thenation--2020-07-20--In Quarantine, on the Plains of Colombia

The Nation and Magnum Foundation are partnering on a visual chronicle of untold stories of the coronavirus crisis and the struggle for racial justice—read more from The Invisible Front Line .
—The Editors Sarai ’ s mother had warned us , we could not be too close .
There could be no hugs or warm embraces .
This was a time of contagion and quarantine .
Even with these restrictions , I decided to go .
I was fed up in Yopal , the capital of Colombia ’ s Casanare department , trapped in a city without any of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , marking the days of a lockdown that dragged on without end in sight .
So I fled to Los Llanos , the verdant plains of eastern Colombia that make up the basin of the great Orinoco river .
I fled to where Sarai was living with her mother , where I could escape my cramped apartment and experience open spaces once again .
I have known Sarai since she was born 12 years ago—her mother , Francisca , is my closest friend and my work partner .
Francisca and I were already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she became pregnant .
She was very excited , loved her partner , and wanted to have a baby .
But when she was five months pregnant , she broke off her relationship in a very painful way and discovered that Sarai , still in her belly , had a cleft lip and palate problems .
We decided , despite the pain and uncertainty Francisca was facing , that we had to forge ahead with our project .
When Sarai was born , we took her with us : Riding on horseback , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ research partner , our colleague in our exploration of the women of the plains that would eventually become our book Silencios : Un llano de mujeres .
These experiences brought very close .
Francisca and Sarai became my sisters ; we took care of each other and we still do .
“ In this photo , something important is missing from the dog 's costume : the owner , who is a child my age , standing with the attitude of being the winner of the pet festival contest at my school .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ not taken during the quarantine , it is a memory of when you could do all kinds of crazy things without limit , like dressing your dog as Up , the movie.
” —Sarai The day I arrived at Sarai ’ s ranch on the plains in May , we kept our distance , just like Francisca had advised .
But by the next morning , we were already having coffee from the same pot and all the warnings to keep our distance vanished .
It ’ s hard to keep apart when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so long , and after months of being alone .
These plains are wide open , and I felt my horizons expanding as I watched the clouds roll over the landscape .
I immediately began a collaboration with Sarai , taking photos of her life and asking her for captions , experiencing her emotions and frustrations , seeing life through her eyes and this time of quarantine through the experience of a child who is far away from friends , school , her familiar routine .
When Sarai was 7 years old , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me , as I have little childhood and you have much childhood !
” This work , then , is a conversation between different childhoods , with me telling the stories I can while dropping the barriers I have put between me and the world in adulthood , trying to see things more spontaneously and with greater emotion .
It is my attempt to capture the the day-to-day parade of passions , fears , loves , animals , plants , the confinement and the wide expanse of the landscape .
This is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mangoes are falling from the trees .
Sarai and I continue to work together to make sense of this time of danger and confinement , but also connection and possibility .

The Nation and Magnum Foundation are partnering on a visual chronicle of untold stories of the coronavirus crisis and the struggle for racial justice—read more from The Invisible Front Line. —The Editors
Sarai’s mother had warned us, we could not be too close. There could be no hugs or warm embraces. This was a time of contagion and quarantine. Even with these restrictions, I decided to go.
I was fed up in Yopal, the capital of Colombia’s Casanare department, trapped in a city without any of the things that make city life worth living, marking the days of a lockdown that dragged on without end in sight. So I fled to Los Llanos, the verdant plains of eastern Colombia that make up the basin of the great Orinoco river. I fled to where Sarai was living with her mother, where I could escape my cramped apartment and experience open spaces once again.
I have known Sarai since she was born 12 years ago—her mother, Francisca, is my closest friend and my work partner. Francisca and I were already working on our first project together when she became pregnant. She was very excited, loved her partner, and wanted to have a baby. But when she was five months pregnant, she broke off her relationship in a very painful way and discovered that Sarai, still in her belly, had a cleft lip and palate problems. We decided, despite the pain and uncertainty Francisca was facing, that we had to forge ahead with our project. When Sarai was born, we took her with us: Riding on horseback, on rickety boats, Sarai was our research partner, our colleague in our exploration of the women of the plains that would eventually become our book Silencios: Un llano de mujeres. These experiences brought very close. Francisca and Sarai became my sisters; we took care of each other and we still do.
“In this photo, something important is missing from the dog’s costume: the owner, who is a child my age, standing with the attitude of being the winner of the pet festival contest at my school. This is the only photo that was not taken during the quarantine, it is a memory of when you could do all kinds of crazy things without limit, like dressing your dog as Up, the movie.” —Sarai
The day I arrived at Sarai’s ranch on the plains in May, we kept our distance, just like Francisca had advised. But by the next morning, we were already having coffee from the same pot and all the warnings to keep our distance vanished. It’s hard to keep apart when you’ve known each other for so long, and after months of being alone. These plains are wide open, and I felt my horizons expanding as I watched the clouds roll over the landscape. I immediately began a collaboration with Sarai, taking photos of her life and asking her for captions, experiencing her emotions and frustrations, seeing life through her eyes and this time of quarantine through the experience of a child who is far away from friends, school, her familiar routine.
“My heart goes in an ambulance! When you are in the middle of solitude, love is going to throw you a red rope, you’re gonna start climbing it, and when you think you’re going to get out the red rope breaks and drops you.” —Sarai
“To be forgotten, like a simple feather blown away by the wind, a shadow, a message removed…” —Sarai
When Sarai was 7 years old, she wrote to me: “Tell me, as I have little childhood and you have much childhood!” This work, then, is a conversation between different childhoods, with me telling the stories I can while dropping the barriers I have put between me and the world in adulthood, trying to see things more spontaneously and with greater emotion. It is my attempt to capture the the day-to-day parade of passions, fears, loves, animals, plants, the confinement and the wide expanse of the landscape.
This is the rainy season on the plains, and mangoes are falling from the trees. Sarai and I continue to work together to make sense of this time of danger and confinement, but also connection and possibility.


thenation--2020-07-20--Baseball’s Stadium Workers Are Getting Peanuts From the Billionaire Owners

Major League Baseball has imposed a Covid-shortened 60 -game season on the ballplayers after months of haggling over salaries and health provisions .
Meanwhile , Jackie Walker worries about her future .
“ I ’ m appalled about how the Nationals have treated us , ” Walker said , referring to Washington , D.C. ’ s World Series–winning team that she has worked for since 2011 .
Walker , a catering cook at Nationals Park , who is a diabetic and has heart problems , lost her health insurance in mid-March after Major League Baseball ( MLB ) delayed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ result of the health pandemic .
She is one of the roughly 24,000 food service workers who sell beer , peanuts , and hot dogs and staff the luxury suites at the 30 MLB stadiums throughout the country .
When baseball shut down in March , these workers—along with another approximately 15,000 workers who help park cars , clean the stadiums , sell caps and T-shirts , show fans to their seats , and provide security—lost their jobs .
Many of those who were lucky enough to have health insurance—and many did not—lost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are playing again and being paid a pro-rated salary , but the stadium workers have been left in the lurch .
Fans have been banned from stadiums , so there will be no need for most of the workers who normally staff the games .
“ I ’ m in serious debt , ” Walker explained .
“ My bills are piling up .
I ran out of my medicine for diabetes and a heart problem.
” Walker ’ s church members helped her out with some one-time donations , but she ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health insurance , she had no co-payments for the 11 pills and two insulin shots she needs each day for her diabetes and heart condition .
She can ’ t afford the roughly $ 2,000 a month she estimates it would cost for those same medications over the counter .
She gets $ 268 a week in unemployment insurance , “ but that ’ s not enough to pay the rent ” of $ 1,550 a month .
“ I ’ m behind on my rent .
My landlord is allowing me to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve been a faithful tenant , but I ’ m $ 5,000 behind in my rent and I ’ m worried I might get evicted.
” Soon after the season was postponed when Covid-19 erupted , MLB Commissioner Rob Manfred and the team owners announced to much fanfare that each club would pony up $ 1 million to help the ballpark employees .
But most of the teams claimed that they had no obligation to help the food service workers—who are the majority of stadium employees—because they don ’ t work directly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ food subcontractors .
“ We didn ’ t get a dime of that money , ” Walker said angrily .
When Heidi Hashem , who has worked at Fenway Park , home of the Boston Red Sox , for 30 years , was laid off , neither the team nor Aramark—her immediate employer—provided any relief .
“ We were upset because we didn ’ t feel part of the Fenway family , ” she said .
After Boston Unite HERE Local 26 mounted a petition and publicity campaign to pressure the Red Sox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ food workers the union represents , the team added $ 500,000 to its million-dollar commitment .
That translated into a one-time $ 500 payment for Hashem and about 1,000 of her fellow workers .
The money came directly from the Red Sox , not Aramark .
UNITE HERE , which represents the food and beverage employees at 21 of the 30 stadiums , waged similar efforts in other major league cities , and with similar results .
Most , but not all , teams provided the stadiums ’ blue-collar workers between $ 300 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than a week ’ s rent for most of them .
Since being laid off , Ashley Rose Harwood , who has worked at San Francisco Giants home games at Oracle Park since 2015 , has shifted from eating beans and rice to get by to a “ liquid ” diet .
“ It ’ s more cost-effective to buy fruits and vegetables and grains in bulk and then blend them to get the nutrients you need , ” Harwood says .
Harwood , who served food and drinks in the stadium ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to make people “ feel like superstars.
” Her direct employer , Bon Appetit , provided no relief .
The Giants sent her a $ 500 check .
Deedee Reed lives six blocks from Dodger Stadium in Chavez Ravine , an area that was cleared of its remaining Latino residents to make way for the stadium in the 1950s .
She ’ s worked at the ballpark since 1991 , when she was 18 , and has been the manager of one of the stadium bars for several years .
“ I love @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I love my coworkers .
I love the fans , ” she said .
A shop steward for her union , Unite HERE Local 11 , Reed earns $ 20.69 an hour and last year took home about $ 15,000 for the season , working the 81 home games at Dodger Stadium .
She also earned a little more than that amount working at Staples Center , home of four professional sports franchises—the NBA ’ s Los Angeles Lakers and Los Angeles Clippers , the NHL ’ s Los Angeles Kings , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sparks—each of which have canceled their seasons , too .
Like her 1,700 Dodger Stadium food service colleagues , Reed is employed by Levy , a division of Compass .
After UNITE HERE circulated a petition and got some local media coverage for their plight , the Dodgers donated $ 350 to each food service worker .
This was half as much as the workers employed directly by the Dodgers , who received $ 700 .
“ The fact that they think that $ 350 is enough is a slap in the face @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worst part is , we had to apply for it .
We had to go online .
They sent us an electronic check , but if we wanted to have it deposited in our checking accounts , they charged us $ 20.
” “ I can ’ t understand how people can be so greedy , ” Reed said .
“ We were treated like stepchildren .
I ’ d like to see the owners of the Dodgers live one day in my shoes.
” For many years Reed , who is divorced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clerk/typist and worked at Dodger Stadium at night .
After she was laid off from her office job , she began driving for Uber , but grew weary of working until four in the morning .
When times got tough , she and her two children moved in with her parents .
Now she lives with her brother and children , all of whom work at Dodger Stadium .
Reed said that she ’ s “ stressed ” that her government unemployment checks ( $ 394 every two weeks ) will stop coming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-19 fund will end as well .
“ We don ’ t know how long that will last .
That ’ s what ’ s scaring us , ” she said .
“ I ’ m worried about paying rent , I ’ m worried about bills , about food , about car payments.
” After September , Reed will be without health insurance .
Levy agreed to pay into the union ’ s health insurance fund for its Dodger Stadium employees until September .
After that , though , Reed will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I both have medical conditions and we ’ re worried about our health insurance.
” Thanks to the union , Erika Monter , who worked as a prep cook at Angeles Stadium in Anaheim for six years , earned $ 15.85 an hour , higher than the state ’ s $ 13 minimum .
In the off-season she found similar jobs in restaurants and cafeterias .
With three children at home—a 9-year-old son , a 13-year-old son , and an 18-year-old daughter , who is in college—she was frustrated that she couldn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most Angels games are at night .
She and her husband—who paints cars but is now out of work—pay $ 2,800 a month in rent .
She ’ s been jobless since March and receives health coverage through Medical , the California state system that serves low-income residents .
Her children were able to keep getting lunch from school , but now that the school year has ended , she ’ s spending more on meals .
“ Kids eat a lot more when they ’ re at home .
I have to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dinner now .
And since the pandemic hit , all the stores have raised their prices .
I look for the cheapest food.
” Since the Angels laid her off , Monter has relied on food banks to help feed her family .
So far she ’ s been able to pay the rent , but she knows at least one former Angels Stadium worker who is living in her car and knows about others who are also homeless .
Angels spokesperson Marie Garvey said that the team “ tried to help as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was put on hold .
But all Monter received was a one-time check for $ 350 .
“ If I saw Mr. Moreno the first thing I ’ d say is , ‘ Be more human .
We ’ re the workers who make you as rich as you are , ’ ” she said , referring to Arte Moreno , the team ’ s owner .
Moreno purchased the Angels from the Walt Disney Company for $ 180 million in 2003 .
The team is now worth $ 1.97 billion .
Adjusting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 680 percent increase .
Moreno ’ s personal net worth is $ 3.4 billion .
Bill DeWitt Jr. , owner of the St. Louis Cardinals , recently told a St. Louis sports radio program that the baseball industry “ Isn ’ t very profitable , to be quite honest.
” DeWitt purchased the team in 1996 for $ 150 million .
It is now valued at $ 2.2 billion .
DeWitt is personally worth $ 4 billion .
In fact , 22 of the 30 owners of MLB teams are billionaires .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , has a net worth of $ 400 million .
The richest , the Toronto Blue Jays ’ Edward Rogers , is worth $ 11.5 billion .
Most of the team owners inherited their wealth from their families , primarily through real estate and banking .
Owning an MLB team has become increasingly lucrative .
The average value of an MLB team increased from $ 811 million to $ 1.8 billion in the past six years .
Last year , team values ranged from $ 1 billion for the Miami Marlins to $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , according to Forbes .
The Dodgers , Red Sox , Giants , and Cubs are each worth over $ 3 billion .
Real estate developer Ted Lerner purchased the Washington Nationals in 2006 for $ 450 million .
Today the team , now run by his son Mark , is worth $ 1.9 billion .
Since John Henry and Thomas Werner bought the Red Sox in 2002 for $ 380 million , they ’ ve seen the team ’ s value skyrocket to $ 3.3 billion .
Mark Walter and his co-owners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2.15 billion in 2012 ; now the team is valued at $ 3.4 billion .
Charles Johnson purchased the San Francisco Giants in 1993 for $ 100 million .
Today the team is worth $ 3.1 billion , and Johnson ’ s personal wealth is $ 4.3 billion .
Over the last four years , team revenues have grown by 15 percent , while players ’ salaries increased by only 1 percent during that period .
All 30 teams belong to the entity called Major League Baseball , and while they cooperate on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ schedules , the rules , distribution of television revenues , and the negotiations with the players union—they fend for themselves on almost everything else , including stadium employees .
There ’ s no system-wide union contract , minimum wage or pay schedule , or benefits package for the roughly 24,000 food service workers and 15,000 other stadium employees .
Instead , each team subcontracts out most of the stadium work and decides which company to hire to provide the workers that make the stadiums run smoothly .
Although UNITE HERE represents the food @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the union contracts with the different firms—Compass , Delaware North , Sodexo , Legends Hospitality , and Aramark—vary widely .
The workers at Dodger Stadium have one of the best contracts , according to union officials .
LA ’ s municipal minimum wage—which increased from $ 14.25 to $ 15 an hour on July 1—puts a floor on what Dodger Stadium employees earn , but their union contract guarantees a higher wage .
The typical Dodger Stadium food worker earns about $ 17.39 per hour and is paid for a minimum of eight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a stadium employee who works all 81 home games earns just $ 11,268.72 for the baseball season .
In other cities , stadium employees earn less per hour and often get paid for only five or six hours a game .
Not surprisingly , most workers at the 30 ballparks have second or third jobs during and after the baseball season .
Some get similar jobs at other sports arenas and convention centers , while others find other work .
Even piecing together two or three jobs , most of them can barely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at some ballparks pay for workers ’ health insurance during the baseball season , but workers doing the exact same job in other stadiums have health care options that are so meager they are forced to find health insurance on their own .
Only seven food workers at Boston ’ s Fenway Park have utilized the health care plan offered by the contractor Aramark , while close to 400 in San Francisco enrolled in the plan negotiated by UNITE HERE Local 2 with food contractor Bon Appétit .
Food service workers at the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Appétit , a division of Compass .
Employees who work at least 10 events a month received full health insurance for the next two months , but neither Compass nor the Giants committed to maintain that coverage once the games were halted .
The UNITE HERE local in San Francisco is using its reserve funds from its health care trust fund to cover health insurance for its members through October .
“ Concession workers are not employed by the club nor do they receive healthcare benefits through us , ” Zineb Curran , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Boston Red Sox , commented via e-mail .
“ We fully understand that the disbursement [ $ 500 ] in no way compensates for their loss.
” The 39,000 stadium workers are in no better or worse shape than the tens of millions of other low-wage workers who were thrown overboard by the failing ship called American capitalism .
The only difference is that they work for an industry that is one of the most visible in the US economy , that the teams they work for are among the most profitable corporations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ owners who control those companies are among the wealthiest individuals in the nation .
Corporate baseball ’ s treatment of those who work in its stadiums reflects the precarious conditions of low-wage work in America .
In most European countries , where people are covered by universal health insurance that is not tied to their job , governments have also subsidized workers up to 80 percent of wages and salaries lost due to Covid-19 .
In Canada , where ballpark workers for the Toronto Blue Jays have also lost their jobs , employees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , part of Canada ’ s national health care system .
It ’ s one of the reasons Anand Singh , president of the UNITE HERE local in San Francisco , supports Medicare for All .
Like many other Major League teams , the Dodgers issued a statement condemning the murder of George Floyd , turned on the Dodger stadium lights for eight minutes and 46 seconds to commemorate his killing , and produced Dodger Blue T-shirts with the slogan “ In This Together ” printed on the front .
Most Dodger Stadium @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
For Deedee Reed , who is Latina , such statements don ’ t help them pay the rent .
What can team owners do beyond mere gestures of support for George Floyd and gauzy corporate messaging ?
The team ’ s “ pronouncements about racial justice should start at home , ” UNITE HERE International President D. Taylor said recently .
Every team can make a commitment—as the NBA did when its season abruptly ended ( although not every team lived up to that commitment ) —to pay their permanent and contract @ @ @ @ @ @ @ season , even if the teams play in empty stadiums without fans and with few stadium workers .
It would cost MLB about $ 175 million to compensate the 24,000 food service workers for the income they will lose by not being able to work the 81 games they would have worked if the Trump administration hadn ’ t mishandled the Covid-19 crisis .
Add to that another $ 110 million to cover the 15,000 other stadium employees .
The 30 MLB teams are worth over $ 55 billion .
The 30 principal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 78 billion .
During a period when many American leaders are calling for “ shared sacrifice , ” for these sports moguls to spend $ 285 million to help their employees avoid hunger , eviction , and illness doesn ’ t seem like much to ask .
The teams and their stadium subcontractors should also make sure that employee ’ s health benefits are covered through the end of the year .
While owners will claim that it is the subcontractor who legally employs and negotiates with the stadium workers unions , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the teams .
“ The Giants , ” Local 2 President Singh observed referring to the San Francisco team , “ are the ones who have the power to make a difference here.
” Such a bold move would not be unprecedented .
In 1955 , the United Auto Workers , led by Walter Reuther , extracted from Ford Motor Company a supplemental unemployment benefits program that kicked in during economic downturns or company retooling of the factories .
It was the outgrowth of Reuther ’ s campaign for a guaranteed annual wage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laid off can earn up to 95 percent of their annual wage for a year when auto company and state unemployment benefits are combined .
Until we develop a more social-democratic national unemployment system that does away with the devastating impact of economic cycles on poor and working-class people , wealthy corporations who have monopoly power—as the “ Big Three ” auto makers had in the 1950s and MLB has today—should foot the bill .
When stadium workers return to the ballparks next spring , it should not be business as usual .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ office imposes national standards for drafting , paying , and maintaining the ballplayers on the field , the same principle should apply for stadium workers , regardless of which contractor pays their salaries .
In the lingo of labor-management relations , that ’ s called “ sectoral ” collective bargaining , something that is widespread in Europe ’ s social democracies .
Professional ball clubs have been transformed from family-owned businesses into entertainment and real estate mega-corporations that happen to have baseball teams as their anchor tenants and ballplayers as their high-profile employees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ business partner with George W. Bush who also owns the investment firm Reynolds , DeWitt & Co. , which owns Arby ’ s franchises—is now developing a $ 260 million “ Ballpark Village ” next to Busch Stadium that includes new high-end hotels , restaurants , and retail and office space .
He can afford to pay the hot dog vendors a living wage .
The Los Angeles Angels are doing the same .
In December , the city of Anaheim sold Angels owner Arte Moreno a 150-acre site for $ 325 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ village ” of luxury housing , office space , restaurants , and entertainment venues next to Angels Stadium .
Just as corporations like General Motors and Nike have outsourced core business functions offshore to save on labor and production costs , professional baseball corporations have done the same with their employees to absolve themselves of labor and employment responsibilities .
( All MLB baseballs , for example , are made in a Costa Rican sweatshop co-owned by MLB and Rawlings . )
The logic of hedge fund and private equity investment firms , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by squeezing employees , sits at the center of MLB ’ s business operations .
If Major League Baseball and the individual team owners are serious about ending systemic racism and helping people of color , they can begin by making sure that the workers who sell the hot dogs , beer , and peanuts at their stadiums can provide for themselves and their families .
The time for charity is over .
It ’ s now time for justice .

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Major League Baseball has imposed a Covid-shortened 60 -game season on the ballplayers after months of haggling over salaries and health provisions. Meanwhile, Jackie Walker worries about her future.
“I’m appalled about how the Nationals have treated us,” Walker said, referring to Washington, D.C.’s World Series–winning team that she has worked for since 2011. Walker, a catering cook at Nationals Park, who is a diabetic and has heart problems, lost her health insurance in mid-March after Major League Baseball (MLB) delayed the start of the regular season as a result of the health pandemic.
She is one of the roughly 24,000 food service workers who sell beer, peanuts, and hot dogs and staff the luxury suites at the 30 MLB stadiums throughout the country.
When baseball shut down in March, these workers—along with another approximately 15,000 workers who help park cars, clean the stadiums, sell caps and T-shirts, show fans to their seats, and provide security—lost their jobs. Many of those who were lucky enough to have health insurance—and many did not—lost that as well.
Major league players are playing again and being paid a pro-rated salary, but the stadium workers have been left in the lurch. Fans have been banned from stadiums, so there will be no need for most of the workers who normally staff the games.
“I’m in serious debt,” Walker explained. “My bills are piling up. I ran out of my medicine for diabetes and a heart problem.”
Walker’s church members helped her out with some one-time donations, but she’s still worried. When she had health insurance, she had no co-payments for the 11 pills and two insulin shots she needs each day for her diabetes and heart condition. She can’t afford the roughly $2,000 a month she estimates it would cost for those same medications over the counter. Current Issue View our current issue
She gets $268 a week in unemployment insurance, “but that’s not enough to pay the rent” of $1,550 a month. “I’m behind on my rent. My landlord is allowing me to pay $200 a week because I’ve been a faithful tenant, but I’m $5,000 behind in my rent and I’m worried I might get evicted.”
Soon after the season was postponed when Covid-19 erupted, MLB Commissioner Rob Manfred and the team owners announced to much fanfare that each club would pony up $1 million to help the ballpark employees. But most of the teams claimed that they had no obligation to help the food service workers—who are the majority of stadium employees—because they don’t work directly for the teams but are employed by food subcontractors.
“We didn’t get a dime of that money,” Walker said angrily.
When Heidi Hashem, who has worked at Fenway Park, home of the Boston Red Sox, for 30 years, was laid off, neither the team nor Aramark—her immediate employer—provided any relief. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
“We were upset because we didn’t feel part of the Fenway family,” she said.
After Boston Unite HERE Local 26 mounted a petition and publicity campaign to pressure the Red Sox to allocate funds to the Fenway Park food workers the union represents, the team added $500,000 to its million-dollar commitment. That translated into a one-time $500 payment for Hashem and about 1,000 of her fellow workers. The money came directly from the Red Sox, not Aramark.
UNITE HERE, which represents the food and beverage employees at 21 of the 30 stadiums, waged similar efforts in other major league cities, and with similar results. Most, but not all, teams provided the stadiums’ blue-collar workers between $300 and $600 one-time checks, less than a week’s rent for most of them.
Since being laid off, Ashley Rose Harwood, who has worked at San Francisco Giants home games at Oracle Park since 2015, has shifted from eating beans and rice to get by to a “liquid” diet.
“It’s more cost-effective to buy fruits and vegetables and grains in bulk and then blend them to get the nutrients you need,” Harwood says. Harwood, who served food and drinks in the stadium’s luxury suites, says she tried to make people “feel like superstars.”
Her direct employer, Bon Appetit, provided no relief. The Giants sent her a $500 check.
Deedee Reed lives six blocks from Dodger Stadium in Chavez Ravine, an area that was cleared of its remaining Latino residents to make way for the stadium in the 1950s. She’s worked at the ballpark since 1991, when she was 18, and has been the manager of one of the stadium bars for several years.
“I love my job. I love the atmosphere. I love my coworkers. I love the fans,” she said.
A shop steward for her union, Unite HERE Local 11, Reed earns $20.69 an hour and last year took home about $15,000 for the season, working the 81 home games at Dodger Stadium. She also earned a little more than that amount working at Staples Center, home of four professional sports franchises—the NBA’s Los Angeles Lakers and Los Angeles Clippers, the NHL’s Los Angeles Kings, and the WNBA’s Los Angeles Sparks—each of which have canceled their seasons, too.
Like her 1,700 Dodger Stadium food service colleagues, Reed is employed by Levy, a division of Compass. After UNITE HERE circulated a petition and got some local media coverage for their plight, the Dodgers donated $350 to each food service worker. This was half as much as the workers employed directly by the Dodgers, who received $700.
“The fact that they think that $350 is enough is a slap in the face,” Reed said. “The worst part is, we had to apply for it. We had to go online. They sent us an electronic check, but if we wanted to have it deposited in our checking accounts, they charged us $20.”
“I can’t understand how people can be so greedy,” Reed said. “We were treated like stepchildren. I’d like to see the owners of the Dodgers live one day in my shoes.”
For many years Reed, who is divorced, had a full-time job as a clerk/typist and worked at Dodger Stadium at night. After she was laid off from her office job, she began driving for Uber, but grew weary of working until four in the morning. When times got tough, she and her two children moved in with her parents. Now she lives with her brother and children, all of whom work at Dodger Stadium.
Reed said that she’s “stressed” that her government unemployment checks ($394 every two weeks) will stop coming and the supplemental help from the federal Covid-19 fund will end as well.
“We don’t know how long that will last. That’s what’s scaring us,” she said. “I’m worried about paying rent, I’m worried about bills, about food, about car payments.” After September, Reed will be without health insurance.
Levy agreed to pay into the union’s health insurance fund for its Dodger Stadium employees until September. After that, though, Reed will be without coverage.
“My daughter and I both have medical conditions and we’re worried about our health insurance.”
Thanks to the union, Erika Monter, who worked as a prep cook at Angels Stadium in Anaheim for six years, earned $15.85 an hour, higher than the state’s $13 minimum. In the off-season she found similar jobs in restaurants and cafeterias. With three children at home—a 9-year-old son, a 13-year-old son, and an 18-year-old daughter, who is in college—she was frustrated that she couldn’t be with them after school because most Angels games are at night.
She and her husband—who paints cars but is now out of work—pay $2,800 a month in rent. She’s been jobless since March and receives health coverage through Medical, the California state system that serves low-income residents. Her children were able to keep getting lunch from school, but now that the school year has ended, she’s spending more on meals.
“Kids eat a lot more when they’re at home. I have to feed them breakfast, lunch, and dinner now. And since the pandemic hit, all the stores have raised their prices. I look for the cheapest food.”
Since the Angels laid her off, Monter has relied on food banks to help feed her family. So far she’s been able to pay the rent, but she knows at least one former Angels Stadium worker who is living in her car and knows about others who are also homeless.
Angels spokesperson Marie Garvey said that the team “tried to help as best we can” after the season was put on hold. But all Monter received was a one-time check for $350.
“If I saw Mr. Moreno the first thing I’d say is, ‘Be more human. We’re the workers who make you as rich as you are,’” she said, referring to Arte Moreno, the team’s owner.
Moreno purchased the Angels from the Walt Disney Company for $180 million in 2003. The team is now worth $1.97 billion. Adjusting for inflation, that’s a 680 percent increase. Moreno’s personal net worth is $3.4 billion.
Bill DeWitt Jr., owner of the St. Louis Cardinals, recently told a St. Louis sports radio program that the baseball industry “Isn’t very profitable, to be quite honest.” DeWitt purchased the team in 1996 for $150 million. It is now valued at $2.2 billion. DeWitt is personally worth $4 billion.
In fact, 22 of the 30 owners of MLB teams are billionaires. The poorest, Cincinnati Reds owner Bob Castellini, has a net worth of $400 million. The richest, the Toronto Blue Jays’ Edward Rogers, is worth $11.5 billion. Most of the team owners inherited their wealth from their families, primarily through real estate and banking.
Owning an MLB team has become increasingly lucrative. The average value of an MLB team increased from $811 million to $1.8 billion in the past six years. Last year, team values ranged from $1 billion for the Miami Marlins to $4.6 billion for the New York Yankees, according to Forbes. The Dodgers, Red Sox, Giants, and Cubs are each worth over $3 billion.
Real estate developer Ted Lerner purchased the Washington Nationals in 2006 for $450 million. Today the team, now run by his son Mark, is worth $1.9 billion. Since John Henry and Thomas Werner bought the Red Sox in 2002 for $380 million, they’ve seen the team’s value skyrocket to $3.3 billion. Mark Walter and his co-owners purchased the Los Angeles Dodgers for $2.15 billion in 2012; now the team is valued at $3.4 billion. Charles Johnson purchased the San Francisco Giants in 1993 for $100 million. Today the team is worth $3.1 billion, and Johnson’s personal wealth is $4.3 billion.
Over the last four years, team revenues have grown by 15 percent, while players’ salaries increased by only 1 percent during that period.
All 30 teams belong to the entity called Major League Baseball, and while they cooperate on various aspects of the sport—including the league schedules, the rules, distribution of television revenues, and the negotiations with the players union—they fend for themselves on almost everything else, including stadium employees.
There’s no system-wide union contract, minimum wage or pay schedule, or benefits package for the roughly 24,000 food service workers and 15,000 other stadium employees. Instead, each team subcontracts out most of the stadium work and decides which company to hire to provide the workers that make the stadiums run smoothly.
Although UNITE HERE represents the food and beverage employees at 21 stadiums, the union contracts with the different firms—Compass, Delaware North, Sodexo, Legends Hospitality, and Aramark—vary widely.
The workers at Dodger Stadium have one of the best contracts, according to union officials. LA’s municipal minimum wage—which increased from $14.25 to $15 an hour on July 1—puts a floor on what Dodger Stadium employees earn, but their union contract guarantees a higher wage. The typical Dodger Stadium food worker earns about $17.39 per hour and is paid for a minimum of eight hours a shift. Even so, a stadium employee who works all 81 home games earns just $11,268.72 for the baseball season.
In other cities, stadium employees earn less per hour and often get paid for only five or six hours a game. Not surprisingly, most workers at the 30 ballparks have second or third jobs during and after the baseball season. Some get similar jobs at other sports arenas and convention centers, while others find other work. Even piecing together two or three jobs, most of them can barely make ends meet.
Food service contractors at some ballparks pay for workers’ health insurance during the baseball season, but workers doing the exact same job in other stadiums have health care options that are so meager they are forced to find health insurance on their own. Only seven food workers at Boston’s Fenway Park have utilized the health care plan offered by the contractor Aramark, while close to 400 in San Francisco enrolled in the plan negotiated by UNITE HERE Local 2 with food contractor Bon Appétit.
Food service workers at the Giants’ Oracle Park work for Bon Appétit, a division of Compass. Employees who work at least 10 events a month received full health insurance for the next two months, but neither Compass nor the Giants committed to maintain that coverage once the games were halted. The UNITE HERE local in San Francisco is using its reserve funds from its health care trust fund to cover health insurance for its members through October.
“Concession workers are not employed by the club nor do they receive healthcare benefits through us,” Zineb Curran, vice president of Corporate Communications for the Boston Red Sox, commented via e-mail. “We fully understand that the disbursement [$500] in no way compensates for their loss.”
The 39,000 stadium workers are in no better or worse shape than the tens of millions of other low-wage workers who were thrown overboard by the failing ship called American capitalism. The only difference is that they work for an industry that is one of the most visible in the US economy, that the teams they work for are among the most profitable corporations in the country, and that the owners who control those companies are among the wealthiest individuals in the nation.
Corporate baseball’s treatment of those who work in its stadiums reflects the precarious conditions of low-wage work in America.
In most European countries, where people are covered by universal health insurance that is not tied to their job, governments have also subsidized workers up to 80 percent of wages and salaries lost due to Covid-19. In Canada, where ballpark workers for the Toronto Blue Jays have also lost their jobs, employees are covered by provincial health care plans, part of Canada’s national health care system. It’s one of the reasons Anand Singh, president of the UNITE HERE local in San Francisco, supports Medicare for All.
Like many other Major League teams, the Dodgers issued a statement condemning the murder of George Floyd, turned on the Dodger stadium lights for eight minutes and 46 seconds to commemorate his killing, and produced Dodger Blue T-shirts with the slogan “In This Together” printed on the front. Most Dodger Stadium food service workers are people of color. For Deedee Reed, who is Latina, such statements don’t help them pay the rent.
What can team owners do beyond mere gestures of support for George Floyd and gauzy corporate messaging? The team’s “pronouncements about racial justice should start at home,” UNITE HERE International President D. Taylor said recently.
Every team can make a commitment—as the NBA did when its season abruptly ended (although not every team lived up to that commitment)—to pay their permanent and contract employees their full wages for the entire season, even if the teams play in empty stadiums without fans and with few stadium workers. It would cost MLB about $175 million to compensate the 24,000 food service workers for the income they will lose by not being able to work the 81 games they would have worked if the Trump administration hadn’t mishandled the Covid-19 crisis. Add to that another $110 million to cover the 15,000 other stadium employees.
The 30 MLB teams are worth over $55 billion. The 30 principal owners of those teams are worth $78 billion. During a period when many American leaders are calling for “shared sacrifice,” for these sports moguls to spend $285 million to help their employees avoid hunger, eviction, and illness doesn’t seem like much to ask.
The teams and their stadium subcontractors should also make sure that employee’s health benefits are covered through the end of the year. While owners will claim that it is the subcontractor who legally employs and negotiates with the stadium workers unions, the real power in the arrangement is with the teams. “The Giants,” Local 2 President Singh observed referring to the San Francisco team, “are the ones who have the power to make a difference here.”
Such a bold move would not be unprecedented. In 1955, the United Auto Workers, led by Walter Reuther, extracted from Ford Motor Company a supplemental unemployment benefits program that kicked in during economic downturns or company retooling of the factories. It was the outgrowth of Reuther’s campaign for a guaranteed annual wage. Today, auto workers who are laid off can earn up to 95 percent of their annual wage for a year when auto company and state unemployment benefits are combined.
Until we develop a more social-democratic national unemployment system that does away with the devastating impact of economic cycles on poor and working-class people, wealthy corporations who have monopoly power—as the “Big Three” auto makers had in the 1950s and MLB has today—should foot the bill.
When stadium workers return to the ballparks next spring, it should not be business as usual. Just as the MLB commissioner’s office imposes national standards for drafting, paying, and maintaining the ballplayers on the field, the same principle should apply for stadium workers, regardless of which contractor pays their salaries. In the lingo of labor-management relations, that’s called “sectoral” collective bargaining, something that is widespread in Europe’s social democracies.
Professional ball clubs have been transformed from family-owned businesses into entertainment and real estate mega-corporations that happen to have baseball teams as their anchor tenants and ballplayers as their high-profile employees.
St. Louis Cardinals owner Dewitt—a former business partner with George W. Bush who also owns the investment firm Reynolds, DeWitt & Co., which owns Arby’s franchises—is now developing a $260 million “Ballpark Village” next to Busch Stadium that includes new high-end hotels, restaurants, and retail and office space. He can afford to pay the hot dog vendors a living wage.
The Los Angeles Angels are doing the same. In December, the city of Anaheim sold Angels owner Arte Moreno a 150-acre site for $325 million so he can construct an “urban village” of luxury housing, office space, restaurants, and entertainment venues next to Angels Stadium.
Just as corporations like General Motors and Nike have outsourced core business functions offshore to save on labor and production costs, professional baseball corporations have done the same with their employees to absolve themselves of labor and employment responsibilities. (All MLB baseballs, for example, are made in a Costa Rican sweatshop co-owned by MLB and Rawlings.) The logic of hedge fund and private equity investment firms, the compulsion to “unlock value” by squeezing employees, sits at the center of MLB’s business operations.
If Major League Baseball and the individual team owners are serious about ending systemic racism and helping people of color, they can begin by making sure that the workers who sell the hot dogs, beer, and peanuts at their stadiums can provide for themselves and their families. The time for charity is over. It’s now time for justice.


thenation--2020-07-20--Michael Bennett Thinks the NFL Is Starting to Wake Up

Michael Bennett is a multi-time NFL pro-bowler and Super Bowl champion .
He also was one of the first players in 2016 to protest racial inequity and police violence during the national anthem , after Colin Kaepernick .
Then , in 2018 , he cowrote ( along with Dave Zirin ) the New York Times best-seller Things that Make White People Uncomfortable .
Here , he gives his first extended interview since the protests began following the police killing of George Floyd .
This has been edited for length and clarity .
To listen to the entire interview , check @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sports podcast here.1 ave irin : What was your reaction when you first heard about the murder of George Floyd ?
3 ichael ennett : It was overwhelming .
What is it that makes people take life so freely ?
You feel so sad for his family .
All he wanted was to talk to his mama .
All he wanted was to see his family again , and still somebody wouldn ’ t allow that .
The fact is that life is given to us by God , and to see somebody @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s just hard to watch , especially since it ’ s constantly shown on TV .
This creates a sense of numbness .
It tingles down to your fingers and tingles down into your heart and to your spine .
You feel like you can ’ t feel anything because it ’ s just so , so deep.4 DZ : What about the marches in the street ?
We now recognize that this has been the biggest social movement in terms of sheer numbers in the history of the United States.5 MB : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this world because of technology , but still , the number-one issue with the world is the discomfort and the pain that we all feel , just as human beings .
Technology hasn ’ t really solved that .
Things happen faster , but I think when you see everybody in the streets , it ’ s because they feel that the “ American dream ” doesn ’ t represent or include them .
It has never represented them in a way that they would have freedom.6 It ’ s a reminder that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
When you think that we ’ re flying to space , but there ’ s still people starving and that we ’ re building new buildings , but there ’ s still people with no clothes on .
There are still people dying from police violence .
There ’ s still a lack of nutrition .
There ’ s still a lack of education.7 All these different things that are happening because of the color of somebody ’ s skin , makes you understand why people are coming out into the streets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coming back to their senses of being connected to humanity again .
Have we put income over humanity ?
Have we put “ things ” over justice ?
We think about capitalism .
We think about colonialism .
We think about materialism .
These are all the three things that we ’ ve been stuck on for a long period of time .
I think we ’ re realizing that we ’ re really lost .
We ’ ve been out of touch with the importance of the human being , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ importance of being united .
I think that the racial injustice happening in this country is bringing people together in a way we haven ’ t seen in a long time.8 DZ : Has it surprised you to see the number of athletes who ’ ve involved themselves in the struggle directly , even marching in the streets ?
9 MB : I think it ’ s a little surprising , and it ’ s not surprising at the same time .
There ’ ve been athletes speaking out in the recent past @ @ @ @ @ @ @ today is a little surprising .
We ’ ve all been so attached to capitalism , and if anyone has suffered from that , it ’ s athletes because everything we do is from a capitalist mindset , from how we are first treated in the NCAA .
We get in there at college and you ’ re already in the business .
If you look at Texas football and the way that people treat high school players .
There ’ s this idea that their body is a part of this capitalism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It breaks us and slowly take us away from our dignity and our connection to our humanity and our people .
Athletes now are breaking away from that.10 DZ : You were talking about these issues back in 2016 .
You were sitting during the anthem then to raise awareness .
Do you feel vindicated by everything you are seeing ?
11 MB : Nah , I don ’ t feel vindicated .
I ’ ve been talking about this since I was a kid .
The people before me have talked about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Emmett Till .
It ’ s the history of lynchings and sundown towns .
It ’ s the amount of racial inequality and the racial disparities in America .
The perpetual cycle of being over-policed .
The perpetual cycle of race .
The perpetual cycle of being held down because of skin color.12 Because these issues keep happening , we have this obligation to our history and our humanity to act .
We also must act because of our connection to what ’ s happening in Palestine , the connection to Indigenous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s the connection to humanity and the intersectionality that leaves me vindicated , because when you stand on the right side of truth , then you don ’ t have to worry about darkness , because the light is on those issues .
One who stands underneath the light is vindicated , anyway it goes.13 DZ : How do you feel the NFL has handled this moment ?
14 MB : I think it ’ s hard to say that you believe in these issues when you still have owners supporting Donald @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is trying to find a common ground where they can find a balance of being a company and also being socially active .
The question is whether this is about propaganda or is it about changing the lives of other human beings .
I think the jury ’ s still out on that .
We think that we can throw money at it , but this is an issue where , if you throw money at it and we don ’ t really put our hands in the ground , then it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t have the real intention of changing society.15 Why Michael Bennett Walked Away From the NFL ’ s Israel Delegation I think if you look at Roger Goodell , he has kind of missed the point and missed the opportunity .
All his actions seem null and void when you look at the Colin Kaepernick situation .
We ’ re thinking , OK if this commitment to justice is true , then why doesn ’ t Colin Kaepernick have a job ?
That ’ s an important part of the equation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part to help change the policy and push the culture forward.16 DZ : One of the fruits of all this protest has been the announcement that the Washington football team will change its name .
What ’ s your reaction to that news that this really might happen ?
17 MB : I ’ ve been saying this for a long time .
This name change is an acknowledgement that there ’ s a privileged group of people in society who ’ ve been able to use racial slurs for profitability .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people , they ’ ve been overlooked when we talk about revealing the underprivileged of America .
The consciousness of their rights hasn ’ t been paid attention to .
As an intersectional resistance of people of color around the world , it ’ s important that we recognize the disenchantment there is with that logo and the importance of us coming together and really changing it .
I think the NFL is starting to see that the world is not going to accept blatant racism in the way that it used to.18 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They ’ re not exactly great when it comes to change .
What message do you have for the NFL fan base out there ?
19 MB : It ’ s not just our fans .
I think it ’ s important that all people around the world attempt to understand the suffering of the many and try and really grasp the unimaginable tensions that are going to happen if we don ’ t make change .
If we intend to hide , then eventually that mask that we keep carrying around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social conflict that keeps coming around is going to get bigger and bigger and bigger .
It ’ s going to create something that we all don ’ t want to have .
It ’ s important that if we don ’ t understand the suffering and injustice of the many , then we won ’ t have the armor of our morality .
We won ’ t have the armor of the connection of humanity .
Society will fall apart because we ’ ll be so disconnected and will be so unjust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day , there won ’ t be any more peace .
There won ’ t be any more rationality because , at the end of the day , everybody ’ s going to continue to fight.20 Is Dan Snyder Really Changing the Washington Team ’ s Name ?
I think there ’ s a point where we all have to stop being dishonest and come together and realize that if you break down our human DNA , our human philosophies , every human wants the same things .
But at some point , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like we don ’ t want that and create a caste system to keep us from achieving the goals that we see as fair .
The earth doesn ’ t need us .
The earth continues to grow .
The trees continue to grow .
If we kill ourselves off , then that ’ s going to be our own issue.21 DZ : That ’ s real talk right there .
Last question for you .
Just given everything that ’ s happened over the last several months , how do you think @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and all the work you ’ ve done over the last few years ?
22 MB : People shouldn ’ t assess us .
People should look at us as part of the whole .
We ’ re just all part of the society that I was talking about .
I think there ’ re so many truth-tellers that have been on this planet before us and put all that work into telling the stories of our history .
To realize that we are part of a movement , is to realize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
That ’ s just the normal thing that everybody should be doing on the planet , being part of change .
I think that ’ s why we ’ re seeing so many people in the streets , because everybody is being a part of the change .
We ’ re no different .
We ’ re not special in any kind of way .
We don ’ t have any superpowers .
All we have is a voice .
All we have is a connection to human dignity and the survival @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the survival of people who don ’ t have a voice.23

Michael Bennett is a multi-time NFL pro-bowler and Super Bowl champion. He also was one of the first players in 2016 to protest racial inequity and police violence during the national anthem, after Colin Kaepernick. Then, in 2018, he cowrote (along with Dave Zirin) the New York Times best-seller Things that Make White People Uncomfortable. Here, he gives his first extended interview since the protests began following the police killing of George Floyd. This has been edited for length and clarity. To listen to the entire interview, check out The Nation’s Edge of Sports podcast here.1
—Dave Zirin2
D ave Z irin: What was your reaction when you first heard about the murder of George Floyd?3
M ichael B ennett: It was overwhelming. What is it that makes people take life so freely? You feel so sad for his family. All he wanted was to talk to his mama. All he wanted was to see his family again, and still somebody wouldn’t allow that. The fact is that life is given to us by God, and to see somebody take it from somebody, it’s just hard to watch, especially since it’s constantly shown on TV. This creates a sense of numbness. It tingles down to your fingers and tingles down into your heart and to your spine. You feel like you can’t feel anything because it’s just so, so deep.4
DZ: What about the marches in the street? We now recognize that this has been the biggest social movement in terms of sheer numbers in the history of the United States.5
MB: We’ve come so far in this world because of technology, but still, the number-one issue with the world is the discomfort and the pain that we all feel, just as human beings. Technology hasn’t really solved that. Things happen faster, but I think when you see everybody in the streets, it’s because they feel that the “American dream” doesn’t represent or include them. It has never represented them in a way that they would have freedom.6
It’s a reminder that we have so much further to go. When you think that we’re flying to space, but there’s still people starving and that we’re building new buildings, but there’s still people with no clothes on. There are still people dying from police violence. There’s still a lack of nutrition. There’s still a lack of education.7 Current Issue View our current issue
All these different things that are happening because of the color of somebody’s skin, makes you understand why people are coming out into the streets. It’s because people are coming back to their senses of being connected to humanity again. Have we put income over humanity? Have we put “things” over justice? We think about capitalism. We think about colonialism. We think about materialism. These are all the three things that we’ve been stuck on for a long period of time. I think we’re realizing that we’re really lost. We’ve been out of touch with the importance of the human being, and the importance of bringing people together, the importance of being united. I think that the racial injustice happening in this country is bringing people together in a way we haven’t seen in a long time.8 Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
DZ: Has it surprised you to see the number of athletes who’ve involved themselves in the struggle directly, even marching in the streets?9
MB: I think it’s a little surprising, and it’s not surprising at the same time. There’ve been athletes speaking out in the recent past, but the number of athletes involved today is a little surprising. We’ve all been so attached to capitalism, and if anyone has suffered from that, it’s athletes because everything we do is from a capitalist mindset, from how we are first treated in the NCAA. We get in there at college and you’re already in the business. If you look at Texas football and the way that people treat high school players. There’s this idea that their body is a part of this capitalism. They’re almost subhuman. It breaks us and slowly take us away from our dignity and our connection to our humanity and our people. Athletes now are breaking away from that.10
DZ: You were talking about these issues back in 2016. You were sitting during the anthem then to raise awareness. Do you feel vindicated by everything you are seeing? 11
MB: Nah, I don’t feel vindicated. I’ve been talking about this since I was a kid. The people before me have talked about it. It’s the history of Emmett Till. It’s the history of lynchings and sundown towns. It’s the amount of racial inequality and the racial disparities in America. The perpetual cycle of being over-policed. The perpetual cycle of race. The perpetual cycle of being held down because of skin color.12
Because these issues keep happening, we have this obligation to our history and our humanity to act. We also must act because of our connection to what’s happening in Palestine, the connection to Indigenous people all around the world. It’s the connection to humanity and the intersectionality that leaves me vindicated, because when you stand on the right side of truth, then you don’t have to worry about darkness, because the light is on those issues. One who stands underneath the light is vindicated, anyway it goes.13
DZ: How do you feel the NFL has handled this moment?14
MB: I think it’s hard to say that you believe in these issues when you still have owners supporting Donald Trump. But I think the NFL is trying to find a common ground where they can find a balance of being a company and also being socially active. The question is whether this is about propaganda or is it about changing the lives of other human beings. I think the jury’s still out on that. We think that we can throw money at it, but this is an issue where, if you throw money at it and we don’t really put our hands in the ground, then it’s going to look like they didn’t have the real intention of changing society.15 Related Article Why Michael Bennett Walked Away From the NFL’s Israel Delegation Dave Zirin
I think if you look at Roger Goodell, he has kind of missed the point and missed the opportunity. All his actions seem null and void when you look at the Colin Kaepernick situation. We’re thinking, OK if this commitment to justice is true, then why doesn’t Colin Kaepernick have a job? That’s an important part of the equation, but also it’s an important part to help change the policy and push the culture forward.16
DZ: One of the fruits of all this protest has been the announcement that the Washington football team will change its name. What’s your reaction to that news that this really might happen?17
MB: I’ve been saying this for a long time. This name change is an acknowledgement that there’s a privileged group of people in society who’ve been able to use racial slurs for profitability. I think you look at the Native American people, they’ve been overlooked when we talk about revealing the underprivileged of America. The consciousness of their rights hasn’t been paid attention to. As an intersectional resistance of people of color around the world, it’s important that we recognize the disenchantment there is with that logo and the importance of us coming together and really changing it. I think the NFL is starting to see that the world is not going to accept blatant racism in the way that it used to.18
DZ: NFL fans are overwhelmingly white. They’re not exactly great when it comes to change. What message do you have for the NFL fan base out there?19
MB: It’s not just our fans. I think it’s important that all people around the world attempt to understand the suffering of the many and try and really grasp the unimaginable tensions that are going to happen if we don’t make change. If we intend to hide, then eventually that mask that we keep carrying around won’t be enough and this social conflict that keeps coming around is going to get bigger and bigger and bigger. It’s going to create something that we all don’t want to have. It’s important that if we don’t understand the suffering and injustice of the many, then we won’t have the armor of our morality. We won’t have the armor of the connection of humanity. Society will fall apart because we’ll be so disconnected and will be so unjust and, at the end of the day, there won’t be any more peace. There won’t be any more rationality because, at the end of the day, everybody’s going to continue to fight.20 More From Dave Zirin “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash August 15, 2023 Why the Right Wanted the USWNT to Lose August 10, 2023 Carli Lloyd’s Attacks on the USWNT Are Personal—and Political August 1, 2023
I think there’s a point where we all have to stop being dishonest and come together and realize that if you break down our human DNA, our human philosophies, every human wants the same things. But at some point, we tried to create deception to act like we don’t want that and create a caste system to keep us from achieving the goals that we see as fair. The earth doesn’t need us. The earth continues to grow. The trees continue to grow. If we kill ourselves off, then that’s going to be our own issue.21
DZ: That’s real talk right there. Last question for you. Just given everything that’s happened over the last several months, how do you think people should assess you, Colin Kaepernick, and all the work you’ve done over the last few years?22
MB: People shouldn’t assess us. People should look at us as part of the whole. We’re just all part of the society that I was talking about. I think there’re so many truth-tellers that have been on this planet before us and put all that work into telling the stories of our history. To realize that we are part of a movement, is to realize that we’re part of history. That’s just the normal thing that everybody should be doing on the planet, being part of change. I think that’s why we’re seeing so many people in the streets, because everybody is being a part of the change. We’re no different. We’re not special in any kind of way. We don’t have any superpowers. All we have is a voice. All we have is a connection to human dignity and the survival of people who look like us and the survival of people who don’t have a voice.23


thenation--2020-07-20--A House Bill Would Require Feds to Identify Themselves

Following a storm of controversy over arrests by federal agents in Portland , Ore. , New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Washington , D.C. , Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton will be introducing legislation this week that would require federal law enforcement officials to clearly identify themselves , according to a draft bill provided exclusively to The Nation .
The bill would require on-duty federal agents to display not just the name of their agency but also the individual agent ’ s last name and identification number .
It would also mandate a new form of oversight for the Justice Department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ routine audits to ensure compliance with the legislation .
The results of these audits would then be reported to Congress .
Last week , the Department of Homeland Security ( DHS ) drew scrutiny after federal agents in military fatigues used unmarked vehicles to arrest protesters in Portland .
Among these federal agents were members of elite Border Patrol Tactical Units ( BORTAC ) , Custom and Border Protection ’ s SWAT team equivalent .
Despite the mayor of Portland ’ s demand that federal agents leave the city , DHS Acting Secretary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DHS support to help them locally address the situation that ’ s going on in Portland , and their only response was : please pack up and go home , ” he said to Fox News .
“ That ’ s just not going to happen on my watch.
” The Border Patrol Was Responsible for an Arrest in Portland Internal CBP documents obtained by The Nation revealed that these federal agents would be operating indefinitely and in undisclosed locations , with drones “ on standby to assist as needed.
” The documents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Protecting American Communities Task Force in response to President Trump ’ s executive order “ Protecting American Monuments , Memorials , and Statues and Combating Recent Criminal Activity.
” While this incident was clearly a catalyst for public concern , a spokesperson for Representative Ocasio-Cortez said that her office had been working on this legislation for months .
Provided a copy of the draft legislation , Irvin McCullough , deputy director of legislation at the Government Accountability Project , said , “ Lots of lawyers are asking the same thing : Where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ security forces are apprehending American citizens , and accounts allege these apprehension processes are more similar to overseas renditions than traditional arrests .
Citizens deserve to know who ’ s arresting them—or at least what entity—to report any abuses they suffer or witness.
” Department of Homeland Security subdivisions have sought increasing secrecy in recent months .
Earlier this year , The Nation reported that both Customs and Border Protection ( CBP ) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement ( ICE ) quietly acquired a special designation that would allow them to withhold employees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ designation , which applies to all ICE and CBP employees and field agents , shields from disclosure not just their names but also job titles and salary information—typically publicly available for government employees .
While McCullough acknowledged some concerns about the need for certain narrow exceptions for necessary undercover operations , he praised the legislation as “ a step forward to secure transparency and seek accountability .
”

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Following a storm of controversy over arrests by federal agents in Portland, Ore., New York Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Washington, D.C., Delegate Eleanor Holmes Norton will be introducing legislation this week that would require federal law enforcement officials to clearly identify themselves, according to a draft bill provided exclusively to The Nation.
The bill would require on-duty federal agents to display not just the name of their agency but also the individual agent’s last name and identification number. It would also mandate a new form of oversight for the Justice Department, requiring its inspector general to conduct routine audits to ensure compliance with the legislation. The results of these audits would then be reported to Congress.
Last week, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) drew scrutiny after federal agents in military fatigues used unmarked vehicles to arrest protesters in Portland. Among these federal agents were members of elite Border Patrol Tactical Units (BORTAC), Custom and Border Protection’s SWAT team equivalent. Despite the mayor of Portland’s demand that federal agents leave the city, DHS Acting Secretary Chad Wolf refused.
“I offered DHS support to help them locally address the situation that’s going on in Portland, and their only response was: please pack up and go home,” he said to Fox News. “That’s just not going to happen on my watch.” Disappearances The Border Patrol Was Responsible for an Arrest in Portland Ken Klippenstein
Internal CBP documents obtained by The Nation revealed that these federal agents would be operating indefinitely and in undisclosed locations, with drones “on standby to assist as needed.” The documents describe the DHS’s creation of the Protecting American Communities Task Force in response to President Trump’s executive order “Protecting American Monuments, Memorials, and Statues and Combating Recent Criminal Activity.”
While this incident was clearly a catalyst for public concern, a spokesperson for Representative Ocasio-Cortez said that her office had been working on this legislation for months.
Provided a copy of the draft legislation, Irvin McCullough, deputy director of legislation at the Government Accountability Project, said, “Lots of lawyers are asking the same thing: Where’s the transparency? Unidentified internal security forces are apprehending American citizens, and accounts allege these apprehension processes are more similar to overseas renditions than traditional arrests. Citizens deserve to know who’s arresting them—or at least what entity—to report any abuses they suffer or witness.” Current Issue View our current issue
Department of Homeland Security subdivisions have sought increasing secrecy in recent months. Earlier this year, The Nation reported that both Customs and Border Protection (CBP) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) quietly acquired a special designation that would allow them to withhold employees’ names from public disclosure. This designation, which applies to all ICE and CBP employees and field agents, shields from disclosure not just their names but also job titles and salary information—typically publicly available for government employees.
While McCullough acknowledged some concerns about the need for certain narrow exceptions for necessary undercover operations, he praised the legislation as “a step forward to secure transparency and seek accountability.”
N


thenation--2020-07-20--Trump Has Destroyed the Fauci Protocol

Trump Has Destroyed the Fauci Protocol

Nobody has ever played the game of insider/outsider politics quite the way Dr. Anthony Fauci did with his public foe and private friend Larry Kramer , the late playwright and cofounder of ACT UP .
In 1988 , Kramer wrote an open letter , published in the San Francisco Examiner , which started with a bang : “ Anthony Fauci , you are a murderer and should not be the guest of honor at any event that reflects on the past decade of the AIDS crisis .
Your refusal to hear the screams of AIDS activists early in the crisis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Queers.
” Fauci was the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases ( NIAID ) , a post he took in 1984 and holds to this day .
This made him the public face of the Reagan administration ’ s shameful AIDS policy , a refusal to take any action commensurate with the scale of the epidemic , born of a mixture of homophobia and a desire to placate the religious right .
After reading Kramer ’ s letter , Fauci did something unusual for someone just accused of being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recruited him as an informal adviser .
“ It was an extraordinary 33-year relationship , ” Fauci recalled after Kramer died earlier this year .
“ We loved each other .
We would have dinner .
I would go see him in the West Village , he would come down to Washington.
” In the years that followed , the two men stayed true to their public personae : Fauci the consummate Washington bureaucrat , Kramer the firebrand dissident .
But behind the scenes , they worked together in a way that transformed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Washington Post profile of Fauci , Molly Roberts reports that the physician ’ s relationship with ACT UP activists changed his approach to the epidemic : “ Soon enough , Fauci was convinced that the people dying of AIDS should have a role in the process designed to make the dying stop—meaning they ought to participate in agenda-setting committees at NIAID.
” Cannibalism Is No Cure for Covid-19 Why Do All These Racists Keep Working for Tucker Carlson ?
Fauci was able to introduce this radical measure because of the relationships he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ different from Larry Kramer , most importantly George H.W .
Bush .
The senior Bush was trying to carve out an identity as a kinder , gentler conservative that would distinguish him from Reagan ’ s callousness .
Fauci , with his prestige as a scientist , gave Bush the cover needed for spending more money on AIDS .
Very few people could count both Larry Kramer and George H.W .
Bush as friends .
Fauci ’ s ability to cultivate a relationship with both is crucial to understanding his success as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not in an opportunistic way but for the promotion of genuine public goods , is the hallmark of Fauci ’ s career .
Molly Roberts calls it “ the Fauci protocol.
” For Roberts , the protocol is to “ argue the science for science ’ s sake , and ignore the rest.
” But another way to phrase this is that the protocol consists of using social networks and the prestige of science to overcome partisan gridlock .
This protocol had served both Fauci and America well from the late 1980s until @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to convince Republicans like George H.W .
Bush and George W. Bush to ramp up spending on AIDS both domestically and abroad .
It informed Fauci ’ s friendships across the political spectrum and enabled him to grapple with diseases ranging from malaria to tuberculosis to Ebola .
But with Trump and Covid-19 , the Fauci protocol has met its match .
To be sure , Fauci has had some notable successes on Covid-19 .
Notably , the day after Chinese government made the genetic code of the virus public on January 10 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to develop a vaccine and smooth the way for fast-track testing on the model of AIDS treatments .
If there is an early effective vaccine , Fauci is likely to get much of the credit for it .
But the vaccine is still in the future .
In the meantime , millions of Americans are coming down with Covid-19 and hundreds of thousands will die from it or suffer chronic health problems .
The broader federal response to Covid-19 has been a disaster of mixed messaging and denial of reality .
The Fauci @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a president like Trump , who is unwilling to listen to expert advice , especially if it goes against his instincts .
On Covid-19 , Trump ’ s gut-level response has been denial of the medical emergency and cheerleading a desired economic recovery .
The current surge in Covid-19 cases can be traced back to Trump ’ s decision in early April to push for a quick reopening of the economy and offload all responsibility for the pandemic on the governors .
This move already seems a world-historical failure .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a modern American president , ranking with Herbert Hoover ’ s failed response to the Great Depression , Lyndon Johnson ’ s escalation of the Vietnam War , and the younger Bush ’ s decision to invade Iraq .
Dr. Anthony Fauci Has a Target on His Back As The New York Times reports , starting in mid-April the Trump ’ s administration ’ s “ ultimate goal was to shift responsibility for leading the fight against the pandemic from the White House to the states .
They referred to this as ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was at the heart of what would become at once a catastrophic policy blunder and an attempt to escape blame for a crisis that had engulfed the country—perhaps one of the greatest failures of presidential leadership in generations.
” Fauci stood in opposition to this shift .
In doing so , he was transformed from being a Nestor , a sage whose counsel was sought , to being a Cassandra , a prophet of doom whose warnings were ignored .
In Fauci ’ s own words , his pessimistic forecasts made him the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s people haven ’ t just shut their ears to their Cassandra : They ’ ve also tried to discredit him .
For the last two weeks , Fauci has been the target of a remarkable opposition research campaign coming from the Trump administration .
“ The White House continues its attacks , subtly on some days , not so subtly on others , ” Molly Roberts noted .
“ This week began with an anonymous dump of quotes from the administration to the media designed to show the doctor being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reporter further observed , “ Peak absurdity of the colleague-on-colleague pile-on arrived when deputy chief of staff for communications Dan Scavino shared a cartoon of Fauci as a faucet dumping cold water on the economy to send it spinning down the drain.
” Fauci ’ s current dilemma is in some ways a reprise of the political problems of the early AIDS epidemic .
Like Reagan , Trump is allergic to bad news and prefers to talk about victories .
The big difference between now and the 1980s is that Fauci doesn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Larry Kramer and ACT UP .
Absent a mass mobilization , it ’ s unclear what pressures could be put on Trump to change course on the pandemic .
It ’ s Time to Tell a New Story About Coronavirus—Our Lives Depend on It There is a slim possibility that Fauci might be able to gather up the allies he still has in Washington , which includes members of both parties .
Some Republicans are finally starting to break ranks with the president .
On Sunday , The New York Times reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the most prominent figures in the G.O.P .
outside the White House have broken with Mr. Trump over issues like the value of wearing a mask in public and heeding the advice of health experts like Dr. Anthony S. Fauci , whom the president and other hard-right figures within the administration have subjected to caustic personal criticism.
” Yet this Republican revolt , based on the evidence the newspaper presented , seems like too little too late .
It ’ s mostly governors and senators offering muted or private rebukes .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could cause Trump to change directions .
If the Fauci protocol has failed with Trump , the problem is that it was predicated on having politicians who respected science and saw an advantage in allying themselves with expertise .
The Fauci protocol also relied on mobilized public pressure to deal with medical problems .
America needs both its Anthony Faucis and its Larry Kramers .
But right now , Fauci is politically weak , and there is no Larry Kramer in sight .

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Thank you for signing up for The Nation’s weekly newsletter.
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Sign up for our Wine Club today. Did you know you can support The Nation by drinking wine?
Nobody has ever played the game of insider/outsider politics quite the way Dr. Anthony Fauci did with his public foe and private friend Larry Kramer, the late playwright and cofounder of ACT UP. In 1988, Kramer wrote an open letter, published in the San Francisco Examiner, which started with a bang: “Anthony Fauci, you are a murderer and should not be the guest of honor at any event that reflects on the past decade of the AIDS crisis. Your refusal to hear the screams of AIDS activists early in the crisis resulted in the deaths of thousands of Queers.”
Fauci was the director of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases (NIAID), a post he took in 1984 and holds to this day. This made him the public face of the Reagan administration’s shameful AIDS policy, a refusal to take any action commensurate with the scale of the epidemic, born of a mixture of homophobia and a desire to placate the religious right. After reading Kramer’s letter, Fauci did something unusual for someone just accused of being a murderer: He contacted Kramer and recruited him as an informal adviser.
“It was an extraordinary 33-year relationship,” Fauci recalled after Kramer died earlier this year. “We loved each other. We would have dinner. I would go see him in the West Village, he would come down to Washington.” In the years that followed, the two men stayed true to their public personae: Fauci the consummate Washington bureaucrat, Kramer the firebrand dissident. But behind the scenes, they worked together in a way that transformed the federal response to AIDS.
In a Washington Post profile of Fauci, Molly Roberts reports that the physician’s relationship with ACT UP activists changed his approach to the epidemic: “Soon enough, Fauci was convinced that the people dying of AIDS should have a role in the process designed to make the dying stop—meaning they ought to participate in agenda-setting committees at NIAID.” More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
Fauci was able to introduce this radical measure because of the relationships he had built up with public figures very different from Larry Kramer, most importantly George H.W. Bush. The senior Bush was trying to carve out an identity as a kinder, gentler conservative that would distinguish him from Reagan’s callousness. Fauci, with his prestige as a scientist, gave Bush the cover needed for spending more money on AIDS.
Very few people could count both Larry Kramer and George H.W. Bush as friends. Fauci’s ability to cultivate a relationship with both is crucial to understanding his success as a medical politician. Social networking, done not in an opportunistic way but for the promotion of genuine public goods, is the hallmark of Fauci’s career.
Molly Roberts calls it “the Fauci protocol.” For Roberts, the protocol is to “argue the science for science’s sake, and ignore the rest.” But another way to phrase this is that the protocol consists of using social networks and the prestige of science to overcome partisan gridlock. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
This protocol had served both Fauci and America well from the late 1980s until the Covid crisis. It enabled Fauci to convince Republicans like George H.W. Bush and George W. Bush to ramp up spending on AIDS both domestically and abroad. It informed Fauci’s friendships across the political spectrum and enabled him to grapple with diseases ranging from malaria to tuberculosis to Ebola.
But with Trump and Covid-19, the Fauci protocol has met its match. To be sure, Fauci has had some notable successes on Covid-19. Notably, the day after Chinese government made the genetic code of the virus public on January 10, Fauci pushed for a crash program to develop a vaccine and smooth the way for fast-track testing on the model of AIDS treatments. If there is an early effective vaccine, Fauci is likely to get much of the credit for it.
But the vaccine is still in the future. In the meantime, millions of Americans are coming down with Covid-19 and hundreds of thousands will die from it or suffer chronic health problems. The broader federal response to Covid-19 has been a disaster of mixed messaging and denial of reality.
The Fauci protocol doesn’t really work with a president like Trump, who is unwilling to listen to expert advice, especially if it goes against his instincts. On Covid-19, Trump’s gut-level response has been denial of the medical emergency and cheerleading a desired economic recovery.
The current surge in Covid-19 cases can be traced back to Trump’s decision in early April to push for a quick reopening of the economy and offload all responsibility for the pandemic on the governors. This move already seems a world-historical failure. It’s one of the worst decisions made by a modern American president, ranking with Herbert Hoover’s failed response to the Great Depression, Lyndon Johnson’s escalation of the Vietnam War, and the younger Bush’s decision to invade Iraq. Dr. Fauci Dr. Anthony Fauci Has a Target on His Back Jeet Heer
As The New York Times reports, starting in mid-April the Trump’s administration’s “ultimate goal was to shift responsibility for leading the fight against the pandemic from the White House to the states. They referred to this as ‘state authority handoff,’ and it was at the heart of what would become at once a catastrophic policy blunder and an attempt to escape blame for a crisis that had engulfed the country—perhaps one of the greatest failures of presidential leadership in generations.”
Fauci stood in opposition to this shift. In doing so, he was transformed from being a Nestor, a sage whose counsel was sought, to being a Cassandra, a prophet of doom whose warnings were ignored. In Fauci’s own words, his pessimistic forecasts made him the “skunk at the garden party.” Trump’s people haven’t just shut their ears to their Cassandra: They’ve also tried to discredit him.
For the last two weeks, Fauci has been the target of a remarkable opposition research campaign coming from the Trump administration. “The White House continues its attacks, subtly on some days, not so subtly on others,” Molly Roberts noted. “This week began with an anonymous dump of quotes from the administration to the media designed to show the doctor being ‘wrong.’” The Washington Post reporter further observed, “Peak absurdity of the colleague-on-colleague pile-on arrived when deputy chief of staff for communications Dan Scavino shared a cartoon of Fauci as a faucet dumping cold water on the economy to send it spinning down the drain.”
Fauci’s current dilemma is in some ways a reprise of the political problems of the early AIDS epidemic. Like Reagan, Trump is allergic to bad news and prefers to talk about victories. The big difference between now and the 1980s is that Fauci doesn’t have the outside allies he found in Larry Kramer and ACT UP. Absent a mass mobilization, it’s unclear what pressures could be put on Trump to change course on the pandemic. Coronavirus It’s Time to Tell a New Story About the Coronavirus—Our Lives Depend on It Sonia Shah
There is a slim possibility that Fauci might be able to gather up the allies he still has in Washington, which includes members of both parties. Some Republicans are finally starting to break ranks with the president.
On Sunday, The New York Times reported, “In recent days, some of the most prominent figures in the G.O.P. outside the White House have broken with Mr. Trump over issues like the value of wearing a mask in public and heeding the advice of health experts like Dr. Anthony S. Fauci, whom the president and other hard-right figures within the administration have subjected to caustic personal criticism.”
Yet this Republican revolt, based on the evidence the newspaper presented, seems like too little too late. It’s mostly governors and senators offering muted or private rebukes. There’s no plausible scenario whereby this could cause Trump to change directions.
If the Fauci protocol has failed with Trump, the problem is that it was predicated on having politicians who respected science and saw an advantage in allying themselves with expertise. The Fauci protocol also relied on mobilized public pressure to deal with medical problems.
America needs both its Anthony Faucis and its Larry Kramers. But right now, Fauci is politically weak, and there is no Larry Kramer in sight.