thenation--2020-08-06--No Matter Who Biden Chooses as VP, It Will Be a Bittersweet Win for Women

Once upon a time , many American women looked forward to a euphoric 100th anniversary celebration of the 19th Amendment , which belatedly granted us the vote , to be led this month by the nation ’ s first woman president .
We still celebrate , though that much-anticipated president lost to a confessed sexual predator whose administration is dedicated to rolling back women ’ s rights .
As I write , we are also preparing to celebrate the Democratic Party ’ s second nomination of a woman for vice president , though I don ’ t know who she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when they read this . )
But we know that Joe Biden , who might have skipped a third run for president to back one of the four women senators who ran in 2020 , promised to pick a female running mate before he sealed the nomination—a consolation prize of sorts for the largest bloc of American voters .
We will , of course , accept that consolation prize and go forth to save American democracy , as women voters have been doing since Donald Trump ’ s election shocked many of us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ white women ) into passionate activism almost four years ago .
And not just activism : An unprecedented number of women ran for and won offices around the country , inspired by the Women ’ s Marches that heralded the rise of a real resistance .
Whomever Biden chooses , it will be a victory for women , though bittersweet ( especially if his choice is a centrist ) .
If a woman is ever to occupy the Oval Office , it seems , even 100 years after we won the vote , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she will have to spend some time directly apprenticing to a man , living at a safe distance from actual power at the Naval Observatory .
And whoever gets the nod from Biden , we all know , has had to endure the same sexist stereotyping as did the women senators who had the audacity to run for president against him and as Hillary Clinton did in 2016 .
On this happy centennial , though , let ’ s not be bitter .
Nobody likes a bitter woman .
Also , let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ An early front-runner to become Biden ’ s pick , 2018 Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams , got dinged for appearing to campaign for the job .
And let ’ s not be too smart .
Another early contender , Senator Elizabeth Warren , was a policy wonk who , we were warned , would serve her own agenda and not necessarily Biden ’ s .
Another Long Day of GOP Disrespect for Women Bill Barr Gets Shredded : A Threat to ‘ Our Rule Of Law and to Public Trust in It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ male competitors , either , as Senator Kamala Harris did running against Biden last year—though he did the same running against Barack Obama in 2008 ( the year Biden became his running mate ) .
Despite that history , former senator Chris Dodd , who is helping Biden with the VP search ( and who also ran against Obama , as well as Biden ) , was offended by Harris ’ s lack of “ remorse ” for critiquing Biden ’ s anti-busing stance in one of the primary debates .
That appeared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ security adviser Susan Rice , who is also Black and worked closely with Biden in the Obama administration .
But some critics lament that the former diplomat has sharp elbows , another thing women should avoid .
The issues with Harris and Rice led Dodd and others to begin pushing California Representative Karen Bass , a former state House speaker , with some suggesting she is a kind of multicultural Goldilocks : Black but not too competitive or abrasive or wonky .
Just right to be No .
2 .
Which is insulting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ By the end of the vetting period , it seemed the 11th commandment of women ’ s politics , 100 years after we won the vote , was “ Thou shalt never be just right.
” I am nonetheless looking forward to celebrating the centennial of suffrage—and to voting for the Democrats ’ second female vice presidential nominee .
But I am just so tired of fighting all we ’ ve had to fight to get here .
Is this an inspiring anniversary message ?
Not entirely .
Is it rage-inducing ?
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rage to work for the female candidates running this year , from VP on down , so the women coming after us have a different story to tell 100 years from now .

This article appears in the August 24/31, 2020 issue.
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Once upon a time, many American women looked forward to a euphoric 100th anniversary celebration of the 19th Amendment, which belatedly granted us the vote, to be led this month by the nation’s first woman president. We still celebrate, though that much-anticipated president lost to a confessed sexual predator whose administration is dedicated to rolling back women’s rights. As I write, we are also preparing to celebrate the Democratic Party’s second nomination of a woman for vice president, though I don’t know who she is yet. (Readers might by the time they read this.) But we know that Joe Biden, who might have skipped a third run for president to back one of the four women senators who ran in 2020, promised to pick a female running mate before he sealed the nomination—a consolation prize of sorts for the largest bloc of American voters.
We will, of course, accept that consolation prize and go forth to save American democracy, as women voters have been doing since Donald Trump’s election shocked many of us (too many of us, especially white women) into passionate activism almost four years ago. And not just activism: An unprecedented number of women ran for and won offices around the country, inspired by the Women’s Marches that heralded the rise of a real resistance.
Whomever Biden chooses, it will be a victory for women, though bittersweet (especially if his choice is a centrist). If a woman is ever to occupy the Oval Office, it seems, even 100 years after we won the vote, even after we powered the anti-Trump resistance, she will have to spend some time directly apprenticing to a man, living at a safe distance from actual power at the Naval Observatory. And whoever gets the nod from Biden, we all know, has had to endure the same sexist stereotyping as did the women senators who had the audacity to run for president against him and as Hillary Clinton did in 2016.
On this happy centennial, though, let’s not be bitter. Nobody likes a bitter woman. Also, let’s not be too ambitious. An early front-runner to become Biden’s pick, 2018 Georgia gubernatorial candidate Stacey Abrams, got dinged for appearing to campaign for the job. And let’s not be too smart. Another early contender, Senator Elizabeth Warren, was a policy wonk who, we were warned, would serve her own agenda and not necessarily Biden’s. More From Joan Walsh The Promise of Justice in Fani Willis’s Indictment August 15, 2023 Please, Please Stop Blaming “Progressives” for Donald Trump’s Fascism August 11, 2023 The Ron-mentum Continues… Circling the Drain August 9, 2023
Let’s not criticize our male competitors, either, as Senator Kamala Harris did running against Biden last year—though he did the same running against Barack Obama in 2008 (the year Biden became his running mate). Despite that history, former senator Chris Dodd, who is helping Biden with the VP search (and who also ran against Obama, as well as Biden), was offended by Harris’s lack of “remorse” for critiquing Biden’s anti-busing stance in one of the primary debates.
That appeared to create an opening for former national security adviser Susan Rice, who is also Black and worked closely with Biden in the Obama administration. But some critics lament that the former diplomat has sharp elbows, another thing women should avoid.
The issues with Harris and Rice led Dodd and others to begin pushing California Representative Karen Bass, a former state House speaker, with some suggesting she is a kind of multicultural Goldilocks: Black but not too competitive or abrasive or wonky. Just right to be No. 2. Which is insulting to the assertive, confident Bass. By the end of the vetting period, it seemed the 11th commandment of women’s politics, 100 years after we won the vote, was “Thou shalt never be just right.”
I am nonetheless looking forward to celebrating the centennial of suffrage—and to voting for the Democrats’ second female vice presidential nominee. But I am just so tired of fighting all we’ve had to fight to get here. Is this an inspiring anniversary message? Not entirely. Is it rage-inducing? I hope so. We should use that rage to work for the female candidates running this year, from VP on down, so the women coming after us have a different story to tell 100 years from now.


thenation--2020-08-06--As the Hurricane Season Intensifies, Is Puerto Rico Ready?

Perhaps the most emblematic image of Puerto Rico ’ s encounter with Tropical Storm Isaías last week was one of a National Guard soldier carrying a young boy on his back through Barrio Sábalo in the western town of Mayagüez , rescuing him from a rising torrent of brown water from nearby Caño ( Canal ) Majagual .
That area , as well as Barrio Buenaventura , vulnerable to Rio Hondo and other smaller streams of water , was among the most visible recipients of Isaías ’ s heavy downpours as the storm swept the region on Thursday .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” said Ian Seda-Irizarry , a John Jay College economics professor who has roots in Mayagüez and has been visiting with family since May .
“ The ground was saturated with water , and the storm caused landslides .
Fallen trees and electrical posts were strewn on the ground.
” Hundreds of thousands of people , and 23 hospitals , were left without power in the wake of the storm .
The littering of electrical transmission cables and posts recall the disastrous landscape following 2017 ’ s Hurricane María , and for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ memories of a very difficult recent past .
Just three days before Isaías hit , Thomas Van Essen , the regional administrator of the Federal Emergency Management Agency ( FEMA ) wrote Puerto Rico Governor Wanda Vásquez a letter informing her that in FEMA ’ s opinion her government “ is not prepared nor has the ability to respond and manage a major event.
” Citing a variety of reasons ranging from lack of emergency staffing to funding , communications , and planning , Von Essen ’ s revelations were not a surprise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ early July learned that the governor was to be investigated by an independent prosecutor over an alleged mismanagement of supplies following January ’ s series of earthquakes .
Even though Vásquez—a reluctant governor who took office after last summer ’ s “ people ’ s removal ” of scandal-ridden Ricardo Rosselló through a quirk in succession rules—is an easy target , there are clearly many factors at work that keep Puerto Rico vulnerable to climate-crisis-induced devastation .
“ It doesn ’ t surprise us that FEMA would come out and say something like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I don ’ t want to place the entire blame on the Puerto Rico government , ” said Deepak Lamba Nieves , research director of the San Juan–based Center for the New Economy .
Puerto Rico ’ s recovery from Hurricane María has been greatly hampered , if not sabotaged , by its own government ’ s inability to reform inefficient and at times corrupt practices , but also the questionable FEMA-funded contracting and the austerity policies driven by the Federal Oversight and Management Board imposed by Congress ’ s PROMESA legislation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the territory ’ s $ 72 billion debt .
“ We ’ ve already been living through almost 15 years of austerity policies since the economy began shrinking in 2006 , ” said Lamba-Nieves .
“ And when you think of the cumulative effect of budget cuts , downsizing , what the board calls right-sizing entities and institutions , you see a storm that would normally seem like a tropical storm with not much damage creates widespread havoc on the population.
” Case in point might be the loss of electrical power in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Puerto Rico Electrical Power Authority ’ s Acacias substation .
Guarionex Padilla Marty , graduate student in history at the University of Puerto Rico and cohost of the influential Plan de Contingencia podcast , tweeted a photo of Acacias surrounded by flood waters in the aftermath of the storm .
“ The plant , which was constructed near the Guanijibo River , distributes electricity to other substations in the Southwest , ” he said .
“ This is a large agricultural valley straddling the towns of Cabo Rojo , Hormigueros , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suffered flooding.
” On Tuesday , the Puerto Rico Department of Agriculture reported $ 47.5 million in losses due to Tropical Storm Isaías , including almost $ 2 million from San Germán and Mayagüez .
In May 2019 , PREPA CEO José Ortiz announced that $ 3.5 billion in FEMA funds would materialize by August of that year to help build a more resilient electrical distribution system .
Of those funds , he insisted , $ 308 million would be set aside for the relocation or reconstruction of 18 substations , including Acacias @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” said Padilla .
“ The substation is flooded and has made impossible the restoration of electrical service to Southwest towns.
” As of Tuesday night , Padilla says that many regions are still without power , including Cabo Rojo .
Ruth Santiago , a lawyer based in nearby Salinas who works with Queremos Sol , a group of renewable energy activists pushing to move island residents to solar power , said that , according to the Fiscal Plan filed with the island ’ s Fiscal Oversight and Energy Board , PREPA had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assistance funds as of April 2020 .
“ So it doesn ’ t look like they received the $ 3.5 billion , ” she said .
On Monday , Ortiz resigned , effective on August 5 , closing another chapter in the public utility ’ s troubled history , which last fall included a misadventure with an outfit called Cobra Energy that resulted in the indictment of two FEMA officials on the charges of fraud and bribery in receiving $ 1.8 billion in contracts .
Just last week , Ortiz seemed to go @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another set of power outages , days before Isaías ’ s arrival , were caused by an “ act of terrorism.
” “ He had lost all credibility—he said 99 percent of power would be restored by Friday , ” said Santiago .
“ What we saw during Isaías shows how weak the whole transmission and distribution system is .
There ’ ve been so many of these events and so much lack of funding .
It ’ s definitely true that we ’ re not ready for a serious storm .
”

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Perhaps the most emblematic image of Puerto Rico’s encounter with Tropical Storm Isaías last week was one of a National Guard soldier carrying a young boy on his back through Barrio Sábalo in the western town of Mayagüez, rescuing him from a rising torrent of brown water from nearby Caño (Canal) Majagual. That area, as well as Barrio Buenaventura, vulnerable to Rio Hondo and other smaller streams of water, was among the most visible recipients of Isaías’s heavy downpours as the storm swept the region on Thursday.
“It had been raining here all week,” said Ian Seda-Irizarry, a John Jay College economics professor who has roots in Mayagüez and has been visiting with family since May. “The ground was saturated with water, and the storm caused landslides. Fallen trees and electrical posts were strewn on the ground.” Hundreds of thousands of people, and 23 hospitals, were left without power in the wake of the storm. The littering of electrical transmission cables and posts recall the disastrous landscape following 2017’s Hurricane María, and for many around the island, they triggered memories of a very difficult recent past.
Just three days before Isaías hit, Thomas Van Essen, the regional administrator of the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) wrote Puerto Rico Governor Wanda Vásquez a letter informing her that in FEMA’s opinion her government “is not prepared nor has the ability to respond and manage a major event.” Citing a variety of reasons ranging from lack of emergency staffing to funding, communications, and planning, Von Essen’s revelations were not a surprise to most Puerto Ricans, who in early July learned that the governor was to be investigated by an independent prosecutor over an alleged mismanagement of supplies following January’s series of earthquakes.
Even though Vásquez—a reluctant governor who took office after last summer’s “people’s removal” of scandal-ridden Ricardo Rosselló through a quirk in succession rules—is an easy target, there are clearly many factors at work that keep Puerto Rico vulnerable to climate-crisis-induced devastation. “It doesn’t surprise us that FEMA would come out and say something like this, but at the same time, I don’t want to place the entire blame on the Puerto Rico government,” said Deepak Lamba Nieves, research director of the San Juan–based Center for the New Economy. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Puerto Rico’s recovery from Hurricane María has been greatly hampered, if not sabotaged, by its own government’s inability to reform inefficient and at times corrupt practices, but also the questionable FEMA-funded contracting and the austerity policies driven by the Federal Oversight and Management Board imposed by Congress’s PROMESA legislation of 2016, ostensibly designed to restructure the territory’s $72 billion debt.
“We’ve already been living through almost 15 years of austerity policies since the economy began shrinking in 2006,” said Lamba-Nieves. “And when you think of the cumulative effect of budget cuts, downsizing, what the board calls right-sizing entities and institutions, you see a storm that would normally seem like a tropical storm with not much damage creates widespread havoc on the population.”
Case in point might be the loss of electrical power in the Mayagüez region due to flooding around the Puerto Rico Electrical Power Authority’s Acacias substation. Guarionex Padilla Marty, graduate student in history at the University of Puerto Rico and cohost of the influential Plan de Contingencia podcast, tweeted a photo of Acacias surrounded by flood waters in the aftermath of the storm.
“The plant, which was constructed near the Guanijibo River, distributes electricity to other substations in the Southwest,” he said. “This is a large agricultural valley straddling the towns of Cabo Rojo, Hormigueros, and San Germán. It’s always suffered flooding.” On Tuesday, the Puerto Rico Department of Agriculture reported $47.5 million in losses due to Tropical Storm Isaías, including almost $2 million from San Germán and Mayagüez.
In May 2019, PREPA CEO José Ortiz announced that $3.5 billion in FEMA funds would materialize by August of that year to help build a more resilient electrical distribution system. Of those funds, he insisted, $308 million would be set aside for the relocation or reconstruction of 18 substations, including Acacias. “Evidently, nothing happened,” said Padilla. “The substation is flooded and has made impossible the restoration of electrical service to Southwest towns.” As of Tuesday night, Padilla says that many regions are still without power, including Cabo Rojo.
Ruth Santiago, a lawyer based in nearby Salinas who works with Queremos Sol, a group of renewable energy activists pushing to move island residents to solar power, said that, according to the Fiscal Plan filed with the island’s Fiscal Oversight and Energy Board, PREPA had received only $1.42 billion in public assistance funds as of April 2020. “So it doesn’t look like they received the $3.5 billion,” she said.
On Monday, Ortiz resigned, effective on August 5, closing another chapter in the public utility’s troubled history, which last fall included a misadventure with an outfit called Cobra Energy that resulted in the indictment of two FEMA officials on the charges of fraud and bribery in receiving $1.8 billion in contracts. Just last week, Ortiz seemed to go off the rails when he claimed that another set of power outages, days before Isaías’s arrival, were caused by an “act of terrorism.”
“He had lost all credibility—he said 99 percent of power would be restored by Friday,” said Santiago. “What we saw during Isaías shows how weak the whole transmission and distribution system is. There’ve been so many of these events and so much lack of funding. It’s definitely true that we’re not ready for a serious storm.”


thenation--2020-08-06--The Next Progressive Insurgent You Haven’t Heard of Yet

Omar Fateh ’ s campaign for the Minnesota State Senate operates out of an adult day care center in Minneapolis , run by and for members of the local Somali community .
It sits on Lake Street , where much of the immediate local response to George Floyd ’ s death took place .
Just weeks prior , the gas station next door was ablaze ; onlookers gawked at the inferno as national guardsmen ushered them along .
The care center was unscathed , but when I went to meet with Fateh at his office , the urgency of that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the air .
Around us , a mix of left-wing activists and young East African community members fielded calls and collected polling data .
If you were to go looking for the future of American politics , this would be as good a place to start as any .
Between the demise of the Bernie Sanders campaign and the street-level activity of the George Floyd uprising , electoral prospects for the American left are in transition .
The upset victories of progressives like Jamaal Bowman and Cori Bush have augured a shift to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Today , in the very neighborhood where Floyd was tragically murdered , Minnesota ’ s 62nd Senate District , Fateh may carry the wave forward to the Minnesota State Senate .
A 30-year-old Somali American community organizer , Fateh is seeking to oust a longtime party insider who currently represents the poorest neighborhoods in the Twin Cities .
For nine years , the Democratic Farmer-Labor Party ( DFL ) —Minnesota ’ s local chapter of the Democratic Party—has been represented by the incumbent candidate , Jeff Hayden .
A self-identified “ pragmatic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in his demand for gun violence prevention , wage increases , and affordable housing—especially within the context of the Black community .
However , some of Hayden ’ s business-as-usual platform puts him out of step with the political energies of the moment .
For instance , he has called for greater public-private partnerships in education .
He believes school voucher programs aren ’ t enough , citing Best Buy–funded tech centers as a means of educational outreach .
The DFL ’ s February caucus , which allows voters to have direct influence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ selecting delegates and drafting resolutions , proved to be immensely promising .
In a surprising turn of events , the upstart Fateh caught Hayden sleeping and mounted a relentless , yet personable , campaign .
His message , captured by the slogan “ Rise Together , ” resonated with immigrant and Black communities , Indigenous groups , and downwardly mobile whites .
In the end , 72 percent of DFL delegates in his district backed him , securing him an unexpected official endorsement from the party .
2020 Is a Great Year for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Rashida Tlaib .
Fateh ’ s involvement in community organizing helped him garner other official endorsements : The St. Paul chapter of Black Lives Matter , the Twin Cities chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America , and the Sunrise Movement have all backed him .
The victor of the August 11 primary , given the lack of Republican voters in the district , will undoubtedly go on to win the general election .
It ’ s unclear which candidate has the edge , but early vote counts have already exceeded the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 primary .
It ’ s hard not to be reminded of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez ’ s surprise upset in 2018 , against centrist party stalwart Joe Crowley .
That election may go down as the last time in modern political history that an incumbent Democrat failed to take seriously a primary challenge from the left .
Fateh ’ s background was in community outreach for the city of Minneapolis , where he began to foster a relationship with the robust East African community that resides in the Twin Cities .
His own background @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community of Washington , D.C. , is not dissimilar .
His father , Mahmood Fateh , got his start in Boseman , Mont.
, in 1963 , as an immigrant graduate student who paid his way by working in a kitchen .
The elder Fateh was often reminded that he wasn ’ t allowed to to use the same restroom or bus section as white people , and his boss often spouted racist diatribes at him .
“ Being born here , in America , but raised in an East African household , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have that unique perspective , ” says Fateh of his upbringing .
“ Being able to bridge the gap between both cultures I think will be critical , especially within this district that has a large number of African immigrants.
” Fateh ’ s political aspirations started in 2018 , when he ran in the DFL primary for House District 62A , finishing third in a field of five candidates .
Afterward , Fateh decided to get involved in community organizing , joining a group of local East Africans called Changing the Narrative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ addiction .
“ In the Somali community , those issues are both still taboo , especially with the elders , ” Fateh said .
“ So we connected with the Indigenous communities that share the same struggles .
We learned from them in terms of how to use Narcan , how to speak to elders about it , and educating the community.
” It was at this point , Fateh told me , that he noticed a conspicuous lack of involvement from the state senator—especially concerning Little Earth , the hub of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We got to reach out to city council members , our local commissioner , their state representatives , but the senator was always absent , ” Fateh explained .
“ And that really was problematic for us .
From speaking to the folks in Little Earth , he hasn ’ t been there since last election .
That ’ s where our Indigenous population lives and you ’ re cutting off communication from , I would say , the community that has the most unmet needs.
” It isn ’ t just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fateh to attempt another run : The DFL is poised to achieve its first government trifecta since 2014 , with challengers like Lindsey Port , Aleta Borrud , and Aric Putnam positioned to retake the Republican-controlled Senate .
Fateh believes that attaining this unencumbered legislative power is only the first step .
“ I really believe that flipping the Senate will not be enough , which is why I ’ m running in a primary .
We need progressive senators , we ’ ve had the trifecta before : senate , house , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ But we didn ’ t get that progressive , working class agenda passed—such as fully funding our public schools.
” Political operatives within the DFL agree .
Jason Chavez-Cruz , president of the Young DFL and a legislative assistant to Minnesota House Representative Mohamud Noor , believes Fateh has the radical perspective needed to create meaningful reforms .
“ Having him there is going to put the pressure on the Senate DFL to ensure that we do things differently—and when we do take the majority , we take advantage of it , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t in the past .
We left people behind , with little basic things that would pass easily with a majority.
” Fateh is a self-identified democratic socialist whose platform parallels the Bernie Sanders campaign : universal higher education and health care , comprehensive climate justice , and housing as a human right .
These principles carry over to local issues , opposing copper-nickel sulfide mining that will pollute Minnesota ’ s water and “ exclusionary zoning ” that imitates much of the effects of redlining .
“ We need someone that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the community , that understands the renters , ” he said .
“ I ’ m a renter myself , someone that ’ s been unemployed before .
We can ’ t just pick one or two things and say , ‘ Llet ’ s focus on this now.
’ I think that putting these all pieces together is what will give our district that quality of life , that basic quality of life.
” The most pressing issue , one that will define the term whoever goes on to hold the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ George Floyd uprisings .
The national spotlight is still on Minneapolis , where the city council has put forth a public charter that is currently being debated within the Charter Commission ; it proposes disbanding the police department and replacing it with a public safety agency .
The way the city and the state conduct these reforms will have major implications for the future of a national movement for police abolition .
Though state senators have no direct influence over municipal police policy—or whatever communal safety program may take its place—Fateh has plans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in his community .
Applying the lessons of his community work , his platform takes steps toward drug decriminalization , prioritizing well-funded mental health organizations .
Fateh has also proposed allowing mental health professionals who operate out of local clinics to de-escalate conflicts , like domestic violence or psychotic episodes , that police aren ’ t trained to handle .
“ There is a real opportunity for Omar to bring people together around this change that we ’ re making to our peacekeeping force , ” said Yolanda Roth , a union activist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Twin Cities metro area .
“ And yes , it ’ s a huge responsibility , but I see it more as an amazing opportunity to open up conversation , not only in the Somali community , but in the Black community as well .
And in doing so , really bridge some of the gaps between the African diaspora and the African American community.
” Should Fateh assume office , he will inherit neighborhoods rife with decades-long poverty trends and immigrant families in precarious situations .
The economic realities of systemic racism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ force have left migrant workers particularly vulnerable .
“ We have a lot of elderly Somali moms specifically working at Amazon in Shakopee , and they ’ ve had their rights basically violated , ” Fateh said .
“ It ’ s an ongoing fight for them : making sure they have prayer breaks , making sure that they aren ’ t being overworked .
Some folks were doing the job that required two employees , but one employee was doing it.
” Like many of his millennial contemporaries , Fateh sees these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ isn ’ t just an expression of a recent political resurgence—for Fateh , it ’ s part of his heritage as an American .
“ From East African immigrants in the ’ 60s till now , not much seems to have changed , ” he told me .
“ If the corporations are going to be able to take advantage of you , they ’ re going to .
They ’ re going to exploit you ; they ’ re going to pay you less ; they ’ re going to do whatever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that are not very well versed on what their rights are.
” Fateh ’ s unifying message of localized solidarity and equity isn ’ t just a lone voice .
It joins the demands made by contemporaries like Nikil Saval , a socialist and Democratic nominee for the 1st Senate District of Pennsylvania , and Marcela Mitaynes , a tenant organizer who should take New York ’ s Assembly District 51 .
As the excitement of the Democratic primary gave way to resignation and compromise with the inevitable Biden nomination , some observers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the party ’ s moderate center .
But local races are telling a different story .
Fateh will appear on the ballot alongside Ilhan Omar—another progressive Somali American from Minneapolis—tying a local political movement to Capitol Hill .
If there ’ s a new blue wave crashing onto the shore , it may not be the one pundits and party insiders imagined back in 2018 .

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Omar Fateh’s campaign for the Minnesota State Senate operates out of an adult day care center in Minneapolis, run by and for members of the local Somali community. It sits on Lake Street, where much of the immediate local response to George Floyd’s death took place. Just weeks prior, the gas station next door was ablaze; onlookers gawked at the inferno as national guardsmen ushered them along. The care center was unscathed, but when I went to meet with Fateh at his office, the urgency of that first week in June still hung in the air. Around us, a mix of left-wing activists and young East African community members fielded calls and collected polling data.
If you were to go looking for the future of American politics, this would be as good a place to start as any. Between the demise of the Bernie Sanders campaign and the street-level activity of the George Floyd uprising, electoral prospects for the American left are in transition. The upset victories of progressives like Jamaal Bowman and Cori Bush have augured a shift to local, grassroots entry into legislative bodies. Today, in the very neighborhood where Floyd was tragically murdered, Minnesota’s 62nd Senate District, Fateh may carry the wave forward to the Minnesota State Senate. A 30-year-old Somali American community organizer, Fateh is seeking to oust a longtime party insider who currently represents the poorest neighborhoods in the Twin Cities.
For nine years, the Democratic Farmer-Labor Party (DFL)—Minnesota’s local chapter of the Democratic Party—has been represented by the incumbent candidate, Jeff Hayden. A self-identified “pragmatic progressive,” Hayden has been vocal in his demand for gun violence prevention, wage increases, and affordable housing—especially within the context of the Black community. However, some of Hayden’s business-as-usual platform puts him out of step with the political energies of the moment. For instance, he has called for greater public-private partnerships in education. He believes school voucher programs aren’t enough, citing Best Buy–funded tech centers as a means of educational outreach.
The DFL’s February caucus, which allows voters to have direct influence over the composition of the party by selecting delegates and drafting resolutions, proved to be immensely promising. In a surprising turn of events, the upstart Fateh caught Hayden sleeping and mounted a relentless, yet personable, campaign. His message, captured by the slogan “Rise Together,” resonated with immigrant and Black communities, Indigenous groups, and downwardly mobile whites. In the end, 72 percent of DFL delegates in his district backed him, securing him an unexpected official endorsement from the party. Squad goals 2020 Is a Great Year for #SquadPolitics. Just Ask Cori Bush and Rashida Tlaib. John Nichols
Fateh’s involvement in community organizing helped him garner other official endorsements: The St. Paul chapter of Black Lives Matter, the Twin Cities chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America, and the Sunrise Movement have all backed him. The victor of the August 11 primary, given the lack of Republican voters in the district, will undoubtedly go on to win the general election. It’s unclear which candidate has the edge, but early vote counts have already exceeded the total turnout for the seat’s 2016 primary. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
It’s hard not to be reminded of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s surprise upset in 2018, against centrist party stalwart Joe Crowley. That election may go down as the last time in modern political history that an incumbent Democrat failed to take seriously a primary challenge from the left.
Fateh’s background was in community outreach for the city of Minneapolis, where he began to foster a relationship with the robust East African community that resides in the Twin Cities. His own background, having grown up in the Somali community of Washington, D.C., is not dissimilar. His father, Mahmood Fateh, got his start in Boseman, Mont., in 1963, as an immigrant graduate student who paid his way by working in a kitchen. The elder Fateh was often reminded that he wasn’t allowed to to use the same restroom or bus section as white people, and his boss often spouted racist diatribes at him. Current Issue View our current issue
“Being born here, in America, but raised in an East African household, to immigrant parents, I think I have that unique perspective,” says Fateh of his upbringing. “Being able to bridge the gap between both cultures I think will be critical, especially within this district that has a large number of African immigrants.”
Fateh’s political aspirations started in 2018, when he ran in the DFL primary for House District 62A, finishing third in a field of five candidates. Afterward, Fateh decided to get involved in community organizing, joining a group of local East Africans called Changing the Narrative, which focused on mental health and addiction.
“In the Somali community, those issues are both still taboo, especially with the elders,” Fateh said. “So we connected with the Indigenous communities that share the same struggles. We learned from them in terms of how to use Narcan, how to speak to elders about it, and educating the community.”
It was at this point, Fateh told me, that he noticed a conspicuous lack of involvement from the state senator—especially concerning Little Earth, the hub of the Indigenous community in the Twin Cities.
“We got to reach out to city council members, our local commissioner, their state representatives, but the senator was always absent,” Fateh explained. “And that really was problematic for us. From speaking to the folks in Little Earth, he hasn’t been there since last election. That’s where our Indigenous population lives and you’re cutting off communication from, I would say, the community that has the most unmet needs.”
It isn’t just the absence of Senator Hayden that compels Fateh to attempt another run: The DFL is poised to achieve its first government trifecta since 2014, with challengers like Lindsey Port, Aleta Borrud, and Aric Putnam positioned to retake the Republican-controlled Senate. Fateh believes that attaining this unencumbered legislative power is only the first step.
“I really believe that flipping the Senate will not be enough, which is why I’m running in a primary. We need progressive senators, we’ve had the trifecta before: senate, house, governorship,” Fateh told me. “But we didn’t get that progressive, working class agenda passed—such as fully funding our public schools.”
Political operatives within the DFL agree. Jason Chavez-Cruz, president of the Young DFL and a legislative assistant to Minnesota House Representative Mohamud Noor, believes Fateh has the radical perspective needed to create meaningful reforms.
“Having him there is going to put the pressure on the Senate DFL to ensure that we do things differently—and when we do take the majority, we take advantage of it,” Cruz said. “We haven’t in the past. We left people behind, with little basic things that would pass easily with a majority.”
Fateh is a self-identified democratic socialist whose platform parallels the Bernie Sanders campaign: universal higher education and health care, comprehensive climate justice, and housing as a human right. These principles carry over to local issues, opposing copper-nickel sulfide mining that will pollute Minnesota’s water and “exclusionary zoning” that imitates much of the effects of redlining.
“We need someone that would be there that’s connected to the community, that understands the renters,” he said. “I’m a renter myself, someone that’s been unemployed before. We can’t just pick one or two things and say, ‘Llet’s focus on this now.’ I think that putting these all pieces together is what will give our district that quality of life, that basic quality of life.”
The most pressing issue, one that will define the term whoever goes on to hold the seat, is the fallout from the George Floyd uprisings. The national spotlight is still on Minneapolis, where the city council has put forth a public charter that is currently being debated within the Charter Commission; it proposes disbanding the police department and replacing it with a public safety agency. The way the city and the state conduct these reforms will have major implications for the future of a national movement for police abolition.
Though state senators have no direct influence over municipal police policy—or whatever communal safety program may take its place—Fateh has plans to decrease the need for police presence in his community. Applying the lessons of his community work, his platform takes steps toward drug decriminalization, prioritizing well-funded mental health organizations. Fateh has also proposed allowing mental health professionals who operate out of local clinics to de-escalate conflicts, like domestic violence or psychotic episodes, that police aren’t trained to handle.
“There is a real opportunity for Omar to bring people together around this change that we’re making to our peacekeeping force,” said Yolanda Roth, a union activist and community organizer who works in the Twin Cities metro area. “And yes, it’s a huge responsibility, but I see it more as an amazing opportunity to open up conversation, not only in the Somali community, but in the Black community as well. And in doing so, really bridge some of the gaps between the African diaspora and the African American community.”
Should Fateh assume office, he will inherit neighborhoods rife with decades-long poverty trends and immigrant families in precarious situations. The economic realities of systemic racism and insufficient legal protection for the labor force have left migrant workers particularly vulnerable.
“We have a lot of elderly Somali moms specifically working at Amazon in Shakopee, and they’ve had their rights basically violated,” Fateh said. “It’s an ongoing fight for them: making sure they have prayer breaks, making sure that they aren’t being overworked. Some folks were doing the job that required two employees, but one employee was doing it.”
Like many of his millennial contemporaries, Fateh sees these issues as interconnected. But that worldview isn’t just an expression of a recent political resurgence—for Fateh, it’s part of his heritage as an American. “From East African immigrants in the ’60s till now, not much seems to have changed,” he told me. “If the corporations are going to be able to take advantage of you, they’re going to. They’re going to exploit you; they’re going to pay you less; they’re going to do whatever they can to maximize their profits—especially folks that are not very well versed on what their rights are.”
Fateh’s unifying message of localized solidarity and equity isn’t just a lone voice. It joins the demands made by contemporaries like Nikil Saval, a socialist and Democratic nominee for the 1st Senate District of Pennsylvania, and Marcela Mitaynes, a tenant organizer who should take New York’s Assembly District 51. As the excitement of the Democratic primary gave way to resignation and compromise with the inevitable Biden nomination, some observers took this to mean the consolidation of the party’s moderate center. But local races are telling a different story. Fateh will appear on the ballot alongside Ilhan Omar—another progressive Somali American from Minneapolis—tying a local political movement to Capitol Hill. If there’s a new blue wave crashing onto the shore, it may not be the one pundits and party insiders imagined back in 2018.


thenation--2020-08-06--The Complete Dysfunction of the GOP Is on Full Display

With unemployment at Depression levels , enhanced unemployment benefits expired , and millions on the verge of eviction or foreclosure in the midst of a pandemic , Trump and the Republican majority in the Senate are revealing just how dysfunctional they are .
The president is reduced to throwing spitballs at negotiations he has absented himself from ; the self-described master deal-maker can ’ t or won ’ t sit in the same room with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi .
Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell also is AWOL , his caucus too divided to pass anything without Democratic votes .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ as much as 50 percent of the Republican caucus oppose even McConnell ’ s plan .
The final deal will not only measure how much pain Republican senators choose to inflict on the vulnerable , but also whether they will aid and abet Trump ’ s final , desperate efforts to sow chaos in the November election .
We ’ re in this position—with the enhanced unemployment benefits as well as the moratorium on foreclosures and evictions allowed to expire without a deal—largely because McConnell chose not to reply to the House Heroes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hadn ’ t felt the “ urgency of acting.
” Even in July , after it became clear that Trump ’ s “ rocketship recovery ” was delusional , McConnell and the White House couldn ’ t agree on a bill , with McConnell cobbling together a token effort that his caucus never endorsed .
Senate Republicans are mostly united around what they don ’ t want .
No to extending the $ 600-a-week-unemployment extension .
No to aid to states and localities facing deficits that are already forcing mass layoffs .
No @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The only thing McConnell wants is absolute immunity for business owners from negligence that leaves workers vulnerable to Covid-19 .
Now we ’ re about to see whether Republican senators are throwing in with Trump ’ s increasingly brazen efforts to turn the November elections into Operation Chaos .
For months , Trump has been issuing tweet attacks on voting by mail , calling it a “ nightmare ” that will foster fraud , cheating , and chaos .
Voting by mail , the safest way to vote in a pandemic , leads @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without evidence—will benefit Democrats .
Now , after Trump has spent weeks besmirching voting by mail ( exempting Florida , which has a pro-Trump Republican governor ) , polls show that far more Republicans are planning to vote in person than Democrats .
So Trump argues that it ’ s vital that the election be called on November 3 , that allowing time to count mail-in ballots that are delivered after that day will lead to fraud , mischief , and litigation .
That isn ’ t an analysis ; it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Post Office of needed funds for years .
And now Trump ’ s postmaster general—Louis DeJoy , a major Trump donor—has issued orders—eliminating overtime and making major operational changes—that are already delaying mail delivery .
2020 Is a Great Year for # SquadPolitics .
Just Ask Cori Bush and Rashida Tlaib .
Will McConnell and Republican senators aid and abet Trump ’ s effort to discredit the election ?
Democrats are now demanding $ 10 billion for the Postal Service ( the House bill provided for $ 25 billion over three years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gearing up for what will be an unprecedented flood of mail-in ballots .
The House bill also calls for $ 3.5 billion to the states to help with the added costs of preparing for an election in the pandemic .
McConnell ’ s bill provides no help for either .
This isn ’ t a matter of money : These sums are virtual rounding errors even in McConnell ’ s $ 1 trillion package .
Republican senators—particularly those facing tough reelection battles—like to roll their eyes at Trump ’ s outrages .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own tired act , there are limits on what he can do by executive fiat .
If Republican senators in contested races insisted on making certain the Post Office and the states have the resources needed to manage a safe election in the pandemic , Trump ’ s blustering would be mere background noise .
If they demanded a deal with Democrats on unemployment benefits , protection against foreclosure and evictions , and aid to states and localities , it would get done .
McConnell says he ’ ll support anything that comes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for all his menace , would do the same .
Nothing passes the Senate without Democratic votes .
The only question is whether Republican senators—particularly those up for reelection—will demand action .
The misery inflicted on the vulnerable , the increased unemployment that results , the growing evictions and hunger , and the level of chaos in November ’ s election is on them .

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With unemployment at Depression levels, enhanced unemployment benefits expired, and millions of Americans on the verge of eviction or foreclosure in the midst of a pandemic, Donald Trump and the Republican majority in the Senate are revealing just how dysfunctional they are.
The president is reduced to throwing spitballs at negotiations he has absented himself from; the self-described master dealmaker can’t or won’t sit in the same room with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell also is AWOL, his caucus too divided to pass anything without Democratic votes. Republican senators like Lindsay Graham say that as much as 50 percent of the Republican caucus opposes even McConnell’s plan. The final deal will measure not only how much pain Republican senators choose to inflict on the vulnerable but also whether they will aid and abet Trump’s final, desperate efforts to sow chaos in the November elections.
We’re in this position—with the enhanced unemployment benefits as well as the moratorium on foreclosures and evictions allowed to expire without a deal—largely because McConnell chose not to reply to the House Heroes bill for two months, saying he hadn’t felt the “urgency of acting.” Even in July, after it became clear that Trump’s “rocket ship” recovery was delusional, McConnell and the White House couldn’t agree on a bill, with McConnell cobbling together a token effort that his caucus never endorsed. Senate Republicans are mostly united around what they don’t want. No to extending the additional $600-a-week-unemployment benefit. No to aid to states and localities facing deficits that are already forcing mass layoffs. No to aid to the US Postal Service. The only thing McConnell wants is absolute immunity for business owners from negligence that leaves workers vulnerable to Covid-19.
Now we’re about to see whether Republican senators are throwing in with Trump’s increasingly brazen efforts to turn the November elections into Operation Chaos. For months he has been issuing tweet attacks on voting by mail, calling it a “nightmare” that will foster fraud, cheating, and chaos. Voting by mail, the safest way to vote in a pandemic, leads to higher turnout, which Trump asserts—also without evidence—will benefit Democrats. Now, after Trump has spent weeks besmirching voting by mail (exempting Florida, which has a pro-Trump Republican governor), polls show that far more Republicans are planning to vote in person than Democrats. So Trump argues that it’s vital that the election be called on November 3, that allowing time to count mail-in ballots that are delivered after that day will lead to fraud, mischief, and litigation. That isn’t an analysis; it’s a threat. Republicans have been starving the USPS of needed funds for years. And now Trump’s postmaster general—Louis DeJoy, a major Trump donor—has issued orders—eliminating overtime and making major operational changes—that are already delaying mail delivery. Read Next 2020 Is a Great Year for #SquadPolitics. Just Ask Cori Bush and Rashida Tlaib. John Nichols
Will McConnell and Republican senators abet Trump’s effort to discredit the elections? Democrats are now demanding $10 billion for the USPS (the House bill would provide for $25 billion over three years) to help defray the costs of gearing up for what will be an unprecedented flood of mail-in ballots. The House bill also calls for $3.5 billion to the states to help with the added costs of preparing for elections in the pandemic. McConnell’s bill would provide no help for either. This isn’t a matter of money: These sums are virtual rounding errors even in McConnell’s $1 trillion package.
Republican senators—particularly those facing tough reelection battles—like to roll their eyes at Trump’s outrages. While Trump’s histrionics are his own tired act, there are limits on what he can do by fiat. If Republican senators in contested races insisted on making certain the USPS and the states have the resources needed to manage safe elections in the pandemic, Trump’s blustering would be mere background noise. If they demanded a deal with Democrats on unemployment benefits, protection against foreclosure and evictions, and aid to states and localities, it would get done. McConnell says he’ll support anything that comes out of the negotiations. Trump, for all his menace, would do the same. Nothing passes the Senate without Democratic votes. The only question is whether Republican senators, especially those on the ballot this year, will demand action. If not, the misery inflicted on the vulnerable, the increased unemployment, the growing evictions and hunger, and the level of chaos in November’s elections will be on them.


Love Mask

Masks save lives .
A part of a multi-panel community mural created by Los Muralistas de El Puente in Domino @ @ @ @ @ .

Love Mask
Love Mask
Masks save lives. A part of a multi-panel community mural created by Los Muralistas de El Puente in Domino Park in Brooklyn, N.Y.


thenation--2020-08-07--Russia Needs a New Gorbachev

Russia Needs a New Gorbachev

The mass protests in the Far East city of Khabarovsk , now in their fourth week , are unprecedented for the Russia of the last 20 years .
The spark that lit the fuse of popular outrage was the unexpected arrest of Governor Sergei Furgal in on July 11 on charges of organizing the murders of businessmen in 2004 and 2005 .
Furgal , a member of the Vladimir Zhirinovsky ’ s Liberal Democratic Party of Russia ( LDPR ) and a native of Khabarovsk , won the election in 2018 against the Kremlin ’ s protégé , Khabarovsk governor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ruling Party , and in the brief time since has organized food programs in schools , cut the privileges of officials , and met frequently in town halls with his electorate .
During the national referendum to reform Russia ’ s Constitution on July 1 , most Khabarovsk-region voters did not favor the constitutional amendments that would give Vladimir Putin a practically unlimited term , increase the Russian Orthodox Church ’ s power , and reduce many civil rights .
Official results showed total support for the amendments , but many observers doubt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would pay for his independence .
And he has .
Khabarovsk ’ s residents saw the governor ’ s arrest in July as disrespect for their choice .
On July 11 , in a city with a population just over 600,000 , tens of thousands of people took to the streets to protest .
( That ’ s the approximate equivalent to a million people coming out to protest in Moscow , which has a population of about 12.4 million , according to the United Nations . )
The protesters demanded the governor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the alleged charges be held in the Khabarovsk region to hopefully allow more freedom from state interference .
The police did not disperse the crowds ; policewomen handed out protective masks and bottles of water .
The slogans in the early days of the protests described Putin as leader of Russia—and Furgal as leader of the region .
Although national television news paid little attention to the July 2020 protests , Internet and independent media companies sent their correspondents to Khabarovsk and reported on events more fully and in real time .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ acting governor , Mikhail Degtyarev , a LDPR deputy from the Volga region , prompted a new wave of anger .
New slogans called for ending the tyranny of Moscow and the Putin regime .
Dozens of Russian cities in the Far East , Moscow , St. Petersburg , Central Russia , and Siberia saw actions in solidarity with the Khabarovsk protesters ; the police arrested dozens of activists .
The independent newspaper Novaya Gazeta called the events in Khabarovsk “ the evolution of dignity.
” Sergei Belanovsky ’ s independent research group @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2011 to 2012 and has been doing sociological research in the region for years ) did an immediate analysis of Khabarovsk during the protests as well .
It called this a valuable conflict between citizens and government , between Moscow ’ s imposition of its rules and regional self-rule .
The so-called federal vertical , Putin ’ s strategy of maintaining a strong centralized government where all decisions are made in Moscow , was being tested .
The unspoken contract made 20 years ago , based on the relative prosperity of society in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no longer working .
Prosperity is over , but even more importantly , people do not want handouts from the government ; they want respect for themselves and their choices .
“ The Khabarovsk situation is singular and is determined in great part by the character of the Far East , where people , as in Siberia , are more self-reliant than in central Russia , ” said Natalya Zubarevich , a professor at Moscow State University and an expert on regional development .
“ It ’ s unlikely to extend to other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The federal vertical of power will not allow a strengthening of the regions , it is only going to get harsher in the near future .
However , the dissatisfaction will also grow , and not only in the Far East .
The question is when the authorities will hear it.
” The Khabarovsk protests in July caught the Kremlin unawares , and the referendum in July on the constitutional amendments , which culminated with a formal victory for the national authorities , has elicited profound skepticism .
Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intellectual common sense.
” Yavlinsky wrote that the very idea of amendments destroys the state and ruins democracy in Russia .
At the same time , the epidemic and related economic crisis have increased the criticism of Putin and his government .
The country ’ s economy , according to economist Alexei Kudrin , is stagnant .
During the epidemic , real income has fallen significantly , unemployment has grown , small- and medium-level entrepreneurs have gone bankrupt , and government aid for children and business is not enough to make up for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people recalling the hard years they lived through during the Soviet Union .
In 2018 , Putin announced a series of national projects—focusing on infrastructure investment and regional economic development that are central to Putin ’ s socioeconomic plan—and demanded that they be realized by 2024 ; that deadline now has been delayed to 2030 .
“ It was clear from the start that the plans were unfeasible , ” said Yevgeny Gontmakher , a professor at the Higher School of Economics .
“ For example , they set the goal of reducing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even before the epidemic , the Accounts Chamber of Russia found that poverty had grown from 2018 to 2019 .
For the economy to really start developing , reforms are needed on the same scale as those in 1990.
” Regional development expert Zubarevich believes that the reforms must include weakening of the center ’ s power over the regions and a more rational and transparent distribution of income from oil and gas , which will remain the basis of the economy for many more years .
This requires a new regionalism and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Putin ’ s rating reached a historic low of 23 percent , according to the independent Levada Center ’ s poll .
People do not trust the state , preferring to rely on themselves and their family and friends .
And trust for other institutions , including the police and church , is even lower .
Propaganda can not counter the influence of the Internet .
Many Russians trust online media more than state propagandistic TV .

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The mass protests in the Far East city of Khabarovsk, now in their fourth week, are unprecedented for the Russia of the last 20 years. The spark that lit the fuse of popular outrage was the unexpected arrest of Governor Sergei Furgal in on July 11 on charges of organizing the murders of businessmen in 2004 and 2005.
Furgal, a member of the Vladimir Zhirinovsky’s Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) and a native of Khabarovsk, won the election in 2018 against the Kremlin’s protégé, Khabarovsk governor Vyacheslav Shport, from the United Russia Ruling Party, and in the brief time since has organized food programs in schools, cut the privileges of officials, and met frequently in town halls with his electorate. During the national referendum to reform Russia’s Constitution on July 1, most Khabarovsk-region voters did not favor the constitutional amendments that would give Vladimir Putin a practically unlimited term, increase the Russian Orthodox Church’s power, and reduce many civil rights. Official results showed total support for the amendments, but many observers doubt those numbers.
Analysts predicted that Furgal would pay for his independence. And he has. Khabarovsk’s residents saw the governor’s arrest in July as disrespect for their choice. On July 11, in a city with a population just over 600,000, tens of thousands of people took to the streets to protest. (That’s the approximate equivalent to a million people coming out to protest in Moscow, which has a population of about 12.4 million, according to the United Nations.)
The protesters demanded the governor’s release or that his trial on the alleged charges be held in the Khabarovsk region to hopefully allow more freedom from state interference. The police did not disperse the crowds; policewomen handed out protective masks and bottles of water.
The slogans in the early days of the protests described Putin as leader of Russia—and Furgal as leader of the region. Although national television news paid little attention to the July 2020 protests, Internet and independent media companies sent their correspondents to Khabarovsk and reported on events more fully and in real time. The Kremlin’s appointment of an acting governor, Mikhail Degtyarev, a LDPR deputy from the Volga region, prompted a new wave of anger. New slogans called for ending the tyranny of Moscow and the Putin regime. Dozens of Russian cities in the Far East, Moscow, St. Petersburg, Central Russia, and Siberia saw actions in solidarity with the Khabarovsk protesters; the police arrested dozens of activists.
The independent newspaper Novaya Gazeta called the events in Khabarovsk “the evolution of dignity.” Sergei Belanovsky’s independent research group (which had predicted the protests of 2011 to 2012 and has been doing sociological research in the region for years) did an immediate analysis of Khabarovsk during the protests as well. It called this a valuable conflict between citizens and government, between Moscow’s imposition of its rules and regional self-rule. The so-called federal vertical, Putin’s strategy of maintaining a strong centralized government where all decisions are made in Moscow, was being tested. The unspoken contract made 20 years ago, based on the relative prosperity of society in exchange for noninterference in politics, is no longer working. Prosperity is over, but even more importantly, people do not want handouts from the government; they want respect for themselves and their choices. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
“The Khabarovsk situation is singular and is determined in great part by the character of the Far East, where people, as in Siberia, are more self-reliant than in central Russia,” said Natalya Zubarevich, a professor at Moscow State University and an expert on regional development. “It’s unlikely to extend to other regions. All regional protests are situational. The federal vertical of power will not allow a strengthening of the regions, it is only going to get harsher in the near future. However, the dissatisfaction will also grow, and not only in the Far East. The question is when the authorities will hear it.” Current Issue View our current issue
The Khabarovsk protests in July caught the Kremlin unawares, and the referendum in July on the constitutional amendments, which culminated with a formal victory for the national authorities, has elicited profound skepticism. Yabloko leader Grigory Yavlinsky called the amendments “the rape of intellectual common sense.” Yavlinsky wrote that the very idea of amendments destroys the state and ruins democracy in Russia. At the same time, the epidemic and related economic crisis have increased the criticism of Putin and his government.
The country’s economy, according to economist Alexei Kudrin, is stagnant. During the epidemic, real income has fallen significantly, unemployment has grown, small- and medium-level entrepreneurs have gone bankrupt, and government aid for children and business is not enough to make up for losses. The current situation has many people recalling the hard years they lived through during the Soviet Union.
In 2018, Putin announced a series of national projects—focusing on infrastructure investment and regional economic development that are central to Putin’s socioeconomic plan—and demanded that they be realized by 2024; that deadline now has been delayed to 2030. “It was clear from the start that the plans were unfeasible,” said Yevgeny Gontmakher, a professor at the Higher School of Economics. “For example, they set the goal of reducing poverty by half by 2024. But even before the epidemic, the Accounts Chamber of Russia found that poverty had grown from 2018 to 2019. For the economy to really start developing, reforms are needed on the same scale as those in 1990.” Regional development expert Zubarevich believes that the reforms must include weakening of the center’s power over the regions and a more rational and transparent distribution of income from oil and gas, which will remain the basis of the economy for many more years. This requires a new regionalism and political will.
In early August 2020, Putin’s rating reached a historic low of 23 percent, according to the independent Levada Center’s poll. People do not trust the state, preferring to rely on themselves and their family and friends. And trust for other institutions, including the police and church, is even lower. Propaganda cannot counter the influence of the Internet. Many Russians trust online media more than state propagandistic TV.
Translated by Antonina W. Bouis


thenation--2020-08-07--Trump Supports Housing Segregation—and So Do a Lot of White Liberals

In recent weeks , just after the umpteenth round of media reports about the president ’ s purported change in tone , Donald Trump resumed stoking white people ’ s fears of Black people .
This time , his racist outbursts were directed at “ all of the people living their Suburban Lifestyle Dream , ” who he indicated would find themselves living in a multiracial nightmare if Joe Biden is elected .
“ People have gone to the suburbs .
They want the beautiful homes .
They don ’ t have to have a low-income housing development built in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their homes and also increased crime substantially , ” Trump stated during a virtual rally with supporters .
A day later in Texas , he picked up right where he left off .
“ I ’ ve seen conflict for years .
It ’ s been hell for suburbia .
We rescinded the rule three days ago .
So enjoy your life , ladies and gentlemen .
Enjoy your life.
” The rule Trump rescinded was issued by the Obama administration in 2015 and required localities to track recurring issues around housing discrimination @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fix those problems .
It aimed to strengthen the Fair Housing Act , the same anti-discrimination legislation the Justice Department sued Trump for violating in 1973 .
Almost 50 years after losing that case , he is still suggesting that whiteness should be the default measure of safety and affluence of a neighborhood while the mere presence of Blackness threatens both .
The president says these kinds of overtly racist things partly because he believes them but also because—particularly when an election is on the line—they almost always work .
Even as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ past , recent examples of white liberal NIMBYism prove that Trump knows precisely which anti-Black buttons to push .
In Silver Spring , Md.
, as local officials consider proposals to eliminate exclusionary zoning policies that prevent more affordable housing from being built , residents have staged protests and taken to social media to register bitter complaints .
( “ I doubt that any of my neighbors want to stop living in their single family homes because an academic has told them it ’ s racist to own a house with a large @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) Last year a group of wealthy homeowners in San Francisco launched a GoFundMe campaign to pay the costs of waging a court battle against a homeless services center slated to be built in their neighborhood .
In Maplewood , N.J.—where , according to The New York Times , Black Lives Matter signs are a common lawn adornment—a group of Black parents had to file a lawsuit in 2018 to force the desegregation of district public schools .
And in New York City , after learning their children would be rezoned to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ publicly worried about the danger posed by Black elementary schoolkids .
The rezoning went forward as planned , but most of the white kids never made the transfer , presumably because their parents sought whiter learning environs .
These examples of liberal white racism are further borne out by data .
In a 2009 study , researchers found white people indicated that , compared with integrated and all-Black neighborhoods , “ all-white neighborhoods were most desirable.
” A report from Harvard published this January noted , “ Despite parents ’ espoused support for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actually given greater opportunities to choose schools , schools appear to become more segregated.
” The authors concluded that “ many White , advantaged parents appear to determine school quality by how many other White , advantaged parents send their child to a school , without doing the legwork to determine what schools in a district are actually high-quality and a good fit for their child.
” Another report released early this year determined that “ the 12 most politically progressive cities in the U.S. have significantly larger achievement gaps [ between Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ math and high school graduation than the 12 most politically conservative cities.
” Among those deeply blue places with the highest Black-white proficiency gaps are San Francisco , Seattle , Oakland , Portland , and Washington .
Black Trans Lives Must Be Front and Center The Violence Didn ’ t Start With the Protests The vast Black-white disparities in housing and education are the stuff that America ’ s systemic racial inequalities are founded on , and unsurprisingly , they remain the areas where white folks of all political stripes have been most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Housing determines nearly every aspect of our lives , from the resources available in our public schools to the quality of our streets and the accessibility of public transportation .
The community we call home is tied to the very air we breathe , which , because of decades of anti-Black racism , is hotter and dirtier in African American neighborhoods .
It ’ s easy for white liberals to call for more Black inclusion in the abstract—or to plant lawn signage that makes the bare-minimum recognition of Black lives as fully human—but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sought is the house next door .
And while historian Richard Rothstein said that racial segregation has undoubtedly been expertly driven “ by racially explicit federal , state and local policy , without which private actions of prejudice or discrimination would not have been very effective , ” individual acts of anti-Black bias also deserve recognition for the ongoing role they play in maintaining white supremacy .
Trump isn ’ t clever enough to come up with a strategy to exploit racist fears on his own ; he ’ s just following a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is some evidence that the tide is turning .
In a few cities around the country , there are bills pending to end exclusionary zoning and allow communities to create affordable housing in places where it had been prohibited by legislation or pricing .
( In fact , Minneapolis scrapped single-family zoning last year , and Oregon made big changes of the same kind . )
The response to those proposals will reveal whether white liberals ’ professed commitment to dismantling white supremacy—stated loudly and often in our streets and social media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a veiled desire to get back to the sort of normalcy that keeps whiteness in power regardless of who ’ s in the White House .

This article appears in the August 24/31, 2020 issue.
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In recent weeks, just after the umpteenth round of media reports about the president’s purported change in tone, Donald Trump resumed stoking white people’s fears of Black people. This time, his racist outbursts were directed at “all of the people living their Suburban Lifestyle Dream,” who he indicated would find themselves living in a multiracial nightmare if Joe Biden is elected.
“People have gone to the suburbs. They want the beautiful homes. They don’t have to have a low-income housing development built in their community…which has reduced the prices of their homes and also increased crime substantially,” Trump stated during a virtual rally with supporters. A day later in Texas, he picked up right where he left off. “I’ve seen conflict for years. It’s been hell for suburbia. We rescinded the rule three days ago. So enjoy your life, ladies and gentlemen. Enjoy your life.” The rule Trump rescinded was issued by the Obama administration in 2015 and required localities to track recurring issues around housing discrimination and create detailed plans for how to fix those problems. It aimed to strengthen the Fair Housing Act, the same anti-discrimination legislation the Justice Department sued Trump for violating in 1973. Almost 50 years after losing that case, he is still suggesting that whiteness should be the default measure of safety and affluence of a neighborhood while the mere presence of Blackness threatens both. The president says these kinds of overtly racist things partly because he believes them but also because—particularly when an election is on the line—they almost always work.
Even as the suburbs lean more Democratic than in the past, recent examples of white liberal NIMBYism prove that Trump knows precisely which anti-Black buttons to push. In Silver Spring, Md., as local officials consider proposals to eliminate exclusionary zoning policies that prevent more affordable housing from being built, residents have staged protests and taken to social media to register bitter complaints. (“I doubt that any of my neighbors want to stop living in their single family homes because an academic has told them it’s racist to own a house with a large yard,” one poster wrote.) Last year a group of wealthy homeowners in San Francisco launched a GoFundMe campaign to pay the costs of waging a court battle against a homeless services center slated to be built in their neighborhood. In Maplewood, N.J.—where, according to The New York Times, Black Lives Matter signs are a common lawn adornment—a group of Black parents had to file a lawsuit in 2018 to force the desegregation of district public schools. And in New York City, after learning their children would be rezoned to a majority African American school, white parents publicly worried about the danger posed by Black elementary schoolkids. The rezoning went forward as planned, but most of the white kids never made the transfer, presumably because their parents sought whiter learning environs. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
These examples of liberal white racism are further borne out by data. In a 2009 study, researchers found white people indicated that, compared with integrated and all-Black neighborhoods, “all-white neighborhoods were most desirable.” A report from Harvard published this January noted, “Despite parents’ espoused support for integration, in districts where parents are actually given greater opportunities to choose schools, schools appear to become more segregated.” The authors concluded that “many White, advantaged parents appear to determine school quality by how many other White, advantaged parents send their child to a school, without doing the legwork to determine what schools in a district are actually high-quality and a good fit for their child.” Another report released early this year determined that “the 12 most politically progressive cities in the U.S. have significantly larger achievement gaps [between Black and white students] in reading, math and high school graduation than the 12 most politically conservative cities.” Among those deeply blue places with the highest Black-white proficiency gaps are San Francisco, Seattle, Oakland, Portland, and Washington. More From Kali Holloway Inside the Cynical Campaign to Claim That Affirmative Action Hurts Asian Americans August 9, 2023 It’s Not Just Corporate Pride Boycotts—Right-Wingers Are Escalating Their Anti-LGBTQ Campaign June 23, 2023 Affirmative Action Is in the Supreme Court’s Crosshairs June 22, 2023
The vast Black-white disparities in housing and education are the stuff that America’s systemic racial inequalities are founded on, and unsurprisingly, they remain the areas where white folks of all political stripes have been most loath to upset the status quo. Housing determines nearly every aspect of our lives, from the resources available in our public schools to the quality of our streets and the accessibility of public transportation. The community we call home is tied to the very air we breathe, which, because of decades of anti-Black racism, is hotter and dirtier in African American neighborhoods. It’s easy for white liberals to call for more Black inclusion in the abstract—or to plant lawn signage that makes the bare-minimum recognition of Black lives as fully human—but to fall quiet when the specific location sought is the house next door. And while historian Richard Rothstein said that racial segregation has undoubtedly been expertly driven “by racially explicit federal, state and local policy, without which private actions of prejudice or discrimination would not have been very effective,” individual acts of anti-Black bias also deserve recognition for the ongoing role they play in maintaining white supremacy.
Trump isn’t clever enough to come up with a strategy to exploit racist fears on his own; he’s just following a successful tradition in American politics. But there is some evidence that the tide is turning. In a few cities around the country, there are bills pending to end exclusionary zoning and allow communities to create affordable housing in places where it had been prohibited by legislation or pricing. (In fact, Minneapolis scrapped single-family zoning last year, and Oregon made big changes of the same kind.) The response to those proposals will reveal whether white liberals’ professed commitment to dismantling white supremacy—stated loudly and often in our streets and social media feeds as of late—are genuine or just a veiled desire to get back to the sort of normalcy that keeps whiteness in power regardless of who’s in the White House.


thenation--2020-08-07--The NCAA Finally Faces a Reckoning

The NCAA Finally Faces a Reckoning

The top college athletes in the revenue-producing sports knew which way the wind was blowing as soon as word of a deadly pandemic hit the airwaves .
They knew that even if there were no vaccine , even if the rest of the campus were shut down , even if they had to be sent to a hermetically sealed bubble , they ’ d have to play .
If they were to catch the virus , then “ next man up , ” and the train would keep rolling on .
That ’ s the reality of the modern neoliberal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of NCAA ; and no one knows that better than the college athletes themselves .
But these are not ordinary times .
Discussions about the sundry injustices college athletes face have been on the fringes for decades—and now they ’ re entering the mainstream .
Work stoppages , economic rights , and racial justice are now topics up for consideration .
It is a startling reflection of our political moment , which has the potential to harpoon the NCAA .
In the Pac-12 conference , which includes teams like UCLA and USC , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demands challenging the status quo of their assumedly powerless reality .
The debates and discussions about what to push for began with concerns about reopening amid Covid-19 , but after the police murder of George Floyd , they also became about racial and economic justice .
Speaking to ESPN ’ s Bomani Jones , Jake Curhan , a redshirt senior football player at Cal , said , When we first got started , our only thought was coronavirus .
We started talking to some of our teammates , and they said , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
We don ’ t want to detract from their issue.
” The more we started talking with them , it became clear the two were the same issues .
Valentino Daltoso , Curhan ’ s teammate , put it this way to Jones : They are talking strike if their demands are not met .
Now the Big Ten—the power conference of iconic programs like those at Ohio State and Michigan—is organizing as well .
In an open letter called “ # BigTenUnited , ” authored by “ Players of the Big @ @ @ @ @ @ @ website , a thousand athletes signed on to demand input in the opening of any kind of a season .
They wrote , They also called for more economic support , including , They referred readers to the website .
All of this comes after a summer when high-profile coaches like Mike Gundy of Oklahoma State and Clemson ’ s Dabo Swinney found themselves in hot water with their players and programs for being , at best , tin-eared about the demands and aspirations of the Black Lives Matter movement and , at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the police line .
All of a sudden , they were on the hot seat , the power dynamics dramatically altered at long last .
This all comes at a time when sports on college campuses could not look more imperiled .
Earlier this summer , the Ivy Leagues and many historically black colleges and universities canceled fall sports .
This week , the NCAA ’ s Divisions II and III have canceled championships in fall sports : The University of Connecticut has announced that football will be canceled ; Louisville has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activities for four athletic teams after 29 players tested positive for Covid all linked to one off-campus party .
UCLA just announced that 10 football players have tested positive .
There are similar stories peppered across the landscape .
This is creating a reckoning for the plantation system of college football like we have never seen before .
It ’ s the pandemic .
It ’ s the racism .
It ’ s the absence of economic justice .
And it ’ s a volatile combination that could change the system forever .

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Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
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The top college athletes in the revenue-producing sports knew which way the wind was blowing as soon as word of a deadly pandemic hit the airwaves. They knew that even if there were no vaccine, even if the rest of the campus were shut down, even if they had to be sent to a hermetically sealed bubble, they’d have to play. If they were to catch the virus, then “next man up,” and the train would keep rolling on. That’s the reality of the modern neoliberal campus; that’s the reality of NCAA; and no one knows that better than the college athletes themselves.
But these are not ordinary times. Discussions about the sundry injustices college athletes face have been on the fringes for decades—and now they’re entering the mainstream. Work stoppages, economic rights, and racial justice are now topics up for consideration. It is a startling reflection of our political moment, which has the potential to harpoon the NCAA.
In the Pac-12 conference, which includes teams like UCLA and USC, players have put forward a series of demands challenging the status quo of their assumedly powerless reality. The debates and discussions about what to push for began with concerns about reopening amid Covid-19, but after the police murder of George Floyd, they also became about racial and economic justice. Speaking to ESPN’s Bomani Jones, Jake Curhan, a redshirt senior football player at Cal, said,
When we first got started, our only thought was coronavirus. We started talking to some of our teammates, and they said, “What about the Black Lives Matter issue? We don’t want to detract from their issue.” The more we started talking with them, it became clear the two were the same issues.
Valentino Daltoso, Curhan’s teammate, put it this way to Jones:
Coronavirus is the most pressing issue of the moment, but it’s just put a spotlight on how college athletics works. They rely so heavily on us to bring this money in, and we don’t see a penny of it.
They are talking strike if their demands are not met.
Now the Big Ten—the power conference of iconic programs like those at Ohio State and Michigan—is organizing as well. In an open letter called “#BigTenUnited,” authored by “Players of the Big Ten,” on the Players Tribune website, a thousand athletes signed on to demand input in the opening of any kind of a season. They wrote,
We are deeply disappointed with the lack of leadership demonstrated by the NCAA with respect to player safety during the COVID-19 pandemic. We believe that the NCAA must—on its own and through collaboration with the conference—devise a comprehensive plan to ensure the safety and well-being of players leading up to and during the upcoming fall season.
They also called for more economic support, including,
Coverage for all out-of-pocket medical expenses related to Covid-19 (both short-term and long-term) incurred by active college athletes Scholarship protections (including room, board and stipend) in the event that the season is canceled due to COVID-19
An adjustment to the cost-of-living stipend to account for the increase in personal expenses related to limited access that players have to facilities Reimbursement for stipends that were reduced during the summer
They referred readers to the website www.collegeathleteunity.org .
All of this comes after a summer when high-profile coaches like Mike Gundy of Oklahoma State and Clemson’s Dabo Swinney found themselves in hot water with their players and programs for being, at best, tin-eared about the demands and aspirations of the Black Lives Matter movement and, at worst, preening from the wrong side of the police line. All of a sudden, they were on the hot seat, the power dynamics dramatically altered at long last.
This all comes at a time when sports on college campuses could not look more imperiled. Earlier this summer, the Ivy Leagues and many historically black colleges and universities canceled fall sports. This week, the NCAA’s Divisions II and III have canceled championships in fall sports: The University of Connecticut has announced that football will be canceled; Louisville has announced that it will be suspending all activities for four athletic teams after 29 players tested positive for Covid all linked to one off-campus party. UCLA just announced that 10 football players have tested positive. There are similar stories peppered across the landscape. This is creating a reckoning for the plantation system of college football like we have never seen before. It’s the pandemic. It’s the racism. It’s the absence of economic justice. And it’s a volatile combination that could change the system forever.