the Rev .
Martin Luther King Jr. , she was at home after church in the late ’ 50s when he visited my grandmother and her young family .
My grandmother was a respected schoolteacher , and a lot of those civil rights leaders understood that getting in good with the teachers was a good way to connect with the young people.1 My mother has a living memory of events I ’ ve only read about .
Periodically , she will read my columns and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about our history—not the facts of it but the sense of it .
I write in faded tones about what she experienced in vibrant color.2 My father was part of the committee that wrote the national platforms for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in the late ’ 60s .
He started a Black-owned newspaper covering Harlem .
Later he was the first Black person elected to the legislature in New York ’ s Suffolk County .
He died a couple of years ago.3 The death of John Lewis on July 17 is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my age are experiencing personally or will experience soon : the death of living memory .
The greatest Black generation , the generation of heroes and heroines who fought fascism and oppression here on American soil , is passing on .
The loss of a national icon like Lewis is devastating , but every day we lose somebody—somebody who integrated a school or boycotted a bus line or broke down a barrier younger people don ’ t even know existed.4 As these elders die and become ancestors , I wonder if my generation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I think of my Black generation in far more expansive ways than the terms “ boomer , ” “ Gen X , ” and “ millennial , ” which speak primarily to white cultural moments .
My generation is the one that benefited from but did not have to fight for the Civil Rights Act .
We lived through the dismantling of legal discrimination but were also alive to witness the Reagan-era counterattack against such gains .
My generation has had to spend just as much time defending rights that were won @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for an expansion of social justice for our children.5 My generation will likely die in a less just world than the one we were born into .
While I doubt our world will devolve into the full horrors of the pre-civil-rights days—Lewis ’ s legacy is secure and victorious—on all of the big fights , from segregation to voting rights , people my age have seen more losses than gains.6 And so I wonder if we are ready to tend the flames of justice and equality our parents lit .
I wonder if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time in a defensive crouch , can be good guides along the road to the mountaintop.7 My panic at being handed the baton is tempered by looking at the community of Black excellence that is already here and more visible than ever .
The next generation of Black leaders and thinkers and elders is with us , and it is leading .
The Rev .
Dr. William J. Barber II teaches a clinic on moral clarity every time he opens his mouth .
Anytime I wonder what James Baldwin would have said about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look to what Nikole Hannah-Jones is saying right now .
I don ’ t need to pull out a Ouija board to ask Thurgood Marshall how to fight for legal equality , because Sherrilyn Ifill has an e-mail address .
And while I have to share him with white people , Barack Hussein Obama is a Black elder 400 years in the making.8 One area in which my generation has surpassed our parents is in recognizing women so that they can lead from the front .
Black women have always been leaders in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have not always been honored as such .
My generation has done at least somewhat better than all the previous ones ( a low bar ) at not standing in their way .
From Alicia Garza and Opal Tometi to Patrisse Cullors and so many others , women are defining the terms of social justice for this generation .
The movement is finally removing impediments so that all available warriors can be their full selves in this fight.9 Still , when it comes to visionary leadership and righteous impatience , my generation has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The violence and oppression of the Jim Crow era forged the greatest generation , and right now the brutality and bigotry of the Trump era are forging a whole generation of superheroes on our streets and in our classrooms.10 Seriously ?
John Kasich ?
What Is the Biden Camp Thinking ?
Young people today have the energy and vitality my parents once did .
They are unwilling to accept injustice , whether it comes from the police , the media , or the fossil fuel titans destroying the earth .
They ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they will soon have the votes to reshape this country in whatever ways they deem necessary .
They don ’ t remember what the world was like in 1945—or even 1985—and thus are unencumbered by it .
The future is theirs , and they have leaders who are ready to seize it.11 My generation , most likely , is merely an interstitial one , existing between two great social justice movements .
Our job is maybe not to coach the young people but to cut up some orange slices and cheer them on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maybe , when they ask us , we can do what all elders do : Tell stories .
I do not have a lived experience of the civil rights era .
But I have stayed up way past my bedtime listening to those who do .
Other people collect recipes from their mothers ; I collect stories .
So I can ’ t tell you how to make her potato salad , but I can tell you that Brown v. Board of Education didn ’ t do squat to help a Black woman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the South .
It will be my job to tell her grandchildren about that when they learn about the case in school.12 So much is lost when our heroes pass away .
It is now on my generation to remember.13

This article appears in the August 10/17, 2020 issue.
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Sign up for our Wine Club today. Did you know you can support The Nation by drinking wine?
My mother was born in 1950 in segregated Mississippi. The first time she met the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., she was at home after church in the late ’50s when he visited my grandmother and her young family. My grandmother was a respected schoolteacher, and a lot of those civil rights leaders understood that getting in good with the teachers was a good way to connect with the young people.1
My mother has a living memory of events I’ve only read about. Periodically, she will read my columns and tell me that I got something wrong about our history—not the facts of it but the sense of it. I write in faded tones about what she experienced in vibrant color.2
My father was part of the committee that wrote the national platforms for the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee in the late ’60s. He started a Black-owned newspaper covering Harlem. Later he was the first Black person elected to the legislature in New York’s Suffolk County. He died a couple of years ago.3
The death of John Lewis on July 17 is a national example of what many Black people my age are experiencing personally or will experience soon: the death of living memory. The greatest Black generation, the generation of heroes and heroines who fought fascism and oppression here on American soil, is passing on. The loss of a national icon like Lewis is devastating, but every day we lose somebody—somebody who integrated a school or boycotted a bus line or broke down a barrier younger people don’t even know existed.4
As these elders die and become ancestors, I wonder if my generation is ready to become the new elders. I think of my Black generation in far more expansive ways than the terms “boomer,” “Gen X,” and “millennial,” which speak primarily to white cultural moments. My generation is the one that benefited from but did not have to fight for the Civil Rights Act. We lived through the dismantling of legal discrimination but were also alive to witness the Reagan-era counterattack against such gains. My generation has had to spend just as much time defending rights that were won by our parents as it has fighting for an expansion of social justice for our children.5 Current Issue View our current issue
My generation will likely die in a less just world than the one we were born into. While I doubt our world will devolve into the full horrors of the pre-civil-rights days—Lewis’s legacy is secure and victorious—on all of the big fights, from segregation to voting rights, people my age have seen more losses than gains.6
And so I wonder if we are ready to tend the flames of justice and equality our parents lit. I wonder if we, who have spent so much time in a defensive crouch, can be good guides along the road to the mountaintop.7 Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
My panic at being handed the baton is tempered by looking at the community of Black excellence that is already here and more visible than ever. The next generation of Black leaders and thinkers and elders is with us, and it is leading. The Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II teaches a clinic on moral clarity every time he opens his mouth. Anytime I wonder what James Baldwin would have said about a current issue, I need only look to what Nikole Hannah-Jones is saying right now. I don’t need to pull out a Ouija board to ask Thurgood Marshall how to fight for legal equality, because Sherrilyn Ifill has an e-mail address. And while I have to share him with white people, Barack Hussein Obama is a Black elder 400 years in the making.8
One area in which my generation has surpassed our parents is in recognizing women so that they can lead from the front. Black women have always been leaders in the civil rights movement, but they have not always been honored as such. My generation has done at least somewhat better than all the previous ones (a low bar) at not standing in their way. From Alicia Garza and Opal Tometi to Patrisse Cullors and so many others, women are defining the terms of social justice for this generation. The movement is finally removing impediments so that all available warriors can be their full selves in this fight.9
Still, when it comes to visionary leadership and righteous impatience, my generation has nothing on the next group up. The violence and oppression of the Jim Crow era forged the greatest generation, and right now the brutality and bigotry of the Trump era are forging a whole generation of superheroes on our streets and in our classrooms.10 More from Mystal Seriously? John Kasich? What Is the Biden Camp Thinking? Elie Mystal
Young people today have the energy and vitality my parents once did. They are unwilling to accept injustice, whether it comes from the police, the media, or the fossil fuel titans destroying the earth. They’re building multiethnic, intersectional coalitions, and they will soon have the votes to reshape this country in whatever ways they deem necessary. They don’t remember what the world was like in 1945—or even 1985—and thus are unencumbered by it. The future is theirs, and they have leaders who are ready to seize it.11
My generation, most likely, is merely an interstitial one, existing between two great social justice movements. Our job is maybe not to coach the young people but to cut up some orange slices and cheer them on as they take the field. And maybe, when they ask us, we can do what all elders do: Tell stories. I do not have a lived experience of the civil rights era. But I have stayed up way past my bedtime listening to those who do. Other people collect recipes from their mothers; I collect stories. So I can’t tell you how to make her potato salad, but I can tell you that Brown v. Board of Education didn’t do squat to help a Black woman check out a book from a library in the South. It will be my job to tell her grandchildren about that when they learn about the case in school.12
So much is lost when our heroes pass away. It is now on my generation to remember.13


thenation--2020-07-24--Trump Is Flailing, and the Country Is Paying the Price

Trump ’ s impetuous order earlier this week to close the Chinese consulate in Houston comes at the end of a long period of saber-rattling .
Yet by escalating tensions with China so dramatically—and with so little thought of how this could cascade into a series of unintended consequences—it has to rank as one of the more extraordinary foreign policy decisions of recent times .
Yes , the Chinese government has done many despicable things over the past few years , from detaining Uighurs and other ethnic minorities in concentration camps , to imposing a horrific national security law on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s cherished autonomy .
Officials under both Democratic and Republican administrations say that China has also stolen intellectual property from American companies , including government contractors .
But does anyone seriously believe that Donald Trump and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo have suddenly been converted to the cause of human rights ?
Does anyone believe this is about the sanctity of trade agreements and copyright norms ?
The sudden urgency to shutter the Houston consulate is clearly about domestic politics—about presenting China as a larger-than-life villain , and Trump as the strongman counterweight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about distracting the American voting public from the administration ’ s beyond-useless response to the Covid-19 pandemic , and blaming China for all of the woes that have accompanied these plague months .
Of course , the Signal is that this stunt is leading to a conflict that could quickly spiral out of control .
Chinese officials have already begun the process of retaliation , and are reportedly planning to shut down a US consulate in the city of Chengdu .
That ’ s the sort of tit-for-tat diplomatic expulsion that was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States and the Soviet Union .
It ’ s also the sort of escalation that a Trump-led administration is uniquely ill-equipped to handle with nuance and finesse .
There ’ s little to prevent this new Cold War from getting hot , and that ’ s a deeply unsettling prospect .
If anyone ’ s in doubt that this administration believes violent conflict will serve its political ends in the run-up to the election , just look at Portland , Ore .
There , federal agents—allegedly sent in to protect federal monuments—have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and assaults on protesters .
This is despite the fact that local officials keep telling them that the presence of shadowy forces wearing military fatigues is only making a volatile situation worse .
Trump has made it clear that he will also “ surge ” federal agents into Chicago , Albuquerque , and other cities , ostensibly to tackle violent crime .
Again , this isn ’ t about a sudden concern for the well-being of poor people living in poor neighborhoods and surrounded by violence , economic collapse , and inadequate housing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , has only ever used these issues as props for his demagoguery .
He does , however , care very much about framing cities—especially those with Democratic mayors—as petri dishes of criminal behavior .
He does care about pitching a snarling , election-season message to white , suburban voters .
The result is an ugly , Noisy absurdity .
There ’ s not even a pretense of consistency when it comes to law and order .
In one breath , Trump wishes well Jeffrey Epstein ’ s alleged accomplice Ghislaine Maxwell , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his friend Roger Stone .
In another , fine-tuning his George Wallace–styled rhetoric , he denounces protesters and claims they are part of a lawless , far-left conspiracy .
Speaking of “ lawless ” : Trump reportedly urged the US ambassador to the United Kingdom to lobby the Brits to move the British Open golf tournament to one of Trump ’ s Scottish golf courses .
After all , what should the US diplomatic establishment be doing other than turning diplomats into caddies and international relations into one big payday for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of official lawlessness , Trump has recently solicited advice from legal scholar John Yoo , who achieved notoriety during George Bush ’ s presidency by scripting the legal memo that provided a rationale for the torture program .
Yoo should have been banished from the public sphere for his shameful torture memos .
Instead , he ended up with a plush gig teaching at the University of California , Berkeley , law school .
Now , with the election just around the corner , Yoo is busy ingratiating himself with the current administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s recent DACA ruling—in which justices said the administration would have needed to go through the Administrative Procedure Act to revoke the program—actually means that Trump can sign a bunch of big-picture , probably illegal executive orders , because the Supreme Court will mandate a multiyear process to overturn them .
Armed with such nonsensical legal advice , administration officials said earlier this week that Trump would sign a series of executive orders to fundamentally overhaul the immigration and health care systems , through diktat rather than legislation .
He has already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at preventing undocumented immigrants from participating in the US Census .
It ’ s absurd because the Supreme Court has already ruled that the Census can not include a question about immigration status , making it impossible for Census-takers to know whether respondents are undocumented—but the memo is a harbinger of what ’ s coming down the road .
Trump is going to push every legal boundary he can to fire up his base between now and November .
It ’ s all he ’ s got left—given double-digit unemployment , the surging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the housing market is starting to soften , and the growing realization that the economy is going to take a far bigger , and longer , hit from the pandemic than was initially expected .
Over the coming weeks , expect each new executive order to be uglier and crueler than the one before .
Expect the federal authorities surging into cities to create a confrontational spectacle and to poke at the flames of civic discord .
And expect these actions to be so shoddily crafted that they ultimately serve only as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , rather than as long-term policy resets .

Trump’s impetuous order earlier this week to close the Chinese consulate in Houston comes at the end of a long period of saber-rattling. Yet by escalating tensions with China so dramatically—and with so little thought of how this could cascade into a series of unintended consequences—it has to rank as one of the more extraordinary foreign policy decisions of recent times.
Yes, the Chinese government has done many despicable things over the past few years, from detaining Uighurs and other ethnic minorities in concentration camps, to imposing a horrific national security law on Hong Kong that shreds that city’s cherished autonomy. Officials under both Democratic and Republican administrations say that China has also stolen intellectual property from American companies, including government contractors. But does anyone seriously believe that Donald Trump and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo have suddenly been converted to the cause of human rights? Does anyone believe this is about the sanctity of trade agreements and copyright norms?
The sudden urgency to shutter the Houston consulate is clearly about domestic politics—about presenting China as a larger-than-life villain, and Trump as the strongman counterweight. It is, above all, about distracting the American voting public from the administration’s beyond-useless response to the Covid-19 pandemic, and blaming China for all of the woes that have accompanied these plague months.
Of course, the Signal is that this stunt is leading to a conflict that could quickly spiral out of control. Chinese officials have already begun the process of retaliation, and are reportedly planning to shut down a US consulate in the city of Chengdu. That’s the sort of tit-for-tat diplomatic expulsion that was a hallmark of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. It’s also the sort of escalation that a Trump-led administration is uniquely ill-equipped to handle with nuance and finesse. There’s little to prevent this new Cold War from getting hot, and that’s a deeply unsettling prospect. Related Article When ‘Law and Order’ Means Maximum Chaos Sasha Abramsky
If anyone’s in doubt that this administration believes violent conflict will serve its political ends in the run-up to the election, just look at Portland, Ore. There, federal agents—allegedly sent in to protect federal monuments—have doubled down on a strategy of occupation and assaults on protesters. This is despite the fact that local officials keep telling them that the presence of shadowy forces wearing military fatigues is only making a volatile situation worse. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Trump has made it clear that he will also “surge” federal agents into Chicago, Albuquerque, and other cities, ostensibly to tackle violent crime. Again, this isn’t about a sudden concern for the well-being of poor people living in poor neighborhoods and surrounded by violence, economic collapse, and inadequate housing. Trump, wealth-fetishist that he is, has only ever used these issues as props for his demagoguery. He does, however, care very much about framing cities—especially those with Democratic mayors—as petri dishes of criminal behavior. He does care about pitching a snarling, election-season message to white, suburban voters.
The result is an ugly, Noisy absurdity. There’s not even a pretense of consistency when it comes to law and order. In one breath, Trump wishes well Jeffrey Epstein’s alleged accomplice Ghislaine Maxwell, or announces that he is commuting the sentence of his friend Roger Stone. In another, fine-tuning his George Wallace–styled rhetoric, he denounces protesters and claims they are part of a lawless, far-left conspiracy. Current Issue View our current issue
Speaking of “lawless”: Trump reportedly urged the US ambassador to the United Kingdom to lobby the Brits to move the British Open golf tournament to one of Trump’s Scottish golf courses. After all, what should the US diplomatic establishment be doing other than turning diplomats into caddies and international relations into one big payday for the Trump clan?
Continuing along that vein of official lawlessness, Trump has recently solicited advice from legal scholar John Yoo, who achieved notoriety during George Bush’s presidency by scripting the legal memo that provided a rationale for the torture program. Yoo should have been banished from the public sphere for his shameful torture memos. Instead, he ended up with a plush gig teaching at the University of California, Berkeley, law school. Now, with the election just around the corner, Yoo is busy ingratiating himself with the current administration: He argues that the Supreme Court’s recent DACA ruling—in which justices said the administration would have needed to go through the Administrative Procedure Act to revoke the program—actually means that Trump can sign a bunch of big-picture, probably illegal executive orders, because the Supreme Court will mandate a multiyear process to overturn them.
Armed with such nonsensical legal advice, administration officials said earlier this week that Trump would sign a series of executive orders to fundamentally overhaul the immigration and health care systems, through diktat rather than legislation. He has already signed an absurd presidential memo, aimed at preventing undocumented immigrants from participating in the US Census. It’s absurd because the Supreme Court has already ruled that the Census cannot include a question about immigration status, making it impossible for Census-takers to know whether respondents are undocumented—but the memo is a harbinger of what’s coming down the road.
Trump is going to push every legal boundary he can to fire up his base between now and November. It’s all he’s got left—given double-digit unemployment, the surging Covid-19 infection rate, the worrying signs that the housing market is starting to soften, and the growing realization that the economy is going to take a far bigger, and longer, hit from the pandemic than was initially expected.
Over the coming weeks, expect each new executive order to be uglier and crueler than the one before. Expect the federal authorities surging into cities to create a confrontational spectacle and to poke at the flames of civic discord. And expect these actions to be so shoddily crafted that they ultimately serve only as distractions, Noise layered atop more Noise, rather than as long-term policy resets.