thenation--2020-11-18--Colin Kaepernick Speaks Out for Mumia Abu-Jamal

The racism embedded in our criminal justice system has been at the forefront of public consciousness this year .
Debates about defunding the police , prison abolition , and how to actually dismantle the entire machine have gone from the fringes to the streets , to the Op-Ed pages of The New York Times .
In the process , these debates have opened a rift between those in the Democratic Party who believe this discussion will alienate centrist voters and people at the base who marched over the summer , taking this analysis as the clarion call of the future @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this year , somewhat surprisingly , is a national reckoning over the lifetime imprisonment of Mumia Abu-Jamal .
For years the most famous death row prisoner in the United States , the former Black Panther ’ s innocence in the killing of Philadelphia Police Officer Daniel Faulkner was once an article of faith on the left .
Mumia ’ s conviction was the symbol for everything racist and corrupt about the police , the prison system , and the politics of death row .
While behind bars , he has broadcast more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about to release his 12th book , Murder Incorporated—Perfecting Tyranny : Book 3 , so he has hardly been invisible .
But since Mumia has been taken off of death row , only the lifelong devoted have remained vigilant about his case .
That could change , now that exiled NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick has entered the fray .
Kaepernick has , of course , spent the last three seasons out of the NFL , following his year of taking a knee during the national anthem to protest racist police killings .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kneeling , “ I am not going to stand up to show pride in a flag for a country that oppresses black people and people of color .
To me , this is bigger than football and it would be selfish on my part to look the other way .
There are bodies in the street and people getting paid leave and getting away with murder… .
This is not something that I am going to run by anybody .
I am not looking for approval .
I have to stand up for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ football away , my endorsements from me , I know that I stood up for what is right.
” They did , in fact , “ take football away , ” but that hasn ’ t stopped him from speaking out .
In the last year , he has become a symbol of the protest movement , with people wearing his jersey to demonstrations , kneeling during marches , and carrying signs that read , “ Kaepernick Told The Truth.
” He has also curated a series on Medium about prison and police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leading thinkers about how and why we should actually dismantle the criminal justice system .
Now Kaepernick is turning his attention to Mumia , an act of courage that could hold the potential to revive Mumia ’ s case in the lexicon of the struggle .
In a video statement published by Prison Radio , Kaepernick goes through the case in detail , in effect educating this new generation about the facts of Mumia ’ s story .
He also says , When I was invited to speak on behalf of Mumia , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to mind was how long he ’ s been in prison .
How many years of his life had been stolen away from him , his community and his loved ones .
He ’ s been incarcerated for 38 years .
Mumia has been in prison longer than I ’ ve been alive .
When I first spoke with Mumia on the phone , I did very little talking .
I just listened .
Hearing him speak was a reminder of why we must continue to fight… .
Today we ’ re living @ @ @ @ @ @ @ acceptable to paint “ end racism now ” in front of the Philadelphia Police Department ’ s 26th district headquarters , and yet a political prisoner who has since the age of 14 dedicated his life to fighting against racism , continues to be caged and lives his life on a slow death row .
We ’ re in the midst of a movement that says Black Lives Matter .
And if that ’ s truly the case , then it means that Mumia ’ s life and legacy must matter .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ freedom for must matter as well .
By connecting the struggle for Mumia with the current moment , Kaepernick is further putting himself in a different kind of space than athletes who are testing the political waters by calling for police reform .
Kaepernick is saying that the police can not in fact be reformed and any movement worth its salt needs to have solidarity with revolutionaries behind bars : revolutionaries like Abu-Jamal .
I reached out to Johanna Fernandez , associate professor at Baruch College of the City of New York , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bring Mumia home , and author of the book The Young Lords : A Radical History .
She said , “ Moments of social upheaval produce individuals of great integrity willing to risk everything for the common good .
But rarely does history bring together symbols of resistance from different epochs .
It has in the case of Colin and Mumia .
Colin ’ s defense of this black radical , connects the battle against police violence with the one against imprisonment—and ushers in hope for abolition and the reorganization of society we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Smith and John Carlos , Colin has experienced the unforgiving consequences of challenging the status quo , in the world of sports .
His defense of Mumia cements his place in history as someone willing to stand on principle and demand justice above all.
” What Kaepernick is doing is daring for someone still trying to get back into the NFL—a league that does police appreciation days .
He is putting it all at risk for a man described as the voice of the voiceless .

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The racism embedded in our criminal justice system has been at the forefront of public consciousness this year. Debates about defunding the police, prison abolition, and how to actually dismantle the entire machine have gone from the fringes to the streets, to the Op-Ed pages of The New York Times. In the process, these debates have opened a rift between those in the Democratic Party who believe this discussion will alienate centrist voters and people at the base who marched over the summer, taking this analysis as the clarion call of the future.
What we haven’t seen this year, somewhat surprisingly, is a national reckoning over the lifetime imprisonment of Mumia Abu-Jamal. For years the most famous death row prisoner in the United States, the former Black Panther’s innocence in the killing of Philadelphia Police Officer Daniel Faulkner was once an article of faith on the left. Mumia’s conviction was the symbol for everything racist and corrupt about the police, the prison system, and the politics of death row.
While behind bars, he has broadcast more than 3,000 commentaries around the world and is about to release his 12th book, Murder Incorporated—Perfecting Tyranny: Book 3, so he has hardly been invisible. But since Mumia has been taken off of death row, only the lifelong devoted have remained vigilant about his case. That could change, now that exiled NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick has entered the fray.
Kaepernick has, of course, spent the last three seasons out of the NFL, following his year of taking a knee during the national anthem to protest racist police killings. He said in August of 2016 after first kneeling, “I am not going to stand up to show pride in a flag for a country that oppresses black people and people of color. To me, this is bigger than football and it would be selfish on my part to look the other way. There are bodies in the street and people getting paid leave and getting away with murder…. This is not something that I am going to run by anybody. I am not looking for approval. I have to stand up for people that are oppressed.… If they take football away, my endorsements from me, I know that I stood up for what is right.”
They did, in fact, “take football away,” but that hasn’t stopped him from speaking out. In the last year, he has become a symbol of the protest movement, with people wearing his jersey to demonstrations, kneeling during marches, and carrying signs that read, “Kaepernick Told The Truth.” He has also curated a series on Medium about prison and police abolition: a how-to of essays from leading thinkers about how and why we should actually dismantle the criminal justice system. Now Kaepernick is turning his attention to Mumia, an act of courage that could hold the potential to revive Mumia’s case in the lexicon of the struggle. In a video statement published first by the Campaign to Bring Mumia Home, Kaepernick goes through the case in detail, in effect educating this new generation about the facts of Mumia’s story. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
He also says,
When I was invited to speak on behalf of Mumia, one of the first things that came to mind was how long he’s been in prison. How many years of his life had been stolen away from him, his community and his loved ones. He’s been incarcerated for 38 years. Mumia has been in prison longer than I’ve been alive. When I first spoke with Mumia on the phone, I did very little talking. I just listened. Hearing him speak was a reminder of why we must continue to fight…. Today we’re living through a moment where it’s acceptable to paint “end racism now” in front of the Philadelphia Police Department’s 26th district headquarters, and yet a political prisoner who has since the age of 14 dedicated his life to fighting against racism, continues to be caged and lives his life on a slow death row. We’re in the midst of a movement that says Black Lives Matter. And if that’s truly the case, then it means that Mumia’s life and legacy must matter. And the causes that he sacrifices life and freedom for must matter as well. Current Issue View our current issue
By connecting the struggle for Mumia with the current moment, Kaepernick is further putting himself in a different kind of space than athletes who are testing the political waters by calling for police reform. Kaepernick is saying that the police cannot in fact be reformed and any movement worth its salt needs to have solidarity with revolutionaries behind bars: revolutionaries like Abu-Jamal.
I reached out to Johanna Fernandez, associate professor at Baruch College of the City of New York, a leading member of the movement to bring Mumia home, and author of the book The Young Lords: A Radical History. She said, “Moments of social upheaval produce individuals of great integrity willing to risk everything for the common good. But rarely does history bring together symbols of resistance from different epochs. It has in the case of Colin and Mumia. Colin’s defense of this black radical, connects the battle against police violence with the one against imprisonment—and ushers in hope for abolition and the reorganization of society we need. Like Muhammad Ali, Tommie Smith and John Carlos, Colin has experienced the unforgiving consequences of challenging the status quo, in the world of sports. His defense of Mumia cements his place in history as someone willing to stand on principle and demand justice above all.”
What Kaepernick is doing is daring for someone still trying to get back into the NFL—a league that does police appreciation days. He is putting it all at risk for a man described as the voice of the voiceless.


thenation--2020-11-18--Executing Lisa Montgomery Would Be One of Trump’s Final Cruelties

From a young age , Lisa Marie Montgomery endured brutal physical and sexual assaults at the hands of her mother and stepfather , leading to severe mental illness .
Now 52 , she is set to be the first woman executed by the federal government in 67 years .
In 2004 , Montgomery contacted Bobbie Jo Stinnett , a dog breeder who was eight months pregnant .
On the pretext of buying a puppy , Montgomery , who lived in Kansas , drove to Stinnett ’ s Missouri home .
Montgomery strangled Stinnett , cut open her abdomen , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ baby home and told her husband that she had gone into labor while shopping .
She was arrested , prosecuted , convicted , and sentenced to death in federal court .
( The baby was returned to Stinnett ’ s husband . )
Montgomery is the only woman on federal death row .
In July 2020 , after a nearly 20-year hiatus , the federal government resumed executions .
Since then , it has killed seven people .
An eighth man , Orlando Cordia Hall , is scheduled to die November 19 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be executed on December 10 .
Montgomery ’ s execution date is set for December 8 , a parting cruelty from the Trump administration .
If the execution can be delayed until inauguration , Montgomery will likely live .
President-elect Joe Biden has pledged to end the federal death penalty .
The Department of Justice , when announcing her execution , labeled her action an “ especially heinous murder.
” When viewed on their own , Montgomery ’ s actions are horrific and seemingly senseless .
But viewed in the context of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ physical , emotional , and sexual abuse , we should ask whether a mentally ill person who has suffered a lifetime of devastating trauma and violence—and been failed repeatedly by various systems—should be put to death .
The majority of women in prison have experienced physical and sexual abuse before arrest .
Even so , Montgomery ’ s life is extreme and grisly .
Her mother , Judy Shaughnessy , abused all of her children .
“ You never felt like you were safe , ” Diane Mattingly , Montgomery ’ s half-sister @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moment , she would turn on you.
” She recalled instances when her stepmother would strip her naked and push her out of the house .
She also recalled multiple instances when Shaughnessy ’ s adult friends repeatedly raped her .
Despite the ongoing abuse , Mattingly attempted to protect her younger sister from Shaughnessy ’ s violence .
But when Mattingly was 8 years old , social workers took her away .
“ I thought it was because they knew what was going on in the home , ” she said .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ because of her father ’ s abandonment and her stepmother ’ s lack of legal guardianship .
Four-year-old Lisa and their baby sister , Patty , were left behind .
Months later , Shaughnessy moved in with Jack Kleiner , who would strip the girls naked before beating them .
When Montgomery was in eighth grade , he began raping her .
Shaughnessy didn ’ t intervene ; instead , according to multiple court documents , she allowed other adult men to rape her daughter as well .
When they heard about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to intervene .
Montgomery confided in her cousin , a deputy sheriff ; he told her to tell the police but did nothing himself .
A social worker assigned to investigate allegations of Kleiner ’ s sexual abuse referred the case to local prosecutors , but they failed to follow up .
Later , Shaughnessy cited Kleiner ’ s sexual abuse of Montgomery as one of her reasons for divorce .
The divorce court called her failure to protect “ inexcusable ” but did not report the abuse to child welfare or other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its toll .
Montgomery began suffering seizures and neurological dysfunction , which doctors later attributed to repeated head injuries inflicted by her mother , stepfather , and stepbrother .
At age 18 , under pressure from her mother and new stepfather , Montgomery married her 25-year-old stepbrother , Carl Boman , who , according to multiple court documents , also physically and sexually abused her .
By then , the cumulative effects of a lifetime of trauma began to show .
Montgomery increasingly exhibited signs of disassociation and depression .
After the birth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by her mother and husband , Montgomery had a tubal ligation .
Her mental health continued to deteriorate and , several times , despite her sterilization , she believed she was pregnant , even buying a crib and other baby items .
Montgomery divorced Boman and remarried .
She told her second husband that she was pregnant .
Meanwhile , Boman filed for custody of their children and threatened to expose her imaginary pregnancy .
That was when Montgomery drove to Stinnett ’ s house , killed her , and took her baby @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorneys failed to provide evidence of the extreme violence that had shaped her life .
And they did not ask about this when they called Montgomery ’ s sister and cousin to the witness stand .
Federal prosecutors dismissed the beatings , rapes , and ensuing mental illness as an “ abuse excuse.
” Montgomery was convicted and sentenced to death in 2007 .
“ In death penalty cases , the death penalty is never mandatory , ” Sandra Babcock , faculty director of the Cornell Center on the Death Penalty , told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the discretion of the prosecutor .
In Montgomery ’ s case , that prosecutor was Alberto Gonzales , known for his overzealous pursuit of capital punishment and his support for warrantless wiretapping and torture as George W. Bush ’ s White House counsel and , later , his attorney general .
Proponents of capital punishment argue that it serves as a deterrent .
But there ’ s no evidence that the threat of execution prevents violence .
Babcock also noted women who have committed similar acts and are severely mentally ill do not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women convicted of similar crimes ( in state and federal court ) , only Montgomery has been sentenced to death .
A Plea From Federal Death Row : ‘ We Need You to Raise Your Voices ’ Since her incarceration , Montgomery has been diagnosed with bipolar disorder , alcoholism , and borderline personality disorder and prescribed a course of medications to treat her illnesses .
With all appeals exhausted , Montgomery is seeking clemency or a commutation from death to life imprisonment .
Her clemency petition was due on November 15 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attorneys was racing to meet .
On November 12 , however , Montgomery ’ s attorneys said that they had contracted Covid-19 from repeated trips to the prison in Fort Worth , Tex.
, to prepare Montgomery ’ s petition .
( Because of the severity of their illnesses , I was unable to speak with either attorney . )
The Trump administration rejected their request for a reprieve .
Babcock and other attorneys affiliated with Cornell have filed a lawsuit asking the federal court for a temporary restraining order against Montgomery ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and can effectively prepare and submit her clemency application .
Despite being very ill , Montgomery ’ s attorneys filed a placeholder petition , or a petition to extend the deadline for her clemency application .
In their petition , they note that Montgomery is only allowed a crayon and a single piece of paper , and that she had to sign the petition authorization with her hands shackled .
The travesty of executing a woman who has been brutalized throughout her life has sparked an outcry .
More than 40 current and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prosecutors who have prosecuted women for similar crimes have signed on to letters supporting her clemency , noting that her crime—while horrific—was the result of severe mental illness caused by decades of extreme abuse and that the death penalty was inappropriate .
Another 900 organizations and advocates , including anti-trafficking and anti-violence organizations , also oppose her execution .
But Trump , who has repeatedly called for the death penalty for selling drugs and whose administration denied Montgomery ’ s request for a reprieve , is unlikely to have a change of heart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prison in Fort Worth , Montgomery is under 24-hour watch .
Male guards watch her use the toilet , and her underwear is confiscated if she exhibits distress .
The ACLU has filed suit , arguing that these conditions reinforce Montgomery ’ s sexual trauma , exacerbate her mental illness , and thus constitute cruel and unusual punishment .
This could result in a stay of execution while the lawsuit winds its way through the courts .
If the stay lasts beyond January 20 , the Biden administration is not likely to reschedule @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , after being removed from their abusive home , Montgomery ’ s older sister , Diane Mattingly , was placed with a foster family , where she was “ engulfed in love and self-worth ” for the first time .
Mattingly is devastated that her younger sibling suffered decades of extreme abuse , leading her to this tragic breaking point .
“ My path to healing was hard .
But I had people in my life who intervened .
She didn ’ t. ” If she could speak directly to Trump or to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beg , “ Please don ’ t take my sister .
She was broken by people who were supposed to be her caregivers .
She needs someone for once in her life to be on her side .
”

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Update: On November 23, the federal government scheduled a new execution date for Lisa Montgomery: January 12, 2021—eight days before inauguration.
From a young age, Lisa Marie Montgomery endured brutal physical and sexual assaults at the hands of her mother and stepfather, leading to severe mental illness. Now 52, she is set to be the first woman executed by the federal government in 67 years.
In 2004, Montgomery contacted Bobbie Jo Stinnett, a dog breeder who was eight months pregnant. On the pretext of buying a puppy, Montgomery, who lived in Kansas, drove to Stinnett’s Missouri home. Montgomery strangled Stinnett, cut open her abdomen, and removed her fetus. She took the baby home and told her husband that she had gone into labor while shopping.
She was arrested, prosecuted, convicted, and sentenced to death in federal court. (The baby was returned to Stinnett’s husband.) Montgomery is the only woman on federal death row.
In July 2020, after a nearly 20-year hiatus, the federal government resumed executions. Since then, it has killed seven people. An eighth man, Orlando Cordia Hall, is scheduled to die November 19, and a ninth, Brandon Bernard, to be executed on December 10. Montgomery’s execution date is set for December 8, a parting cruelty from the Trump administration. If the execution can be delayed until inauguration, Montgomery will likely live. President-elect Joe Biden has pledged to end the federal death penalty.
The Department of Justice, when announcing her execution, labeled her action an “especially heinous murder.” When viewed on their own, Montgomery’s actions are horrific and seemingly senseless. But viewed in the context of her life, which was riddled with physical, emotional, and sexual abuse, we should ask whether a mentally ill person who has suffered a lifetime of devastating trauma and violence—and been failed repeatedly by various systems—should be put to death.
The majority of women in prison have experienced physical and sexual abuse before arrest. Even so, Montgomery’s life is extreme and grisly. Her mother, Judy Shaughnessy, abused all of her children. “You never felt like you were safe,” Diane Mattingly, Montgomery’s half-sister, told me. “At any moment, she would turn on you.” She recalled instances when her stepmother would strip her naked and push her out of the house. She also recalled multiple instances when Shaughnessy’s adult friends repeatedly raped her. Despite the ongoing abuse, Mattingly attempted to protect her younger sister from Shaughnessy’s violence. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
But when Mattingly was 8 years old, social workers took her away. “I thought it was because they knew what was going on in the home,” she said. She later learned that her removal was because of her father’s abandonment and her stepmother’s lack of legal guardianship. Four-year-old Lisa and their baby sister, Patty, were left behind.
Months later, Shaughnessy moved in with Jack Kleiner, who would strip the girls naked before beating them. When Montgomery was in eighth grade, he began raping her. Shaughnessy didn’t intervene; instead, according to multiple court documents, she allowed other adult men to rape her daughter as well.
When they heard about the abuse, people in authority repeatedly failed to intervene. Montgomery confided in her cousin, a deputy sheriff; he told her to tell the police but did nothing himself. A social worker assigned to investigate allegations of Kleiner’s sexual abuse referred the case to local prosecutors, but they failed to follow up. Later, Shaughnessy cited Kleiner’s sexual abuse of Montgomery as one of her reasons for divorce. The divorce court called her failure to protect “inexcusable” but did not report the abuse to child welfare or other authorities.
The continual physical abuse took its toll. Montgomery began suffering seizures and neurological dysfunction, which doctors later attributed to repeated head injuries inflicted by her mother, stepfather, and stepbrother.
At age 18, under pressure from her mother and new stepfather, Montgomery married her 25-year-old stepbrother, Carl Boman, who, according to multiple court documents, also physically and sexually abused her. By then, the cumulative effects of a lifetime of trauma began to show. Montgomery increasingly exhibited signs of disassociation and depression. After the birth of her fourth child, possibly coerced by her mother and husband, Montgomery had a tubal ligation. Her mental health continued to deteriorate and, several times, despite her sterilization, she believed she was pregnant, even buying a crib and other baby items.
Montgomery divorced Boman and remarried. She told her second husband that she was pregnant. Meanwhile, Boman filed for custody of their children and threatened to expose her imaginary pregnancy.
That was when Montgomery drove to Stinnett’s house, killed her, and took her baby.
At trial, Montgomery’s attorneys failed to provide evidence of the extreme violence that had shaped her life. And they did not ask about this when they called Montgomery’s sister and cousin to the witness stand. Federal prosecutors dismissed the beatings, rapes, and ensuing mental illness as an “abuse excuse.” Montgomery was convicted and sentenced to death in 2007.
“In death penalty cases, the death penalty is never mandatory,” Sandra Babcock, faculty director of the Cornell Center on the Death Penalty, told me. Instead, it is at the discretion of the prosecutor. In Montgomery’s case, that prosecutor was Alberto Gonzales, known for his overzealous pursuit of capital punishment and his support for warrantless wiretapping and torture as George W. Bush’s White House counsel and, later, his attorney general. Related Article A Plea From Federal Death Row: ‘We Need You to Raise Your Voices’ Billie Allen
Proponents of capital punishment argue that it serves as a deterrent. But there’s no evidence that the threat of execution prevents violence. Babcock also noted women who have committed similar acts and are severely mentally ill do not consider possible punishment. Of the 18 women convicted of similar crimes (in state and federal court), only Montgomery has been sentenced to death.
Since her incarceration, Montgomery has been diagnosed with bipolar disorder, alcoholism, and borderline personality disorder and prescribed a course of medications to treat her illnesses.
With all appeals exhausted, Montgomery is seeking clemency or a commutation from death to life imprisonment. Her clemency petition was due on November 15, a deadline that a new team of attorneys was racing to meet. On November 12, however, Montgomery’s attorneys said that they had contracted Covid-19 from repeated trips to the prison in Fort Worth, Tex., to prepare Montgomery’s petition. (Because of the severity of their illnesses, I was unable to speak with either attorney.) The Trump administration rejected their request for a reprieve. Babcock and other attorneys affiliated with Cornell have filed a lawsuit asking the federal court for a temporary restraining order against Montgomery’s execution until her attorneys have recovered and can effectively prepare and submit her clemency application.
Despite being very ill, Montgomery’s attorneys filed a placeholder petition, or a petition to extend the deadline for her clemency application. In their petition, they note that Montgomery is only allowed a crayon and a single piece of paper, and that she had to sign the petition authorization with her hands shackled.
The travesty of executing a woman who has been brutalized throughout her life has sparked an outcry. More than 40 current and former prosecutors as well as two state prosecutors who have prosecuted women for similar crimes have signed on to letters supporting her clemency, noting that her crime—while horrific—was the result of severe mental illness caused by decades of extreme abuse and that the death penalty was inappropriate. Another 900 organizations and advocates, including anti-trafficking and anti-violence organizations, also oppose her execution. But Trump, who has repeatedly called for the death penalty for selling drugs and whose administration denied Montgomery’s request for a reprieve, is unlikely to have a change of heart.
Right now, at the federal prison in Fort Worth, Montgomery is under 24-hour watch. Male guards watch her use the toilet, and her underwear is confiscated if she exhibits distress. The ACLU has filed suit, arguing that these conditions reinforce Montgomery’s sexual trauma, exacerbate her mental illness, and thus constitute cruel and unusual punishment. This could result in a stay of execution while the lawsuit winds its way through the courts. If the stay lasts beyond January 20, the Biden administration is not likely to reschedule Montgomery’s execution.
In 1972, after being removed from their abusive home, Montgomery’s older sister, Diane Mattingly, was placed with a foster family, where she was “engulfed in love and self-worth” for the first time.
Mattingly is devastated that her younger sibling suffered decades of extreme abuse, leading her to this tragic breaking point. “My path to healing was hard. But I had people in my life who intervened. She didn’t.”
If she could speak directly to Trump or to the courts, Mattingly said she would beg, “Please don’t take my sister. She was broken by people who were supposed to be her caregivers. She needs someone for once in her life to be on her side.”


thenation--2020-11-18--Don’t Expect Jones Day to Stop Enabling Donald Trump

Jones Day is the fifth-largest law firm in the United States .
It has over 2,500 attorneys spread over 43 offices both here and abroad .
According to American Lawyer , it grosses over $ 2 billion in revenue per year , which results in $ 1.1 million in profit per partner , per year .
Most law firms aren ’ t name brands outside of the legal community , but Jones Day has become just that .
It ’ s not because of its size .
It ’ s because Jones Day has represented the Trump campaign or Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawsuits , including the president ’ s recent desperate attempt to disenfranchise enough voters in Pennsylvania to overturn the results of the election .
The New York Times estimates that Jones Day has received $ 20 million in legal fees from the Trump campaign or organizations connected to Trump over the past few years .
In exchange for this money , Jones Day lawyers have been willing to stand up in court and advance Trump ’ s often bigoted , occasionally dangerous , always bad legal claims .
Still , while $ 20 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it ’ s not enough to buy the souls of an entire law firm .
The Trump administration is not like Big Oil or the banking industry ; it can ’ t sustain an entire large law firm practice .
Twenty million dollars just doesn ’ t fully explain why Jones Day has risked its reputation to defend Trump and Trumpism—and , make no mistake , its reputation is getting shredded .
Within the last week , the Lincoln Project and MeidasTouch have both launched ads against the firm , as well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Trump ’ s election lawsuits .
Its lawyers are getting clowned on LinkedIn and even some of the firm ’ s own attorneys are publicly criticizing the firm .
A normal “ Biglaw ” firm would have dropped such a high-controversy , low-payout client long before the general public started paying attention .
That ’ s precisely what Porter Wright , another law firm that had been representing Trump in his efforts to challenge the Pennsylvania results , just did ; it asked permission to withdraw itself from the case .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been representing the Republican National Committee in a case it had brought alongside the Trump campaign in Arizona .
But Jones Day remains .
Jones Day has not withdrawn .
And that ’ s because Trump has been paying the firm in something money can ’ t buy : access to power .
Since 2016 , Jones Day lawyers have been invited into Trump ’ s ruling government at every level .
As many as 14 were tapped from the get-go—a number deemed so unusual that Ted Olson , a Republican super-lawyer most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bush v. Gore , said at the time , “ I don ’ t know of a precedent.
” The most famous hire was Don McGahn , who spent almost two years as White House counsel and continues to ignore a congressional subpoena to testify about his knowledge of Trump ’ s attempts to obstruct justice .
While McGahn has since returned to Jones Day , he was able to use his perch in the counsel ’ s office to help reshape the federal judiciary under Trump .
In addition to overseeing district @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was heavily involved in the nominations of Supreme Court justices Neil Gorsuch and alleged attempted rapist Brett Kavanaugh .
Gorsuch and Kavanaugh weren ’ t even on the “ list ” of potential nominees Trump produced ahead of the 2016 election .
McGahn , as much as anybody , pushed those names to the forefront .
And McGahn is far from the only Jones Day partner to benefit from the firm ’ s liaison with Trump .
Noel Francisco , the US solicitor general who argued the case for a bigoted Muslim ban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jones Day partner who returned to the firm after his disservice to the nation .
Eric Dreiband , whose legal work at Jones Day involved representing corporate clients fighting against discrimination charges from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission , has helmed the civil rights division at the Department of Justice since 2018 .
Dana Baiocco , a Jones Day lawyer who specialized in defending companies accused of selling deadly products , was picked to run the Consumer Product Safety Commission—because of course she was .
When Republicans control the Executive Branch , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agencies should be disbanded .
Before the Trump administration , the most prominent Jones Day alum was Antonin Scalia , who worked there back in the 1960s .
I assume that ’ s where he was licked by the radioactive frog from the polluted Cuyahoga River that gave him the clairvoyance to know—precisely !
—the founding fathers ’ thoughts on all things .
The most powerful living alum was probably Megyn Kelly , the former Fox TV host .
She worked there for nine years , eventually rising to what she described as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its alumni include a slew of MAGA heroes as well as some of the most dangerous people Trump has placed on the federal bench .
Jones Days lawyers like caging enthusiast Chad Readler ( we profiled him last year ) and Trump enabler Gregory Katsas now sit proudly on the circuit courts .
Jones Day has turned representing Trump into a pipeline to access and power .
The prestige and power Trump has conferred upon Jones Day is something it hasn ’ t really been able to earn on its own .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ohio , and is still headquartered there , not exactly a hot spot for elite law school graduates looking to join a “ white shoe ” law firm .
Jones Day rose to national prominence as a defender of Big Tobacco , and cigarette pusher RJ Reynolds remains one of its bigger clients .
The booth promoting “ the tobacco lawyers from Cleveland ” isn ’ t exactly the one that gets a lot of foot traffic at the law school career fair .
And then there are the warning flags about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has long had a reputation for having a “ frat boy ” culture—one woman described an “ endemic culture of sexual inappropriateness ” —and such word-of-mouth warnings have turned into explosive allegations in the # MeToo era .
In 2019 , six named plaintiffs brought a class action lawsuit against the firm for gender discrimination .
The plaintiffs allege that the firm ’ s “ fraternity culture ” leads to a hostile work environment and unequal pay for women and mothers and pregnant women .
The suit survived a motion to dismiss just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The firm is also involved in a scandal in which it allegedly doctored the photograph of one of its Black attorneys to make her look Caucasian .
Many corporate law firms represent unpopular clients or defend unsavory business practices .
Many , I ’ m sure , are guilty of some form of hostility and pay discrimination toward women .
All of that is gross and one of the reasons so many people leave corporate legal work , despite the high salaries .
What makes Jones Day unique at this point is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power for its legal work .
Other firms distance themselves from the politics of their most notorious clients , claiming that they are just advancing meritorious legal arguments for money—which is what lawyers are trained to do .
But by creating a revolving door between the firm and the administration , Jones Day can not claim merely to be a set of lawyers advancing a case .
They are using Trump ’ s transactional nature to further their own careers in politics and the judiciary .
Trump Is Trying to Overturn the Election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ How to Understand Democrats ’ Disappointing Losses in State Legislatures I would not criticize a law firm for representing , say , a terrorist organization .
In fact , representing the very worst people is one of the noblest things I believe a lawyer can do .
But I would critique a law firm for representing a terrorist organization as a way to get one of its guys picked by the terrorists to lead a sleeper cell .
There ’ s a line between defending an evil organization in court and helping it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might be a line that ’ s hard for nonlawyers to see and appreciate , but people with legal training can spot the difference between a criminal defense attorney and a “ mob lawyer ” from a mile away .
Jones Day is on the wrong side of the line , and people who pay attention to law firms know it .
Kathryn Rubino , editor of my old employer Above the Law , which closely tracks the way Biglaw firms operate , told me , “ That Jones Day is staking its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the definition of a ‘ dog bites man ’ story in the legal world… .
It ’ s unsurprising that they ’ ve taken a position in court challenging the legitimacy of the 2020 election .
”

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Jones Day is the fifth-largest law firm in the United States. It has over 2,500 attorneys spread over 43 offices both here and abroad. According to American Lawyer, it grosses over $2 billion in revenue per year, which results in $1.1 million in profit per partner, per year.
Most law firms aren’t name brands outside of the legal community, but Jones Day has become just that. It’s not because of its size. It’s because Jones Day has represented the Trump campaign or Trump’s Republican Party in around 20 lawsuits, including the president’s recent desperate attempt to disenfranchise enough voters in Pennsylvania to overturn the results of the election. The New York Times estimates that Jones Day has received $20 million in legal fees from the Trump campaign or organizations connected to Trump over the past few years. In exchange for this money, Jones Day lawyers have been willing to stand up in court and advance Trump’s often bigoted, occasionally dangerous, always bad legal claims.
Still, while $20 million might sound like a hefty sum, it’s not enough to buy the souls of an entire law firm. The Trump administration is not like Big Oil or the banking industry; it can’t sustain an entire large law firm practice. Twenty million dollars just doesn’t fully explain why Jones Day has risked its reputation to defend Trump and Trumpism—and, make no mistake, its reputation is getting shredded. Within the last week, the Lincoln Project and MeidasTouch have both launched ads against the firm, as well as its clients, over its role in Trump’s election lawsuits. Its lawyers are getting clowned on LinkedIn and even some of the firm’s own attorneys are publicly criticizing the firm. A normal “Biglaw” firm would have dropped such a high-controversy, low-payout client long before the general public started paying attention.
That’s precisely what Porter Wright, another law firm that had been representing Trump in his efforts to challenge the Pennsylvania results, just did; it asked permission to withdraw itself from the case. So did Snell & Wilmer, which had been representing the Republican National Committee in a case it had brought alongside the Trump campaign in Arizona. But Jones Day remains. Jones Day has not withdrawn. And that’s because Trump has been paying the firm in something money can’t buy: access to power.
Since 2016, Jones Day lawyers have been invited into Trump’s ruling government at every level. As many as 14 were tapped from the get-go—a number deemed so unusual that Ted Olson, a Republican super-lawyer most famous for representing George W. Bush in Bush v. Gore, said at the time, “I don’t know of a precedent.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
The most famous hire was Don McGahn, who spent almost two years as White House counsel and continues to ignore a congressional subpoena to testify about his knowledge of Trump’s attempts to obstruct justice. While McGahn has since returned to Jones Day, he was able to use his perch in the counsel’s office to help reshape the federal judiciary under Trump. In addition to overseeing district court and circuit court appointments, McGahn was heavily involved in the nominations of Supreme Court justices Neil Gorsuch and alleged attempted rapist Brett Kavanaugh. Gorsuch and Kavanaugh weren’t even on the “list” of potential nominees Trump produced ahead of the 2016 election. McGahn, as much as anybody, pushed those names to the forefront.
And McGahn is far from the only Jones Day partner to benefit from the firm’s liaison with Trump. Noel Francisco, the US solicitor general who argued the case for a bigoted Muslim ban before the Supreme Court, is a Jones Day partner who returned to the firm after his disservice to the nation. Eric Dreiband, whose legal work at Jones Day involved representing corporate clients fighting against discrimination charges from the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, has helmed the civil rights division at the Department of Justice since 2018. Dana Baiocco, a Jones Day lawyer who specialized in defending companies accused of selling deadly products, was picked to run the Consumer Product Safety Commission—because of course she was. When Republicans control the Executive Branch, they love to install people who think their agencies should be disbanded. Current Issue View our current issue
Before the Trump administration, the most prominent Jones Day alum was Antonin Scalia, who worked there back in the 1960s. I assume that’s where he was licked by the radioactive frog from the polluted Cuyahoga River that gave him the clairvoyance to know—precisely!—the founding fathers’ thoughts on all things. The most powerful living alum was probably Megyn Kelly, the former Fox TV host. She worked there for nine years, eventually rising to what she described as “an almost partner.” Now, its alumni include a slew of MAGA heroes as well as some of the most dangerous people Trump has placed on the federal bench. Jones Days lawyers like caging enthusiast Chad Readler (we profiled him last year) and Trump enabler Gregory Katsas now sit proudly on the circuit courts. Jones Day has turned representing Trump into a pipeline to access and power.
The prestige and power Trump has conferred upon Jones Day is something it hasn’t really been able to earn on its own. The firm got its start in Cleveland, Ohio, and is still headquartered there, not exactly a hot spot for elite law school graduates looking to join a “white shoe” law firm. Jones Day rose to national prominence as a defender of Big Tobacco, and cigarette pusher RJ Reynolds remains one of its bigger clients. The booth promoting “the tobacco lawyers from Cleveland” isn’t exactly the one that gets a lot of foot traffic at the law school career fair.
And then there are the warning flags about the firm’s culture. The firm has long had a reputation for having a “frat boy” culture—one woman described an “endemic culture of sexual inappropriateness”—and such word-of-mouth warnings have turned into explosive allegations in the #MeToo era.
In 2019, six named plaintiffs brought a class action lawsuit against the firm for gender discrimination. The plaintiffs allege that the firm’s “fraternity culture” leads to a hostile work environment and unequal pay for women and mothers and pregnant women. The suit survived a motion to dismiss just this past May and is ongoing. The firm is also involved in a scandal in which it allegedly doctored the photograph of one of its Black attorneys to make her look Caucasian.
Many corporate law firms represent unpopular clients or defend unsavory business practices. Many, I’m sure, are guilty of some form of hostility and pay discrimination toward women. All of that is gross and one of the reasons so many people leave corporate legal work, despite the high salaries. What makes Jones Day unique at this point is that the firm is being paid in governmental power for its legal work. Other firms distance themselves from the politics of their most notorious clients, claiming that they are just advancing meritorious legal arguments for money—which is what lawyers are trained to do. But by creating a revolving door between the firm and the administration, Jones Day cannot claim merely to be a set of lawyers advancing a case. They are using Trump’s transactional nature to further their own careers in politics and the judiciary. The Election & its Aftermath Trump Is Trying to Overturn the Election, but I’m Not Panicking—Yet Elie Mystal How to Understand Democrats’ Disappointing Losses in State Legislatures Joan Walsh
I would not criticize a law firm for representing, say, a terrorist organization. In fact, representing the very worst people is one of the noblest things I believe a lawyer can do. But I would critique a law firm for representing a terrorist organization as a way to get one of its guys picked by the terrorists to lead a sleeper cell. There’s a line between defending an evil organization in court and helping it perform evil in the country. It might be a line that’s hard for nonlawyers to see and appreciate, but people with legal training can spot the difference between a criminal defense attorney and a “mob lawyer” from a mile away.
Jones Day is on the wrong side of the line, and people who pay attention to law firms know it.
Kathryn Rubino, editor of my old employer Above the Law, which closely tracks the way Biglaw firms operate, told me, “That Jones Day is staking its entire business on fealty to Donald Trump is the definition of a ‘dog bites man’ story in the legal world…. It’s unsurprising that they’ve taken a position in court challenging the legitimacy of the 2020 election.”


thenation--2020-11-18--Even a Clownish Coup Can Still Hurt Democracy

Rudy Giuliani has had a hard year .
He was recently pranked by the British comedian Sacha Baron Cohen , best known for his character Borat .
Cohen tricked the former New York mayor into giving an interview to a young woman he was told was 15 , an ill-fated hotel encounter that ended with Giuliani on a bed either tucking in his shirt ( as he claims ) or , as some viewers suspect , engaging in on-camera onanism .
Remarkably , becoming Borat ’ s patsy was not Giuliani ’ s most embarrassing moment in 2020 .
On @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fool of himself by representing Donald Trump in his bid to overturn the results of the election .
US District Court Judge Matthew Brann treated Giuliani ’ s arguments with scorn .
“ At bottom , you are asking this court to invalidate 6.8 million votes , thereby disenfranchising every single voter in the Commonwealth ” [ of Pennsylvania ] , Brann said .
“ Can you tell me how this result can possibly be justified ?
” At one point , Giuliani said , “ I ’ m not sure what ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you can see.
” Brann helpfully explained , “ It means you can ’ t. ” This exchange was typical of Giuliani ’ s hapless performance .
Time and again , Trump ’ s legal team have made arguments that are all but laughed out of court .
Four things remain true in the two weeks since the election .
( 1 ) Trump and his campaign persist in trying to engineer a coup .
( 2 ) This coup has excited support from grassroots Republican activists all over America .
( 3 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and will almost certainly fail .
( 4 ) Even as it fails , the coup will do lasting damage to American democracy and could set a precedent for future aspiring autocrats .
Not a Coup but a Cover-Up and a Con Game The coup efforts are national in scope .
In Washington , Trump fired Chris Krebs , the director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency , for stating that the election had been the most secure in American history .
Trump said the statement was wrong and that the election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fraud.
” In Michigan on Tuesday , two Republican members of the Wayne County Board of Canvassers ( Monica Palmer and William Hartmann ) voted against certifying that county ’ s vote , alleging irregularities in the Detroit count .
Palmer said she ’ d be amenable to certifying the vote in “ communities other than Detroit.
” After an outcry against this move , with its clear racist consequences of disenfranchising a predominately African American city , Palmer and Hartmann backed down .
Meanwhile , as journalist Ben Jacobs reports , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the chair of the Nevada Republican Party , are suing to either have Trump declared the winner of Nevada or to have the presidential election in the state annulled entirely.
” On Monday , Senator Lindsey Graham was reported to have been pressuring a government official to alter the outcome of the Georgia election .
As The Washington Post detailed , “ Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger said Monday that he has come under increasing pressure in recent days from fellow Republicans , including Sen. Lindsey O. Graham ( S.C. ) , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legally cast absentee ballots , in an effort to reverse President Trump ’ s narrow loss in the state.
” All of these efforts are poorly conceived and either have been thwarted or soon will be .
Still , taken together , they amount to an extraordinary and concerted effort to overturn a democratic election .
According to Washington Post reporter Robert Costas , “ One thing I keep hearing from Rudy people tonight : they know they can ’ t catch up .
What they want—in MI , PA , NV , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be certified .
Their end game : try to force it to the House .
Giuliani talking about this privately.
” The Trump campaign is trying to hack the election results by using the partisan loyalty of local Republicans , who are an essential part of the machinery of elections .
These local officials are being urged to muddy the water of clear vote counts .
As Politico writer Tim Alberta notes , “ This system of certifying has always been ripe for exploitation by partisan hacks .
Now the stars have aligned—a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ integrity , and an activist base that believes 244 years of democratic norms are expendable if it means 4 more years of power.
” Republican donor Dan Eberhart came to the same conclusion , telling CNN , “ Trump has figured out how to weaponize the machinery of government post-election .
This is something that happens in a banana republic , not George Washington ’ s republic.
” The very clownishness of the coup , led by buffoons like Giuliani , also explains why the political system isn ’ t treating it as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still humoring Trump ’ s fantasy that he can win .
They ’ ve refused to acknowledge Biden ’ s victory out of fear of offending Trump and his highly energized fans .
It ’ s likely they think that at some point Trump will abandon his oafish coup and acknowledge reality .
For its part , the Biden team has tried to sidestep Trump ’ s behavior .
It hasn ’ t raised an alarm nor pushed , as it could , for a legal challenge to the Trump ’ s administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transition .
Instead , Biden seems to be relying on public shaming , by making arguments that the delayed transition will hurt the battle against Covid .
Biden ’ s strategy amounts to fighting Trump on the legal terrain , where the Democrats have been winning , while ignoring the larger import of the coup attempt .
The goal seems to be to hasten Trump ’ s slide into irrelevance .
On those terms , ignoring the ongoing attempt to destroy democracy makes sense .
The Democratic strategy presumes that Trump is an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stage the Republicans will return to normal .
The danger is that Trump , far from being an outlier , is the future of the Republican Party .
By arguing that the election was stolen , Trump is binding Republican voters closer to him , insuring that he ’ ll be a kingmaker in the party and possibly the nominee in 2024 .
Refusing to acknowledge Biden ’ s victory also helps Trump keep Republican lawmakers in line .
As long as the election is uncertain , elected Republicans can ’ t shift @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no longer deferred to as the Republican leader .
So far , neither the Republicans nor the Democrats have figured out how to neutralize Trump ’ s use of the coup to shore up his own power .
As a simple coup attempt , Trump ’ s gambit is almost sure to fail .
One reason the coup will fail is that the election results aren ’ t really close in the swing states , where Biden ’ s lead is robust .
But if there are closer elections in the future , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ model for a successful coup .
However , the coup has already succeeded as a way of making sure Trump retains power by being respected and feared .
Trump ’ s coup is likely to hurt American democracy for years to come .

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Rudy Giuliani has had a hard year. He was recently pranked by the British comedian Sacha Baron Cohen, best known for his character Borat. Cohen tricked the former New York mayor into giving an interview to a young woman he was told was 15, an ill-fated hotel encounter that ended with Giuliani on a bed either tucking in his shirt (as he claims) or, as some viewers suspect, engaging in on-camera onanism.
Remarkably, becoming Borat’s patsy was not Giuliani’s most embarrassing moment in 2020. On Tuesday, he made an even bigger fool of himself by representing Donald Trump in his bid to overturn the results of the election. US District Court Judge Matthew Brann treated Giuliani’s arguments with scorn. “At bottom, you are asking this court to invalidate 6.8 million votes, thereby disenfranchising every single voter in the Commonwealth” [of Pennsylvania], Brann said. “Can you tell me how this result can possibly be justified?”
At one point, Giuliani said, “I’m not sure what ‘opacity’ means. It probably means you can see.” Brann helpfully explained, “It means you can’t.” This exchange was typical of Giuliani’s hapless performance. Time and again, Trump’s legal team have made arguments that are all but laughed out of court.
Four things remain true in the two weeks since the election. (1) Trump and his campaign persist in trying to engineer a coup. (2) This coup has excited support from grassroots Republican activists all over America. (3) This coup is very badly run and will almost certainly fail. (4) Even as it fails, the coup will do lasting damage to American democracy and could set a precedent for future aspiring autocrats. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
The coup efforts are national in scope. In Washington, Trump fired Chris Krebs, the director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, for stating that the election had been the most secure in American history. Trump said the statement was wrong and that the election was marked by “massive improprieties and fraud.”
In Michigan on Tuesday, two Republican members of the Wayne County Board of Canvassers (Monica Palmer and William Hartmann) voted against certifying that county’s vote, alleging irregularities in the Detroit count. Palmer said she’d be amenable to certifying the vote in “communities other than Detroit.” After an outcry against this move, with its clear racist consequences of disenfranchising a predominately African American city, Palmer and Hartmann backed down. Meanwhile, as journalist Ben Jacobs reports, “Trump’s Nevada electors, including the chair of the Nevada Republican Party, are suing to either have Trump declared the winner of Nevada or to have the presidential election in the state annulled entirely.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
On Monday, Senator Lindsey Graham was reported to have been pressuring a government official to alter the outcome of the Georgia election. As The Washington Post detailed, “Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger said Monday that he has come under increasing pressure in recent days from fellow Republicans, including Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (S.C.), who he said questioned the validity of legally cast absentee ballots, in an effort to reverse President Trump’s narrow loss in the state.” Current Issue View our current issue
All of these efforts are poorly conceived and either have been thwarted or soon will be. Still, taken together, they amount to an extraordinary and concerted effort to overturn a democratic election. According to Washington Post reporter Robert Costas, “One thing I keep hearing from Rudy people tonight: they know they can’t catch up. What they want—in MI, PA, NV, other states—is for the vote to *not* be certified. Their end game: try to force it to the House. Giuliani talking about this privately.”
The Trump campaign is trying to hack the election results by using the partisan loyalty of local Republicans, who are an essential part of the machinery of elections. These local officials are being urged to muddy the water of clear vote counts. As Politico writer Tim Alberta notes, “This system of certifying has always been ripe for exploitation by partisan hacks. Now the stars have aligned—a demagogue president, a party bereft of integrity, and an activist base that believes 244 years of democratic norms are expendable if it means 4 more years of power.” Republican donor Dan Eberhart came to the same conclusion, telling CNN, “Trump has figured out how to weaponize the machinery of government post-election. This is something that happens in a banana republic, not George Washington’s republic.”
The very clownishness of the coup, led by buffoons like Giuliani, also explains why the political system isn’t treating it as a crisis. Most congressional Republicans are still humoring Trump’s fantasy that he can win. They’ve refused to acknowledge Biden’s victory out of fear of offending Trump and his highly energized fans. It’s likely they think that at some point Trump will abandon his oafish coup and acknowledge reality. For its part, the Biden team has tried to sidestep Trump’s behavior. It hasn’t raised an alarm nor pushed, as it could, for a legal challenge to the Trump’s administration’s refusal to cooperate with a transition. Instead, Biden seems to be relying on public shaming, by making arguments that the delayed transition will hurt the battle against Covid.
Biden’s strategy amounts to fighting Trump on the legal terrain, where the Democrats have been winning, while ignoring the larger import of the coup attempt. The goal seems to be to hasten Trump’s slide into irrelevance. On those terms, ignoring the ongoing attempt to destroy democracy makes sense.
The Democratic strategy presumes that Trump is an anomaly and once he is off the stage the Republicans will return to normal. The danger is that Trump, far from being an outlier, is the future of the Republican Party. By arguing that the election was stolen, Trump is binding Republican voters closer to him, insuring that he’ll be a kingmaker in the party and possibly the nominee in 2024. Refusing to acknowledge Biden’s victory also helps Trump keep Republican lawmakers in line. As long as the election is uncertain, elected Republicans can’t shift to a post-Trump world where he is no longer deferred to as the Republican leader.
So far, neither the Republicans nor the Democrats have figured out how to neutralize Trump’s use of the coup to shore up his own power. As a simple coup attempt, Trump’s gambit is almost sure to fail. One reason the coup will fail is that the election results aren’t really close in the swing states, where Biden’s lead is robust. But if there are closer elections in the future, Trump’s moves will be the model for a successful coup.
However, the coup has already succeeded as a way of making sure Trump retains power by being respected and feared. Trump’s coup is likely to hurt American democracy for years to come.


thenation--2020-11-18--Should Biden Hire Rahm Emanuel? Chicago Says, ‘Never! Never! Never!’

When Chicago Alderwoman Rossana Rodriguez Sanchez heard that former Chicago mayor Rahm Emanuel was being considered for another position in another Democratic administration , she penned an open letter urging President-elect Joe Biden and Vice President–elect Kamala Harris to put Emanuel on the “ DO NOT HIRE list.
” The letter evolved into a petition that had by Tuesday afternoon attracted almost 4,000 signatures , and Rodriguez Sanchez says the messages she ’ s heard from constituents in the city where Emanuel served two scandal-plagued terms as mayor are unequivocal in their opposition .
“ It ’ s amazing , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ People are saying ‘ Never !
Never !
Never !
We don ’ t want this man in the cabinet.
’ ” The prospect that Emanuel might be tapped to serve as secretary of transportation or secretary of Housing and Urban Development has drawn plenty of national criticism from progressives who recall his tenures as the union-bashing neoliberal senior adviser to President Bill Clinton during the fight over the North American Free Trade Agreement , and as the Obama administration chief of staff who famously spewed obscenities at progressives who wanted to push @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said after the November 3 election , “ Someone like Rahm Emanuel would be a pretty divisive pick .
And it would signal , I think , a hostile approach to the grass-roots and the progressive wing of the party.
” Dream Defenders cofounder Phillip Agnew , who served as a senior adviser to the 2020 presidential campaign of Bernie Sanders , said during a recent Haymarket Books forum , “ As hard as we went against Betsy DeVos , we should go against Rahm Emanuel.
” The strongest response @ @ @ @ @ @ @ name has come from elected officials in Chicago who have not forgotten how the former mayor governed .
Georgia Senator David Perdue Is Terrified That Jon Ossoff Will Shred Him in Another Debate What Bernie Sanders Could Do as Secretary of Labor “ We here in Chicago know firsthand the damage that Rahm Emanuel did to our city , services , institutions and people , as mayor , ” says Illinois state Representative Delia Ramirez .
“ It is absurd and insulting that Emanuel is being considered for a cabinet position in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has argued that Emanuel is uniquely unsuited for the cabinet positions he reportedly might fill , tweeting , “ As Mayor of Chicago , Rahm Emanuel promoted policies that displaced record numbers of working poor Chicagoans .
The thought of Emanuel as Biden ’ s Secretary of Housing is insulting to the mostly Black and Brown Chicagoans harmed by Emanuel ’ s racist housing policies ” and “ As Mayor of Chicago , Rahm Emanuel ’ s big transportation idea was to give Elon Musk public resources to put a car in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ O ’ Hare Airport .
The thought of Emanuel as Biden ’ s Secretary of Transportation is asinine.
” Ramirez-Rosa has , with progressives across the country , been promoting the # EmbraceTheBase message that Biden should lead “ an administration of competent progressive governance , not old school political patronage.
” Alderwoman Rodriguez Sanchez pulled many of the concerns together in her letter and the petition she developed with fellow activists .
That petition begins by explaining : “ As residents of Chicago—and as community organizers , local elected officials , union @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his work—we are writing to un-recommend Rahm in the strongest terms possible .
If you want to root out systemic racism , defend democracy , and build a society that leaves no one behind—all worthy goals mentioned in your victory speech—we can think of few people worse for the job than the man who earned the nickname ‘ Mayor 1 % .
’ ” Then it gets specific about “ Rahm ’ s resume in some key policy areas ” : • Covered up the police murder of 17-year-old Laquan McDonald in 2014 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him 16 times , including while he lay on the ground—was a catalyst of the Black Lives Matter movement and doomed Rahm ’ s political future in the city .
• Closed 50 elementary schools—the single largest school closure in U.S. history—over an outcry from parents , students and community members .
Most of the schools served African-American children on the south and west sides of the city .
• Shuttered half of Chicago ’ s public mental health clinics , leaving patients in need of care literally sitting on the sidewalk outside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help .
• Lavished wealthy neighborhoods and pet projects with public dollars through Tax Increment Financing ( TIF ) .
Rahm ’ s greatest TIF hits—this is an economic development tool that ’ s supposed to fight “ blight , ” mind you—include $ 55 million to buy DePaul University a new basketball stadium , millions funneled to Navy Pier through an elaborate shell game , and another $ 1.3 billion in subsidies for luxury mega-developments on his way out the door .
• Repeatedly broke the city ’ s promises to rebuild @ @ @ @ @ @ @ improving transparency in the mis-managed Chicago Housing Authority .
The deficit in affordable housing , combined with staggering and deeply regressive property-tax hikes , were factors in the exodus of tens of thousands of Black residents out of Chicago during his term .
• Hyped a failed plan to build an express train from downtown Chicago to O ’ Hare airport that would bypass the transit used by actual Chicagoans .
The boondoggle , hatched by Rahm campaign donor Elon Musk , was widely panned ; one alderman called it a scheme “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reputation.
” • Oversaw a police department that cost taxpayers more than $ 540 million for abuse and misconduct settlements during his time in office .
• Rejected public referenda calling for an elected school board , instead hand-picking school CEOs such as Barbara Byrd-Bennett , who was sent to federal prison after pleading guilty on a multi-million-dollar kickback scheme involving Chicago Public Schools money .
• Went on a privatization spree , to disastrous effect .
Selling off everything from school janitorial services to trash collection , privatization left Chicago with indignities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation ’ s most abysmal recycling rates .
The petition concludes in the blunt language of Chicago politics : “ Given his track record , awarding Rahm Emanuel a cabinet position in the new administration would be a disaster for many of the communities that helped defeat Donald Trump .
Not least , it ’ s a Sears-Tower-sized insult to our city of Chicago , where we are continuing to deal with the effects of his legacy on a daily basis .
Take the word of the city that knows him best @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here , but we don ’ t want him anywhere near the White House either .
”

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When Chicago Alderwoman Rossana Rodriguez Sanchez heard that former Chicago mayor Rahm Emanuel was being considered for another position in another Democratic administration, she penned an open letter urging President-elect Joe Biden and Vice President–elect Kamala Harris to put Emanuel on the “DO NOT HIRE list.”
The letter evolved into a petition that had by Tuesday afternoon attracted almost 4,000 signatures, and Rodriguez Sanchez says the messages she’s heard from constituents in the city where Emanuel served two scandal-plagued terms as mayor are unequivocal in their opposition. “It’s amazing,” she told The Nation. “People are saying ‘Never! Never! Never! We don’t want this man in the cabinet.’”
The prospect that Emanuel might be tapped to serve as secretary of transportation or secretary of Housing and Urban Development has drawn plenty of national criticism from progressives who recall his tenures as the union-bashing neoliberal senior adviser to President Bill Clinton during the fight over the North American Free Trade Agreement, and as the Obama administration chief of staff who famously spewed obscenities at progressives who wanted to push harder for robust health care reforms. Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said after the November 3 election, “Someone like Rahm Emanuel would be a pretty divisive pick. And it would signal, I think, a hostile approach to the grass-roots and the progressive wing of the party.” Dream Defenders cofounder Phillip Agnew, who served as a senior adviser to the 2020 presidential campaign of Bernie Sanders, said during a recent Haymarket Books forum, “As hard as we went against Betsy DeVos, we should go against Rahm Emanuel.”
The strongest response to the floating of Emanuel’s name has come from elected officials in Chicago who have not forgotten how the former mayor governed. More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
“We here in Chicago know firsthand the damage that Rahm Emanuel did to our city, services, institutions and people, as mayor,” says Illinois state Representative Delia Ramirez. “It is absurd and insulting that Emanuel is being considered for a cabinet position in the Biden administration.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Chicago Alderman Carlos Ramirez-Rosa has argued that Emanuel is uniquely unsuited for the cabinet positions he reportedly might fill, tweeting, “As Mayor of Chicago, Rahm Emanuel promoted policies that displaced record numbers of working poor Chicagoans. The thought of Emanuel as Biden’s Secretary of Housing is insulting to the mostly Black and Brown Chicagoans harmed by Emanuel’s racist housing policies” and “As Mayor of Chicago, Rahm Emanuel’s big transportation idea was to give Elon Musk public resources to put a car in an over-priced and unnecessary tunnel from downtown to O’Hare Airport. The thought of Emanuel as Biden’s Secretary of Transportation is asinine.”
Ramirez-Rosa has, with progressives across the country, been promoting the #EmbraceTheBase message that Biden should lead “an administration of competent progressive governance, not old school political patronage.”
Alderwoman Rodriguez Sanchez pulled many of the concerns together in her letter and the petition she developed with fellow activists.
That petition begins by explaining: “As residents of Chicago—and as community organizers, local elected officials, union members and others who are all-too-familiar with his work—we are writing to un-recommend Rahm in the strongest terms possible. If you want to root out systemic racism, defend democracy, and build a society that leaves no one behind—all worthy goals mentioned in your victory speech—we can think of few people worse for the job than the man who earned the nickname ‘Mayor 1%.’”
Then it gets specific about “Rahm’s resume in some key policy areas”:
The petition concludes in the blunt language of Chicago politics: “Given his track record, awarding Rahm Emanuel a cabinet position in the new administration would be a disaster for many of the communities that helped defeat Donald Trump. Not least, it’s a Sears-Tower-sized insult to our city of Chicago, where we are continuing to deal with the effects of his legacy on a daily basis. Take the word of the city that knows him best: We don’t want him here, but we don’t want him anywhere near the White House either.”