thenation--2020-06-30--Donald Trump Is the ‘Undertaker’ of American Politics

What ’ s not to love about a good old-fashioned three-ring circus ?
The flash and bang of the human cannon , the dancing bears , the ponies prancing in lockstep , the flying trapeze , the tiger tamed , the clown brought down in a pratfall .
But circus magic depends upon the art of misdirection .
The best acts amaze us not only because they are skilled gymnasts or animal whisperers but also because they have mastered the ability to focus attention—on what they are doing as well as away from it .
Perfected distraction is the essence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the visual feint , the shell game , the disappearing act , the great escape.1 President Donald Trump is a master of political misdirection .
For those who have never seen his performance as comic impresario for World Wrestling Entertainment ( WWE ) , back when he was engaged in a Battle of the Billionaires with Vince McMahon , now might be the time to do some catch-up viewing .
A natural ringmaster , our president was fond of entering an arena flanked and followed by fawning courtiers .
The evening he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Convention as the party ’ s presidential candidate , he made just such a magnificent entrance from behind a smoky scrim , illuminated by flashing lights amid a great wash of loud music .
This over-the-top performativity is why many people who voted for him still insist that Trump isn ’ t a racist or a misogynist , that he doesn ’ t really mean what he says .
In their estimation , he ’ s only doing shtick ; he ’ s merely a great rodeo clown who seduces with humor and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he was forgiven by many in his base for the “ satire ” of prescribing bleach and blasts of ultraviolet light , like a demented sword swallower ’ s bid to cure Covid-19.2 For nearly four years , Trump has dissolved the foundations of our government in the acid of such nonsense , with even the most bizarre , ignorant , heinous , nativist , incoherent , awful behavior greeted as miraculous transmutation .
From caging children to classifying journalists as “ enemies of the people , ” he has eroded the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been repeatedly forgiven because supposedly he ’ s a businessman or he ’ s a performer or he ’ s “ real.
” It ’ s all OK as long as he ’ s not really a politician.3 It ’ s all funny—hilarious , even—until it really , really isn ’ t.4 When , on June 1 , Trump strode across Lafayette Square from the White House to a symbolic house of God , the fictive circus suddenly got real .
It was like one of those terrible Agatha Christie moments when the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a woman—into a box and pretends to saw her in half .
Except the trick goes wrong !
We are frozen for a moment .
That can ’ t be blood !
We don ’ t believe our eyes.5 There was certainly lots of drama leading up to the moment .
There was the president ’ s weeklong snowballing fury , which climaxed with that photo of him holding the Bible aloft like a cat he had just strangled .
There was the call with governors , during which he used some form @ @ @ @ @ @ @ times .
There was the threat , delivered from the Rose Garden , of sending in the military to discipline domestic demonstrators .
There was an order to designate antifa as a terrorist organization—in the absence of any evidence it either is an actual organization or is engaged in terrorist activity .
Finally , there was the summoning of a retinue of courtiers to cross the Rubicon of Lafayette Square , including the US attorney general , the secretary of defense , and the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff .
Together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their way through the litter of tear gas canisters where peaceful protesters had been violently removed only moments before .
A White House spokeswoman took the liberty of comparing the scene to Winston Churchill inspecting the rubble of London during World War II , but to me , Trump ’ s angry march across the plaza amid a hellscape of pepper grenades and loud cries looked more like the stormy entrances made by the darkly wrathful WWE character and crowd-pleasing favorite the Undertaker.6 Like any good gimmick , this misbegotten tableau came with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I found a certain deceptive irony in that sheep ’ s clothing of a name , so tailor-made for a wolf .
Themis is said to have created the Delphic Oracle .
Themis was the Greek goddess of divine order , customary norms , and the general awareness of right from wrong .
Her will was revealed through omen and revelation , not man-made law .
When Themis ’ s commands were neglected or ignored , Nemesis was said to take over—Nemesis being the goddess of divine retribution , the avenger of crime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a sword , and a measuring rod , she was called implacable .
To me , therefore , Operation Nemesis seemed a much more fitting label for the events of June 1.7 But whether in the name of Themis or Nemesis , the staging suggested mythic glory , this evocation of Moses parting the Red Sea , this smackdown team of muscled if maskless superheroes , with Princess Ivanka bringing up the rear like an ice swan , bearing a Bible in her boxy snow-white handbag .
And just as with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Donald Trump ’ s procession was marked by Sturm und Drang and curtains of smoke through which the victorious lord materialized and “ dominated.
” 8 The fact that the smoke was really tear gas or that there were flailing batons , sharp-hoofed horses , and gladiators in real battle gear with real guns pointed at real citizens or that this was the real president and the real secretary of defense commanding the real and immense power of the US military against a lawful and peaceful assembly or that this was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to such a petty , tin-pot end… well , it all hardly seemed to matter .
What lingered in the mind was that this was a brilliantly theatrical , visually plotted performance with so many mixed-up cinematic and comic book references , it was hard to keep track.9 But the magic of misdirection does not only make us wonder how that hefty white rabbit materialized out of thin air .
Performed skillfully enough , you just might end up believing that the magician himself is a renderer of miracles and that the word @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laws of physics .
Trump ’ s march , cutting its way through crowds like a bulldozer , was the kind of performance that enchants its viewers into new realities .
It visually telegraphed a powerful alternative universe and enacted a heretofore unimaginable blueprint of how state force might “ dominate ” a public space .
It was behavior whose performativity operates far beyond itself .
Mere oaths of office faded in its wake .
The Posse Comitatus Act evaporated like a ghost .
You , the people , used to have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and it disappeared.10 I don ’ t wish to spend much time deconstructing what was going on in the president ’ s mind .
Better to examine the downstream effects of his pantomime as it was echoed and reenacted in the pushing aside of other peaceful protesters in other places in the days that followed .
For all the genuinely moving moments of police kneeling and thoughtful engagement in the complexity of dissent , there seemed to be a clear national uptick after June 1 in police throwing demonstrators to the ground @ @ @ @ @ @ @ photographers , spraying tear gas in onlookers ’ faces , and threatening protesters with moving vehicles.11 Consider one particularly visible and vexed case : On June 4 , 75-year-old Martin Gugino , a Catholic peace activist , was shoved by members of the Buffalo Police Department ’ s Emergency Response Team .
Gugino stumbled backward and fell , hard , onto the pavement , fracturing his skull .
He lay there with blood flowing profusely in a pool around his head .
Later , after help finally came , he was hospitalized ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in serious condition ) .
But remarkably , help was not immediately forthcoming .
A spectator with a smartphone captured the episode ; the video showed an entire squadron of police , including the officers who shoved him , walking past Gugino ’ s supine form .
Not one of them came to his aid .
Instead they moved on like a school of fish or a pack of wild horses gliding around a big stump in the ground .
It is a shocking video .
The push itself was both brutal and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yet there was a notable moment in the video when one officer hesitated , seemed to waver .
But just then , another officer put his hand on his shoulder and signaled him to keep moving .
That brief turn toward the injured man was the tiniest shimmer of movement , lost as quickly as it came , as the herd moved on .
I remark on that small hesitation because it occurred at the instant in this narrative when Themis might reasonably have been invoked .
This was the moment of crisis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , mentors , teachers , and friends should insert themselves for a nudge toward goodness .
It is precisely the instant when one might wish for better angels rather than avenging scolds to intervene .
This is the situation in which lessons in the basic skills of deescalation might assert their value as those inner advisory voices , that second nature .
That ’ s enough .
Take your knee off his neck .
Don ’ t step over an unconscious body in your role as a guardian of public safety.13 Indeed , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transfixed by the groupthink of staying together , an orderliness that overrode kindness or common sense .
It looked as though they were pursuing a mission unrelated to the fate of members of the public and had forgotten what they were there to do .
Too busy to look down or look back , they couldn ’ t stop to heal or to recognize actual vulnerable civilian circumstance as part of their charge.14 Boris Johnson Interviewed Me for His Column .
Here ’ s What Didn ’ t Make It Into Print .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ downstream application of a state of mind that treats public ground as a “ battle space , ” as Secretary of Defense Mark Esper urged the governors during the group phone call of June 1 .
That logic of war was made even more apparent in short order : After the two officers who shoved Gugino were suspended and charged with second-degree assault , the entire Emergency Response Team—some 57 officers—resigned “ in disgust ” to protest the “ mistreatment ” of their brethren .
As John Evans , the president of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buffalo News , “ Our position is these officers were simply following orders from Deputy Police Commissioner Joseph Gramaglia to clear the square… .
It doesn ’ t specify clear the square of men 50 and under , or 14 to 40 .
They were simply doing their job .
I don ’ t know how much contact was made .
He did slip in my estimation .
He fell backwards.
” 15 It is easy to pick up on the casual cruelty of those individuals who are just “ following orders.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the corollary , expressed by Roger Berkowitz in a New York Times reflection on Hannah Arendt ’ s portrayal of Adolf Eichmann .
Berkowitz wrote that the harder cases are those when people act “ not as a robotic bureaucrat , but as part of a movement.
” They “ commit themselves absolutely to the fictional truth of the movement… .
It is this thoughtless commitment that permits idealists to imagine themselves as heroes and makes them willing to employ technological implements of violence in the name of saving the world.
” 16 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reinforce this ethic of good-soldierly dominance , Trump lost no time endorsing the Buffalo officers ’ mass resignation , tweeting a completely unsubstantiated theory that Gugino “ could be an ANTIFA provocateur.
” ( This is not an accusation to be taken lightly ; in declaring those associated with antifa as terrorists , Trump potentially subjects them not only to oversight by police but also to much-harder-to-trace surveillance and interference by the FBI , CIA , and other spy agencies . )
The president ’ s tweet concluded , “ I watched , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Was aiming scanner .
Could be a set up ?
” Although the FBI and the Department of Justice have , to date , announced no arrests of protesters linked to antifa ideology or groups , Attorney General William Barr suggested on Fox News that the lack of cases “ does not mean they haven ’ t been involved in the violence.
” The eloquently compressed response from Gugino ’ s attorney noted that the injured man “ has been a longtime peaceful protester , human rights advocate and overall fan of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Collins stated , “ I think it would be best if the president did not comment on issues that are before the courts.
” 17 It is true that the two members of the Emergency Response Team charged with Gugino ’ s assault will come before the courts—eventually .
Meanwhile , we must wonder what will happen to our collective consciousness by then .
Second-degree murder charges have been filed against Derek Chauvin for the killing of George Floyd—but what filters might settle over our perceptions to make that presently inexcusable death seem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the officer who strangled Eric Garner ?
18 We must treat this sleight of hand with the seriousness it deserves .
It may be that this moment sufficiently reveals to all Americans the disparities that African Americans and other people of color have been experiencing for generations .
But we have been here before , if not to the same degree , yet over and over , what seems to be seen becomes unseen , our attention redirected .
Even when the Trumpian circus earns scorn and furious backlash , his basest theatrical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be reenacted elsewhere , familiarized as normative baselines are reset .
Trump explicitly endorses an ethic that urges officers not to be “ too nice ” when making an arrest .
He encourages an environment in which just stopping to acknowledge that you ’ ve mowed someone down is seen as weakness and restraint in governance is acting like a fool .
The president praises extraordinary shows of force , seemingly driven by no higher morality than the pure vanity of wanting to appear invincible , the question of proportion a superfluity.19 If @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the flawed life we once had , let alone drag ourselves into the better world we hope to inhabit in the future , we must profoundly reappraise political appeals to magical thinking .
There are no miracles .
There are no gods among us .
Once we had a Constitution .
We all saw it .
Now you don ’ t ?
Then it ’ s time we stop wringing our hands and intercept that Oz-like strange joker as he sidles for the door .
We can not let him abscond with something @ @ @ @ @ @

This article appears in the July 13/20, 2020 issue.
What’s not to love about a good old-fashioned three-ring circus? The flash and bang of the human cannon, the dancing bears, the ponies prancing in lockstep, the flying trapeze, the tiger tamed, the clown brought down in a pratfall. But circus magic depends upon the art of misdirection. The best acts amaze us not only because they are skilled gymnasts or animal whisperers but also because they have mastered the ability to focus attention—on what they are doing as well as away from it. Perfected distraction is the essence of magic: the sleight of hand, the visual feint, the shell game, the disappearing act, the great escape.1
President Donald Trump is a master of political misdirection. For those who have never seen his performance as comic impresario for World Wrestling Entertainment (WWE), back when he was engaged in a Battle of the Billionaires with Vince McMahon, now might be the time to do some catch-up viewing. A natural ringmaster, our president was fond of entering an arena flanked and followed by fawning courtiers. The evening he was nominated at the 2016 Republican National Convention as the party’s presidential candidate, he made just such a magnificent entrance from behind a smoky scrim, illuminated by flashing lights amid a great wash of loud music. This over-the-top performativity is why many people who voted for him still insist that Trump isn’t a racist or a misogynist, that he doesn’t really mean what he says. In their estimation, he’s only doing shtick; he’s merely a great rodeo clown who seduces with humor and hyperbole. Even as recently as April, he was forgiven by many in his base for the “satire” of prescribing bleach and blasts of ultraviolet light, like a demented sword swallower’s bid to cure Covid-19.2
For nearly four years, Trump has dissolved the foundations of our government in the acid of such nonsense, with even the most bizarre, ignorant, heinous, nativist, incoherent, awful behavior greeted as miraculous transmutation. From caging children to classifying journalists as “enemies of the people,” he has eroded the Constitution with nary a check and has been repeatedly forgiven because supposedly he’s a businessman or he’s a performer or he’s “real.” It’s all OK as long as he’s not really a politician.3
It’s all funny—hilarious, even—until it really, really isn’t.4
When, on June 1, Trump strode across Lafayette Square from the White House to a symbolic house of God, the fictive circus suddenly got real. It was like one of those terrible Agatha Christie moments when the magician puts a woman—it’s always a woman—into a box and pretends to saw her in half. Except the trick goes wrong! We are frozen for a moment. That can’t be blood! We don’t believe our eyes.5 Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
There was certainly lots of drama leading up to the moment. There was the president’s weeklong snowballing fury, which climaxed with that photo of him holding the Bible aloft like a cat he had just strangled. There was the call with governors, during which he used some form of the word “dominate” 14 times. There was the threat, delivered from the Rose Garden, of sending in the military to discipline domestic demonstrators. There was an order to designate antifa as a terrorist organization—in the absence of any evidence it either is an actual organization or is engaged in terrorist activity. Finally, there was the summoning of a retinue of courtiers to cross the Rubicon of Lafayette Square, including the US attorney general, the secretary of defense, and the chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Together they formed a brave flèche, picking their way through the litter of tear gas canisters where peaceful protesters had been violently removed only moments before. A White House spokeswoman took the liberty of comparing the scene to Winston Churchill inspecting the rubble of London during World War II, but to me, Trump’s angry march across the plaza amid a hellscape of pepper grenades and loud cries looked more like the stormy entrances made by the darkly wrathful WWE character and crowd-pleasing favorite the Undertaker.6
Like any good gimmick, this misbegotten tableau came with an evocative caption: Operation Themis. I found a certain deceptive irony in that sheep’s clothing of a name, so tailor-made for a wolf. Themis is said to have created the Delphic Oracle. Themis was the Greek goddess of divine order, customary norms, and the general awareness of right from wrong. Her will was revealed through omen and revelation, not man-made law. When Themis’s commands were neglected or ignored, Nemesis was said to take over—Nemesis being the goddess of divine retribution, the avenger of crime. Carrying a scourge, a whip, a sword, and a measuring rod, she was called implacable. To me, therefore, Operation Nemesis seemed a much more fitting label for the events of June 1.7 Current Issue View our current issue
But whether in the name of Themis or Nemesis, the staging suggested mythic glory, this evocation of Moses parting the Red Sea, this smackdown team of muscled if maskless superheroes, with Princess Ivanka bringing up the rear like an ice swan, bearing a Bible in her boxy snow-white handbag. And just as with the Undertaker’s entry into the ring, Donald Trump’s procession was marked by Sturm und Drang and curtains of smoke through which the victorious lord materialized and “dominated.”8
The fact that the smoke was really tear gas or that there were flailing batons, sharp-hoofed horses, and gladiators in real battle gear with real guns pointed at real citizens or that this was the real president and the real secretary of defense commanding the real and immense power of the US military against a lawful and peaceful assembly or that this was a display of real authoritarianism in unconstitutional service to such a petty, tin-pot end… well, it all hardly seemed to matter. What lingered in the mind was that this was a brilliantly theatrical, visually plotted performance with so many mixed-up cinematic and comic book references, it was hard to keep track.9
But the magic of misdirection does not only make us wonder how that hefty white rabbit materialized out of thin air. Performed skillfully enough, you just might end up believing that the magician himself is a renderer of miracles and that the word “abracadabra” can override the very laws of physics. Trump’s march, cutting its way through crowds like a bulldozer, was the kind of performance that enchants its viewers into new realities. It visually telegraphed a powerful alternative universe and enacted a heretofore unimaginable blueprint of how state force might “dominate” a public space. It was behavior whose performativity operates far beyond itself. Mere oaths of office faded in its wake. The Posse Comitatus Act evaporated like a ghost. You, the people, used to have a working Constitution, but—oops!—you blinked, and it disappeared.10
Back to the bunker: Trump returns from his visit to St. John’s Church on June 1. (Patrick Semansky / AP Photo)
I don’t wish to spend much time deconstructing what was going on in the president’s mind. Better to examine the downstream effects of his pantomime as it was echoed and reenacted in the pushing aside of other peaceful protesters in other places in the days that followed. For all the genuinely moving moments of police kneeling and thoughtful engagement in the complexity of dissent, there seemed to be a clear national uptick after June 1 in police throwing demonstrators to the ground, beating marchers, attacking journalists and photographers, spraying tear gas in onlookers’ faces, and threatening protesters with moving vehicles.11
Consider one particularly visible and vexed case: On June 4, 75-year-old Martin Gugino, a Catholic peace activist, was shoved by members of the Buffalo Police Department’s Emergency Response Team. Gugino stumbled backward and fell, hard, onto the pavement, fracturing his skull. He lay there with blood flowing profusely in a pool around his head. Later, after help finally came, he was hospitalized (and remained so two weeks later, in serious condition). But remarkably, help was not immediately forthcoming. A spectator with a smartphone captured the episode; the video showed an entire squadron of police, including the officers who shoved him, walking past Gugino’s supine form. Not one of them came to his aid. Instead they moved on like a school of fish or a pack of wild horses gliding around a big stump in the ground. It is a shocking video. The push itself was both brutal and careless, the response even more so.12
Yet there was a notable moment in the video when one officer hesitated, seemed to waver. But just then, another officer put his hand on his shoulder and signaled him to keep moving. That brief turn toward the injured man was the tiniest shimmer of movement, lost as quickly as it came, as the herd moved on. I remark on that small hesitation because it occurred at the instant in this narrative when Themis might reasonably have been invoked. This was the moment of crisis when the internalized voices of our leaders, mentors, teachers, and friends should insert themselves for a nudge toward goodness. It is precisely the instant when one might wish for better angels rather than avenging scolds to intervene. This is the situation in which lessons in the basic skills of deescalation might assert their value as those inner advisory voices, that second nature. That’s enough. Take your knee off his neck. Don’t step over an unconscious body in your role as a guardian of public safety.13
Indeed, in the video, the officers seemed transfixed by the groupthink of staying together, an orderliness that overrode kindness or common sense. It looked as though they were pursuing a mission unrelated to the fate of members of the public and had forgotten what they were there to do. Too busy to look down or look back, they couldn’t stop to heal or to recognize actual vulnerable civilian circumstance as part of their charge.14 More From Patricia J. Williams The Prying Eyes of Social Media September 20, 2022 Remembering the Clarion Call of bell hooks December 21, 2021 How NOT to Talk About Race October 18, 2021
This brusque triage of concern is the downstream application of a state of mind that treats public ground as a “battle space,” as Secretary of Defense Mark Esper urged the governors during the group phone call of June 1. That logic of war was made even more apparent in short order: After the two officers who shoved Gugino were suspended and charged with second-degree assault, the entire Emergency Response Team—some 57 officers—resigned “in disgust” to protest the “mistreatment” of their brethren. As John Evans, the president of the local Police Benevolent Association, told The Buffalo News, “Our position is these officers were simply following orders from Deputy Police Commissioner Joseph Gramaglia to clear the square…. It doesn’t specify clear the square of men 50 and under, or 14 to 40. They were simply doing their job. I don’t know how much contact was made. He did slip in my estimation. He fell backwards.”15
It is easy to pick up on the casual cruelty of those individuals who are just “following orders.” What is subtler and more complex is the corollary, expressed by Roger Berkowitz in a New York Times reflection on Hannah Arendt’s portrayal of Adolf Eichmann. Berkowitz wrote that the harder cases are those when people act “not as a robotic bureaucrat, but as part of a movement.” They “commit themselves absolutely to the fictional truth of the movement…. It is this thoughtless commitment that permits idealists to imagine themselves as heroes and makes them willing to employ technological implements of violence in the name of saving the world.”16
Out of darkness: Trump’s entrance at the 2016 Republican National Convention was a stage-managed spectacle with smoke, flashing lights, and throbbing music.
As though to complete the circle and reinforce this ethic of good-soldierly dominance, Trump lost no time endorsing the Buffalo officers’ mass resignation, tweeting a completely unsubstantiated theory that Gugino “could be an ANTIFA provocateur.” (This is not an accusation to be taken lightly; in declaring those associated with antifa as terrorists, Trump potentially subjects them not only to oversight by police but also to much-harder-to-trace surveillance and interference by the FBI, CIA, and other spy agencies.) The president’s tweet concluded, “I watched, he fell harder than was pushed. Was aiming scanner. Could be a set up?” Although the FBI and the Department of Justice have, to date, announced no arrests of protesters linked to antifa ideology or groups, Attorney General William Barr suggested on Fox News that the lack of cases “does not mean they haven’t been involved in the violence.” The eloquently compressed response from Gugino’s attorney noted that the injured man “has been a longtime peaceful protester, human rights advocate and overall fan of the US Constitution.” Even Republican Senator Susan Collins stated, “I think it would be best if the president did not comment on issues that are before the courts.”17
It is true that the two members of the Emergency Response Team charged with Gugino’s assault will come before the courts—eventually. Meanwhile, we must wonder what will happen to our collective consciousness by then. Second-degree murder charges have been filed against Derek Chauvin for the killing of George Floyd—but what filters might settle over our perceptions to make that presently inexcusable death seem reasonable through the same lens that exonerated the officer who strangled Eric Garner?18
We must treat this sleight of hand with the seriousness it deserves. It may be that this moment sufficiently reveals to all Americans the disparities that African Americans and other people of color have been experiencing for generations. But we have been here before, if not to the same degree, yet over and over, what seems to be seen becomes unseen, our attention redirected. Even when the Trumpian circus earns scorn and furious backlash, his basest theatrical stylings nevertheless become viral moral templates to be reenacted elsewhere, familiarized as normative baselines are reset. Trump explicitly endorses an ethic that urges officers not to be “too nice” when making an arrest. He encourages an environment in which just stopping to acknowledge that you’ve mowed someone down is seen as weakness and restraint in governance is acting like a fool. The president praises extraordinary shows of force, seemingly driven by no higher morality than the pure vanity of wanting to appear invincible, the question of proportion a superfluity.19
If we are ever to return merely to the flawed life we once had, let alone drag ourselves into the better world we hope to inhabit in the future, we must profoundly reappraise political appeals to magical thinking. There are no miracles. There are no gods among us. Once we had a Constitution. We all saw it. Now you don’t? Then it’s time we stop wringing our hands and intercept that Oz-like strange joker as he sidles for the door. We cannot let him abscond with something so precious hidden up his sleeve.20


thenation--2020-06-30--As Netanyahu Annexes the West Bank, Where Are the Democrats?

Tomorrow , July 1 , Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is expected to move forward with his campaign promise to annex significant sections of West Bank territory .
As of this writing , the full extent of Netanyahu ’ s plan is not known , but he is expected to annex the fertile Jordan Valley as well as several large settlement blocs .
Annexation also comprises parts of Donald Trump ’ s so-called Deal of the Century , which calls for Israel annexing over 30 percent of the West Bank .
Netanyahu ’ s motives are opaque .
As Israeli @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prime ministers have adopted policies of “ quiet , creeping annexation , ” while Netanyahu ’ s is already loud and imperious .
The Israeli prime minister is also looking for Trump ’ s approval , which may explain the rush .
Gains must be consolidated now before there is a change in American administrations and , possibly , American policy .
So where are the Democrats on this issue ?
The question is important not only because unilateral annexation will cement “ a vision of a 21st century apartheid , ” as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stated recently , but also because the Democratic response , particularly from presumptive presidential candidate Joe Biden , could offer a sense of what the party ’ s foreign policy platform will be .
The early moves from Biden are—you guessed it—disappointing .
While he is on record opposing annexation , his stance was revealed not through , say , a broadly distributed statement upholding the international law principle that the acquisition of territory by war or force is inadmissible .
Instead , he made his views known on Zoom , or some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the American Jewish Committee , Biden told his audience : “ I do not support annexation .
The fact is , I will reverse Trump ’ s undercutting of peace.
” Who cares about how he said it , as long as he said it , you might say .
And you ’ d of course be right .
Substance is more important than style .
But the other problem is that there ’ s evidence that Biden won ’ t actually reverse all that Trump has done regarding Israel and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for American diplomacy either .
Biden called Trump ’ s provocative move of the American Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem “ short sighted and frivolous , ” but then said he would leave the embassy in Jerusalem .
I ’ m not sure what to call this : no-change you can believe in ?
The New Zealand Massacre Was Mass Murder as a Marketing Strategy For Immigrants in Trump ’ s America , the Dystopian Future Has Already Arrived The Year I Stopped Breathing : On Being Muslim and American in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ never been a friend to the Palestinians , has also rejected a proposal that was first made by Senator Bernie Sanders and that is popular among progressive Democrats : that the United States condition its billions of dollars of aid to Israel on Israel ’ s actions and commitments to a negotiated settlement .
Biden called Sanders ’ s idea “ bizarre.
” Lara Friedman , president of the Foundation for Middle East Peace , put Biden ’ s position in perspective at a recent panel hosted by Jewish Currents magazine .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ constructive , more courageous , more visionary thoughts , particularly at a time when Israel is getting set to do something like annexation , ” Friedman said .
“ But essentially what [ the Biden camp has ] articulated is as close to a status quo [ as you get ] .
” The situation is worse than that because , when it comes to Israel ’ s actions , the status quo has never been static .
The settler population keeps growing and is now over 600,000 .
New facts on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and every time .
Such will be the case for de jure annexation .
Despite what Biden says , it may not be so easy to undo .
But it ’ s also important to point out that de facto annexation is already here .
As Palestinian human rights lawyer Noura Erakat explains , “ Palestinians can tell you that the worst-case scenario already exists : As non-sovereigns of their own state and non-citizens of Israel , they are subjected to perpetual Israeli domination.
” Even with all the complications illegal , unilateral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ real threat .
The status quo is .
By believing he can return the region to some version of a previous status quo , Biden is not just missing the point .
He ’ s missing an opportunity .
A recent University of Maryland poll finds that 67 percent of respondents agreed that it is “ acceptable ” for members of Congress to question the Israeli-American relationship , or that it ’ s their “ duty ” of to do so .
Among Democrats , that number was a whopping 81 percent .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ equal rights for everyone—Jewish and Palestinian , in Israel and in the Occupied Territories—is long overdue .
But slavish devotion to a failed status quo , one that has only ever enabled Israel ’ s continuing subjugation of the Palestinians , will do nothing but deliver more misery and violence .
In an interview with Ha ’ aretz Magazine in 2000 , Edward Said described the complex intertwining of Palestinian and Israeli history as a “ symphony ” that is “ magnificently imposing.
” He continued : Said was wrong about one thing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But there ’ s nothing honorable—or noble—about politicians , Biden included , who for their own limited political advantage tinker with the promise of Palestinian freedom in order to deny it .
In fact , it ’ s a disgrace .

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Tomorrow, July 1, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is expected to move forward with his campaign promise to annex significant sections of West Bank territory. As of this writing, the full extent of Netanyahu’s plan is not known, but he is expected to annex the fertile Jordan Valley as well as several large settlement blocs. Annexation also comprises parts of Donald Trump’s so-called Deal of the Century, which calls for Israel annexing over 30 percent of the West Bank.
Netanyahu’s motives are opaque. As Israeli analyst Akiva Eldar observes, previous Israeli prime ministers have adopted policies of “quiet, creeping annexation,” while Netanyahu’s is already loud and imperious. The Israeli prime minister is also looking for Trump’s approval, which may explain the rush. Gains must be consolidated now before there is a change in American administrations and, possibly, American policy.
So where are the Democrats on this issue? The question is important not only because unilateral annexation will cement “a vision of a 21st century apartheid,” as a UN council of human rights experts stated recently, but also because the Democratic response, particularly from presumptive presidential candidate Joe Biden, could offer a sense of what the party’s foreign policy platform will be.
The early moves from Biden are—you guessed it—disappointing. While he is on record opposing annexation, his stance was revealed not through, say, a broadly distributed statement upholding the international law principle that the acquisition of territory by war or force is inadmissible. Instead, he made his views known on Zoom, or some such platform. During a virtual fundraiser with the American Jewish Committee, Biden told his audience: “I do not support annexation. The fact is, I will reverse Trump’s undercutting of peace.”
Who cares about how he said it, as long as he said it, you might say. And you’d of course be right. Substance is more important than style. But the other problem is that there’s evidence that Biden won’t actually reverse all that Trump has done regarding Israel and the Palestinians—and won’t provide new directions for American diplomacy either. Biden called Trump’s provocative move of the American Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem “short sighted and frivolous,” but then said he would leave the embassy in Jerusalem. I’m not sure what to call this: no-change you can believe in? More From Moustafa Bayoumi The Problem With "Jihad, Rehab" Isn’t Filmmaker Meg Smaker’s Color or Religion November 7, 2022 Journey to Guantánamo: A Week in America’s Notorious Penal Colony July 11, 2022 How the War on Terror Created the “Muslim American” September 9, 2021
Biden, who has never been a friend to the Palestinians, has also rejected a proposal that was first made by Senator Bernie Sanders and that is popular among progressive Democrats: that the United States condition its billions of dollars of aid to Israel on Israel’s actions and commitments to a negotiated settlement. Biden called Sanders’s idea “bizarre.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Lara Friedman, president of the Foundation for Middle East Peace, put Biden’s position in perspective at a recent panel hosted by Jewish Currents magazine. “I’d love to see more constructive, more courageous, more visionary thoughts, particularly at a time when Israel is getting set to do something like annexation,” Friedman said. “But essentially what [the Biden camp has] articulated is as close to a status quo [as you get].” Current Issue View our current issue
The situation is worse than that because, when it comes to Israel’s actions, the status quo has never been static. The settler population keeps growing and is now over 600,000. New facts on the ground create a new status quo each and every time.
Such will be the case for de jure annexation. Despite what Biden says, it may not be so easy to undo. But it’s also important to point out that de facto annexation is already here. As Palestinian human rights lawyer Noura Erakat explains, “Palestinians can tell you that the worst-case scenario already exists: As non-sovereigns of their own state and non-citizens of Israel, they are subjected to perpetual Israeli domination.” Even with all the complications illegal, unilateral annexation brings, it is not the real threat. The status quo is.
By believing he can return the region to some version of a previous status quo, Biden is not just missing the point. He’s missing an opportunity. A recent University of Maryland poll finds that 67 percent of respondents agreed that it is “acceptable” for members of Congress to question the Israeli-American relationship, or that it’s their “duty” of to do so. Among Democrats, that number was a whopping 81 percent.
The time for new thinking that guarantees equal rights for everyone—Jewish and Palestinian, in Israel and in the Occupied Territories—is long overdue. But slavish devotion to a failed status quo, one that has only ever enabled Israel’s continuing subjugation of the Palestinians, will do nothing but deliver more misery and violence.
In an interview with Ha’aretz Magazine in 2000, Edward Said described the complex intertwining of Palestinian and Israeli history as a “symphony” that is “magnificently imposing.” He continued:
[W]hat you are faced with is a kind of sublime grandeur of a series of tragedies, of losses, of sacrifices, of pain that would take the brain of a Bach to figure out. It would require the imagination of someone like Edmund Burke to fathom. But the people dealing with this gigantic paining are “quick-fix” Clinton, Arafat, and Barak, who are like a group of single-minded janitors who can only sweep around it, who can only say let’s move it a bit—let’s put in in the corner.
Said was wrong about one thing: Janitor is an honorable profession. But there’s nothing honorable—or noble—about politicians, Biden included, who for their own limited political advantage tinker with the promise of Palestinian freedom in order to deny it. In fact, it’s a disgrace.


thenation--2020-06-30--Confronting the Living History of the Civil Rights Struggle

Our country is experiencing a moment of honest reckoning , one that has been a long time building .
To understand the enormity of this moment , one needs only to turn to the American South for the living , breathing memory of the struggle for civil rights .
I ’ m a documentary film maker by trade , and the first time I led a tour of sites from the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s , I drove the bus .
It was filled with 10 junior high school students and three adult chaperones .
Our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the school the students attended and my presence was requested to serve as a male chaperone .
With little idea of what to expect , I could not have anticipated that the experience would change my life .
Most of us do not have access to all the intricacies of American history .
We can learn a tremendous deal about the evolution of civil rights in this country from books , films , and lectures .
But to walk the streets where courage and fear so famously clashed—to break bread with and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marchers , and participants of the movement both past and present—that is to bear witness .
That is to see history come alive .
Today , I travel across the South with groups of Nation magazine readers several times each year .
We started our first program in 2018 ( the magazine ’ s adult tours are a mission-aligned way to help support their journalism ) .
Founded in 1865 by abolitionists , The Nation has a long history of covering civil rights , including an annual report on the struggle by Dr. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1966 .
To date , several hundred people have joined us on the program , and as we travel we spend time with locals : We are present in the streets , the churches , and the rooms that define history .
Travelers are transformed by what they witness .
In this video , we meet Sylvester , a man born and raised in the same town where Emmett Till was tortured and lynched .
His story , his connection to the land and the people , and his recollection of that fateful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We offer this piece as a chance to witness our uncovered history and as a plea to sustain our moment of reckoning into a movement that propels us forward , defined by progress .
A longer version of the documentary will be shared in the fall .
Stay tuned .

Our country is experiencing a moment of honest reckoning, one that has been a long time building. To understand the enormity of this moment, one needs only to turn to the American South for the living, breathing memory of the struggle for civil rights.
I’m a documentary film maker by trade, and the first time I led a tour of sites from the civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s, I drove the bus. It was filled with 10 junior high school students and three adult chaperones. Our agenda was created by a former teacher of the school the students attended and my presence was requested to serve as a male chaperone. With little idea of what to expect, I could not have anticipated that the experience would change my life.
Most of us do not have access to all the intricacies of American history. We can learn a tremendous deal about the evolution of civil rights in this country from books, films, and lectures. But to walk the streets where courage and fear so famously clashed—to break bread with and learn from the living foot soldiers, marchers, and participants of the movement both past and present—that is to bear witness. That is to see history come alive.
Today, I travel across the South with groups of Nation magazine readers several times each year. We started our first program in 2018 (the magazine’s adult tours are a mission-aligned way to help support their journalism). Founded in 1865 by abolitionists, The Nation has a long history of covering civil rights, including an annual report on the struggle by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. from 1961 to 1966. To date, several hundred people have joined us on the program, and as we travel we spend time with locals: We are present in the streets, the churches, and the rooms that define history. Travelers are transformed by what they witness. In this video, we meet Sylvester, a man born and raised in the same town where Emmett Till was tortured and lynched. His story, his connection to the land and the people, and his recollection of that fateful event compels us to bear witness.
We offer this piece as a chance to witness our uncovered history and as a plea to sustain our moment of reckoning into a movement that propels us forward, defined by progress. A longer version of the documentary will be shared in the fall. Stay tuned.


thenation--2020-06-30--Athletes Are Taking Their Solidarity to the Streets

On Juneteenth , two young Black men led a demonstration down the streets of Washington , D.C. , megaphones in hand , chanting that Black Lives Matter , and that without justice , there would be no peace .
This has become a familiar sight in the nation ’ s capital over the last month , since the police murder of George Floyd .
Less familiar were the two people leading the charge .
Their names are John Wall and Bradley Beal , and they make up the All-Star backcourt for the NBA ’ s Washington Wizards .
In an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the intersection of sports and politics , Beal spoke out at the rally .
He recalled an interaction with local police that he had in 2018 .
“ Two years ago , I got pulled over on 495 [ the D.C. Beltway ] and the officer asked me to step out of the vehicle .
We are literally on the side of the highway .
My wife , me , and one of my friends .
The officer comes up to me and says , ‘ What if I fuck up your Monday @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and arrest you right now ?
’ ” We ’ ve become used to seeing athletes , particularly Black athletes , over the last decade using their platform to amplify messages of protest and dissent .
We ’ ve also been used to an athlete ’ s using the field or court as a legitimate site of protest during the national anthem , taking a knee or raising a fist in silent protest .
But seeing athletes themselves take to the streets recalls a previous political period .
As sports historian professor Louis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We Will Win the Day —said to me , “ What ’ s different today is the numbers .
“ Wall and Beal fit in a tradition of athletes , like 1960 Olympic hero Wilma Rudolph , for example .
She was arrested in 1963 for taking part in a sit-in .
Or Bill Russell , who helped lead protests in 1963 , while Jackie Robinson and Floyd Robinson went to Birmingham .
But what ’ s different today is the amount of athletes we see .
It ’ s all over , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guess is that we can count on hands how many pros in the past were marching on the front lines .
Jackie wanted more , and in today ’ s players , we ’ re getting more.
” Times have certainly changed .
In the late 1960s , when the protests turned to urban rebellions , particularly after Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. ’ s assassination in 1968 , it was more common to see Black athletes used to try to quell protests .
On college campuses , as detailed in the book @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Aquarius , by David Zang , which I highly recommend , “ athletes , particularly the football team , were often used to harass anti-war activists and even form picket lines to keep food and supplies out of buildings being occupied by demonstrators.
” The contrast between that scene and seeing Black college athletes today , particularly football players at powerhouse schools like Texas and USC , making anti-racist demands of their school , and also taking the time to hit the streets and protest , is a generational shift and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not be ignored .
Then there is Kansas State , where athletes are refusing to play unless the school deals with a prominent racist student who tweeted something vile about George Floyd .
If one person could be credited for a catalyst for bringing athletes into the struggle , that would be former NBA player Stephen Jackson .
Captain Jack , as he is known , was friends with George Floyd—looking so similar to one another that their mutual nickname was “ Twin.
” Jackson has openly opposed reopening of the NBA season @ @ @ @ @ @ @ struggle , saying , “ None of these white owners are speaking up .
None of them are taking a stand .
Playing basketball ain ’ t going to do nothing but make them money and take the attention away from what we ’ re fighting for.
” Bubba Wallace , NASCAR ’ s Only Black Driver , Is Threatened With a Noose It ’ s Time for Roger Goodell to Change the Name of the Washington Football Team NBA Players Face the Question : To Boycott or Not to Boycott Jackson is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ players into the struggle , on a street level , having a rally , in just one example , with former NBA player Rasheed Wallace .
Jackson has made clear that this isn ’ t just about George Floyd , posting constantly about other cases , most notably that of Breonna Taylor in Louisville , promising to go to Muhammad Ali ’ s birthplace and bring protesting players with him .
In addition to Jackson and the NBA players , many women athletes are in the streets .
Coco Gauff , the 16-year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a protest in her hometown of Delray Beach , Fla. , last week .
She said , “ I think it ’ s sad that I ’ m here protesting the same thing that my grandmother did , 50-plus years ago .
So I ’ m here to tell you guys that we must first love each other , no matter what .
We must have the tough conversations with our friends .
I ’ ve been spending all week having tough conversations , trying to educate my non-Black friends on how they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thing bonds all of these athletes , it is the fact that they are not there merely because of George Floyd , Ahmaud Arbery , or Breonna Taylor .
It ’ s because , like Bradley Beal , they or their family members have experienced their own run-ins with police that have either turned violent or existed on a knife ’ s edge , where tragedy and yet another hashtag could ’ ve been on the agenda .
Being a star athlete hasn ’ t protected them .
In some cases , like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made them the target .
That ’ s why today ’ s athletes are part of the anger we see breaking out across the country .
Athletes are following the will of the streets , which allows them to use their stature to puncture privilege , and forcefully tell white sports fans that this is no longer a game .

On Juneteenth, two young Black men led a demonstration down the streets of Washington, D.C., megaphones in hand, chanting that Black Lives Matter, and that without justice, there would be no peace. This has become a familiar sight in the nation’s capital over the last month, since the police murder of George Floyd.
Less familiar were the two people leading the charge. Their names are John Wall and Bradley Beal, and they make up the All-Star backcourt for the NBA’s Washington Wizards. In an example of a remarkable recent development at the intersection of sports and politics, Beal spoke out at the rally. He recalled an interaction with local police that he had in 2018.
“Two years ago, I got pulled over on 495 [the D.C. Beltway] and the officer asked me to step out of the vehicle. We are literally on the side of the highway. My wife, me, and one of my friends. The officer comes up to me and says, ‘What if I fuck up your Monday, and put you in a headline and arrest you right now?’”
We’ve become used to seeing athletes, particularly Black athletes, over the last decade using their platform to amplify messages of protest and dissent. We’ve also been used to an athlete’s using the field or court as a legitimate site of protest during the national anthem, taking a knee or raising a fist in silent protest. But seeing athletes themselves take to the streets recalls a previous political period. As sports historian professor Louis Moore—author of the utterly indispensable book, We Will Win the Day —said to me, “What’s different today is the numbers.
“Wall and Beal fit in a tradition of athletes, like 1960 Olympic hero Wilma Rudolph, for example. She was arrested in 1963 for taking part in a sit-in. Or Bill Russell, who helped lead protests in 1963, while Jackie Robinson and Floyd Robinson went to Birmingham. But what’s different today is the amount of athletes we see. It’s all over, seemingly in every major city. My guess is that we can count on hands how many pros in the past were marching on the front lines. Jackie wanted more, and in today’s players, we’re getting more.”
Times have certainly changed. In the late 1960s, when the protests turned to urban rebellions, particularly after Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination in 1968, it was more common to see Black athletes used to try to quell protests. On college campuses, as detailed in the book Sports Wars: Athletes in the Age of Aquarius, by David Zang, which I highly recommend, “athletes, particularly the football team, were often used to harass anti-war activists and even form picket lines to keep food and supplies out of buildings being occupied by demonstrators.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
The contrast between that scene and seeing Black college athletes today, particularly football players at powerhouse schools like Texas and USC, making anti-racist demands of their school, and also taking the time to hit the streets and protest, is a generational shift and a statement about consciousness in 2020 that cannot be ignored. Then there is Kansas State, where athletes are refusing to play unless the school deals with a prominent racist student who tweeted something vile about George Floyd.
If one person could be credited for a catalyst for bringing athletes into the struggle, that would be former NBA player Stephen Jackson. Captain Jack, as he is known, was friends with George Floyd—looking so similar to one another that their mutual nickname was “Twin.” Jackson has openly opposed reopening of the NBA season, calling it a distraction from the struggle, saying, “None of these white owners are speaking up. None of them are taking a stand. Playing basketball ain’t going to do nothing but make them money and take the attention away from what we’re fighting for.” More From Dave Zirin “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash August 15, 2023 Why the Right Wanted the USWNT to Lose August 10, 2023 Carli Lloyd’s Attacks on the USWNT Are Personal—and Political August 1, 2023
Jackson is drawing current and retired NBA and WNBA players into the struggle, on a street level, having a rally, in just one example, with former NBA player Rasheed Wallace. Jackson has made clear that this isn’t just about George Floyd, posting constantly about other cases, most notably that of Breonna Taylor in Louisville, promising to go to Muhammad Ali’s birthplace and bring protesting players with him.
In addition to Jackson and the NBA players, many women athletes are in the streets. Coco Gauff, the 16-year old American tennis star, spoke at a protest in her hometown of Delray Beach, Fla., last week. She said, “I think it’s sad that I’m here protesting the same thing that my grandmother did, 50-plus years ago. So I’m here to tell you guys that we must first love each other, no matter what. We must have the tough conversations with our friends. I’ve been spending all week having tough conversations, trying to educate my non-Black friends on how they can help the movement.”
If one thing bonds all of these athletes, it is the fact that they are not there merely because of George Floyd, Ahmaud Arbery, or Breonna Taylor. It’s because, like Bradley Beal, they or their family members have experienced their own run-ins with police that have either turned violent or existed on a knife’s edge, where tragedy and yet another hashtag could’ve been on the agenda. Being a star athlete hasn’t protected them. In some cases, like with Beal, it seems to have made them the target.
That’s why today’s athletes are part of the anger we see breaking out across the country. Athletes are following the will of the streets, which allows them to use their stature to puncture privilege, and forcefully tell white sports fans that this is no longer a game.


thenation--2020-06-30--Washington Is Still Putting the Military Before Public Health

In response to the Covid-19 pandemic , Washington has initiated its largest spending binge in history .
In the process , you might assume that the unparalleled spread of the disease would have led to a little rethinking when it came to all the trillions of dollars Congress has given the Pentagon in these years that have in no way made us safer from , or prepared us better to respond to , this predictable threat to American national security .
As it happens , though , even if the rest of us remain in danger from the coronavirus , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of vaccinating the Department of Defense and the weapons makers that rely on it financially .
There is , of course , a striking history here .
Washington ’ s reflexive prioritizing of the interests of defense contractors has meant paying remarkably little attention to , and significantly underfunding , public health .
Now , Americans are paying the price .
With these health and economic crises playing out before our eyes and the government ’ s response to it so visibly incompetent and inadequate , you would expect Congress to begin reconsidering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
No such luck , however .
Washington continues to operate just as it always has , filling the coffers of the Pentagon as though “ national security ” were nothing but a matter of war and more war .
Month by month , the cost of wasting so much money on weaponry and other military expenses grows higher , as defense contractor salaries continue to be fattened at taxpayer expense , while public health resources are robbed of financial support .
Meanwhile , in Congress , both parties generally continue to defend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Covid-19-caused economic disaster of the first order .
Such a business-as-usual approach means that the giant weapons makers will continue to take funds from agencies far better prepared to take the lead in addressing this crisis .
There are a number of ways the Pentagon ’ s budget could be reduced to keep Americans safer and better protected against future pandemics .
As the Center for International Policy ’ s Sustainable Defense Task Force has pointed out , the biggest challenges we now confront , globally speaking—including such pandemics—are not , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ truth , hundreds of billions of dollars could be cut with remarkable ease from US military spending and Americans would be far safer .
Recently , some members of Congress have started to focus on this very point .
Representative Ro Khanna ( D-Calif. ) , for instance , proposed diverting money from unnecessary intercontinental ballistic missile “ modernization ” into coronavirus and vaccine research .
Senator Bernie Sanders ( I-Vt. ) has gone further , suggesting a 10 percent reduction in the Pentagon ’ s budget , while Representative Barbara Lee ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress to vote against the post-9/11 war resolution that led to the invasion of Afghanistan , has gone further yet , calling for the cutting of $ 350 billion from that budget .
But count on one thing : They ’ ll meet a lot of resistance .
There ’ s no way , in fact , to overstate just how powerfully the congressional committees overseeing such spending are indebted to and under the influence of the defense contractors that profit off the Pentagon budget .
As Politico reported years ago ( and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the House Armed Services committee are the top recipients of defense industry campaign contributions .
Even the chair of the House Foreign Affairs committee , which should be advocating for the strengthening of American diplomacy , has drawn criticism for the significant backing he receives from the defense industry .
Defense contractors have consistently seen such investments pay off .
As my colleague at the Project on Government Oversight , Dan Grazier , has pointed out , despite repeated warnings from independent watchdogs and medical professionals , even military health care has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pentagon and Congress continue to prioritize buying weapons over taking care of our men and women in uniform .
Congress ’ s watchdog , the Government Accountability Office , warned in February 2018 that the health system of the Department of Defense ( DOD ) lacked the capacity to handle routine needs , no less the emergencies of wartime .
As Pentagon spending has continued to escalate over the past 20 years , military health care funding has stayed largely flat .
Under the circumstances , I doubt you ’ ll be surprised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ additional arms contractor giveaways into its coronavirus relief bills .
Though its CARES Act authorized trillions of dollars in spending , ProPublica unearthed a provision in it ( nearly identical to one proposed by industry groups ) that allows defense contractors to bill the government for a range of costs meant to keep them in a “ ready ” state .
The head of acquisition for the Pentagon , Ellen Lord , estimated ( modestly indeed ) that the provision would cost taxpayers in the low “ double-digit billions.
” Additional language offered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bill , likely to survive whatever the Senate finally passes , would increase such profiteering further by including fees that such companies claim are related to the present crisis , including for executive compensation , marketing , and sales .
In such a context , it was hardly surprising that , during a recent hearing at the House Armed Services Committee on how the DOD was responding to the Covid-19 crisis , the focus remained largely on ways that the global epidemic might diminish arms industry profits .
Representatives Joe Courtney ( D-Conn. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ argued that the Pentagon would need yet more money to cover the costs of any number of charges that defense contractors claim are related to the pandemic .
Most ludicrous is the idea that an agency slated to receive significantly more than $ 700 billion in 2020 can ’ t afford to lose a few billion dollars to the actual health of Americans .
Of course , the Pentagon remained strategically mum earlier this year when , in an arguably unconstitutional manner , the White House diverted $ 7.2 billion from its funds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s “ great , great wall ” on our southern border .
In fact , Gen. Mark Milley , chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff , even admitted that it wasn ’ t exactly a major blow for the government agency with the largest discretionary budget .
“ It was not a significant , immediate , strategic , negative impact to the overall defense of the United States of America , ” he assured Congress .
“ It ’ s half of one percent of the overall budget , so I can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s significant , immediate , or the sky is falling.
” A Chicken Little Congress , however , doesn ’ t consider taking more funds from the Pentagon budget to shore up the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention ( CDC ) anywhere near as crucial as , for example , approving the Pacific Deterrence Initiative , a slush fund that will be part of this country ’ s new Cold War with China—starting with a modest $ 1.4 billion in seed money , while the homework is done to justify @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Similarly , even in such an economically disastrous moment , who could resist buying yet more of Lockheed Martin ’ s eternally troubled and staggeringly expensive F-35 Joint Strike Fighters than the Pentagon requested ?
Comparable support exists , even among senators unwilling to fork over any more dollars to desperate out-of-work Americans , for the president ’ s Space Force , that new service now in the process of creating a separate set of rules for itself that should allow it free rein over future spending .
That , of course , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ easier for contractors to profit off the taxpayer .
If anything , the main congressional criticism of the Pentagon is that it ’ s been too slow to push money out the door .
And yet , in an institution that has never been successfully audited , there are red flags galore , as a recent Government Accountability Office assessment of major weapons programs suggests .
The costs of such new weapons systems have cumulatively soared by 54 percent , or $ 628 billion , from earlier GAO assessments .
That , by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this year ’ s budget request for the CDC .
And that ’ s just the waste .
The same report shows that any number of weapons systems continue to fail in other ways entirely .
Of the 42 major programs examined , 35 had inadequate security to prevent cyber attacks .
General Dynamics Electric Boat ’ s $ 126 billion nuclear submarine program has been plagued by faulty welding for two years .
The new Ford class aircraft carrier , built by Huntington Ingalls for $ 13.2 billion , includes a General @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to launch aircraft as designed .
In addition , as Bloomberg first reported , the ship ’ s toilets clog frequently and can only be cleaned with specialized acids that cost about $ 400,000 a flush .
As my colleague Mark Thompson has pointed out , “ escalating costs , blown schedules , and weapons unable to perform as advertised ” are the norm , not the exception for the Pentagon .
That track record is troubling indeed , given that Congress is now turning to the Pentagon to help lead the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s pandemic response .
Its record in America ’ s “ forever wars ” over the last nearly two decades should make anyone wonder about the very idea of positioning it as a lead agency in solving domestic public health crises or promoting this country ’ s economic recovery .
As the first wave of the pandemic continues and case numbers spike in a range of states , oversight structures designed to prevent waste , fraud , and abuse when it comes to defense spending are quite literally crumbling before our eyes .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a Pentagon budget still rising and you ’ re potentially creating the perfect storm for squandering the resources needed to respond to our current crisis .
The erosion of oversight of the Pentagon budget has been a slow-building disaster , administration by administration , particularly with the continual weakening of the authority of inspectors general .
As independent federal watchdogs , IGs are supposed to oversee the executive branch and report their findings both to it and to Congress .
In the Obama administration , however , their power was undermined when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal expert for the White House , began to argue that accessing the “ all ” in “ all records , reports , audits , reviews , documents , papers , recommendations , or other material ” didn ’ t actually mean “ all ” when it came to inspectors general .
Under President Donald Trump , the same office typically claimed that then–Intelligence Community Inspector General Michael Atkinson did not have the authority to forward to the House and Senate Intelligence committees a concern that the president had improperly withheld aid to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump years , such watchdogs have been purged in significant numbers .
Shortly after Department of Defense principal Deputy Inspector General Glenn Fine was named to lead the Pandemic Response Accountability Committee , for instance , the president removed him .
Not only did that weaken the authority of the body overseeing trillions of dollars in spending across the federal government , but it jeopardized the independence and clout of the Pentagon ’ s watchdog when it came to billions already being spent by the DOD .
In a similar fashion , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress ’ s ability to exercise its constitutional role in conducting oversight .
A few months after the president entered the Oval Office , the White House temporarily ordered executive branch agencies to ignore oversight requests from congressional Democrats .
Since then , the stonewalling of Congress has only increased .
Mark Meadows , the president ’ s latest chief of staff , has , for example , reportedly implemented a new rule ensuring that executive branch witnesses can not appear before Congress without his permission .
In recent weeks , it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pompeo from appearing to justify his latest budget request or to answer questions about why his department ’ s inspector general was removed .
( He was , among other things , reportedly investigating Pompeo himself . )
Meanwhile , Secretary of Defense Mark Esper and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Mark Milley have both resisted calls from Congress to answer questions about the use of military force against peaceful protesters .
Congress has a number of tools at its disposal to demand answers from the Pentagon .
Unfortunately , the committees overseeing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to exercise them .
Last year , however , Congressman Ruben Gallego ( D-Ariz. ) added an amendment to a defense bill limiting funds for the secretary of defense ’ s travel until his department produced a report on disciplinary actions taken after US troops were ambushed in Niger in 2018 and four of them died .
That tragic incident was also a reminder that Congress has taken little responsibility for the costs of the endless conflicts the US military has engaged in across significant parts of the planet .
Quite the opposite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Authorization for Use of Military Force of 2001 , which has been abused by three administrations to justify waging wars ever since .
The Congressional Research Service estimates that it has been used in that way at least 41 times in 19 countries .
According to Brown University ’ s Costs of War project , that number should be 80 countries where the United States has been engaged in counter-terrorism activities since 2001 .
And there are significantly more warning signs in this Covid-19 moment that congressional oversight , long missing in action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( Trump ’ s response , classically enough , was “ I ’ ll be the oversight.
” ) Typically , among the trillions of dollars Congress put up in responding to the pandemic-induced economic collapse , $ 10.5 billion was set aside for the Pentagon to take a leading role in addressing the crisis .
As The Washington Post reported , among the first places those funds went were golf course staffing , submarine missile tubes , and space launch facilities , which is par for the course for the DOD .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ betrayed a bizarre sense of priorities in these months .
That law , passed in response to the Korean War , was designed to help fill shortfalls in goods in the midst of emergencies .
In 2020 , that should certainly have meant more masks and respirators .
But as Defense One reported , that law was instead used to bail out defense contractors , some of whom weren ’ t even keeping their employees on staff .
General Electric , which had laid off 25 percent of its workforce , received $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ advanced manufacturing techniques , ” among things unrelated to the coronavirus .
Spirit Aerosystems , which received $ 80 million to expand its domestic manufacturing , had similarly laid off or furloughed 900 workers .
While Americans are overwhelmed by the pandemic , the Pentagon and its boosters are exploiting the emergency to feather their own nests .
Far stronger protections against such behavior are needed and , of course , Congress should take back what rightfully belongs to it under the Constitution , including its ability to stop illegal wars and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s long past time for that body to cancel the blank check it ’ s given both the Pentagon and the White House .
But don ’ t hold your breath .
In the meantime , as Americans await a future Covid-19 vaccine , the military-industrial complex finds itself well vaccinated against this pandemic moment .
Consider it a Pentagon miracle in terrible times .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy. This article originally appeared at TomDispatch.com. To stay on top of important articles like these, sign up to receive the latest updates from TomDispatch.
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In response to the Covid-19 pandemic, Washington has initiated its largest spending binge in history. In the process, you might assume that the unparalleled spread of the disease would have led to a little rethinking when it came to all the trillions of dollars Congress has given the Pentagon in these years that have in no way made us safer from, or prepared us better to respond to, this predictable threat to American national security. As it happens, though, even if the rest of us remain in danger from the coronavirus, Congress has done a remarkably good job of vaccinating the Department of Defense and the weapons makers that rely on it financially.
There is, of course, a striking history here. Washington’s reflexive prioritizing of the interests of defense contractors has meant paying remarkably little attention to, and significantly underfunding, public health. Now, Americans are paying the price. With these health and economic crises playing out before our eyes and the government’s response to it so visibly incompetent and inadequate, you would expect Congress to begin reconsidering its strategic approach to making Americans safer. No such luck, however. Washington continues to operate just as it always has, filling the coffers of the Pentagon as though “national security” were nothing but a matter of war and more war.
Month by month, the cost of wasting so much money on weaponry and other military expenses grows higher, as defense contractor salaries continue to be fattened at taxpayer expense, while public health resources are robbed of financial support. Meanwhile, in Congress, both parties generally continue to defend excessive Pentagon budgets in the midst of a Covid-19-caused economic disaster of the first order. Such a business-as-usual approach means that the giant weapons makers will continue to take funds from agencies far better prepared to take the lead in addressing this crisis.
There are a number of ways the Pentagon’s budget could be reduced to keep Americans safer and better protected against future pandemics. As the Center for International Policy’s Sustainable Defense Task Force has pointed out, the biggest challenges we now confront, globally speaking—including such pandemics—are not, in fact, military in nature. In truth, hundreds of billions of dollars could be cut with remarkable ease from US military spending and Americans would be far safer.
Recently, some members of Congress have started to focus on this very point. Representative Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), for instance, proposed diverting money from unnecessary intercontinental ballistic missile “modernization” into coronavirus and vaccine research. Senator Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) has gone further, suggesting a 10 percent reduction in the Pentagon’s budget, while Representative Barbara Lee (D-Calif.), the only member of Congress to vote against the post-9/11 war resolution that led to the invasion of Afghanistan, has gone further yet, calling for the cutting of $350 billion from that budget. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
But count on one thing: They’ll meet a lot of resistance. There’s no way, in fact, to overstate just how powerfully the congressional committees overseeing such spending are indebted to and under the influence of the defense contractors that profit off the Pentagon budget. As Politico reported years ago (and little’s changed), members of the House Armed Services committee are the top recipients of defense industry campaign contributions. Even the chair of the House Foreign Affairs committee, which should be advocating for the strengthening of American diplomacy, has drawn criticism for the significant backing he receives from the defense industry.
Focusing on Weaponry That Can’t Fight a Virus
Defense contractors have consistently seen such investments pay off. As my colleague at the Project on Government Oversight, Dan Grazier, has pointed out, despite repeated warnings from independent watchdogs and medical professionals, even military health care has been significantly underfunded, while both the Pentagon and Congress continue to prioritize buying weapons over taking care of our men and women in uniform. Congress’s watchdog, the Government Accountability Office, warned in February 2018 that the health system of the Department of Defense (DOD) lacked the capacity to handle routine needs, no less the emergencies of wartime. As Pentagon spending has continued to escalate over the past 20 years, military health care funding has stayed largely flat. Current Issue View our current issue
Under the circumstances, I doubt you’ll be surprised to learn that Congress has also written additional arms contractor giveaways into its coronavirus relief bills. Though its CARES Act authorized trillions of dollars in spending, ProPublica unearthed a provision in it (nearly identical to one proposed by industry groups) that allows defense contractors to bill the government for a range of costs meant to keep them in a “ready” state. The head of acquisition for the Pentagon, Ellen Lord, estimated (modestly indeed) that the provision would cost taxpayers in the low “double-digit billions.” Additional language offered in the House’s next relief bill, likely to survive whatever the Senate finally passes, would increase such profiteering further by including fees that such companies claim are related to the present crisis, including for executive compensation, marketing, and sales.
In such a context, it was hardly surprising that, during a recent hearing at the House Armed Services Committee on how the DOD was responding to the Covid-19 crisis, the focus remained largely on ways that the global epidemic might diminish arms industry profits. Representatives Joe Courtney (D-Conn.) and Mac Thornberry (R-Texas both argued that the Pentagon would need yet more money to cover the costs of any number of charges that defense contractors claim are related to the pandemic.
Most ludicrous is the idea that an agency slated to receive significantly more than $700 billion in 2020 can’t afford to lose a few billion dollars to the actual health of Americans. Of course, the Pentagon remained strategically mum earlier this year when, in an arguably unconstitutional manner, the White House diverted $7.2 billion from its funds to the building of the president’s “great, great wall” on our southern border. In fact, Gen. Mark Milley, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, even admitted that it wasn’t exactly a major blow for the government agency with the largest discretionary budget. “It was not a significant, immediate, strategic, negative impact to the overall defense of the United States of America,” he assured Congress. “It’s half of one percent of the overall budget, so I can’t in good conscience say that it’s significant, immediate, or the sky is falling.”
A Chicken Little Congress, however, doesn’t consider taking more funds from the Pentagon budget to shore up the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) anywhere near as crucial as, for example, approving the Pacific Deterrence Initiative, a slush fund that will be part of this country’s new Cold War with China—starting with a modest $1.4 billion in seed money, while the homework is done to justify another $5.5 billion next year. Similarly, even in such an economically disastrous moment, who could resist buying yet more of Lockheed Martin’s eternally troubled and staggeringly expensive F-35 Joint Strike Fighters than the Pentagon requested? Comparable support exists, even among senators unwilling to fork over any more dollars to desperate out-of-work Americans, for the president’s Space Force, that new service now in the process of creating a separate set of rules for itself that should allow it free rein over future spending. That, of course, reveals its real mission: making it easier for contractors to profit off the taxpayer.
If anything, the main congressional criticism of the Pentagon is that it’s been too slow to push money out the door. And yet, in an institution that has never been successfully audited, there are red flags galore, as a recent Government Accountability Office assessment of major weapons programs suggests. The costs of such new weapons systems have cumulatively soared by 54 percent, or $628 billion, from earlier GAO assessments. That, by the way, is almost 90 times this year’s budget request for the CDC.
And that’s just the waste. The same report shows that any number of weapons systems continue to fail in other ways entirely. Of the 42 major programs examined, 35 had inadequate security to prevent cyber attacks. General Dynamics Electric Boat’s $126 billion nuclear submarine program has been plagued by faulty welding for two years. The new Ford class aircraft carrier, built by Huntington Ingalls for $13.2 billion, includes a General Atomics launch system that continues to fail to launch aircraft as designed. In addition, as Bloomberg first reported, the ship’s toilets clog frequently and can only be cleaned with specialized acids that cost about $400,000 a flush. As my colleague Mark Thompson has pointed out, “escalating costs, blown schedules, and weapons unable to perform as advertised” are the norm, not the exception for the Pentagon.
That track record is troubling indeed, given that Congress is now turning to the Pentagon to help lead the way when it comes to this country’s pandemic response. Its record in America’s “forever wars” over the last nearly two decades should make anyone wonder about the very idea of positioning it as a lead agency in solving domestic public health crises or promoting this country’s economic recovery.
Broken Oversight
As the first wave of the pandemic continues and case numbers spike in a range of states, oversight structures designed to prevent waste, fraud, and abuse when it comes to defense spending are quite literally crumbling before our eyes. Combine weakened oversight, skewed priorities, and a Pentagon budget still rising and you’re potentially creating the perfect storm for squandering the resources needed to respond to our current crisis.
The erosion of oversight of the Pentagon budget has been a slow-building disaster, administration by administration, particularly with the continual weakening of the authority of inspectors general. As independent federal watchdogs, IGs are supposed to oversee the executive branch and report their findings both to it and to Congress.
In the Obama administration, however, their power was undermined when the Office of Legal Counsel, the legal expert for the White House, began to argue that accessing the “all” in “all records, reports, audits, reviews, documents, papers, recommendations, or other material” didn’t actually mean “all” when it came to inspectors general. Under President Donald Trump, the same office typically claimed that then–Intelligence Community Inspector General Michael Atkinson did not have the authority to forward to the House and Senate Intelligence committees a concern that the president had improperly withheld aid to Ukraine.
In fact, in the Trump years, such watchdogs have been purged in significant numbers. Shortly after Department of Defense principal Deputy Inspector General Glenn Fine was named to lead the Pandemic Response Accountability Committee, for instance, the president removed him. Not only did that weaken the authority of the body overseeing trillions of dollars in spending across the federal government, but it jeopardized the independence and clout of the Pentagon’s watchdog when it came to billions already being spent by the DOD.
In a similar fashion, the Trump administration has worked hard to stymie Congress’s ability to exercise its constitutional role in conducting oversight. A few months after the president entered the Oval Office, the White House temporarily ordered executive branch agencies to ignore oversight requests from congressional Democrats. Since then, the stonewalling of Congress has only increased. Mark Meadows, the president’s latest chief of staff, has, for example, reportedly implemented a new rule ensuring that executive branch witnesses cannot appear before Congress without his permission. In recent weeks, it was invoked to stop Secretary of State Mike Pompeo from appearing to justify his latest budget request or to answer questions about why his department’s inspector general was removed. (He was, among other things, reportedly investigating Pompeo himself.) Meanwhile, Secretary of Defense Mark Esper and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Mark Milley have both resisted calls from Congress to answer questions about the use of military force against peaceful protesters.
Congress has a number of tools at its disposal to demand answers from the Pentagon. Unfortunately, the committees overseeing that agency have seldom demonstrated the will to exercise them. Last year, however, Congressman Ruben Gallego (D-Ariz.) added an amendment to a defense bill limiting funds for the secretary of defense’s travel until his department produced a report on disciplinary actions taken after US troops were ambushed in Niger in 2018 and four of them died.
That tragic incident was also a reminder that Congress has taken little responsibility for the costs of the endless conflicts the US military has engaged in across significant parts of the planet. Quite the opposite, it continues to leave untouched the Authorization for Use of Military Force of 2001, which has been abused by three administrations to justify waging wars ever since. The Congressional Research Service estimates that it has been used in that way at least 41 times in 19 countries. According to Brown University’s Costs of War project, that number should be 80 countries where the United States has been engaged in counter-terrorism activities since 2001.
And there are significantly more warning signs in this Covid-19 moment that congressional oversight, long missing in action, is needed more than ever. (Trump’s response, classically enough, was “I’ll be the oversight.”) Typically, among the trillions of dollars Congress put up in responding to the pandemic-induced economic collapse, $10.5 billion was set aside for the Pentagon to take a leading role in addressing the crisis. As The Washington Post reported, among the first places those funds went were golf course staffing, submarine missile tubes, and space launch facilities, which is par for the course for the DOD.
Implementation of the Defense Production Act also betrayed a bizarre sense of priorities in these months. That law, passed in response to the Korean War, was designed to help fill shortfalls in goods in the midst of emergencies. In 2020, that should certainly have meant more masks and respirators. But as Defense One reported, that law was instead used to bail out defense contractors, some of whom weren’t even keeping their employees on staff. General Electric, which had laid off 25 percent of its workforce, received $20 million to expand its development of “advanced manufacturing techniques,” among things unrelated to the coronavirus. Spirit Aerosystems, which received $80 million to expand its domestic manufacturing, had similarly laid off or furloughed 900 workers.
While Americans are overwhelmed by the pandemic, the Pentagon and its boosters are exploiting the emergency to feather their own nests. Far stronger protections against such behavior are needed and, of course, Congress should take back what rightfully belongs to it under the Constitution, including its ability to stop illegal wars and reclaim its power of the purse. It’s long past time for that body to cancel the blank check it’s given both the Pentagon and the White House. But don’t hold your breath.
In the meantime, as Americans await a future Covid-19 vaccine, the military-industrial complex finds itself well vaccinated against this pandemic moment. Consider it a Pentagon miracle in terrible times.