thenation--2020-10-09--The Future of the Gig Economy Is on the Ballot

I ’ m a writer .
I ’ m also a part-time bicycle courier for UberEats , Postmates , and Caviar in New York City : a job that I do on the side , on my own schedule .
I am the mythical “ independent contractor ” Silicon Valley platform capitalists like Uber cite to justify California Prop 22 , which , if passed in November , could permanently exclude delivery and rideshare workers from employee status—and therefore deny them the rights and protections they deserve .
The app companies have poured hundreds of millions into propaganda to push @ @ @ @ @ @ @ free-floating entrepreneurs who don ’ t want to be employees , and prefer the “ flexibility ” of “ being their own bosses.
” Despite what these companies would like you to think , most of their workers are not like me .
I ’ m young .
I ’ m college-educated .
I have savings ; I have my own health insurance .
When the coronavirus hit New York in March , it was an easy decision for me to stop doing deliveries and protect my health , even if it meant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cities like New York , San Francisco , and Seattle show that I ’ m an outlier : The majority of the “ gig workers ” who provide the bulk of the labor on these platforms have no other job .
They can ’ t afford to take time off , even during a pandemic .
They are predominantly older men , majority Black and brown , often immigrants with no more than high school degrees , and regularly working more than 30 hours a week to support families .
They are significantly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 400 emergency expense .
These platforms ’ entire business model depends on misclassifying laborers with few other options .
It ’ s important that we all understand the platform capitalists ’ playbook .
They are taking over industries by using underregulated labor and setting rock-bottom prices .
The companies willingly lose billions of dollars a year just to win market share—which in turn lets them force concessions from local governments and further cement their dominance .
Their end goal is to become the sole provider of vital services , then raise prices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
All of this is subsidized by a pipeline of cash from venture capitalists , who understand that these platforms ’ long-term success ultimately depends on their ability to control us—the workers .
Misclassification is their secret weapon .
Bear in mind that an app like Uber ’ s core selling point is giving the customer instant gratification ( for a ride or for their chicken taco ) .
The company does this by rigorously manipulating “ utilization ” : the proportion of workers engaged on a request ( carrying a passenger , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ online at a given moment .
To make sure customers experience no delays , companies deliberately onboard far more workers than they need , so that they can keep a significant reserve of us on standby , anxiously checking the app , geared up and ready to work .
Because the companies label us “ independent contractors , ” we are not compensated for this waiting , even though it is essential to the service .
Because we can ’ t set our own prices , our earnings are at the mercy of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Then , misclassification robs us of that money .
As “ independent contractors , ” we must pay for our own expenses , vehicle , fuel , insurance , and repairs .
We ’ re on the hook for both the employee and employer ’ s portion of Social Security and payroll taxes .
We are entitled to no health benefits , no sick leave , no worker ’ s compensation if we ’ re injured , and no minimum wage .
We have no recourse if we ’ re fired or laid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parlance , “ deactivated ” ) , and receive no unemployment insurance afterward .
All of this is upside for the platform capitalists .
A report from the Labor Center at University of California–Berkeley estimates that Uber and Lyft dodged $ 413 million in unemployment insurance taxes over five years by misclassifying its drivers in California ; analysts at Barclay estimate that misclassification cumulatively saves Uber and Lyft nearly $ 800 million a year .
After accounting for expenses , taxes , missing benefits , and waiting on the job , our effective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states ’ minimum wage .
As a recent study of New York City ’ s rideshare economics summarized : “ The app business model works only if it keeps driver utilization low , which then keeps drivers ’ hourly pay low as well.
” The only factor that maintains a wage floor at all , researchers concluded , is the fact that workers quit .
But those who can afford to leave , like me , are the lucky ones .
The workers who actually keep the platforms afloat are locked in—and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York study found : “ The app companies have been able to expand their workforce by drawing principally immigrants without a four-year college degree and who face restricted labor market opportunities ; and 60-65 percent of app drivers are full-time , without another job , and about 80 percent acquired a car to earn a living by driving.
” Last month , an amicus brief by the ACLU and National Employment Law Project put it more bluntly : “ Uber and Lyft do not offer ‘ opportunities ’ to marginalized workers and communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the desperation of workers who have been excluded from stable employment , with Black and Latino workers made to bear the brunt.
” As part of their propaganda efforts , the app companies have made a big show of “ support ” for Black Lives Matter amid this year ’ s protests .
But when these companies encourage drivers to take out car loans they know they can ’ t afford , they disproportionately harm Black workers , who are more indebted than their white peers .
When they refuse to provide wage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , effectively cutting off their workers from expanded unemployment assistance , they disproportionately harm Black workers , who are more likely to be excluded from unemployment benefits .
Thanks to misclassification , workers are also prevented from filing Title VII complaints against the companies for discrimination .
My Best Friend Lost His Life to the Gig Economy Some governments have attempted policy fixes that would preserve workers ’ independent contractor classification while mandating fairer pay—only for the platforms to find workarounds .
In 2019 New York City introduced a wage minimum for rideshare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s total utilization : If the platform was keeping more workers idle , it would have to pay all workers higher rates .
In response , Uber began locking a share of drivers out of the app ( so they would not count toward utilization ) , and giving them limited opportunities to sign on .
Then it “ rewarded ” drivers who drove the most grueling hours with the ability to use the app normally .
Drivers , already strapped for cash , were forced to sleep in their cars , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and work .
Seattle has just announced a measure similar to New York ’ s , and again Lyft and Uber are threatening to cut drivers from the app .
The New York case demonstrates that misclassification was never about giving workers “ flexibility.
” What ’ s more , the notion that we could lose our freedom if we were classified as employees is a scare tactic that relies on a basic misunderstanding of labor law : There is nothing that says flexibility can ’ t be offered to employees .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ An employee can work as few or as many hours to which an employer agrees , can schedule shifts on the fly , and can have multiple employers , all without sacrificing basic workplace protections .
The inequalities of the “ gig economy ” can not be solved without tackling misclassification head on .
The only law that has done so thus far is California ’ s AB5 , passed last year , which places a higher burden on companies to prove that their workers are truly independent contractors .
In May , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Lyft alleging violations of AB5 ; if found in breach , the companies could be forced to pay hundreds of millions of dollars in restitution to workers , or even shut down altogether .
That ’ s why the platforms are going all in on Prop 22 , which would not only grant themselves an exemption from AB5 but also require seven-eighths of California ’ s legislature to make any further changes and prevent local governments from passing stricter laws on the companies—effectively carving their workers ’ misclassification into stone .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ million into a “ Yes on Prop 22 ” campaign that has blanketed California with nonstop ads , paid “ volunteers ” for testimonials , enlisted a right-wing troll army to harass opponents , and added scare messages into the Uber app itself .
The claim that Prop 22 is “ progressive , ” pro-worker legislation is based on insultingly misleading figures .
Prop 22 will supposedly create a wage floor of 120 percent of the national minimum wage ; the UC Berkeley Labor Center estimates that after factoring in waiting time , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ floor would , in fact , come out to $ 5.64 an hour .
The “ Yes on Prop 22 ” website claims that workers prefer being independent contractors “ 4 to 1 ” ; what it doesn ’ t mention is these numbers are from an online survey commissioned by Lyft , which polled around 1,000 Internet users who identified as independent contractors—out of which just 8 percent were actually gig workers .
The other 92 percent of respondents included freelancers , self-employed business owners , and entrepreneurs—in other words , not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bottom line .
The power of these platforms has grown to frightening new levels .
Their business has boomed during the pandemic even as their contempt for workers has reached new lows : When the virus first hit , DoorDash was charging couriers as much as $ 40 to buy hand sanitizer .
Recently UberEats purchased Postmates , Doordash bought Caviar .
This means workers will have even fewer choices and even less leverage .
But resistance against these companies ’ greed and cynicism is gathering strength , and has resulted in powerful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ New York and New Jersey have hinted at introducing similar bills .
What happens in California in a few weeks time will send a message that other states will heed closely .
The future of American labor could very well hinge on whether Prop 22 can be defeated .

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I’m a writer. I’m also a part-time bicycle courier for UberEats, Postmates, and Caviar in New York City: a job that I do on the side, on my own schedule. I am the mythical “independent contractor” Silicon Valley platform capitalists like Uber cite to justify California Prop 22, which, if passed in November, could permanently exclude delivery and rideshare workers from employee status—and therefore deny them the rights and protections they deserve.
Despite what these companies would like you to think, most of their workers are not like me. I’m young. I’m college-educated. I have savings; I have my own health insurance. When the coronavirus hit New York in March, it was an easy decision for me to stop doing deliveries and protect my health, even if it meant less income.
But recent studies across cities like New York, San Francisco, and Seattle show that I’m an outlier: The majority of the “gig workers” who provide the bulk of the labor on these platforms have no other job. They can’t afford to take time off, even during a pandemic. They are predominantly older men, majority Black and brown, often immigrants with no more than high school degrees, and regularly working more than 30 hours a week to support families. They are significantly underinsured. Most cannot afford a $400 emergency expense. These platforms’ entire business model depends on misclassifying laborers with few other options.
It’s important that we all understand the platform capitalists’ playbook. They are taking over industries by using underregulated labor and setting rock-bottom prices. The companies willingly lose billions of dollars a year just to win market share—which in turn lets them force concessions from local governments and further cement their dominance. Their end goal is to become the sole provider of vital services, then raise prices, cut wages, and extract profits. All of this is subsidized by a pipeline of cash from venture capitalists, who understand that these platforms’ long-term success ultimately depends on their ability to control us—the workers. Misclassification is their secret weapon.
Bear in mind that an app like Uber’s core selling point is giving the customer instant gratification (for a ride or for their chicken taco). The company does this by rigorously manipulating “utilization”: the proportion of workers engaged on a request (carrying a passenger, delivering food) over the total workers online at a given moment. To make sure customers experience no delays, companies deliberately onboard far more workers than they need, so that they can keep a significant reserve of us on standby, anxiously checking the app, geared up and ready to work. Because the companies label us “independent contractors,” we are not compensated for this waiting, even though it is essential to the service. Because we can’t set our own prices, our earnings are at the mercy of algorithms designed to waste our time. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Then, misclassification robs us of that money. As “independent contractors,” we must pay for our own expenses, vehicle, fuel, insurance, and repairs. We’re on the hook for both the employee and employer’s portion of Social Security and payroll taxes. We are entitled to no health benefits, no sick leave, no worker’s compensation if we’re injured, and no minimum wage. We have no recourse if we’re fired or laid off (or, in gig economy parlance, “deactivated”), and receive no unemployment insurance afterward. All of this is upside for the platform capitalists. A report from the Labor Center at University of California–Berkeley estimates that Uber and Lyft dodged $413 million in unemployment insurance taxes over five years by misclassifying its drivers in California; analysts at Barclay estimate that misclassification cumulatively saves Uber and Lyft nearly $800 million a year.
After accounting for expenses, taxes, missing benefits, and waiting on the job, our effective hourly rate ends up well below most states’ minimum wage. As a recent study of New York City’s rideshare economics summarized: “The app business model works only if it keeps driver utilization low, which then keeps drivers’ hourly pay low as well.” The only factor that maintains a wage floor at all, researchers concluded, is the fact that workers quit. Current Issue View our current issue
But those who can afford to leave, like me, are the lucky ones. The workers who actually keep the platforms afloat are locked in—and the bosses know it. As the New York study found: “The app companies have been able to expand their workforce by drawing principally immigrants without a four-year college degree and who face restricted labor market opportunities; and 60-65 percent of app drivers are full-time, without another job, and about 80 percent acquired a car to earn a living by driving.” Last month, an amicus brief by the ACLU and National Employment Law Project put it more bluntly: “Uber and Lyft do not offer ‘opportunities’ to marginalized workers and communities of color. Their misclassification model deepens the desperation of workers who have been excluded from stable employment, with Black and Latino workers made to bear the brunt.”
As part of their propaganda efforts, the app companies have made a big show of “support” for Black Lives Matter amid this year’s protests. But when these companies encourage drivers to take out car loans they know they can’t afford, they disproportionately harm Black workers, who are more indebted than their white peers. When they refuse to provide wage data to states during the coronavirus pandemic, effectively cutting off their workers from expanded unemployment assistance, they disproportionately harm Black workers, who are more likely to be excluded from unemployment benefits. Thanks to misclassification, workers are also prevented from filing Title VII complaints against the companies for discrimination.
Some governments have attempted policy fixes that would preserve workers’ independent contractor classification while mandating fairer pay—only for the platforms to find workarounds. In 2019 New York City introduced a wage minimum for rideshare drivers that would vary with the platform’s total utilization: If the platform was keeping more workers idle, it would have to pay all workers higher rates. In response, Uber began locking a share of drivers out of the app (so they would not count toward utilization), and giving them limited opportunities to sign on. Then it “rewarded” drivers who drove the most grueling hours with the ability to use the app normally. Drivers, already strapped for cash, were forced to sleep in their cars, waiting for every chance to sign in and work. Seattle has just announced a measure similar to New York’s, and again Lyft and Uber are threatening to cut drivers from the app. Related Article My Best Friend Lost His Life to the Gig Economy George Ciccariello-Maher
The New York case demonstrates that misclassification was never about giving workers “flexibility.” What’s more, the notion that we could lose our freedom if we were classified as employees is a scare tactic that relies on a basic misunderstanding of labor law: There is nothing that says flexibility can’t be offered to employees. “Employee” is a legal designation: An employee can work as few or as many hours to which an employer agrees, can schedule shifts on the fly, and can have multiple employers, all without sacrificing basic workplace protections.
The inequalities of the “gig economy” cannot be solved without tackling misclassification head on. The only law that has done so thus far is California’s AB5, passed last year, which places a higher burden on companies to prove that their workers are truly independent contractors. In May, California attorney general Xavier Becerra sued Uber and Lyft alleging violations of AB5; if found in breach, the companies could be forced to pay hundreds of millions of dollars in restitution to workers, or even shut down altogether.
That’s why the platforms are going all in on Prop 22, which would not only grant themselves an exemption from AB5 but also require seven-eighths of California’s legislature to make any further changes and prevent local governments from passing stricter laws on the companies—effectively carving their workers’ misclassification into stone. The companies have poured a record-breaking $181 million into a “Yes on Prop 22” campaign that has blanketed California with nonstop ads, paid “volunteers” for testimonials, enlisted a right-wing troll army to harass opponents, and added scare messages into the Uber app itself.
The claim that Prop 22 is “progressive,” pro-worker legislation is based on insultingly misleading figures. Prop 22 will supposedly create a wage floor of 120 percent of the national minimum wage; the UC Berkeley Labor Center estimates that after factoring in waiting time, expenses, and taxes, this wage floor would, in fact, come out to $5.64 an hour. The “Yes on Prop 22” website claims that workers prefer being independent contractors “4 to 1”; what it doesn’t mention is these numbers are from an online survey commissioned by Lyft, which polled around 1,000 Internet users who identified as independent contractors—out of which just 9 percent were actually gig workers. The other 91 percent of respondents included freelancers, self-employed business owners, and entrepreneurs—in other words, not those who fuel these platform capitalists’ bottom line.
The power of these platforms has grown to frightening new levels. Their business has boomed during the pandemic even as their contempt for workers has reached new lows: When the virus first hit, DoorDash was charging couriers as much as $40 to buy hand sanitizer. Recently UberEats purchased Postmates, Doordash bought Caviar. This means workers will have even fewer choices and even less leverage.
But resistance against these companies’ greed and cynicism is gathering strength, and has resulted in powerful tools like AB5. Already lawmakers in New York and New Jersey have hinted at introducing similar bills. What happens in California in a few weeks time will send a message that other states will heed closely. The future of American labor could very well hinge on whether Prop 22 can be defeated.


thenation--2020-10-09--Trump Keeps Inciting Domestic Terrorism

Trump Keeps Inciting Domestic Terrorism

One hallmark of the Trump era is that incidents of terrorism are not followed by the traditional calls for national unity but often deepen the partisan divide .
On Thursday , federal and state officials announced the arrest of 13 men in Michigan associated with a group called the Wolverine Watchmen on assorted charges of terrorism , conspiracy , and unlawful weapons possession .
The most lurid of the accusations was that at least six of the men were involved in a plot to kidnap Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer .
The New York Times reported , “ The men spied @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in August and September , even looking under a highway bridge for places they could place and detonate a bomb to distract the authorities , the F.B.I .
said .
They indicated that they wanted to take Ms. Whitmer hostage before the election in November , and one man said they should take her to a ‘ secure location ’ in Wisconsin for a ‘ trial , ’ Richard J. Trask II , an F.B.I .
special agent , said in the criminal complaint.
” Part of the motivation for the alleged plot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ locking down the state as a response to the pandemic .
Evidence from social media indicates that members of the group have taken inspiration from Donald Trump ’ s presidency , including the support he ’ s given to anti-lockdown protesters .
On April 16 , approximately 3,000 protesters , many of them armed , gathered in the state capital to protest against Whitmer .
The following day , Trump tweeted , “ LIBERATE MICHIGAN !
” There were further protests at the capital , with at least two of the arrested men @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 30 .
According to NBC News , one of the arrested men , Barry Croft , in 2016 “ pushed pro-Trump conspiracy theories that absolved Russia of meddling in the 2016 election , calling investigations of Trump an ‘ uprising.
’ ” Another arrested man , Pete Musico , “ had a YouTube channel on which he railed against Whitmer and praised Trump.
” Pence Looks Normal Only in Comparison to Trump This Is Your President on Drugs As Politico correspondent Tim Alberta noted , “ If the president read his intel briefings @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups , he ’ d realize that language like ‘ LIBERATE MICHIGAN !
’ is read as tacit permission—if not explicit encouragement—for militias to take action.
” This was the argument that Whitmer herself took up in a press conference discussing the plot against her .
“ Just last week , the president of the United States stood before the American people and refused to condemn white supremacists and hate groups like these two Michigan militia groups , ” Whitmer said .
Speaking on CNN , Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel made a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ longer afford in this nation to have our elected leaders like the President… sending not just winks and nods , ” Nassel said .
“ It ’ s not a dog whistle… it ’ s literally a command to action for domestic terrorists.
” In a series of tweets , Trump strongly rejected the idea that he had helped foster domestic terrorism .
But in doing so , he reiterated the “ liberate Michigan ” rhetoric that is the crucial link between his politics and that of the Wolverine Watchmen .
Trump tweeted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done a terrible job .
She locked down her state for everyone , except her husband ’ s boating activities .
The Federal Government provided tremendous help to the Great People of Michigan .
My Justice Department and Federal Law Enforcement announced today that they foiled a dangerous plot against the Governor of Michigan .
Rather than say thank you , she calls me a White Supremacist—while Biden and Democrats refuse to condemn Antifa , Anarchists , Looters and Mobs that burn down Democrat run cities .
I do not tolerate ANY extreme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those who oppose and attack me , is what I will always do as your President !
Governor Whitmer—open up your state , open up your schools , and open up your churches !
” Speaking to Fox News , Trump campaign official Jason Miller also expressed anger at Whitmer , saying , “ If we want to talk about hatred , then Gov .
Whitmer , go look in the mirror—the fact that she wakes up everyday with such hatred in her heart for President Trump.
” Tacit approval of right-wing domestic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s presidency , going from the notorious “ very fine people on both sides ” remark after the Charlottesville white-supremacist rally to his comment during the first presidential debate of 2020 that the group called the Proud Boys need to “ stand down and stand by.
” Trump ’ s response to the news about the alleged plot against Whitmer follows the same pattern he has always used : deflection by reference to alleged left-wing violence and an insistence on the legitimacy of the goals advocated by the terrorists .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his attack on Whitmer .
The logical inference one can draw is that Trump sees right-wing terrorists as part of his political coalition—and he doesn ’ t want to offend them .
This was the explanation that a leading Trump supporter , former senator Rick Santorum , gave to explain Trump ’ s “ stand back and stand by ” comment , which was made in response to a question from debate moderator Chris Wallace .
“ The Democrats owe a lot to Chris Wallace , because Chris Wallace asked those two questions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ noted in a CNN panel .
“ And he asked them for a reason .
Because he asked two questions , where he was asking the president to do something he knows the president doesn ’ t like to do .
Which is say something bad about people who support him .
Talking about the white supremacists.
” So long as Trump sees violent right-wing groups as being part of his constituency , he will be unwilling to make a full-throated , unambiguous condemnation of them .
America ’ s domestic terrorism problem @ @ @ @ @ @

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One hallmark of the Trump era is that incidents of terrorism are not followed by the traditional calls for national unity but often deepen the partisan divide. On Thursday, federal and state officials announced the arrest of 13 men in Michigan associated with a group called the Wolverine Watchmen on assorted charges of terrorism, conspiracy, and unlawful weapons possession. The most lurid of the accusations was that at least six of the men were involved in a plot to kidnap Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer.
The New York Times reported, “The men spied on Ms. Whitmer’s vacation home in August and September, even looking under a highway bridge for places they could place and detonate a bomb to distract the authorities, the F.B.I. said. They indicated that they wanted to take Ms. Whitmer hostage before the election in November, and one man said they should take her to a ‘secure location’ in Wisconsin for a ‘trial,’ Richard J. Trask II, an F.B.I. special agent, said in the criminal complaint.”
Part of the motivation for the alleged plot seems to be anger at Whitmer for locking down the state as a response to the pandemic. Evidence from social media indicates that members of the group have taken inspiration from Donald Trump’s presidency, including the support he’s given to anti-lockdown protesters. On April 16, approximately 3,000 protesters, many of them armed, gathered in the state capital to protest against Whitmer. The following day, Trump tweeted, “LIBERATE MICHIGAN!” There were further protests at the capital, with at least two of the arrested men participating in an armed protest on April 30.
According to NBC News, one of the arrested men, Barry Croft, in 2016 “pushed pro-Trump conspiracy theories that absolved Russia of meddling in the 2016 election, calling investigations of Trump an ‘uprising.’” Another arrested man, Pete Musico, “had a YouTube channel on which he railed against Whitmer and praised Trump.” More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
As Politico correspondent Tim Alberta noted, “If the president read his intel briefings and understood the dogma of white nationalist groups, he’d realize that language like ‘LIBERATE MICHIGAN!’ is read as tacit permission—if not explicit encouragement—for militias to take action.”
This was the argument that Whitmer herself took up in a press conference discussing the plot against her. “Just last week, the president of the United States stood before the American people and refused to condemn white supremacists and hate groups like these two Michigan militia groups,” Whitmer said. Speaking on CNN, Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel made a similar claim. “We can no longer afford in this nation to have our elected leaders like the President… sending not just winks and nods,” Nassel said. “It’s not a dog whistle… it’s literally a command to action for domestic terrorists.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
In a series of tweets, Trump strongly rejected the idea that he had helped foster domestic terrorism. But in doing so, he reiterated the “liberate Michigan” rhetoric that is the crucial link between his politics and that of the Wolverine Watchmen. Current Issue View our current issue
Trump tweeted, “Governor Whitmer of Michigan has done a terrible job. She locked down her state for everyone, except her husband’s boating activities. The Federal Government provided tremendous help to the Great People of Michigan. My Justice Department and Federal Law Enforcement announced today that they foiled a dangerous plot against the Governor of Michigan. Rather than say thank you, she calls me a White Supremacist—while Biden and Democrats refuse to condemn Antifa, Anarchists, Looters and Mobs that burn down Democrat run cities. I do not tolerate ANY extreme violence. Defending ALL Americans, even those who oppose and attack me, is what I will always do as your President! Governor Whitmer—open up your state, open up your schools, and open up your churches!”
Speaking to Fox News, Trump campaign official Jason Miller also expressed anger at Whitmer, saying, “If we want to talk about hatred, then Gov. Whitmer, go look in the mirror—the fact that she wakes up everyday with such hatred in her heart for President Trump.”
Tacit approval of right-wing domestic terrorism has been a running theme of Trump’s presidency, going from the notorious “very fine people on both sides” remark after the Charlottesville white-supremacist rally to his comment during the first presidential debate of 2020 that the group called the Proud Boys need to “stand back and stand by.”
Trump’s response to the news about the alleged plot against Whitmer follows the same pattern he has always used: deflection by reference to alleged left-wing violence and an insistence on the legitimacy of the goals advocated by the terrorists. That is what he’s doing with his attack on Whitmer.
The logical inference one can draw is that Trump sees right-wing terrorists as part of his political coalition—and he doesn’t want to offend them. This was the explanation that a leading Trump supporter, former senator Rick Santorum, gave to explain Trump’s “stand back and stand by” comment, which was made in response to a question from debate moderator Chris Wallace.
“The Democrats owe a lot to Chris Wallace, because Chris Wallace asked those two questions, not Joe Biden,” Santorum noted in a CNN panel. “And he asked them for a reason. Because he asked two questions, where he was asking the president to do something he knows the president doesn’t like to do. Which is say something bad about people who support him. Talking about the white supremacists.”
So long as Trump sees violent right-wing groups as being part of his constituency, he will be unwilling to make a full-throated, unambiguous condemnation of them. America’s domestic terrorism problem is also a Trump problem.
A previous version of this article misquoted President Donald Trump’s remarks regarding the Proud Boys during the September 29 presidential debate. He called on the far-right group to “stand back and stand by,” not “stand down and stand by.”


thenation--2020-10-09--Voter Fraud Is a Right-Wing Fiction

Voter Fraud Is a Right-Wing Fiction

Lawyers for President Trump ’ s reelection campaign and the Republican Party are pulling out all the stops to make it hard to vote this fall .
They ’ ve pinned their case on the fantasy that voting by mail—a safe approach to casting ballots in the midst of a pandemic—will lead to widespread voter fraud .
Unfortunately for these legal humbugs , the facts keep catching up with them .
That ’ s what has happened in Montana , where , this week , ballots are being mailed to hundreds of thousands of registered voters after a federal judge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s voter-fraud story line is “ a fiction.
” That ’ s not just one jurist ’ s opinion ; on Thursday , the US Supreme Court rejected a last-minute appeal by Republican lawyers to reverse it .
At a point when the president and his minions have been working in states across the country to upend voting by mail , Montana is sending a clear signal that has national consequences—legally and politically .
“ The Court ’ s decision is the first in the country that follows a full trial on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notes the office of Montana Governor Steve Bullock .
“ The Court rejected all of the claims against Montana ’ s early voting and mail ballot option.
” Republicans have been desperate to rig Montana ’ s voting to favor embattled Republican Senator Steve Daines .
A cipher of a senator , Daines is best known for silencing Senator Elizabeth Warren during a debate on Trump ’ s nomination of Jeff Sessions for attorney general .
Before Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell joined in with his infamous announcement— “ She was warned .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she persisted ” —it was Daines , sitting as the presiding chair of the Senate , who interrupted Warren ’ s reading of a letter Coretta Scott King had written about Sessions .
That interruption set in motion a process that would eventually see Daines prevent Warren from completing her speech , curtly declaring from the chair , “ The senator will take her seat.
” Biden Needs to Stop Talking Down Bernie Sanders and Medicare for All Daines is now locked in a tight reelection race with Bullock , a popular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If Bullock beats Daines , there ’ s a real prospect that Democrats could flip the Senate and oust McConnell as majority leader .
That ’ s made Montana a mission-critical state for the Republican voter-suppression machine .
The GOP ’ s legal strategy in Montana—as in a number of other states that have seen preelection litigation—embraced Trump ’ s debunked critique of voting by mail and sought to upend the process by blocking the vast majority of Montana counties from using the US Postal Service to conduct this fall ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to voter safety posed by the coronavirus pandemic , Montana ’ s 56 counties conducted the state ’ s June primary by mail .
And , as it became clear that Covid-19 remained a threat , Bullock issued an August emergency declaration that suspended a state law that prevented fall general elections from being conducted on an all-mail basis .
The governor ’ s move drew an immediate response from the GOP .
The president ’ s reelection campaign , the National Republican Senatorial Committee , the Republican National Committee , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to block voting by mail .
The Republican Speaker of the Montana House and the Republican president of the Montana Senate joined in , as did county parties and candidates .
High-powered lawyers associated with out-of-state law firms assembled to press the party ’ s case .
When they got in front of the judge , however , everything fell apart .
Asked to provide evidence of voter fraud in Montana , the Republicans had nothing , and US District Judge Dana Christensen rejected their complaint .
“ When pressed during the hearing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compelled to concede that they can not point to a single instance of voter fraud in Montana in any election during the last 20 years , ” wrote the federal judge , who noted , “ Importantly , Montana ’ s use of mail ballots during the recent primary election did not give rise to a single report of voter fraud.
” So this week , the 45 Montana counties that have chosen to go with voting by mail will dispatch ballots to registered voters .
Despite the president ’ s lies and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the court ’ s ruling has enabled Montana to hold an election where votes can be cast safely , says Bullock , who argues , “ There is nothing more sacred in our democracy than the right to vote , and no duty of government more important than to keep its citizens safe .
”

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Lawyers for President Trump’s reelection campaign and the Republican Party are pulling out all the stops to make it hard to vote this fall. They’ve pinned their case on the fantasy that voting by mail—a safe approach to casting ballots in the midst of a pandemic—will lead to widespread voter fraud.
Unfortunately for these legal humbugs, the facts keep catching up with them. That’s what has happened in Montana, where, this week, ballots are being mailed to hundreds of thousands of registered voters after a federal judge issued a groundbreaking decision that the GOP’s voter-fraud story line is “a fiction.” That’s not just one jurist’s opinion; on Thursday, the US Supreme Court rejected a last-minute appeal by Republican lawyers to reverse it.
At a point when the president and his minions have been working in states across the country to upend voting by mail, Montana is sending a clear signal that has national consequences—legally and politically. “The Court’s decision is the first in the country that follows a full trial on efforts to undermine mail ballots,” notes the office of Montana Governor Steve Bullock. “The Court rejected all of the claims against Montana’s early voting and mail ballot option.”
Republicans have been desperate to rig Montana’s voting to favor embattled Republican Senator Steve Daines. A cipher of a senator, Daines is best known for silencing Senator Elizabeth Warren during a debate on Trump’s nomination of Jeff Sessions for attorney general. Before Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell joined in with his infamous announcement—“She was warned. She was given an explanation. Nevertheless, she persisted”—it was Daines, sitting as the presiding chair of the Senate, who interrupted Warren’s reading of a letter Coretta Scott King had written about Sessions. That interruption set in motion a process that would eventually see Daines prevent Warren from completing her speech, curtly declaring from the chair, “The senator will take her seat.” More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
Daines is now locked in a tight reelection race with Bullock, a popular Democrat who has won three statewide elections. If Bullock beats Daines, there’s a real prospect that Democrats could flip the Senate and oust McConnell as majority leader. That’s made Montana a mission-critical state for the Republican voter-suppression machine. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
The GOP’s legal strategy in Montana—as in a number of other states that have seen preelection litigation—embraced Trump’s debunked critique of voting by mail and sought to upend the process by blocking the vast majority of Montana counties from using the US Postal Service to conduct this fall’s election.
In response to the threat to voter safety posed by the coronavirus pandemic, Montana’s 56 counties conducted the state’s June primary by mail. And, as it became clear that Covid-19 remained a threat, Bullock issued an August emergency declaration that suspended a state law that prevented fall general elections from being conducted on an all-mail basis. The governor’s move drew an immediate response from the GOP. The president’s reelection campaign, the National Republican Senatorial Committee, the Republican National Committee, and the Montana Republican State Central Committee filed suit to block voting by mail. The Republican Speaker of the Montana House and the Republican president of the Montana Senate joined in, as did county parties and candidates. High-powered lawyers associated with out-of-state law firms assembled to press the party’s case. Current Issue View our current issue
When they got in front of the judge, however, everything fell apart. Asked to provide evidence of voter fraud in Montana, the Republicans had nothing, and US District Judge Dana Christensen rejected their complaint. “When pressed during the hearing in this matter, the plaintiffs were compelled to concede that they cannot point to a single instance of voter fraud in Montana in any election during the last 20 years,” wrote the federal judge, who noted, “Importantly, Montana’s use of mail ballots during the recent primary election did not give rise to a single report of voter fraud.”
So this week, the 45 Montana counties that have chosen to go with voting by mail will dispatch ballots to registered voters.
Despite the president’s lies and the disingenuous interventions of Republican legal fantasists, the court’s ruling has enabled Montana to hold an election where votes can be cast safely, says Bullock, who argues, “There is nothing more sacred in our democracy than the right to vote, and no duty of government more important than to keep its citizens safe.”


thenation--2020-10-09--Going Undercover on a Racist Dating Site

Whitedate.net looks innocuous at first : Its home page could be cribbed from Ashley Madison , or FarmersOnly , or any number of niche dating sites .
A stock-photo , glossy-lipped blonde smiles into her beau ’ s suited shoulder , lowering her lashes demurely ; a slogan reads , “ We know where we come from , where we belong , and wish to share the feeling with like-minded partners.
” Beside a pink and purple heart , the words “ for European Singles ” hint at WhiteDate ’ s purpose : to connect white supremacists seeking to preserve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ love and procreative nookie.1 Adapted from Culture Warlords : My Journey Into the Dark Web of White Supremacy by Talia Lavin .
Copyright © 2020 .
Available from Hachette Books , an imprint of Hachette Book Group , Inc .
The landing page , adorned with stylish white couples , coyly advertises its commitment to an anachronistic , ossified view of gender : “ We follow classic roles where strong men take the lead and graceful women play the game .
Wisely.
” 2 As a mouthy , Jewish , anti-racist feminist with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experienced the violent rhetoric employed by white supremacists .
But the counterpoint to the degradation of women deemed to be sexually wanton and traitorous to their race is a veneration of the pure , submissive white wife—a hyper-Aryan , time-hopping combination of 1859 and 1950 .
I had seen the harassment firsthand , but the machinery of Aryan courtship was closed to me.3 The site was created in 2017 and cofounded by “ Liv Heide , ” who claims to be a woman from northern Germany living in Paris .
In interviews on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appear on camera , but her voice is a feminine monotone with a heavy German accent .
As she explained in the racist publication American Renaissance in 2019 , she wants to encourage “ woke white people ” to “ look at humans as animal breeders look at animals.
” 5 But the site has a profound shortage of women .
WhiteDate had an obliquely titled page called “ Mini Flyer , ” containing an astonishing strategy for attracting more women .
“ Men are vanguards and it is reflected in the ratio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” the page begins .
“ So gentlemen , don ’ t be shy and invite white ladies in real life who display trad potential.
” ( “ Trad ” is short for “ traditional ” —i.e.
, someone willing to hew to the antiquated gender roles beloved of white supremacists . )
Users are encouraged to print out a mini-flyer that reads in full : “ You look like one of us .
Join us on WhiteDate.NET .
Our survival is as important as the survival of the Siberian Tiger.
” 6 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide tips on how to show women the advertisement : “ We have started to present this mini-flyer with a ‘ Hi !
’ and a smile , letting the ladies read and memorize it , then taking it back , ” they write.7 Here was a network of white supremacists itching to open up to a sympathetic woman , if one ever breached their sausage party .
What might they reveal for the chance to meet the white woman of their dreams ?
8 She was a figment of my imagination , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the whitest name I could think of .
I thought about “ Ashley ” — ” Ashleigh ” — ” Ashlee ” —but the “ lynn ” felt heavy with both consonants and promise .
I closed my eyes and thought about the ideal mate of a male Fox News viewer , then twisted her 20 degrees to the right and plopped her into the Midwest .
Blond , gun-toting , based on a farm-slash-compound just outside Anamosa , Iowa—she was a New Yorker ’ s idea of an Iowan , imbued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own urban life.10 For her image , I found a social-media account belonging to a European hunting enthusiast with long , strawberry-blond hair .
She wore camo , a girlish smile , and a long gun at her shoulder .
She had photos of herself posed against forests and wheat fields , which were anonymous in the way fields are .
I cropped the photos carefully to make sure they weren ’ t reverse-searchable on Google .
Then I set out to seduce some bigots.11 On WhiteDate.net , there were thousands of men @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them sent messages to ashlynn1488 .
I ’ d crafted the username from well-known neo-Nazi symbology .
Fourteen was for a white-supremacist credo called the “ 14 words , ” composed by white-nationalist terrorist David Lane : “ We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children.
” Eighty-eight stood for “ Heil Hitler , ” because H is the eighth letter of the alphabet.12 There are a few leaders in the white-supremacist movement who know how to talk to the press in order to amplify their movement—ones @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Those men , like Richard Spencer—dubbed the “ dapper white nationalist , ” who burst onto the media scene in 2016—know how to spin credulous reporters into printing their claims about wanting a “ peaceful ethnostate.
” Spokespeople pick their words carefully , and I couldn ’ t help but feel that these smooth talkers had obscured the violence at the heart of white-supremacist organizations .
I wanted to hear from the ordinary men drawn to a whites-only dating site—who would never , ever encounter someone like me without subterfuge.13 Their approaches were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be seeking a white woman to put on a pedestal , though they also wanted to own “ their woman.
” ( “ Rather than spending hours in a car chasing a paycheck , my woman would rather be with me , ” explained one man in his profile . )
14 “ GeneticMessiah , ” who admitted that he was “ a little overweight but working on losing it , ” wrote to Ashlynn , “ I wish you the best of luck finding a white husband to have kids with .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ gun ?
” 15 The men came from across the country .
One was even from the hippy-dippy college town of New Paltz , N.Y .
The geographic variation of my paramours was a powerful argument against any notion that white supremacy is confined to red states ; if anything , the New Yorkers and Californians , feeling themselves to be warriors of a valiant counterculture , were even more vociferous in their hatreds.16 Most of the avatars on WhiteDate were simply photos of white men .
White men with beards or without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bespectacled or green-eyed or brown-eyed or blue-eyed .
It was like selecting a swatch for a white wall : ivory , alabaster , eggshell , bone , porcelain.17 They were hiding in plain sight , these whiteness-loving men , working in warehouses and on farms , on army bases and construction sites ; a large number were software developers .
The variation in the jobs they claimed to have , likewise , argued against the idea that extremists are unemployed , or incompetent , or lurking in their mothers ’ basements.18 Many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Jean-François Gariépy as the forces that led them to join the white-supremacist movement ; others mentioned divorces—so many divorced men—or the 2016 election .
“ We have been lied to about everything , from our origins to the people who fight for us today , ” wrote “ John , ” a long-haired North Carolinian with a passion for blacksmithing .
“ Needless to say , my slide down the pipeline happened very fast.
” 19 Most euphemistically called themselves “ red-pilled ” or “ race realists , ” but one man @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t mind getting called racist , because that is just some made up word by the false prophet MLK .
To me , it just means that I think black people are annoying and I don ’ t want to be around them and if that makes me ‘ racist ’ then so be it.
” 20 When my suitors wrote to me , they wrote about their cats , about their love of Xbox gaming , about gas prices .
They wrote a lot about guns .
And just as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maintain the purity of whiteness and the white children they hoped I or some other willing woman would bear them.21 How to Be an Antifascist From Your Couch Bari Weiss ’ s ‘ How to Fight Anti-Semitism ’ Is Just a Frustrating , Book-Length Op-Ed The Boundaries of Whiteness Are Protected With Blood and Bullets “ I used to work out and [ sic ] lot and am getting back into it ; I love watching—mostly 80s—movies at home ; I like socialising at the pub but mainly because I don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suitor , named “ Marty.
” “ And by the way you became the most beautiful woman in the world when you said ‘ kikes.
’ ” 22 That was me .
The most beautiful , kike-deploring woman in the world.23 Here ’ s the truth that emerged for me : The worst people are still people ; their humanity is impossible to disregard , but it does not absolve them .
If anything , it makes their choices more abhorrent , surrounded , as they are , by the banality of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a self-described Nazi eats dinner .
( “ I eat only beef and eggs with bouts of pineapples from a can .
But on dates , I expand that diet so as to not be ‘ weird , ’ ” explained “ Karamazov , ” candidly . )
24 Eventually , I asked them to write love letters .
Since they viewed themselves as romantics—heirs to a noble European heritage—I thought this would be a way to find out what they wanted .
I asked them a simple question , tantalizingly phrased : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ letter to your future white wife , what would it be like ?
” 25 The results were like a car crash between Nicholas Sparks and Mein Kampf:26 I was really happy to hear back from you and to receive the photo that you sent .
It ’ s real pretty .
I will tell you that you have quite a nice figure to my liking .
It also reminds me of where I lived in Iowa .
It ’ s nice to see fields and trees and hills and things where everything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve just got basically desert and then the giant mountains scattered about.28 To answer your question , well I ’ d have to think about that .
It ’ s kind of hard to imagine being married at last , I think it would be an incredible feeling to be finally married .
Well , are you looking to get married ?
I think for me I am because well there is only so much dating to be done in life .
It would just be nice to live with a great woman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ especially one that is a race realist , because I want my wife to teach our kids to keep away from the darkies and to marry white people when they grow up , because that is the how [ sic ] we continue our way of life , and to teach them about the ethnostate that our people will someday create.29 When I look at the picture you sent I think to myself in my mind that I would like to just walk up to you and give you a big hug , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a bit and twirl you around .
And I would like to see the look in your eyes and gaze upon your face and then I imagine kissing you right there in that field .
Maybe we could go for a walk and just talk about life and things and really get to know each other quite well .
That would be real nice I think.30 There are more , of course—love letters to the fertile white women of the world .
These letters laid out how the fantasies about offspring , about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ embodied , for these men , in the wombs of white women .
Their laudatory words of romance were inextricable from their desire for racial segregation and ethnic cleansing .
They wanted an inferior partner , a submissive woman to love—and one who would keep their children from Marxists , Jews , and “ darkies.
” Their visions of love were tied to their hatred of the modern woman .
Misogyny is a natural outcome of indoctrination into white supremacy , which sees women purely as vessels for breeding.31

This article appears in the November 2/9, 2020 issue.
Whitedate.net looks innocuous at first: Its home page could be cribbed from Ashley Madison, or FarmersOnly, or any number of niche dating sites. A stock-photo, glossy-lipped blonde smiles into her beau’s suited shoulder, lowering her lashes demurely; a slogan reads, “We know where we come from, where we belong, and wish to share the feeling with like-minded partners.” Beside a pink and purple heart, the words “for European Singles” hint at WhiteDate’s purpose: to connect white supremacists seeking to preserve the future of the white race through love and procreative nookie.1 Adapted from Culture Warlords: My Journey Into the Dark Web of White Supremacy by Talia Lavin. Copyright © 2020. Available from Hachette Books, an imprint of Hachette Book Group, Inc.
The landing page, adorned with stylish white couples, coyly advertises its commitment to an anachronistic, ossified view of gender: “We follow classic roles where strong men take the lead and graceful women play the game. Wisely.”2
As a mouthy, Jewish, anti-racist feminist with a Twitter account, I’ve experienced the violent rhetoric employed by white supremacists. But the counterpoint to the degradation of women deemed to be sexually wanton and traitorous to their race is a veneration of the pure, submissive white wife—a hyper-Aryan, time-hopping combination of 1859 and 1950. I had seen the harassment firsthand, but the machinery of Aryan courtship was closed to me.3
Enter WhiteDate.4
The site was created in 2017 and cofounded by “Liv Heide,” who claims to be a woman from northern Germany living in Paris. In interviews on fascist-sympathetic YouTube channels, she does not appear on camera, but her voice is a feminine monotone with a heavy German accent. As she explained in the racist publication American Renaissance in 2019, she wants to encourage “woke white people” to “look at humans as animal breeders look at animals.”5
But the site has a profound shortage of women. WhiteDate had an obliquely titled page called “Mini Flyer,” containing an astonishing strategy for attracting more women. “Men are vanguards and it is reflected in the ratio between men and women on WhiteDate,” the page begins. “So gentlemen, don’t be shy and invite white ladies in real life who display trad potential.” (“Trad” is short for “traditional”—i.e., someone willing to hew to the antiquated gender roles beloved of white supremacists.) Users are encouraged to print out a mini-flyer that reads in full: “You look like one of us. Join us on WhiteDate.NET. Our survival is as important as the survival of the Siberian Tiger.”6
The anonymous founders of the site even provide tips on how to show women the advertisement: “We have started to present this mini-flyer with a ‘Hi!’ and a smile, letting the ladies read and memorize it, then taking it back,” they write.7 Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
Here was a network of white supremacists itching to open up to a sympathetic woman, if one ever breached their sausage party. What might they reveal for the chance to meet the white woman of their dreams?8
So Ashlynn was born.9
She was a figment of my imagination, everything a white supremacist could want, with the whitest name I could think of. I thought about “Ashley”—”Ashleigh”—”Ashlee”—but the “lynn” felt heavy with both consonants and promise. I closed my eyes and thought about the ideal mate of a male Fox News viewer, then twisted her 20 degrees to the right and plopped her into the Midwest. Blond, gun-toting, based on a farm-slash-compound just outside Anamosa, Iowa—she was a New Yorker’s idea of an Iowan, imbued with all the parochial narrow-mindedness of my own urban life.10
For her image, I found a social-media account belonging to a European hunting enthusiast with long, strawberry-blond hair. She wore camo, a girlish smile, and a long gun at her shoulder. She had photos of herself posed against forests and wheat fields, which were anonymous in the way fields are. I cropped the photos carefully to make sure they weren’t reverse-searchable on Google. Then I set out to seduce some bigots.11
On WhiteDate.net, there were thousands of men for the picking, and dozens of them sent messages to ashlynn1488. I’d crafted the username from well-known neo-Nazi symbology. Fourteen was for a white-supremacist credo called the “14 words,” composed by white-nationalist terrorist David Lane: “We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children.” Eighty-eight stood for “Heil Hitler,” because H is the eighth letter of the alphabet.12
There are a few leaders in the white-supremacist movement who know how to talk to the press in order to amplify their movement—ones who might even talk to me. Those men, like Richard Spencer—dubbed the “dapper white nationalist,” who burst onto the media scene in 2016—know how to spin credulous reporters into printing their claims about wanting a “peaceful ethnostate.” Spokespeople pick their words carefully, and I couldn’t help but feel that these smooth talkers had obscured the violence at the heart of white-supremacist organizations. I wanted to hear from the ordinary men drawn to a whites-only dating site—who would never, ever encounter someone like me without subterfuge.13
Their approaches were rarely overtly sexual. Users seemed to be seeking a white woman to put on a pedestal, though they also wanted to own “their woman.” (“Rather than spending hours in a car chasing a paycheck, my woman would rather be with me,” explained one man in his profile.)14
“GeneticMessiah,” who admitted that he was “a little overweight but working on losing it,” wrote to Ashlynn, “I wish you the best of luck finding a white husband to have kids with. What’s your favorite kind of gun?”15
The men came from across the country. One was even from the hippy-dippy college town of New Paltz, N.Y. The geographic variation of my paramours was a powerful argument against any notion that white supremacy is confined to red states; if anything, the New Yorkers and Californians, feeling themselves to be warriors of a valiant counterculture, were even more vociferous in their hatreds.16
Most of the avatars on WhiteDate were simply photos of white men. White men with beards or without; thin or muscular or fat; bespectacled or green-eyed or brown-eyed or blue-eyed. It was like selecting a swatch for a white wall: ivory, alabaster, eggshell, bone, porcelain.17
They were hiding in plain sight, these whiteness-loving men, working in warehouses and on farms, on army bases and construction sites; a large number were software developers. The variation in the jobs they claimed to have, likewise, argued against the idea that extremists are unemployed, or incompetent, or lurking in their mothers’ basements.18
Many of them cited YouTube personalities like Stefan Molyneux and Jean-François Gariépy as the forces that led them to join the white-supremacist movement; others mentioned divorces—so many divorced men—or the 2016 election. “We have been lied to about everything, from our origins to the people who fight for us today,” wrote “John,” a long-haired North Carolinian with a passion for blacksmithing. “Needless to say, my slide down the pipeline happened very fast.”19
Most euphemistically called themselves “red-pilled” or “race realists,” but one man wrote to me: “I also don’t mind getting called racist, because that is just some made up word by the false prophet MLK. To me, it just means that I think black people are annoying and I don’t want to be around them and if that makes me ‘racist’ then so be it.”20
When my suitors wrote to me, they wrote about their cats, about their love of Xbox gaming, about gas prices. They wrote a lot about guns. And just as often they wrote about their desire to maintain the purity of whiteness and the white children they hoped I or some other willing woman would bear them.21 More From Talia Lavin Why Transphobia Is at the Heart of the White Power Movement August 18, 2021 A Fart Joke Is Not a Pogrom June 3, 2021 Crowdfunding Hate in the Name of Christ April 5, 2021
“I used to work out and [sic] lot and am getting back into it; I love watching—mostly 80s—movies at home; I like socialising at the pub but mainly because I don’t have a family,” wrote one suitor, named “Marty.” “And by the way you became the most beautiful woman in the world when you said ‘kikes.’”22
That was me. The most beautiful, kike-deploring woman in the world.23
Here’s the truth that emerged for me: The worst people are still people; their humanity is impossible to disregard, but it does not absolve them. If anything, it makes their choices more abhorrent, surrounded, as they are, by the banality of a life indistinguishable from other lives. Even a self-described Nazi eats dinner. (“I eat only beef and eggs with bouts of pineapples from a can. But on dates, I expand that diet so as to not be ‘weird,’” explained “Karamazov,” candidly.)24
Eventually, I asked them to write love letters. Since they viewed themselves as romantics—heirs to a noble European heritage—I thought this would be a way to find out what they wanted. I asked them a simple question, tantalizingly phrased: “If you could write a love letter to your future white wife, what would it be like?”25
The results were like a car crash between Nicholas Sparks and Mein Kampf:26
Dear Ashlynn,27 I was really happy to hear back from you and to receive the photo that you sent. It’s real pretty. I will tell you that you have quite a nice figure to my liking. It also reminds me of where I lived in Iowa. It’s nice to see fields and trees and hills and things where everything is green. Out here we’ve just got basically desert and then the giant mountains scattered about.28 To answer your question, well I’d have to think about that. It’s kind of hard to imagine being married at last, I think it would be an incredible feeling to be finally married. Well, are you looking to get married? I think for me I am because well there is only so much dating to be done in life. It would just be nice to live with a great woman and see her every day. And especially one that is a race realist, because I want my wife to teach our kids to keep away from the darkies and to marry white people when they grow up, because that is the how [sic] we continue our way of life, and to teach them about the ethnostate that our people will someday create.29 When I look at the picture you sent I think to myself in my mind that I would like to just walk up to you and give you a big hug, and pick you up off the ground a bit and twirl you around. And I would like to see the look in your eyes and gaze upon your face and then I imagine kissing you right there in that field. Maybe we could go for a walk and just talk about life and things and really get to know each other quite well. That would be real nice I think.30
There are more, of course—love letters to the fertile white women of the world. These letters laid out how the fantasies about offspring, about birth rates, about racial continuity were embodied, for these men, in the wombs of white women. Their laudatory words of romance were inextricable from their desire for racial segregation and ethnic cleansing. They wanted an inferior partner, a submissive woman to love—and one who would keep their children from Marxists, Jews, and “darkies.” Their visions of love were tied to their hatred of the modern woman. Misogyny is a natural outcome of indoctrination into white supremacy, which sees women purely as vessels for breeding.31


thenation--2020-10-08--Your Vote Can Help Save the Working Families Party

There isn ’ t much suspense about which presidential candidate will carry New York state on Election Day .
New Yorkers , who ’ ve seen Donald Trump up close for decades , will reject him by a huge margin—just like they did the last time .
But there ’ s a lot more at stake here than the president ’ s ego .
New Yorkers who favor Joe Biden still have an important choice to make .
Here ’ s why .
When New Yorkers cast their ballots for president , they won ’ t just be picking a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voting on whether state government will continue on a progressive trajectory , or backslide into austerity , centrism , and political corruption .
That ’ s because the Working Families Party ’ s survival is on the ballot this year .
During the height of the pandemic in early April , Governor Andrew Cuomo rewrote the rules governing minor party access to the ballot .
He slipped a clause into the state ’ s new—and largely progressive—election law raising the threshold third parties need to reach to keep their place on the ballot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( If that law had been in force in 2018 , only the state ’ s Conservative Party would have survived alongside the Democrats and Republicans ) By all accounts , the move was Cuomo ’ s payback for the WFP ’ s years of success in moving New York politics in a more progressive direction .
Our governor does not enjoy being challenged—and is always willing to use public power to punish private political enemies .
Cuomo ’ s revenge may be a less prominent abuse of power than some we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s no less shameful .
Unless enough New Yorkers vote for Joe Biden and Kamala Harris on the Working Families Party line this November , the state ’ s leading engine for social progress and enlightened lawmaking could be forced out of business .
The WFP was founded in 1998 .
Democrats had moved decisively to the right since the 1980 Reagan victory .
The WFP viewed this as both a moral and strategic mistake .
The Nation agreed , helping the fledgling party secure just enough votes to make it over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to become a legally recognized party .
From the start , the WFP took on the long-standing , seemingly indestructible political architecture of Albany , in which Democrats ruled the Assembly and Republicans ruled the Senate .
Every governor from Rockefeller through both Cuomos supported this bipartisan “ deal ” —largely because the real estate , finance , insurance , and advertising industries liked it that way .
The left might amass enough strength to force occasional concessions , but this arrangement acted as a firewall against more profound reforms .
Even within @ @ @ @ @ @ @ notable victories , including the long-overdue reform of the Rockefeller Drug Laws and passage of the 2009 millionaires tax .
When , following Democratic gains in 2012 , “ the deal ” seemed to crumble , it was resuscitated by the rogue “ Independent Democratic Conference.
” The IDC caucused with Republicans and kept control of the Senate , with the tacit support of Cuomo .
But by 2018 , the winds of change were blowing too strongly .
The WFP successfully primaried members of the IDC and elected Working Families Democrats in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The “ deal ” was finally dead .
That opened the gates in Albany to a flood of long-overdue progressive legislation on climate change , housing , voting rights , and much more .
Once the WFP had changed the architecture , the needs and hopes of ordinary people actually got a fair hearing .
The WFP understood from the start that real political change takes organization and patience .
“ Start small , think big , ” said the party ’ s first director , Daniel Cantor .
“ Make steady @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bill Lipton .
Now New York ’ s WFP is led by its first woman director , Sochie Nnaemeka , who says : “ New Yorkers need to beat Trump , but we need so much more than that.
” Cuomo does not agree .
Millionaires have made major gains during the Covid-19 crisis , but Cuomo is fighting tooth and nail against any attempt to tax the rich in order to sustain public services and employment .
He clearly views the growing cadre of WFP Democrats as the biggest obstacle to his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ determined to weaken or even destroy the party .
Of course , the governor denies any such aim .
Instead , Cuomo ’ s allies claim that minor parties pose a threat to the state ’ s new public campaign financing system .
Fortunately , the Brennan Center for Justice and the Campaign Finance Institute each looked into this claim—and blew it out of the water .
In today ’ s Albany , the debate is no longer between Democrats and Republicans but between centrist Democrats and progressive , WFP-style Democrats—and the broader @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This shift is an enormous accomplishment , because it means that the compromises inevitable in politics lean to the left .
A lot of actors played a role in making this happen over the last two decades , with Bernie Sanders leading the fight on a national level .
But here in New York state , most of the credit goes to the WFP .
The party has made mistakes—most egregiously by backing Cuomo himself over Zephyr Teachout in 2014 ( though given the scale of payback the governor is inflicting for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ four years later , the party ’ s anxiety appears well-founded ) .
It also supported Representative Joe Crowley over Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez .
A more recent WFP endorsement wasn ’ t enough to save incumbent Brooklyn Assemblyman Walter Mosley , who was defeated in July by DSA-backed challenger Phara Soufrant Forrest .
And the party ’ s decision to endorse Elizabeth Warren over Bernie Sanders for the Democratic presidential nomination remains controversial .
( The Nation preferred Sanders . )
But overall the WFP has been a breath of fresh air since it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grown into a formidable force for justice nationwide .
This year , it is supporting candidates and mobilizing voters in more than 20 states .
Any New Yorker voting for the Biden/Harris ticket should vote for them on the WFP line .
Your vote counts the same as a vote on the Democratic line , but will also register as a vote for progressive principles—and progressive power .

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There isn’t much suspense about which presidential candidate will carry New York state on Election Day. New Yorkers, who’ve seen Donald Trump up close for decades, will reject him by a huge margin—just like they did the last time. But there’s a lot more at stake here than the president’s ego. New Yorkers who favor Joe Biden still have an important choice to make. Here’s why.
When New Yorkers cast their ballots for president, they won’t just be picking a candidate. They’ll also be voting on whether state government will continue on a progressive trajectory, or backslide into austerity, centrism, and political corruption.
That’s because the Working Families Party’s survival is on the ballot this year. During the height of the pandemic in early April, Governor Andrew Cuomo rewrote the rules governing minor party access to the ballot. He slipped a clause into the state’s new—and largely progressive—election law raising the threshold third parties need to reach to keep their place on the ballot from 50,000 votes statewide to 130,000. (If that law had been in force in 2018, only the state’s Conservative Party would have survived alongside the Democrats and Republicans)
By all accounts, the move was Cuomo’s payback for the WFP’s years of success in moving New York politics in a more progressive direction. Our governor does not enjoy being challenged—and is always willing to use public power to punish private political enemies. Cuomo’s revenge may be a less prominent abuse of power than some we’ve seen from Trump, but it’s no less shameful. Unless enough New Yorkers vote for Joe Biden and Kamala Harris on the Working Families Party line this November, the state’s leading engine for social progress and enlightened lawmaking could be forced out of business.
The WFP was founded in 1998. Democrats had moved decisively to the right since the 1980 Reagan victory. The WFP viewed this as both a moral and strategic mistake. The Nation agreed, helping the fledgling party secure just enough votes to make it over the (then) 50,000-vote threshold required to become a legally recognized party.
From the start, the WFP took on the long-standing, seemingly indestructible political architecture of Albany, in which Democrats ruled the Assembly and Republicans ruled the Senate. Every governor from Rockefeller through both Cuomos supported this bipartisan “deal”—largely because the real estate, finance, insurance, and advertising industries liked it that way. The left might amass enough strength to force occasional concessions, but this arrangement acted as a firewall against more profound reforms. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Even within these constraints, the WFP helped achieve notable victories, including the long-overdue reform of the Rockefeller Drug Laws and passage of the 2009 millionaires tax. When, following Democratic gains in 2012, “the deal” seemed to crumble, it was resuscitated by the rogue “Independent Democratic Conference.” The IDC caucused with Republicans and kept control of the Senate, with the tacit support of Cuomo. But by 2018, the winds of change were blowing too strongly. The WFP successfully primaried members of the IDC and elected Working Families Democrats in their place, ending the unholy arrangement. The “deal” was finally dead. Current Issue View our current issue
That opened the gates in Albany to a flood of long-overdue progressive legislation on climate change, housing, voting rights, and much more. Once the WFP had changed the architecture, the needs and hopes of ordinary people actually got a fair hearing.
The WFP understood from the start that real political change takes organization and patience. “Start small, think big,” said the party’s first director, Daniel Cantor. “Make steady progress,” said the second, Bill Lipton. Now New York’s WFP is led by its first woman director, Sochie Nnaemeka, who says: “New Yorkers need to beat Trump, but we need so much more than that.”
Cuomo does not agree. Millionaires have made major gains during the Covid-19 crisis, but Cuomo is fighting tooth and nail against any attempt to tax the rich in order to sustain public services and employment. He clearly views the growing cadre of WFP Democrats as the biggest obstacle to his corporate-friendly brand of politics, and is determined to weaken or even destroy the party.
Of course, the governor denies any such aim. Instead, Cuomo’s allies claim that minor parties pose a threat to the state’s new public campaign financing system. Fortunately, the Brennan Center for Justice and the Campaign Finance Institute each looked into this claim—and blew it out of the water.
In today’s Albany, the debate is no longer between Democrats and Republicans but between centrist Democrats and progressive, WFP-style Democrats—and the broader social movements that support the left. This shift is an enormous accomplishment, because it means that the compromises inevitable in politics lean to the left. A lot of actors played a role in making this happen over the last two decades, with Bernie Sanders leading the fight on a national level. But here in New York state, most of the credit goes to the WFP.
The party has made mistakes—most egregiously by backing Cuomo himself over Zephyr Teachout in 2014 (though given the scale of payback the governor is inflicting for the WFP’s backing challenger Cynthia Nixon four years later, the party’s anxiety appears well-founded). It also supported Representative Joe Crowley over Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. A more recent WFP endorsement wasn’t enough to save incumbent Brooklyn Assemblyman Walter Mosley, who was defeated in July by DSA-backed challenger Phara Soufrant Forrest. And the party’s decision to endorse Elizabeth Warren over Bernie Sanders for the Democratic presidential nomination remains controversial. (The Nation preferred Sanders.) Related Article Fire Donald Trump The Nation
But overall the WFP has been a breath of fresh air since it first formed 22 years ago and has grown into a formidable force for justice nationwide. This year, it is supporting candidates and mobilizing voters in more than 20 states. Any New Yorker voting for the Biden/Harris ticket should vote for them on the WFP line. Your vote counts the same as a vote on the Democratic line, but will also register as a vote for progressive principles—and progressive power.
New Yorkers: Vote Working Families Party—and spread the word!