thenation--2020-07-08--Covid Is the Bomb

Covid Is the Bomb

ackson , iss.—Before Covid-19 , I would travel around the country , listening to people ’ s stories as we walked their block , or plotted the “ beautiful next ” in some center or meeting room .
Now we are all in little boxes , trying to connect , trying to make it more human .
People with wild virtual backgrounds or cute hats .
It reminds me of freshman year moving into the dorms .
There you are with your teddy bears and your posters to make your room feel a little less like the drab , institutional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it ’ s crazy hard out here for so many of us .
Covid has shifted racism and inequity into hyperdrive .
Shuttered hospitals and limited testing in communities hardest hit .
The intentional delay in distributing “ stimulus ” checks to indigenous nations while slashing funds for health services .
A young Black woman tells me a story—from her box to mine—about how the white children in her trailer park , not far from Chicago , come by her family ’ s home to spit and chant , “ Covid is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were taught that our disproportionate death related to Covid is an opportunity for ethnic cleansing .
This is a season of wild contrasts .
The joyful exuberance of seeing our movements on the precipice of so many significant victories .
It ’ s beautiful .
I am breathless and giddy to live to see this moment that I had every confidence would come .
And I am also anxious , as the nation is riveted by global protests to address Black lives taken by police violence , that we have normalized the deaths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ victims of state violence but in a different form .
Police shootings are literally a gun to the head of Black America , while the government ’ s use of the pandemic to facilitate Black and Indigenous death is a full-on carpet bombing .
And although they don ’ t exhibit the glee of those children in the trailer park , much of government appears to be on the same team .
Food for Hard Times and Pleasure—Kimchee Out of Anything More in this series I ’ ve watched testimony in city councils @ @ @ @ @ @ @ require protective masks in public .
I ’ m struck by how often progressive frames are appropriated for conservative use : phrases like “ crime against humanity ” or “ human rights violation , ” along with the old tropes opposing public health protection as a matter of “ freedom.
” On May 19 , the birthday of Malcolm X ironically , Mississippi Governor Tate Reeves gave churches explicit permission to reopen .
They were never officially closed in Mississippi , but this bit of grandstanding was part of the governor ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right-wing faith base .
The governor insisted on lifting restrictions for businesses , too .
There were 535 new Covid cases and 42 deaths that day .
On June 22 there were 1,646 new cases and 40 deaths .
Progressive mayors had instituted public protection rules in an attempt to “ flatten the curve , ” but as Jackson Mayor Chokwe Antar Lumumba said in a recent interview about the “ reopening ” of the state : “ It was clear that we [ Jackson ] are becoming an island .
And if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s hard not to get wet.
” On June 30 , with new cases spiking , the mayor announced that wearing face masks would be mandatory in the city .
Covid is revealing all of the cracks and fissures in our systems—of care , of connection , in our economy .
As cities like Jackson are left to fend for ourselves , Covid is also revealing how “ we keep us safe.
” In my South Jackson neighborhood , masked volunteers sweat under the Mississippi sun as they hand out food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ folks in line brave the heat hoping to be among the lucky ones to get a mobile Covid test before kits run out .
The volunteers are friends and neighbors who have stepped up as part of the Jackson Community Covid Response .
It ’ s a local coalition that includes Jackson State and Tougaloo College students ; organizing groups like Poor People ’ s Campaign , Mississippi One Voice , People ’ s Advocacy Institute , Mississippi Immigrant Coalition , Democratic Socialists of America , and Black Youth Project 100 ; neighborhood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Strong Arms of Jackson , MOVE Church , and Bad Boy Tree Services ; social service projects like Clean Slate Behavioral Health Collective ; and multimedia outlets like the local branch of Black With No Chaser , which has a popular podcast in the community .
This coalition is one of the hundreds of mutual aid networks springing up across the country to fill the gaps that the state refuses to address .
The work is hard , but it ’ s also adaptive , innovative , and generous .
There ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-related death as young and old die needlessly in prisons and detention centers .
There is also vision as organizers move progressive district attorneys to release “ nonviolent offenders ” by the thousands .
In Jackson , Mayor Lumumba enacted an agreement to end arrests for misdemeanors and nonviolent offenses that activists believe will keep hundreds out of jail .
Yet hundreds more languish in detention centers and jails throughout the state .
Activist Rukia Lumumba told me about a man bailed out by the Mississippi Bail Out Collective .
He had spent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he didn ’ t have $ 150 .
Thanks to the collective ’ s efforts , he is out now .
These are just a few examples of the silo-busting work on the ground that makes the connections between culture , policing , health , immigration rights , and so much more .
It ’ s a politics for our whole lives .
This work , these victories , are sunbursts in the midst of storms .
We breathe .
We listen .
We plot .
We dream .
And we remember that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ storm to make rainbows .
Scenes From a Pandemic is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind , a living memorial to radical journalist Andrew Kopkind , who from 1982–94 was the magazine ’ s chief political writer and analyst .
This series of dispatches from Kopkind ’ s far-flung network of participants , advisers , guests , and friends is edited by Nation contributor and Kopkind program director JoAnn Wypijewski , and appears weekly on thenation.com and kopkind.org .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
J ackson, M iss.—Before Covid-19, I would travel around the country, listening to people’s stories as we walked their block, or plotted the “beautiful next” in some center or meeting room. Now we are all in little boxes, trying to connect, trying to make it more human. People with wild virtual backgrounds or cute hats. It reminds me of freshman year moving into the dorms. There you are with your teddy bears and your posters to make your room feel a little less like the drab, institutional rectangle it is.
The truth is, it’s crazy hard out here for so many of us. Covid has shifted racism and inequity into hyperdrive. Shuttered hospitals and limited testing in communities hardest hit. The intentional delay in distributing “stimulus” checks to indigenous nations while slashing funds for health services. A young Black woman tells me a story—from her box to mine—about how the white children in her trailer park, not far from Chicago, come by her family’s home to spit and chant, “Covid is a n***a killer!” These children were taught that our disproportionate death related to Covid is an opportunity for ethnic cleansing.
This is a season of wild contrasts. The joyful exuberance of seeing our movements on the precipice of so many significant victories. It’s beautiful. I am breathless and giddy to live to see this moment that I had every confidence would come. And I am also anxious, as the nation is riveted by global protests to address Black lives taken by police violence, that we have normalized the deaths of the many others who are also victims of state violence but in a different form.
Police shootings are literally a gun to the head of Black America, while the government’s use of the pandemic to facilitate Black and Indigenous death is a full-on carpet bombing. And although they don’t exhibit the glee of those children in the trailer park, much of government appears to be on the same team. Scenes From a Pandemic Untethered, or The Year of Living Virtually Patricia J. Williams The Art of the Meal Mary Lewis Maybe We Shouldn’t Go Back to Normal Bri M.
I’ve watched testimony in city councils around the country against local ordinances to require protective masks in public. I’m struck by how often progressive frames are appropriated for conservative use: phrases like “crime against humanity” or “human rights violation,” along with the old tropes opposing public health protection as a matter of “freedom.”
On May 19, the birthday of Malcolm X ironically, Mississippi Governor Tate Reeves gave churches explicit permission to reopen. They were never officially closed in Mississippi, but this bit of grandstanding was part of the governor’s pandering to support Trump in solidifying his right-wing faith base. The governor insisted on lifting restrictions for businesses, too. There were 535 new Covid cases and 42 deaths that day. On June 22 there were 1,646 new cases and 40 deaths. Progressive mayors had instituted public protection rules in an attempt to “flatten the curve,” but as Jackson Mayor Chokwe Antar Lumumba said in a recent interview about the “reopening” of the state: “It was clear that we [Jackson] are becoming an island. And if you’re on an island, it’s hard not to get wet.” On June 30, with new cases spiking, the mayor announced that wearing face masks would be mandatory in the city. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Covid is revealing all of the cracks and fissures in our systems—of care, of connection, in our economy. As cities like Jackson are left to fend for ourselves, Covid is also revealing how “we keep us safe.” Current Issue View our current issue
In my South Jackson neighborhood, masked volunteers sweat under the Mississippi sun as they hand out food and toilet paper. Many of the folks in line brave the heat hoping to be among the lucky ones to get a mobile Covid test before kits run out. The volunteers are friends and neighbors who have stepped up as part of the Jackson Community Covid Response. It’s a local coalition that includes Jackson State and Tougaloo College students; organizing groups like Poor People’s Campaign, Mississippi One Voice, People’s Advocacy Institute, Mississippi Immigrant Coalition, Democratic Socialists of America, and Black Youth Project 100; neighborhood groups and businesses like Operation Good, Strong Arms of Jackson, MOVE Church, and Bad Boy Tree Services; social service projects like Clean Slate Behavioral Health Collective; and multimedia outlets like the local branch of Black With No Chaser, which has a popular podcast in the community. This coalition is one of the hundreds of mutual aid networks springing up across the country to fill the gaps that the state refuses to address.
The work is hard, but it’s also adaptive, innovative, and generous. There’s deep grief in the face of rising Covid-related death as young and old die needlessly in prisons and detention centers. There is also vision as organizers move progressive district attorneys to release “nonviolent offenders” by the thousands. In Jackson, Mayor Lumumba enacted an agreement to end arrests for misdemeanors and nonviolent offenses that activists believe will keep hundreds out of jail. Yet hundreds more languish in detention centers and jails throughout the state. Activist Rukia Lumumba told me about a man bailed out by the Mississippi Bail Out Collective. He had spent two months in a DeSoto jail because he didn’t have $150. Thanks to the collective’s efforts, he is out now.
These are just a few examples of the silo-busting work on the ground that makes the connections between culture, policing, health, immigration rights, and so much more. It’s a politics for our whole lives.
This work, these victories, are sunbursts in the midst of storms. We breathe. We listen. We plot. We dream. And we remember that it takes both the sunburst and the storm to make rainbows.
Scenes From a Pandemic is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind, a living memorial to radical journalist Andrew Kopkind, who from 1982–94 was the magazine’s chief political writer and analyst. This series of dispatches from Kopkind’s far-flung network of participants, advisers, guests, and friends is edited by Nation contributor and Kopkind program director JoAnn Wypijewski, and appears weekly on thenation.com and kopkind.org.


thenation--2020-07-08--Defund the Pentagon, Too

Defund the Pentagon, Too

Think of it as a war system that ’ s been coming home for years .
The murder of George Floyd has finally shone a spotlight on the need to defund local police departments and find alternatives that provide more genuine safety and security .
The same sort of spotlight needs soon to be shone on the American military machine and the wildly well-funded damage it ’ s been doing for almost 19 years across the Greater Middle East and Africa .
Distorted funding priorities aren ’ t the only driving force behind police violence against communities of color , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and to areas like jobs , education , housing , and restorative justice could be an important part of the solution .
And any effort to boost spending on social programs should include massive cuts to the Pentagon ’ s bloated budget .
In short , it ’ s time to defund our wars , both at home and abroad .
The High Cost of Police and Prisons In most states and localities , spending on police and prisons outweighs what the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. once described as “ programs of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In some jurisdictions , police alone can account for up to 40 percent of local budgets , leaving little room for other priorities .
In New York City , for instance , funding the police department ’ s operations and compensation costs more than $ 10 billion yearly—more , that is , than the federal government spends on the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .
Nationwide , more than $ 100 billion annually goes into policing .
Now , add to that another figure : what it costs to hold roughly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans in prisons and jails—roughly $ 120 billion a year .
Like policing , in other words , incarceration is big business in this country in 2020 .
After all , prison populations have grown by nearly 700 percent since 1972 , driven in significant part by the “ war on drugs , ” a so-called war that has disproportionately targeted people of color .
The Elephant in the Room : Pentagon Spending In addition to the police and prisons , the other major source of American militarized spending is , of course @ @ @ @ @ @ @ along with related activities like nuclear weapons funding at the Department of Energy , now gobbles up at least $ 750 billion per year .
That ’ s more than the military budgets of the next 10 countries combined .
Just as prisons and policing consume a startling proportion of state and local budgets , the Pentagon accounts for more than half of the federal government ’ s discretionary budget and that includes most government functions other than Social Security , Medicare , and Medicaid .
As Ashik Siddique of the National Priorities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s latest budget proposal “ prioritizes brute force and militarization over diplomatic and humanitarian solutions to pressing societal crises ” in a particularly striking way .
“ Just about every non-militarized department funded by the discretionary budget , ” he adds , “ is on the chopping block , including all those that focus on reducing poverty and meeting human needs like education , housing , labor , health , energy , and transportation.
” Spending on the militarization of the US-Mexico border and the deportation of immigrants through agencies like Immigration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Protection totals another $ 24 billion annually .
That puts US spending on police , prisons , and the Pentagon at nearly $ 1 trillion per year and that doesn ’ t even include the soaring budgets of other parts of the American national security state like the Department of Homeland Security ( $ 92 billion ) and the Veterans Administration ( $ 243 billion—a cost of past wars ) .
Back in May 2019 , Mandy Smithberger of the Project on Government Oversight and I had already estimated that the full national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was approximately $ 1.25 trillion a year and that estimate , of course , didn ’ t even include the police and the prison system !
Another way of looking at the problem is to focus on just how much of the federal budget goes to the Pentagon and other militarized activities , including federal prisons , immigration enforcement , and veterans benefits .
An analysis by the National Priorities Project at the Institute for Policy Studies puts this figure at $ 887 billion , or more than 64 percent of the federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , environmental protection , job training , energy development , housing , transportation , scientific research , and more .
Ever since images of the police deploying armored vehicles against peaceful demonstrators in Ferguson , Mo.
, hit the national airwaves in 2014 , the Pentagon ’ s program for supplying “ surplus ” military equipment to local police departments has been a news item .
It ’ s also gotten intermittent attention in Congress and the Executive Branch .
Since 1997 , the Pentagon ’ s 1033 Program , as it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ separate law enforcement agencies more than $ 7.4 billion in surplus equipment , including Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected ( MRAP ) vehicles of the kind used on the battlefields of Iraq and Afghanistan , along with rifles , ammunition , grenade launchers , and night-vision devices .
As Brian Barrett has pointed out at Wired , “ Local law enforcement responding to even nonviolent protests has often looked more like the US Armed Forces.
” Political scientist Ryan Welch coauthored a 2017 study suggesting , when it came to police departments equipped in such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military hardware and mindsets will resort to violence more often and more quickly.
” Under the circumstances and given who ’ s providing the equipment , you won ’ t be surprised to learn that the 1033 program also suffers from lax oversight .
In 2017 , the Government Accountability Office ( GAO ) created a fake law enforcement agency and was able to acquire $ 1.2 million worth of equipment through the program , including night-vision goggles and simulated M-16A2 rifles .
The request was approved within a week of the GAO @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finally implemented some reforms in the wake of Ferguson , banning the transfer of tracked vehicles , grenade launchers , and weaponized aircraft , among other things , while requiring police departments to supply more detailed rationales describing their need for specific equipment .
But such modest efforts—and they proved modest indeed—were promptly chucked out when Donald Trump took office .
And the Trump administration changes quickly had a discernible effect .
In 2019 , the 1033 program had one of its biggest years ever , with about 15,750 military items transferred to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2012 , in the Obama years , when 17,000 such items were distributed .
As noted , the mere possession of military equipment has been shown to stoke the ever stronger “ warrior culture ” that now characterizes so many police departments , as evidenced by the use of Special Weapons and Tactics ( SWAT ) teams armed with military weaponry for routine drug enforcement activities .
It ’ s hardly just SWAT teams , though .
The weaponry and related items provided under the 1033 program are widely employed by ordinary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instance , reported that armored vehicles were used at least 29 times in response to Black Lives Matter protests organized since the murder of George Floyd , including in major urban areas like Philadelphia and Cincinnati .
NBC has also determined that more than 1,100 Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected vehicles have been distributed to local law enforcement agencies under the MRAP program , going to communities large and small , including Sanford , Me.
, population 20,000 , and Moundsville , W.Va. , population 8,400 .
A report from the American Civil Liberties Union @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use of Pentagon-supplied equipment in no-knock home invasions , including driving up to people ’ s houses in just such armored vehicles to launch the raids .
The ACLU concluded that “ the militarization of American policing is evident in the training that police officers receive , which encourages them to adopt a ‘ warrior ’ mentality and think of the people they are supposed to serve as enemies , as well as in the equipment they use , such as battering rams , flashbang grenades , and APCs [ Armored Personnel Carriers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complex earn billions of dollars selling weapons , as well as building and operating prisons and detention facilities , and supplying the police , while theoretically dealing with problems with deep social and economic roots .
Generally speaking , by the time they ’ re done , those problems have only become deeper and more rooted .
Take , for example , giant weapons contractors like Lockheed Martin , Boeing , and Raytheon that profit so splendidly from the sales of weapons systems to Saudi Arabia , weaponry that , in turn , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands of civilians in Yemen , destroy civilian infrastructure there , and block the provision of desperately needed humanitarian assistance .
The result : more than 100,000 deaths in that country and millions more on the brink of famine and disease , including Covid-19 .
Such major weapons firms have also been at the front of the line when it comes to benefiting from America ’ s endless post-9/11 wars .
The Costs of War Project at Brown University estimates that the United States has spent over $ 6.4 trillion on just some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hundreds of billions of those dollars ended up in the pockets of defense contractors , while problems in the United States , left far less well funded , only grew .
And by the way , the Pentagon ’ s regular budget , combined with direct spending on wars , also manages to provide huge benefits to such weapons makers .
Almost half of the department ’ s $ 750 billion budget goes to them .
According to the Federal Procurement Data System ’ s latest report on the top recipients of government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ makers alone—Lockheed Martin , Boeing , Raytheon , Northrop Grumman , and General Dynamics—split well over $ 100 billion in Pentagon awards among them in 2019 .
Meanwhile , those same five firms pay their CEOs a total of approximately $ 100 million per year , with hundreds of millions more going to other top executives and board members .
Meanwhile , in the Trump years , the militarization of the border has become a particularly lucrative business opportunity , with General Atomics , for instance , supplying ever more surveillance drones and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and expensive remote sensor surveillance system .
There are also millions to be made running privatized prisons and immigrant detention centers , filling the coffers of firms like CoreCivic and the GEO Group , which have secured record profits in recent years while garnering about half their revenues from those two sources .
Last but not least is the market for even more police equipment .
Local forces benefit from grants from the Department of Homeland Security to purchase a wide range of items to supplement the Pentagon ’ s 1033 program .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ s failed post-9/11 wars , which have cost trillions of dollars in taxpayer treasure , hundreds of thousands of lives ( American and otherwise ) , and physical and psychological injuries to hundreds of thousands more .
They have also propped up sectarian and corrupt regimes that have actually made it easier for terrorist groups like Al Qaeda and ISIS to form and spread .
Think of it as the ultimate boomerang effect , in which violence begets more violence , while allowing overseas terrorist organizations to thrive .
As journalist Nick Turse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of US Africa policy , the growth in American military operations on that continent has proceeded rather strikingly in conjunction with a proliferation of new terrorist groups .
Put the best light on them and US counterterror operations there have been ineffective .
More likely , they have simply helped spawn further increases in terrorist activities in the region .
All of this has , in turn , been an ongoing disaster for underfunded domestic programs that would actually help ordinary Americans rather than squander their tax dollars on what passes for , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ national defense.
” In the era of Covid-19 , climate change , and an increased focus on long-standing structural racism and anti-Black violence , a new approach to “ security ” is desperately needed , one that privileges not yet more bombs , guns , militarized police forces , and aircraft carriers but public health , environmental protection , and much-needed programs for quality jobs and education in underserved communities .
On the domestic front , particularly in communities of color , police are more often seen as an occupying force than as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since the 1033 program was initiated , they ’ ve looked ever more like such a force as well ) .
This has led to calls for defunding the police and seeking other means of providing public safety , including , minimally , not sending police to deal with petty drug offenses , domestic disputes , and problems caused by individuals with mental health issues .
Organizations like the Minneapolis-based Reclaim the Block have put forward proposals for crisis response by institutions other than the police and for community-based programs for resolving disputes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in spending on police , prisons , and the Pentagon could free up hundreds of billions of dollars for programs that might begin to fill the gap in spending on public investments in communities of color and elsewhere .
Organizations like the Movement for Black Lives and the Poor People ’ s Campaign are already demanding these kinds of changes .
In its moral budget , a comprehensive proposal for redirecting America ’ s resources toward addressing poverty and away from war , racism , and ecological destruction , the Poor People ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ billion annual cut in Pentagon spending—almost half of current levels .
Likewise , the platform of the Movement for Black Lives suggested a 50 percent reduction in Pentagon outlays .
And a new youth anti-militarist movement , Dissenters , has called for defunding the armed forces as well as the police .
Ultimately , safety for all Americans will depend on more than just a shift of funding or a reduction in police armaments .
After all , George Floyd and Eric Garner—just two of the long list of Black Americans to die @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not with high-tech weapons but with a knee to the throat and a fatal choke hold .
Shifting funds from the police to social services , dismantling police forces as they now exist , and creating new institutions to protect communities should be an essential part of any solution in the aftermath of Donald Trump ’ s presidency .
Similarly , investments in diplomacy , economic assistance , and cultural exchange would be needed in order to help rein in the American war machine , which , of course , has been attended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health care to schooling to infrastructure , has been in this century .
When it comes to both the police and the Pentagon , the sooner change arrives , the better off we ’ ll all be .
It ’ s long past time to defund America ’ s wars , both abroad and at home .

EDITOR’S NOTE: This article originally appeared at TomDispatch.com. To stay on top of important articles like these, sign up to receive the latest updates from TomDispatch.
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Think of it as a war system that’s been coming home for years. The murder of George Floyd has finally shone a spotlight on the need to defund local police departments and find alternatives that provide more genuine safety and security. The same sort of spotlight needs soon to be shone on the American military machine and the wildly well-funded damage it’s been doing for almost 19 years across the Greater Middle East and Africa.
Distorted funding priorities aren’t the only driving force behind police violence against communities of color, but shifting such resources away from policing and to areas like jobs, education, housing, and restorative justice could be an important part of the solution. And any effort to boost spending on social programs should include massive cuts to the Pentagon’s bloated budget. In short, it’s time to defund our wars, both at home and abroad.
The High Cost of Police and Prisons
In most states and localities, spending on police and prisons outweighs what the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. once described as “programs of social uplift.” The numbers are staggering. In some jurisdictions, police alone can account for up to 40 percent of local budgets, leaving little room for other priorities. In New York City, for instance, funding the police department’s operations and compensation costs more than $10 billion yearly—more, that is, than the federal government spends on the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Nationwide, more than $100 billion annually goes into policing.
Now, add to that another figure: what it costs to hold roughly 2 million (yes 2,000,000!) Americans in prisons and jails—roughly $120 billion a year. Like policing, in other words, incarceration is big business in this country in 2020. After all, prison populations have grown by nearly 700 percent since 1972, driven in significant part by the “war on drugs,” a so-called war that has disproportionately targeted people of color. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
The Elephant in the Room: Pentagon Spending
In addition to the police and prisons, the other major source of American militarized spending is, of course, the Pentagon. That department, along with related activities like nuclear weapons funding at the Department of Energy, now gobbles up at least $750 billion per year. That’s more than the military budgets of the next 10 countries combined.
Just as prisons and policing consume a startling proportion of state and local budgets, the Pentagon accounts for more than half of the federal government’s discretionary budget and that includes most government functions other than Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. As Ashik Siddique of the National Priorities Project has noted, the Trump administration’s latest budget proposal “prioritizes brute force and militarization over diplomatic and humanitarian solutions to pressing societal crises” in a particularly striking way. “Just about every non-militarized department funded by the discretionary budget,” he adds, “is on the chopping block, including all those that focus on reducing poverty and meeting human needs like education, housing, labor, health, energy, and transportation.”
Spending on the militarization of the US-Mexico border and the deportation of immigrants through agencies like Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection totals another $24 billion annually. That puts US spending on police, prisons, and the Pentagon at nearly $1 trillion per year and that doesn’t even include the soaring budgets of other parts of the American national security state like the Department of Homeland Security ($92 billion) and the Veterans Administration ($243 billion—a cost of past wars). Back in May 2019, Mandy Smithberger of the Project on Government Oversight and I had already estimated that the full national security budget, including the Pentagon, was approximately $1.25 trillion a year and that estimate, of course, didn’t even include the police and the prison system! Current Issue View our current issue
Another way of looking at the problem is to focus on just how much of the federal budget goes to the Pentagon and other militarized activities, including federal prisons, immigration enforcement, and veterans benefits. An analysis by the National Priorities Project at the Institute for Policy Studies puts this figure at $887 billion, or more than 64 percent of the federal discretionary budget including public health, education, environmental protection, job training, energy development, housing, transportation, scientific research, and more.
Making the Connection: The 1033 Program
Ever since images of the police deploying armored vehicles against peaceful demonstrators in Ferguson, Mo., hit the national airwaves in 2014, the Pentagon’s program for supplying “surplus” military equipment to local police departments has been a news item. It’s also gotten intermittent attention in Congress and the Executive Branch.
Since 1997, the Pentagon’s 1033 Program, as it’s called, has channeled to 8,000 separate law enforcement agencies more than $7.4 billion in surplus equipment, including Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) vehicles of the kind used on the battlefields of Iraq and Afghanistan, along with rifles, ammunition, grenade launchers, and night-vision devices. As Brian Barrett has pointed out at Wired, “Local law enforcement responding to even nonviolent protests has often looked more like the US Armed Forces.” Political scientist Ryan Welch coauthored a 2017 study suggesting, when it came to police departments equipped in such a fashion, “that officers with military hardware and mindsets will resort to violence more often and more quickly.”
Under the circumstances and given who’s providing the equipment, you won’t be surprised to learn that the 1033 program also suffers from lax oversight. In 2017, the Government Accountability Office (GAO) created a fake law enforcement agency and was able to acquire $1.2 million worth of equipment through the program, including night-vision goggles and simulated M-16A2 rifles. The request was approved within a week of the GAO’s application.
The Obama administration finally implemented some reforms in the wake of Ferguson, banning the transfer of tracked vehicles, grenade launchers, and weaponized aircraft, among other things, while requiring police departments to supply more detailed rationales describing their need for specific equipment. But such modest efforts—and they proved modest indeed—were promptly chucked out when Donald Trump took office. And the Trump administration changes quickly had a discernible effect. In 2019, the 1033 program had one of its biggest years ever, with about 15,750 military items transferred to law enforcement, a figure exceeded only in 2012, in the Obama years, when 17,000 such items were distributed.
As noted, the mere possession of military equipment has been shown to stoke the ever stronger “warrior culture” that now characterizes so many police departments, as evidenced by the use of Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) teams armed with military weaponry for routine drug enforcement activities. It’s hardly just SWAT teams, though. The weaponry and related items provided under the 1033 program are widely employed by ordinary police forces. NBC News, for instance, reported that armored vehicles were used at least 29 times in response to Black Lives Matter protests organized since the murder of George Floyd, including in major urban areas like Philadelphia and Cincinnati. NBC has also determined that more than 1,100 Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected vehicles have been distributed to local law enforcement agencies under the MRAP program, going to communities large and small, including Sanford, Me., population 20,000, and Moundsville, W.Va., population 8,400.
A report from the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has similarly documented the use of Pentagon-supplied equipment in no-knock home invasions, including driving up to people’s houses in just such armored vehicles to launch the raids. The ACLU concluded that “the militarization of American policing is evident in the training that police officers receive, which encourages them to adopt a ‘warrior’ mentality and think of the people they are supposed to serve as enemies, as well as in the equipment they use, such as battering rams, flashbang grenades, and APCs [Armored Personnel Carriers].”
Who Benefits?
Companies in the military-industrial complex earn billions of dollars selling weapons, as well as building and operating prisons and detention facilities, and supplying the police, while theoretically dealing with problems with deep social and economic roots. Generally speaking, by the time they’re done, those problems have only become deeper and more rooted. Take, for example, giant weapons contractors like Lockheed Martin, Boeing, and Raytheon that profit so splendidly from the sales of weapons systems to Saudi Arabia, weaponry that, in turn, has been used to kill tens of thousands of civilians in Yemen, destroy civilian infrastructure there, and block the provision of desperately needed humanitarian assistance. The result: more than 100,000 deaths in that country and millions more on the brink of famine and disease, including Covid-19.
Such major weapons firms have also been at the front of the line when it comes to benefiting from America’s endless post-9/11 wars. The Costs of War Project at Brown University estimates that the United States has spent over $6.4 trillion on just some of those overseas conflicts since 2001. Hundreds of billions of those dollars ended up in the pockets of defense contractors, while problems in the United States, left far less well funded, only grew.
And by the way, the Pentagon’s regular budget, combined with direct spending on wars, also manages to provide huge benefits to such weapons makers. Almost half of the department’s $750 billion budget goes to them. According to the Federal Procurement Data System’s latest report on the top recipients of government contracts, the five largest US arms makers alone—Lockheed Martin, Boeing, Raytheon, Northrop Grumman, and General Dynamics—split well over $100 billion in Pentagon awards among them in 2019. Meanwhile, those same five firms pay their CEOs a total of approximately $100 million per year, with hundreds of millions more going to other top executives and board members.
Meanwhile, in the Trump years, the militarization of the border has become a particularly lucrative business opportunity, with General Atomics, for instance, supplying ever more surveillance drones and General Dynamics supplying an ever more intricate and expensive remote sensor surveillance system. There are also millions to be made running privatized prisons and immigrant detention centers, filling the coffers of firms like CoreCivic and the GEO Group, which have secured record profits in recent years while garnering about half their revenues from those two sources.
Last but not least is the market for even more police equipment. Local forces benefit from grants from the Department of Homeland Security to purchase a wide range of items to supplement the Pentagon’s 1033 program.
The True Bottom Line
Much has been written about America’s failed post-9/11 wars, which have cost trillions of dollars in taxpayer treasure, hundreds of thousands of lives (American and otherwise), and physical and psychological injuries to hundreds of thousands more. They have also propped up sectarian and corrupt regimes that have actually made it easier for terrorist groups like Al Qaeda and ISIS to form and spread. Think of it as the ultimate boomerang effect, in which violence begets more violence, while allowing overseas terrorist organizations to thrive. As journalist Nick Turse has noted with respect to the militarization of US Africa policy, the growth in American military operations on that continent has proceeded rather strikingly in conjunction with a proliferation of new terrorist groups. Put the best light on them and US counterterror operations there have been ineffective. More likely, they have simply helped spawn further increases in terrorist activities in the region.
All of this has, in turn, been an ongoing disaster for underfunded domestic programs that would actually help ordinary Americans rather than squander their tax dollars on what passes for, but obviously isn’t, “national defense.” In the era of Covid-19, climate change, and an increased focus on long-standing structural racism and anti-Black violence, a new approach to “security” is desperately needed, one that privileges not yet more bombs, guns, militarized police forces, and aircraft carriers but public health, environmental protection, and much-needed programs for quality jobs and education in underserved communities.
On the domestic front, particularly in communities of color, police are more often seen as an occupying force than as a source of protection (and ever since the 1033 program was initiated, they’ve looked ever more like such a force as well). This has led to calls for defunding the police and seeking other means of providing public safety, including, minimally, not sending police to deal with petty drug offenses, domestic disputes, and problems caused by individuals with mental health issues. Organizations like the Minneapolis-based Reclaim the Block have put forward proposals for crisis response by institutions other than the police and for community-based programs for resolving disputes and promoting restorative justice.
Shifting Priorities
Sharp reductions in spending on police, prisons, and the Pentagon could free up hundreds of billions of dollars for programs that might begin to fill the gap in spending on public investments in communities of color and elsewhere.
Organizations like the Movement for Black Lives and the Poor People’s Campaign are already demanding these kinds of changes. In its moral budget, a comprehensive proposal for redirecting America’s resources toward addressing poverty and away from war, racism, and ecological destruction, the Poor People’s Campaign calls for a $350 billion annual cut in Pentagon spending—almost half of current levels. Likewise, the platform of the Movement for Black Lives suggested a 50 percent reduction in Pentagon outlays. And a new youth anti-militarist movement, Dissenters, has called for defunding the armed forces as well as the police.
Ultimately, safety for all Americans will depend on more than just a shift of funding or a reduction in police armaments. After all, George Floyd and Eric Garner—just two of the long list of Black Americans to die at the hands of the police—were killed not with high-tech weapons but with a knee to the throat and a fatal choke hold. Shifting funds from the police to social services, dismantling police forces as they now exist, and creating new institutions to protect communities should be an essential part of any solution in the aftermath of Donald Trump’s presidency. Similarly, investments in diplomacy, economic assistance, and cultural exchange would be needed in order to help rein in the American war machine, which, of course, has been attended to in ways nothing else, from health care to schooling to infrastructure, has been in this century. When it comes to both the police and the Pentagon, the sooner change arrives, the better off we’ll all be. It’s long past time to defund America’s wars, both abroad and at home.


thenation--2020-07-08--Republicans Lose Their Collective Mind Over Ilhan Omar’s Call to Dismantle ‘Systems of Oppression’

Representative Ilhan Omar was not elected to represent the status quo .
The Minnesota Democrat speaks for her constituents , and for a future in which they might know economic , social , and racial justice .
That horrifies conservatives .
Good .
These are times when it is right and necessary to unsettle those in power , and Omar did just that on Tuesday when she proposed expanding the current debates—many of which have been amplified by anger over the killing of George Floyd by police officers in Omar ’ s Minneapolis district—to focus on systemic change that targets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We can ’ t stop at criminal justice reform , or policing reform , for that matter , ” she announced Tuesday .
“ We are not merely fighting to tear down the systems of oppression in the criminal justice system .
We are fighting to tear down systems of oppression that exist in housing , in education , in healthcare , in employment , in the air we breathe.
” Omar pulled no punches during an outdoor press conference at Minnesota ’ s state capitol , where she and her allies put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2020 , which has been passed by Democrats in the House of Representatives but is stalled in the Republican-controlled Senate—in a broader context .
“ We must recognize that these systems of oppression are linked .
As long as our economy and political systems prioritize profit without considering who is profiting , who is being shut out , we will perpetuate this inequality .
So , we can not stop [ with reform of the ] criminal justice system , ” explained the Somali-born refugee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before her election to the House in 2018 .
“ We must begin the work of dismantling the whole system of oppression wherever we find it.
” Omar ’ s remarks drew sharp rebukes from Republicans in Washington , D.C. , and from their amen corner in the media .
House minority leader Kevin McCarthy pushed the hyperbole button and tweeted , “ The Democrat Party has given up on America .
All they want to do is tear it down.
” Donald Trump Jr. demanded to know whether presumptive Democratic presidential nominee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argument , and warned , “ If Joe Biden wins in November these are the people who will be the thought leaders in the Democrat party .
These will be the policies that the Democrats push .
Wake up America.
” Fox News host Tucker Carlson played Omar ’ s statement about dismantling systems of oppression , labeled her a “ vandal ” and grumbled , “ She hates us.
” Senator Marsha Blackburn took things even further .
“ lhan Omar took an oath to defend and protect the Constitution , not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Republican .
“ Omar and her Marxist comrades are a threat to our Democracy .
Omar should resign.
” Omar wasn ’ t shredding the Constitution or threatening democracy .
She was calling for a more perfect union .
And Omar is not backing off , which ought to be a lesson for progressives in times when half-steps are no longer sufficient .
Instead of doing what Democrats so frequently do when asked about the limits on their political power in an era of divided government , Omar explained that on fundamental questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to stand resolutely on the side of justice .
“ How is it that we are always expected to negotiate ourselves out of the negotiations ?
How is it that we ’ re expected to negotiate the interests of our communities , the equality for our communities , the justice for our communities out of any sort of legislation that is supposed to move ?
This is the question that we are always asked .
How come you ’ re not compromising ?
Compromise has brought us here .
Compromise has brought the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ someone like George Floyd to get the life stifled out of him for eight minutes and 46 seconds.
” Then Omar turned the discussion toward those who refuse to embrace systematic change in a time when that is precisely what is needed .
She suggested that instead of asking why Democrats will not compromise in order to achieve piecemeal progress , reporters might ask members of the Senate ’ s Republican majority , as well as cautious Democrats : “ How come you are not negotiating with them ?
How come you are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been marginalized for decades and centuries in this country ?
How come you are not listening to the cries of the mothers and the fathers in our communities ?
How come you are not listening to the people who are telling you that we don ’ t feel like our lives matter equally in this country ?
” Because when you have legislators who are living every single day in the midst of communities that are constantly feeling pain , being told by legislators who have no idea , not a single idea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through it or because they represent people living through it , constantly telling them what should be and what can be acceptable treatment for themselves and for the communities that they represent .
And I just think that is really the most emblematic part of this conversation and it ’ s truly why we continue to have a system that isn ’ t equal for us .
This is not the first time that Omar has stirred controversy .
It will not be the last .
Republicans are free to disagree with her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recall that no less a patriot than Tom Paine called the American experiment into being with an admonition about how asking hard questions regarding injustice invariably draws rebukes from those who are unprepared to face the truth .
“ Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages , are not YET sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favour ; a long habit of not thinking a thing WRONG , gives it a superficial appearance of being RIGHT , and raises at first a formidable outcry in defense of custom , ” the pamphleteer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Ilhan Omar : ‘ There ’ s a Reason That I Got Elected to Be in Congress , and It Has Nothing to Do With the Fact That I ’ m a Refugee ’ Outcry over Omar ’ s advocacy will undoubtedly continue .
But so will she , asking this essential question : “ So when do we , as a society , uplift and uphold the pain and the struggles of the people who are actually living through a system that doesn ’ t recognize them as equal , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ systematic trauma that they have been through , a system that doesn ’ t recognize the continued pain and invisibility and lack of care that they feel every single day ?
”

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Representative Ilhan Omar was not elected to represent the status quo. The Minnesota Democrat speaks for her constituents, and for a future in which they might know economic, social, and racial justice. That horrifies conservatives.
Good. These are times when it is right and necessary to unsettle those in power, and Omar did just that on Tuesday when she proposed expanding the current debates—many of which have been amplified by anger over the killing of George Floyd by police officers in Omar’s Minneapolis district—to focus on systemic change that targets unjust economic and political structures.
“We can’t stop at criminal justice reform, or policing reform, for that matter,” she announced Tuesday. “We are not merely fighting to tear down the systems of oppression in the criminal justice system. We are fighting to tear down systems of oppression that exist in housing, in education, in healthcare, in employment, in the air we breathe.”
Omar pulled no punches during an outdoor press conference at Minnesota’s state capitol, where she and her allies put their calls for sweeping legislative initiatives—such as the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2020, which has been passed by Democrats in the House of Representatives but is stalled in the Republican-controlled Senate—in a broader context. More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
“We must recognize that these systems of oppression are linked. As long as our economy and political systems prioritize profit without considering who is profiting, who is being shut out, we will perpetuate this inequality. So, we cannot stop [with reform of the] criminal justice system,” explained the Somali-born refugee, who served in the Minnesota legislature before her election to the House in 2018. “We must begin the work of dismantling the whole system of oppression wherever we find it.”
Omar’s remarks drew sharp rebukes from Republicans in Washington, D.C., and from their amen corner in the media.
House minority leader Kevin McCarthy pushed the hyperbole button and tweeted, “The Democrat Party has given up on America. All they want to do is tear it down.”
Donald Trump Jr. demanded to know whether presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden agreed with Omar’s argument, and warned, “If Joe Biden wins in November these are the people who will be the thought leaders in the Democrat party. These will be the policies that the Democrats push. Wake up America.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
Fox News host Tucker Carlson played Omar’s statement about dismantling systems of oppression, labeled her a “vandal” and grumbled, “She hates us.”
Senator Marsha Blackburn took things even further. “lhan Omar took an oath to defend and protect the Constitution, not shred it,” roared the Tennessee Republican. “Omar and her Marxist comrades are a threat to our Democracy. Omar should resign.”
Omar wasn’t shredding the Constitution or threatening democracy. She was calling for a more perfect union.
And Omar is not backing off, which ought to be a lesson for progressives in times when half-steps are no longer sufficient.
Instead of doing what Democrats so frequently do when asked about the limits on their political power in an era of divided government, Omar explained that on fundamental questions of right and wrong it is necessary to stand resolutely on the side of justice. “How is it that we are always expected to negotiate ourselves out of the negotiations? How is it that we’re expected to negotiate the interests of our communities, the equality for our communities, the justice for our communities out of any sort of legislation that is supposed to move? This is the question that we are always asked. How come you’re not compromising? Compromise has brought us here. Compromise has brought the kind of oppressive system that allows for someone like George Floyd to get the life stifled out of him for eight minutes and 46 seconds.”
Then Omar turned the discussion toward those who refuse to embrace systematic change in a time when that is precisely what is needed.
She suggested that instead of asking why Democrats will not compromise in order to achieve piecemeal progress, reporters might ask members of the Senate’s Republican majority, as well as cautious Democrats:
“How come you are not negotiating with them? How come you are not listening to the voices that have been marginalized for decades and centuries in this country? How come you are not listening to the cries of the mothers and the fathers in our communities? How come you are not listening to the people who are telling you that we don’t feel like our lives matter equally in this country?” Because when you have legislators who are living every single day in the midst of communities that are constantly feeling pain, being told by legislators who have no idea, not a single idea, not because they’ve lived through it or because they represent people living through it, constantly telling them what should be and what can be acceptable treatment for themselves and for the communities that they represent. And I just think that is really the most emblematic part of this conversation and it’s truly why we continue to have a system that isn’t equal for us.
This is not the first time that Omar has stirred controversy. It will not be the last. Representative Omar Ilhan Omar: ‘There’s a Reason That I Got Elected to Be in Congress, and It Has Nothing to Do With the Fact That I’m a Refugee’ John Nichols
Republicans are free to disagree with her. But they would do well to recall that no less a patriot than Tom Paine called the American experiment into being with an admonition about how asking hard questions regarding injustice invariably draws rebukes from those who are unprepared to face the truth. “Perhaps the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not YET sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favour; a long habit of not thinking a thing WRONG, gives it a superficial appearance of being RIGHT, and raises at first a formidable outcry in defense of custom,” the pamphleteer announced in the introduction to Common Sense.
Outcry over Omar’s advocacy will undoubtedly continue. But so will she, asking this essential question: “So when do we, as a society, uplift and uphold the pain and the struggles of the people who are actually living through a system that doesn’t recognize them as equal, a system that doesn’t recognize the systematic trauma that they have been through, a system that doesn’t recognize the continued pain and invisibility and lack of care that they feel every single day?”


thenation--2020-07-08--This Is the Perfect Moment to Push for Reparations

What are we waiting for ?
If this is not the moment to finally come to terms with the United States ’ 401-year legacy of government-sanctioned , anti-Black oppression , then , pray tell , when will that moment be ?
Nearly every year since 1989 , Congress has ignored a bill that would create a commission to study the effects of slavery on African Americans and explore possible remedies—including reparations .
The current iteration of that bill , HR 40 , was introduced by Representative Sheila Jackson Lee last year and languished in the House Judiciary Committee ever since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Democrats .
What are they waiting for ?
There has never been a more promising period for action on this legislation than the one we are in now .
Even before the recent wave of protests for Black lives swept the nation , the bill already had unprecedented support .
As of today , 135 members of Congress have added their names as cosponsors—compared to the two cosponsors that the previous iteration of the bill had in 2014 .
Largely in response to the tenacity of African American New York Times reporter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explicitly expressed support for reparations when interviewed last year ; The Washington Post reported that 15 of the candidates said the issue should be “ studied.
” The current uprisings have made the imperative for this conversation even more compelling .
The United States is in the midst of a racial justice reckoning unlike anything it has seen since John Lewis , Amelia Boynton , and other activists tried to march across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma , Ala. , in March 1965 .
Those peaceful protesters encountered police mounted on horseback @ @ @ @ @ @ @ skulls of marchers and shot tear gas at the assembled men , women , and children .
The nationally televised broadcast of that attack—on what came to be known as Bloody Sunday—shocked the conscience of the country , and created the political will for the passage of the Voting Rights Act later that year .
Since Emancipation , the United States Has Refused to Make Reparations for Slavery Fifty-five years later , we are seeing marches , protests , and rallies in more than 2,000 cities and towns in every state in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continents ) , demanding justice for Black lives .
The shift in public opinion has been dizzying : As recently as 2017 , polls found that only 28 percent of white Americans supported the Black Lives Matter movement , while 51 percent opposed it .
Today , 42 percent of whites say they support the movement .
Institutions as mainstream as Target , Amazon , the National Football League , Lululemon , and many others have also expressed their support , and these aren ’ t your typical vague , feel-good statements about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statement saying it was working “ to help replace the structures of systemic racism , and build in their place frameworks of equity and justice that solidify our commitment to the belief that , without question , Black Lives Matter.
” And yet , in response to this seismic shift , Congress has only moved incrementally on legislation that would finally address the centuries-long legacy of Black oppression .
Much of the legislative energy to date has been channeled toward police reform , an area that desperately needs to see radical change .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ be limited in their imagination or courage when it comes to pursuing even more far-reaching measures to remedy systemic racism .
As Nikole Hannah-Jones writes in her June essay for the New York Times , “ What Is Owed ” : “ If we are truly at the precipice of a transformative moment , the most tragic of outcomes would be that the demand be too timid and the resolution too small.
” In 1965 , President Lyndon B. Johnson did not stop at signing the Voting Rights Act .
As Taylor Branch @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Edge , Johnson quickly followed that step by bringing forward historic and transformative legislation to change the country ’ s immigration , health care , and education systems .
That included the creation of Medicare , the Immigration and Nationality Act , and Title I federal funding for schools with a high percentage of low-income students , shifting the priorities of the nation and improving the lives of millions of people .
The INA , in particular , finally ended America ’ s racist immigration quotas—and with them the legacy of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ persons.
” The results reshaped the very composition of the country .
Trump and his white nationalist puppet master , Stephen Miller , are still working overtime trying to reverse its effects .
Just as voting rights were only part of the picture in 1965 , police reform is similarly only one aspect of a much larger and deeper problem .
Policing in the United States has always been a form of social control of Black people , with roots tracing back to the slave patrols created in the early 1700s .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ African Americans is so embedded in American culture that it is still codified in the United States Constitution ’ s Fugitive Slave Clause , which compels the return of an runaway enslaved person to their “ owner.
” Policing as social control of a racial group is not the only—or , frankly , the worst—legacy of slavery .
Most of the structural problems in this country are caused by the gargantuan racial wealth gap that resulted from the expropriation of free labor from African Americans .
That labor generated enormous economic profits for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restrict Black access to wealth through decades of ( explicit , then implicit ) discrimination .
As Harvard professor Sven Beckert wrote in his exhaustive 2014 book Empire of Cotton , “ It was on the back of cotton , and thus on the backs of slaves , that the US economy ascended in the world.
” Why JPMorgan Chase Should Give $ 1 Billion to Black Neighborhoods in Chicago The consequence of this course of action has been to limit wealth and perpetuate high levels of poverty in the African American community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have money , but they still have needs .
It is even possible that they could take extralegal actions to satisfy those needs , perhaps even going so far as to utilize a counterfeit $ 20 bill in a Minneapolis convenience store .
That is what George Floyd was alleged—but not proven—to have done when those four police officers arrived on the scene , one of whom proceeded to kneel on his neck and kill him .
To limit the focus of the current moment to outlawing choke holds and passing police reform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change the conduct of security guards at the bank—while ignoring the fact that the bank itself is filled with ill-gotten plunder .
The cause is just , and the country is clamoring for change .
So what is Congress waiting for ?
There are 233 Democrats in the House of Representatives ; right now , 98 of them have yet to cosponsor HR 40 .
In the Senate , Cory Booker has introduced a companion bill , but just 18 of the 47 Democrats and independents have signed on as cosponsors .
What @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that : What are we waiting for ?
People of conscience across this nation are looking for ways to act on their values and manifest their desire to rectify this country ’ s tortured racial history .
One thing we can do is to lend our voices to HR 40 : We can each pick an undecided member of Congress and call and e-mail them daily , until they either sign on as a cosponsor , or give an official statement explaining why they won ’ t .
You can also urge Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the petition that my organization , Democracy in Color , and many allies are circulating .
Many of us in the United States never thought we ’ d see a reckoning like the one happening now .
When South Africa emerged from the shadow of apartheid , it modeled what a path forward could look like by establishing its Truth and Reconciliation Commission .
That commission spearheaded a national dialogue that confronted the truth of South Africa ’ s history , as a first step toward healing and justice .
In this country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to do the same .
This is the moment for action .

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What are we waiting for? If this is not the moment to finally come to terms with the United States’ 401-year legacy of government-sanctioned, anti-Black oppression, then, pray tell, when will that moment be?
Nearly every year since 1989, Congress has ignored a bill that would create a commission to study the effects of slavery on African Americans and explore possible remedies—including reparations. The current iteration of that bill, HR 40, was introduced by Representative Sheila Jackson Lee last year and languished in the House Judiciary Committee ever since, awaiting action in a chamber controlled by Democrats. What are they waiting for?
There has never been a more promising period for action on this legislation than the one we are in now. Even before the recent wave of protests for Black lives swept the nation, the bill already had unprecedented support. As of today, 135 members of Congress have added their names as cosponsors—compared to the two cosponsors that the previous iteration of the bill had in 2014. Largely in response to the tenacity of African American New York Times reporter Astead Herndon, many Democratic presidential candidates explicitly expressed support for reparations when interviewed last year; The Washington Post reported that 15 of the candidates said the issue should be “studied.”
The current uprisings have made the imperative for this conversation even more compelling. The United States is in the midst of a racial justice reckoning unlike anything it has seen since John Lewis, Amelia Boynton, and other activists tried to march across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, Ala., in March 1965. Those peaceful protesters encountered police mounted on horseback, who swung billy clubs into the skulls of marchers and shot tear gas at the assembled men, women, and children. The nationally televised broadcast of that attack—on what came to be known as Bloody Sunday—shocked the conscience of the country, and created the political will for the passage of the Voting Rights Act later that year. Related Article Since Emancipation, the United States Has Refused to Make Reparations for Slavery Kali Holloway
Fifty-five years later, we are seeing marches, protests, and rallies in more than 2,000 cities and towns in every state in the country (and on six of seven continents), demanding justice for Black lives. The shift in public opinion has been dizzying: As recently as 2017, polls found that only 28 percent of white Americans supported the Black Lives Matter movement, while 51 percent opposed it. Today, 42 percent of whites say they support the movement. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Institutions as mainstream as Target, Amazon, the National Football League, Lululemon, and many others have also expressed their support, and these aren’t your typical vague, feel-good statements about “diversity.” Even Walmart issued a statement saying it was working “to help replace the structures of systemic racism, and build in their place frameworks of equity and justice that solidify our commitment to the belief that, without question, Black Lives Matter.”
And yet, in response to this seismic shift, Congress has only moved incrementally on legislation that would finally address the centuries-long legacy of Black oppression. Much of the legislative energy to date has been channeled toward police reform, an area that desperately needs to see radical change. However, our political leaders should not be limited in their imagination or courage when it comes to pursuing even more far-reaching measures to remedy systemic racism. As Nikole Hannah-Jones writes in her June essay for the New York Times, “What Is Owed”: “If we are truly at the precipice of a transformative moment, the most tragic of outcomes would be that the demand be too timid and the resolution too small.” Current Issue View our current issue
In 1965, President Lyndon B. Johnson did not stop at signing the Voting Rights Act. As Taylor Branch detailed in his 2006 book At Canaan’s Edge, Johnson quickly followed that step by bringing forward historic and transformative legislation to change the country’s immigration, health care, and education systems. That included the creation of Medicare, the Immigration and Nationality Act, and Title I federal funding for schools with a high percentage of low-income students, shifting the priorities of the nation and improving the lives of millions of people. The INA, in particular, finally ended America’s racist immigration quotas—and with them the legacy of restricting US citizenship to “free white persons.” The results reshaped the very composition of the country. Trump and his white nationalist puppet master, Stephen Miller, are still working overtime trying to reverse its effects.
Just as voting rights were only part of the picture in 1965, police reform is similarly only one aspect of a much larger and deeper problem. Policing in the United States has always been a form of social control of Black people, with roots tracing back to the slave patrols created in the early 1700s. The intersection of policing and the enslavement of African Americans is so embedded in American culture that it is still codified in the United States Constitution’s Fugitive Slave Clause, which compels the return of an runaway enslaved person to their “owner.”
Policing as social control of a racial group is not the only—or, frankly, the worst—legacy of slavery. Most of the structural problems in this country are caused by the gargantuan racial wealth gap that resulted from the expropriation of free labor from African Americans. That labor generated enormous economic profits for white people, who then continued to restrict Black access to wealth through decades of (explicit, then implicit) discrimination. As Harvard professor Sven Beckert wrote in his exhaustive 2014 book Empire of Cotton, “It was on the back of cotton, and thus on the backs of slaves, that the US economy ascended in the world.” Related Article Why JPMorgan Chase Should Give $1 Billion to Black Neighborhoods in Chicago Daniel Fernandez
The consequence of this course of action has been to limit wealth and perpetuate high levels of poverty in the African American community. People living in poverty may not have money, but they still have needs. It is even possible that they could take extralegal actions to satisfy those needs, perhaps even going so far as to utilize a counterfeit $20 bill in a Minneapolis convenience store. That is what George Floyd was alleged—but not proven—to have done when those four police officers arrived on the scene, one of whom proceeded to kneel on his neck and kill him.
To limit the focus of the current moment to outlawing choke holds and passing police reform would be the equivalent of seeking to change the conduct of security guards at the bank—while ignoring the fact that the bank itself is filled with ill-gotten plunder.
The cause is just, and the country is clamoring for change. So what is Congress waiting for? There are 233 Democrats in the House of Representatives; right now, 98 of them have yet to cosponsor HR 40. In the Senate, Cory Booker has introduced a companion bill, but just 18 of the 47 Democrats and independents have signed on as cosponsors. What are they waiting for?
Not only that: What are we waiting for? People of conscience across this nation are looking for ways to act on their values and manifest their desire to rectify this country’s tortured racial history. One thing we can do is to lend our voices to HR 40: We can each pick an undecided member of Congress and call and e-mail them daily, until they either sign on as a cosponsor, or give an official statement explaining why they won’t. You can also urge Congress to act by adding your name to the petition that my organization, Democracy in Color, and many allies are circulating.
Many of us in the United States never thought we’d see a reckoning like the one happening now. When South Africa emerged from the shadow of apartheid, it modeled what a path forward could look like by establishing its Truth and Reconciliation Commission. That commission spearheaded a national dialogue that confronted the truth of South Africa’s history, as a first step toward healing and justice.
In this country, HR 40 could be a vehicle to do the same. This is the moment for action.


thenation--2020-07-08--Just How Far Can Trump Go in an Emergency?

In the hours after the terrorist attacks of September 11 , 2001 , Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld started executing emergency policies that would have , if they had been fully implemented , ended American democracy .
The policies were a special form of executive action , dating back to the Eisenhower administration , known as “ presidential emergency action documents.
” These were , in essence , secret presidential orders , made without congressional oversight , setting protocol for government response to nuclear attacks or a comparable crisis .
In the 1980s , Cheney @ @ @ @ @ @ @ practicing for a possible Soviet attack that would decapitate national leadership .
In such a scenario , according to the plans set by the Reagan administration , a new provisional administration , with a designated cabinet member acting as president , would form the government .
As James Mann pointed out in his 2004 book The Rise of the Vulcans , these plans “ established a process for designating a new American president that is nowhere authorized in the U.S. Constitution or federal law.
” Under the plan , the new president would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the courts as a check .
Of course , there was no decapitation of leadership during 9/11 .
But fear that such a blow was about to fall guided the actions of Cheney and Rumsfeld , so they followed the script of the Reagan-era postapocalyptic war games .
This was why Cheney advised Bush not to return to Washington after the attacks and why Cheney himself was holed up in an undisclosed secure location—a procedure he continued to follow long after the terror attacks .
The Reagan emergency plans weren ’ t brought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as guides .
Just as Cheney and Rumsfeld were prepared to use plans originally meant for a nuclear holocaust to deal with a terrorist attack , there is a real danger that Donald Trump will call up the vast emergency powers he has at his disposal to deal with the current crisis , with Covid-19 spiraling out of control and the president ’ s racism provoking a wave of protests .
Trump has a motive to use emergency powers—and the character to do so .
With his presidency in ruins and an election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his base if they start seeing him as a weak leader cowed by protesters and presiding over chaos .
This line of attack is heard with increasing frequency on the right .
“ The core appeal of Trump was , if things ever started to fall apart , he would defend you , ” Tucker Carlson claimed on his TV show on June 26 .
“ And yet , when widespread looting and disorder arrived , the president did not act as decisively as many had hoped .
He said little , he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , some turned against him.
” To win back Carlson and the right-wing voters Carlson is channeling , Trump will be tempted to draw on the far-reaching and hidden powers that are the legacy of the Cold War .
When he invoked the Stafford Act and the National Emergencies Act in mid-March , Trump claimed , “ I have the right to do a lot of things that people don ’ t even know about.
” Alas , Trump is right about this .
The “ presidential emergency action documents ” that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he could issue are a storehouse of extra-constitutional authority .
Writing in The New York Times in April , Elizabeth Goitein and Andrew Boyle , both at the Brennan Center for Justice , noted , “ It is not far-fetched to think that we might see the deployment of these documents for the first time and that they will assert presidential powers beyond those granted by Congress or recognized by the courts as flowing from the Constitution.
” Goitein and Boyle called on Congress to use its oversight power to investigate these emergency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate Republicans have displayed much appetite for checking Donald Trump .
After a narrowly focused impeachment ended , congressional Democrats have been half-hearted in using their powers of investigation , acting on the premise that Trump will be judged by voters soon enough .
But given how the current crisis could easily spin out of control , the strategy of waiting for the election really amounts to little more than whistling past the graveyard .
It might pay off , but there ’ s a real danger that Trump could use his emergency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election moot .
Beyond presidential emergency action documents , Trump can also call on the law-and-order precedents created by earlier presidents .
Trump ’ s attorney general , William Barr , has certainly shown an inclination to follow in the footsteps of predecessors who tested the authoritarian limits of law enforcement .
In 1971 , William Rehnquist , the future Supreme Court justice who was then assistant attorney general , called for the suspension of civil liberties to crack down on anti-war protesters .
Rehnquist said , “ The doctrine which there obtains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ martial law.
’ In that situation , the authority of the nation , state or city…to protect itself and its citizens against actual violence or a real threat of violence is held to outweigh the normal right of any individual.
” In an earlier speech in 1969 , Rehnquist said that “ disobedience can not be tolerated , whether it be violent or nonviolent disobedience… .
If force or the threat of force is required in order to enforce the law , we must not shirk from its employment.
” While courts at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for “ qualified martial law , ” they might be more favorably inclined if Barr were to invoke similar ideas .
After all , the judiciary is much more Republican now , especially after the wave of appointments Trump has made .
America could be facing a perfect storm at least as dangerous as 9/11 : an uncontrollable pandemic , a reservoir of untapped presidential power , a feckless Congress and supine courts .
The only remaining check on Trump ’ s presidency would be the people—either in the polling booth or the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Trump and his cronies might shrink from using such powers , out of fear of a popular backlash or uncertainty as to what response it would provoke from the military , which has already pushed back against being used as a domestic police force .
But if the worst-case scenario is avoided , it ’ ll only be by chance .
The core problem of the imperial presidency , unrestrained by any effective opposition , will remain .
American democracy has been skating on thin ice for decades .
One day , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out .

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In the hours after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld started executing emergency policies that would have, if they had been fully implemented, ended American democracy. The policies were a special form of executive action, dating back to the Eisenhower administration, known as “presidential emergency action documents.” These were, in essence, secret presidential orders, made without congressional oversight, setting protocol for government response to nuclear attacks or a comparable crisis.
In the 1980s, Cheney and Rumsfeld had both participated in drills practicing for a possible Soviet attack that would decapitate national leadership. In such a scenario, according to the plans set by the Reagan administration, a new provisional administration, with a designated cabinet member acting as president, would form the government. As James Mann pointed out in his 2004 book The Rise of the Vulcans, these plans “established a process for designating a new American president that is nowhere authorized in the U.S. Constitution or federal law.” Under the plan, the new president would rule by decree, without Congress or the courts as a check.
Of course, there was no decapitation of leadership during 9/11. But fear that such a blow was about to fall guided the actions of Cheney and Rumsfeld, so they followed the script of the Reagan-era postapocalyptic war games. This was why Cheney advised Bush not to return to Washington after the attacks and why Cheney himself was holed up in an undisclosed secure location—a procedure he continued to follow long after the terror attacks. The Reagan emergency plans weren’t brought to fruition, but they still served as guides.
Just as Cheney and Rumsfeld were prepared to use plans originally meant for a nuclear holocaust to deal with a terrorist attack, there is a real danger that Donald Trump will call up the vast emergency powers he has at his disposal to deal with the current crisis, with Covid-19 spiraling out of control and the president’s racism provoking a wave of protests. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
Trump has a motive to use emergency powers—and the character to do so. With his presidency in ruins and an election four months away, Trump risks losing his base if they start seeing him as a weak leader cowed by protesters and presiding over chaos.
This line of attack is heard with increasing frequency on the right. “The core appeal of Trump was, if things ever started to fall apart, he would defend you,” Tucker Carlson claimed on his TV show on June 26. “And yet, when widespread looting and disorder arrived, the president did not act as decisively as many had hoped. He said little, he did less. Some voters felt undefended, some turned against him.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
To win back Carlson and the right-wing voters Carlson is channeling, Trump will be tempted to draw on the far-reaching and hidden powers that are the legacy of the Cold War. When he invoked the Stafford Act and the National Emergencies Act in mid-March, Trump claimed, “I have the right to do a lot of things that people don’t even know about.” Alas, Trump is right about this. The “presidential emergency action documents” that he’s inherited and also new ones he could issue are a storehouse of extra-constitutional authority. Current Issue View our current issue
Writing in The New York Times in April, Elizabeth Goitein and Andrew Boyle, both at the Brennan Center for Justice, noted, “It is not far-fetched to think that we might see the deployment of these documents for the first time and that they will assert presidential powers beyond those granted by Congress or recognized by the courts as flowing from the Constitution.”
Goitein and Boyle called on Congress to use its oversight power to investigate these emergency powers. But neither House Democrats nor Senate Republicans have displayed much appetite for checking Donald Trump. After a narrowly focused impeachment ended, congressional Democrats have been half-hearted in using their powers of investigation, acting on the premise that Trump will be judged by voters soon enough.
But given how the current crisis could easily spin out of control, the strategy of waiting for the election really amounts to little more than whistling past the graveyard. It might pay off, but there’s a real danger that Trump could use his emergency powers in a way that renders any election moot.
Beyond presidential emergency action documents, Trump can also call on the law-and-order precedents created by earlier presidents. Trump’s attorney general, William Barr, has certainly shown an inclination to follow in the footsteps of predecessors who tested the authoritarian limits of law enforcement.
In 1971, William Rehnquist, the future Supreme Court justice who was then assistant attorney general, called for the suspension of civil liberties to crack down on anti-war protesters. Rehnquist said, “The doctrine which there obtains is customarily referred to as ‘qualified martial law.’ In that situation, the authority of the nation, state or city…to protect itself and its citizens against actual violence or a real threat of violence is held to outweigh the normal right of any individual.”
In an earlier speech in 1969, Rehnquist said that “disobedience cannot be tolerated, whether it be violent or nonviolent disobedience…. If force or the threat of force is required in order to enforce the law, we must not shirk from its employment.”
While courts at the time rejected Rehnquist’s argument for “qualified martial law,” they might be more favorably inclined if Barr were to invoke similar ideas. After all, the judiciary is much more Republican now, especially after the wave of appointments Trump has made.
America could be facing a perfect storm at least as dangerous as 9/11: an uncontrollable pandemic, a reservoir of untapped presidential power, a feckless Congress and supine courts. The only remaining check on Trump’s presidency would be the people—either in the polling booth or the streets.
America could still luck out: Trump and his cronies might shrink from using such powers, out of fear of a popular backlash or uncertainty as to what response it would provoke from the military, which has already pushed back against being used as a domestic police force.
But if the worst-case scenario is avoided, it’ll only be by chance. The core problem of the imperial presidency, unrestrained by any effective opposition, will remain. American democracy has been skating on thin ice for decades. One day, the nation’s luck will run out.