thenation--2020-12-11--Trumpists Are Ranting About Election Fraud as Americans Die of Covid

The Signal : Tuesday was the safe harbor date by which all states had to certify their presidential election results .
Next Monday , based on those certifications , the Electoral College will meet and vote .
Biden has 306 Electoral College votes pledged to him , far more than the 270 he needed to win .
In any other presidential election year , by now there would have been a gracious concession speech from the losing candidate ; the winner would have been invited to the White House ; the transition would have ramped up to full speed ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the inauguration… but of course none of that is happening this year .
Trump is still putting out as much misinformation , as much Noise , as possible , telling his supporters ( and anyone else willing to listen ) that the election was fraudulent and that he , Donald J. Trump , was , is , and always will be the true winner .
He is being enabled in this fantasy by ever-kookier legal interventions , including the most recent absurdity , in which the Texas attorney general is spearheading a multistate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the election results in Georgia , Pennsylvania , Wisconsin , and Michigan , and to prevent the Electoral College from meeting next Monday .
On Wednesday afternoon , Trump ’ s campaign joined in the lawsuit—despite the fact that the court had , only hours before the Texas intervention , thrown out a Pennsylvania GOP request to invalidate the election in that state .
Trump is still being enabled , too , by a Republican congressional leadership that refuses to acknowledge Biden ’ s victory , going so far as to vote against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Biden will be the person inaugurated on January 20 .
We ’ re Now Facing Both a Public Health and a Poverty Catastrophe Why the Trumpists ’ Calls for Dictatorship Should Worry Us Meanwhile , Trump ’ s political team continues both to block vital transition meetings and exchanges of information and also to work at breakneck speed to lock in place some of the most extreme parts of the Trumpite political project before year ’ s end .
Witness the recent Labor Department rule changes that essentially provide a “ religious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to discriminate against LGBTQ+ employees .
And witness the publication of rule changes , to kick in on January 11 , that will dramatically eviscerate the already shamefully limited access to asylum for people on the southern border .
These are not actions one would expect during a normal post-election transition process .
This isn ’ t just about semantics .
And it isn ’ t just McConnell and McCarthy and other GOP bigwigs partaking in political fun and games .
It ’ s about an ongoing , and escalating , attack on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tot it all up and what you have is an authoritarian assault on the truth—evidenced by the vote-count totals and dozens of court rulings over the past five weeks—and on the bedrock idea of a peaceful transfer of power after elections .
I know that readers of this column have heard me on this before .
But it ’ s impossible to overstress the importance of this moment .
One of America ’ s two political parties is abandoning its commitment to democracy .
The president , who now not only leads but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is actively working to sabotage the Constitution that he has sworn to uphold .
GOP legislators and state officials are conspiring to overturn an election simply because it didn ’ t go the way they hoped it would .
As of Wednesday , 17 states were party to the Texas lawsuit , and Texas Senator Ted Cruz had apparently agreed to argue the case before the Supreme Court .
And tens of millions of Americans are being told not to recognize an election result they don ’ t like .
This could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s GOP this week sent out a tweet asking its supporters if they were willing to die to secure a Trump victory .
And in Michigan , armed protesters descended on the secretary of state ’ s house .
This during the deadliest week so far in the Covid pandemic , with infection rates at upwards of 220,000 per day .
Given how dire America ’ s public health emergency now is , this ought to be an all-hands-on-deck moment , in which Congress , the outgoing administration , the incoming administration , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ move in unison to coordinate public safety messages and interventions , minimize the immediate risk of hospital systems collapsing , and smooth the distribution of vaccines over the coming weeks .
Instead , Congress is bickering over a Covid relief package , with the GOP doing everything it can to stymie large-scale interventions that could mitigate the economic pain .
Instead , Trump is tweeting and retweeting crazy-uncle conspiracy theories and refusing to invite Biden ’ s experts to his White House vaccination summit .
And the Senate is pulling a twisted political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week .
Many years from now , people may look back at this moment and laugh—at the absurdity , the hubris , the arrogance , the egos .
Perhaps it will eventually make for powerful theater .
Right now , however , there ’ s nothing remotely funny about this moment .
Trump ’ s final chapter is , as many worried it would be , a full-blown American tragedy .

The Signal: Tuesday was the safe harbor date by which all states had to certify their presidential election results. Next Monday, based on those certifications, the Electoral College will meet and vote. Biden has 306 Electoral College votes pledged to him, far more than the 270 he needed to win.
In any other presidential election year, by now there would have been a gracious concession speech from the losing candidate; the winner would have been invited to the White House; the transition would have ramped up to full speed; Congress would have begun actively preparing for the inauguration… but of course none of that is happening this year. Looking for holiday gifts with a conscience? Check out The Nation Shop and help support The Nation’s journalism while you complete your gift list.
Trump is still putting out as much misinformation, as much Noise, as possible, telling his supporters (and anyone else willing to listen) that the election was fraudulent and that he, Donald J. Trump, was, is, and always will be the true winner. He is being enabled in this fantasy by ever-kookier legal interventions, including the most recent absurdity, in which the Texas attorney general is spearheading a multistate lawsuit asking the Supreme Court to void the election results in Georgia, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, and Michigan, and to prevent the Electoral College from meeting next Monday. On Wednesday afternoon, Trump’s campaign joined in the lawsuit—despite the fact that the court had, only hours before the Texas intervention, thrown out a Pennsylvania GOP request to invalidate the election in that state.
Trump is still being enabled, too, by a Republican congressional leadership that refuses to acknowledge Biden’s victory, going so far as to vote against a (largely symbolic) motion acknowledging that Biden will be the person inaugurated on January 20. More Signal:Noise We’re Now Facing Both a Public Health and a Poverty Catastrophe Sasha Abramsky Why the Trumpists’ Calls for Dictatorship Should Worry Us Sasha Abramsky
Meanwhile, Trump’s political team continues both to block vital transition meetings and exchanges of information and also to work at breakneck speed to lock in place some of the most extreme parts of the Trumpite political project before year’s end. Witness the recent Labor Department rule changes that essentially provide a “religious freedom” allowance for federally contracted employers to discriminate against LGBTQ+ employees. And witness the publication of rule changes, to kick in on January 11, that will dramatically eviscerate the already shamefully limited access to asylum for people on the southern border. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
These are not actions one would expect during a normal post-election transition process. This isn’t just about semantics. And it isn’t just McConnell and McCarthy and other GOP bigwigs partaking in political fun and games. It’s about an ongoing, and escalating, attack on the principles that make democracy possible. Tot it all up and what you have is an authoritarian assault on the truth—evidenced by the vote-count totals and dozens of court rulings over the past five weeks—and on the bedrock idea of a peaceful transfer of power after elections.
I know that readers of this column have heard me on this before. But it’s impossible to overstress the importance of this moment. One of America’s two political parties is abandoning its commitment to democracy. The president, who now not only leads but holds a tight grip on that party, is actively working to sabotage the Constitution that he has sworn to uphold. GOP legislators and state officials are conspiring to overturn an election simply because it didn’t go the way they hoped it would. As of Wednesday, 17 states were party to the Texas lawsuit, and Texas Senator Ted Cruz had apparently agreed to argue the case before the Supreme Court. And tens of millions of Americans are being told not to recognize an election result they don’t like. This could all too easily lead to violence—Arizona’s GOP this week sent out a tweet asking its supporters if they were willing to die to secure a Trump victory. And in Michigan, armed protesters descended on the secretary of state’s house. Current Issue View our current issue
This during the deadliest week so far in the Covid pandemic, with infection rates at upwards of 220,000 per day.
Given how dire America’s public health emergency now is, this ought to be an all-hands-on-deck moment, in which Congress, the outgoing administration, the incoming administration, state officials, and public health experts move in unison to coordinate public safety messages and interventions, minimize the immediate risk of hospital systems collapsing, and smooth the distribution of vaccines over the coming weeks. Instead, Congress is bickering over a Covid relief package, with the GOP doing everything it can to stymie large-scale interventions that could mitigate the economic pain. Instead, Trump is tweeting and retweeting crazy-uncle conspiracy theories and refusing to invite Biden’s experts to his White House vaccination summit. And the Senate is pulling a twisted political stunt by inviting anti-vaxxers to testify this week.
Many years from now, people may look back at this moment and laugh—at the absurdity, the hubris, the arrogance, the egos. Perhaps it will eventually make for powerful theater. Right now, however, there’s nothing remotely funny about this moment. Trump’s final chapter is, as many worried it would be, a full-blown American tragedy.


thenation--2020-12-11--Fighting From Federal Death Row in My Friend Brandon Bernard’s Memory

January 12 : Lisa Montgomery Looking for holiday gifts with a conscience ?
Check out The Nation Shop and help support The Nation ’ s journalism while you complete your gift list .
These are the names of the humans on federal death row and the dates that the Trump administration intends to kill them before leaving office .
Eight federal prisoners had already been executed .
Last night Brandon Bernard became nine .
More names could still be added .
This federal killing spree was already unprecedented when it began in July , after a 17-year hiatus .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Department of Justice added five more names after the elections .
As I sat in my cell on federal death row , the clock ticking closer to Brandon Bernard ’ s execution , my mind lingered on the federal inmate killed before Brandon : His name was Orlando Hall , executed on November 19 , and he was a close friend of mine—as was Brandon .
There was no federal death row at the time of my wrongful conviction .
Federal death row inmates were housed in different prisons all over the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ special confinement unit ” at the federal prison in Terre Haute , Ind.
, opened .
On the day I was moved , an officer climbed into the transfer van after we entered the prison grounds , warning us not to cause any problems and pointing to the armed officers lining the walkway to indicate what would await us if we did .
They took me to a unit that was eerily silent .
“ You ’ re the first one here , ” the escorting officer told me , and put me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the cell from top to bottom , and then , wiped out from the effort , fell asleep .
I awoke to the sound of movement and voices filling the unit .
I sat silently , trying to decipher from the sounds of their voices who was who , and what was what .
A Plea From Federal Death Row : ‘ We Need You to Raise Your Voices ’ I heard someone being put into the cell next to me .
“ Anyone over there ?
” my new neighbor called out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that night , when a man above us called down : “ Why don ’ t you all stop talking ?
” The unidentified voice and I exchanged a few angry words .
We went outside a few days later , taking a first look at the other men who had until then been only voices .
I began talking to a guy who introduced himself as Orlando , bonding immediately over our shared love for the LA Lakers and Green Bay Packers .
Suddenly , Orlando asked , “ Aren ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with , when you and Cory were talking ?
” We both laughed , and a friendship was born .
Over the years , Orlando and I would receive visits from our families at the same time .
Our families would laugh and joke with each other at visitation , similar to Orlando and me inside .
But Orlando was more than someone I could laugh with .
He was like an older brother ; someone I could talk to , learn from , and he in turn could learn from me .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
On November 18 , Orlando sent me a letter : I saved your letter for last because it ’ s the hardest to write .
I think that this might be the last time that we will be able to communicate with each other , so I want to start by thanking you for your friendship , honesty , and loyalty over these years… I want you to KEEP PUSHING YOUR INNOCENCE HARD !
You hear me !
?
You have been saying you are innocent since I ’ ve met you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that I haven ’ t heard you , or saw you fighting to prove it !
Someone has to show people that this system is messed up and you are the one who can do it .
GET OUT OF HERE !
If you need any help , just contact my family and they got your back as you have had mine !
And check in with them for me from time to time to make sure they are okay if things don ’ t go right .
He reassured me that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world to know that he was a better person now than the young man who was convicted to death decades ago .
His closing words to me : “ I love you MY BROTHER !
I watched the news anxiously the night of November 19 .
I could scarcely contain my hope when the newscaster announced that Orlando got a stay !
Perhaps the justice system would at least thoroughly examine the merit of the issues that Orlando was raising !
At 11:00 pm , the local news stopped broadcasting for the night @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anxiety until 5:30 am , when the news resumed .
It felt like a direct punch in my chest when I heard the reporter announce that my friend had been killed at 11:47 pm .
I sat on the edge of the bed .
Orlando wouldn ’ t want me to stop for even a second and feel doubt , hopelessness , or pain .
This would only be succumbing to the fact that the government had killed him .
In order to honor Orlando , to honor his growth as a human @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many of us , I could not deny his final request of me .
Orlando told me to fight !
He told me to get out of here and live—for the both of us !
I smiled , filled with the spirit of Orlando .
Then , I laughed .
Later that day , my friend Dustin Higgs and I were reminiscing about Orlando , when officers approached his cell .
“ The warden wants to see you , Higgs , ” they said .
I knew immediately what that meant .
Dustin—who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ me—was given a January 15 execution date , the last of five currently scheduled .
I am fighting in Brandon ’ s memory , I ’ m fighting for Alfred , Lisa , Cory , Dustin .
I am fighting for all those who may still be given an execution date in the waning days of the Trump presidency .
I am fighting to walk free myself .
You ’ re with me as I fight , Orlando .
You ’ re with all of us .

Last night: Brandon Bernard
Today: Alfred Bourgeois
January 12: Lisa Montgomery
January 14: Cory Johnson
January 15: Dustin Higgs
These are the names of the humans on federal death row and the dates on which the Trump administration intends to kill them before leaving office. Eight federal prisoners had already been executed. Last night, Brandon Bernard became nine. More names could still be added. This federal killing spree was already unprecedented when it began in July, after a 17-year hiatus. It’s even more egregious that the Department of Justice added five more names after the elections.
As I sat in my cell on federal death row, the clock ticking closer to Brandon Bernard’s execution, my mind lingered on the person killed here on federal death row before Brandon: His name was Orlando Hall, executed on November 19, and he was a close friend of mine—as was Brandon.
There was no federal death row at the time of my wrongful conviction. Federal death row inmates were housed in different prisons all over the country until July 1999, when the Special Confinement Unit at the federal prison in Terre Haute, Ind., opened. On the day I was moved, an officer climbed into the transfer van after we entered the prison grounds, warning us not to cause any problems and pointing to the armed officers lining the walkway to indicate what would await us if we did. They took me to a unit that was eerily silent. “You’re the first one here,” the escorting officer told me, and put me in a filthy cell. I washed the cell from top to bottom, and then, wiped out from the effort, fell asleep. I awoke to the sound of movement and voices filling the unit. I sat silently, trying to decipher from the sounds of their voices who was who, and what was what. Letter From Death Row A Plea From Federal Death Row: ‘We Need You to Raise Your Voices’ Billie Allen
I heard someone being put into the cell next to me.
“Anyone over there?” my new neighbor called out.
“Hey,” I answered. “I’m Billie.”
“Cory Johnson,” he introduced himself.
Cory and I were talking late that night, when a man above us called down, “Why don’t you all stop talking?” The unidentified voice and I exchanged a few angry words.
We went outside a few days later, taking a first look at the other men who had until then been only voices. I began talking to a guy who introduced himself as Orlando, bonding immediately over our shared love for the LA Lakers and Green Bay Packers. Suddenly, Orlando asked, “Aren’t you the guy I got into it with, when you and Cory were talking?” We both laughed, and a friendship was born. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
Over the years, Orlando and I would receive visits from our families at the same time. Our families would laugh and joke with each other at visitation, similar to Orlando and me inside. But Orlando was more than someone I could laugh with. He was like an older brother; someone I could talk to, learn from, and he in turn could learn from me. Our strengths and weaknesses balanced each other.
On November 18, Orlando sent me a letter:
I saved your letter for last because it’s the hardest to write. I think that this might be the last time that we will be able to communicate with each other, so I want to start by thanking you for your friendship, honesty, and loyalty over these years… I want you to KEEP PUSHING YOUR INNOCENCE HARD! You hear me!? You have been saying you are innocent since I’ve met you and not a day has went by that I haven’t heard you, or saw you fighting to prove it! Someone has to show people that this system is messed up and you are the one who can do it. GET OUT OF HERE! If you need any help, just contact my family and they got your back as you have had mine! And check in with them for me from time to time to make sure they are okay if things don’t go right.
He reassured me that he was at peace. He wanted the world to know that he was a better person now than the young man who was convicted to death decades ago. His closing words to me: “I love you MY BROTHER!
Illustration by Billie Allen.
I watched the news anxiously the night of November 19. I could scarcely contain my hope when the newscaster announced that Orlando got a stay! Perhaps the justice system would at least thoroughly examine the merit of the issues that Orlando was raising! At 11 pm, the local news stopped broadcasting for the night. I sat in a state of anxiety until 5:30 am, when the news resumed. It felt like a direct punch in my chest when I heard the reporter announce that my friend had been killed at 11:47 pm.
I sat on the edge of the bed. Orlando wouldn’t want me to stop for even a second and feel doubt, hopelessness, or pain. This would only be succumbing to the fact that the government had killed him. In order to honor Orlando, to honor his growth as a human and the impact he had on so many of us, I could not deny his final request of me. Orlando told me to fight! He told me to get out of here and live—for the both of us! I smiled, filled with the spirit of Orlando. Then, I laughed.
Later that day, my friend Dustin Higgs and I were reminiscing about Orlando, when officers approached his cell. “The warden wants to see you, Higgs,” they said. I knew immediately what that meant. Dustin—who is fighting to prove his innocence like me—was given a January 15 execution date, the last of five currently scheduled.
I am fighting in Brandon’s memory, I’m fighting for Alfred, Lisa, Cory, Dustin. I am fighting for all those who may still be given an execution date in the waning days of the Trump presidency. I am fighting to walk free myself.
You’re with me as I fight, Orlando. You’re with all of us.


thenation--2020-12-11--Is It Really Terry McAuliffe’s Turn in Virginia—Again?

Virginia ’ s Democratic renaissance has largely been powered by women—female candidates as well as voters .
When Democrats came within a seat of taking the House of Delegates in 2017 ( they finished the job in 2019 ) ; 11 of 15 victorious challengers were women , including several women of color , propelled by a wave of anti-Trump revulsion .
Already two women , both of them African American , have launched campaigns for governor in 2021 ( incumbent Ralph Northam can serve only one term ) .
Second-term Delegate Jennifer Carroll Foy and 14-year veteran state Senator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of one another last summer—a historic first for Black women in the former capital of the Confederacy .
But when former governor Terry McAuliffe announced his intention to seek another term Wednesday ( you can ’ t run twice in a row in Virginia ; nothing stops him from running now ) , you could feel a collective sigh of dismay from much of the progressive feminist resistance—in Virginia , and around the country .
“ All of these women have put in all this work—we are living in a completely different state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women—and now a man ’ s going to step in ?
” asked Ivonne Wallace Fuentes , a historian and founder of one of the earliest Indivisible chapters , in Roanoke , Va.
It ’ s hard to resist a comparison to President-elect Joe Biden , who jumped into the most diverse presidential primary field in history—six women , four of them senators , one of them African American ( now his vice president–elect , Kamala Harris ) ; a Black man , a Latino man , an Asian American , a Jewish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ others .
In the end , Biden ’ s strength with older black voters , his rivals ’ own campaign challenges , plus the competition among women as well as candidates of color , ensured his victory .
Is McAuliffe about to ride the same dynamics back to Richmond ?
Not necessarily .
Lots of people caution against declaring the race over just because a popular former governor and national fundraising titan jumped in .
“ This race is still taking shape , ” says longtime Virginia Democratic activist Carolyn Fiddler of Daily @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for 90 , which began a Virginia voter registration drive that is partly credited for the state ’ s blue turnaround , agrees .
“ He ’ s gon na have to fight for it.
” In addition to McClellan and Carroll Foy , the race also includes Lieutenant Governor Justin Fairfax , whose term was marred by accusations of sexual assault from two women , which he has repeatedly denied .
Democratic socialist Lee Carter has also filed paperwork to begin fundraising , but hasn ’ t officially joined the race .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidates as the campaign continues .
Reid emphatically declares this is a great development for the Commonwealth .
“ We have an embarrassment of riches right now : three black people running for governor—and the white guy is getting all the heat !
” He adds : “ And the white guys [ Carter and McAuliffe ] are from opposite ends of the spectrum .
It doesn ’ t get any better than that !
” Trump Is Blowing Up the Georgia GOP—and It Couldn ’ t Happen at a Better Time Not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worry that McAuliffe will benefit from divisions among Black voters and progressive voters , given the existing field .
He showcased his appeal to the state ’ s Black electorate—a quarter of the total—by launching his campaign alongside exclusively African American leaders , including House majority leader Charniele Herring , state Senator Louise Lucas and Richmond Mayor Levar Stoney .
But Lucas didn ’ t help McAuliffe ’ s cause by suggesting to Politico that McClellan and Carroll Foy might be good candidates “ at the appropriate time .
But for right now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ somebody who we know has history with the Black community .
He always asks what the Black community ’ s needs are .
We ’ ve got somebody who we know can deliver.
” That sounded to a lot of women , Black or not , like “ wait your turn.
” It also echoed South Carolina Representative Jim Clyburn ’ s decisive ( and pithier ) endorsement of Biden : “ We know Joe .
Joe knows us.
” But who knows ?
It could work .
To be fair to McAuliffe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ governor ’ s office with overwhelming approval—as well as civil rights and women ’ s rights bona fides .
Near the end of his term , he moved to restore voting rights to 173,000 formerly incarcerated Virginians .
He was such a reliable defender of reproductive rights , vetoing ugly GOP anti-abortion laws , that NARAL Pro Choice Virginia gave him its 2017 “ Brick Wall ” award .
( Ironically , at the group ’ s virtual fundraising gala Wednesday night , his rival McClellan won its “ Legislator of the Year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also spoke briefly . )
He emerged as one of Virginia ’ s leading white voices of outrage after the 2017 Charlottesville white supremacist rally that killed anti-racist protester Heather Heyer .
And when Northam was damaged by a blackface scandal , and then Fairfax by sexual assault allegations , McAuliffe stepped in , campaigning and raising money for House and Senate candidates in 2019 when neither of the two top leaders was able ( or welcome ) to do so .
His political action committee was the largest donor to state races @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Foy has taken the lead in questioning McAuliffe ’ s rationale for running .
She slightly upstaged him by announcing she was resigning her Prince William County Second District delegate seat the day before he was set to launch his run .
She did it , she said , to give Second District voters a full-time delegate—there will be a special election in January— “ and because it ’ s what ’ s best for my family .
Running for governor is not conducive to working moms , ” she told me .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ come from one of the poorest communities .
I was raised by my grandmother .
I ’ ve been a foster parent and a public defender .
I ’ ve lived a life of service—I don ’ t have wealth.
” The contrast with the wealthy McAuliffe went unstated , at first .
But when I asked her about the core of the former governor ’ s pitch—that he has the experience to rescue the state from the coronavirus crisis and the related economic crash—she got more pointed .
“ I think it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people of color who are in this race , to say he can do something we can ’ t do.
” Carroll Foy called the experience argument “ coded language ” and a “ dog whistle , ” noting that McAuliffe himself had no elected experience “ whatsoever ” when he first ran for governor in 2009 ( and lost ; he won in 2013 ) .
She and McClellan , she notes , have much more government experience than McAuliffe did when he took office almost seven years ago .
At Higher @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for black women ’ s leadership , cofounder Glynda Carr tries to take a tone like Fergie Reid ’ s .
“ What this is demonstrating is the black women ’ s leadership bench is wide and deep , ” she says .
She shrugs off concerns that McClellan and Carroll Foy , not to mention Fairfax , will split black voters .
“ Certainly , we ’ ve never said ‘ there are too many white men ’ in any race.
” Still , she can ’ t ignore certain parallels with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Heights endorsed Kamala Harris early .
“ We ’ re about to see how the diversity and the dynamics that we saw in the presidential race plays out in a gubernatorial race in Virginia , ” she tells me .
Voters say they want diverse leadership , and this race “ will test their appetite.
” Fuentes worries that women , especially , don ’ t have the “ emotional bandwidth , ” especially during the pandemic , to deliver the activism necessary to power Carroll Foy or McClellan past McAuliffe .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I want , but he has seen that the party has shifted left—it could be that he ’ ll dance with us.
” Carroll Foy believes Virginia ’ s women activists will be there with her .
“ The people I fight for know that I ’ m one of them .
We ’ re running the most aggressive grassroots movement this state has ever seen .
”

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Virginia’s Democratic renaissance has largely been powered by women—female candidates as well as voters. When Democrats came within a seat of taking the House of Delegates in 2017 (they finished the job in 2019); 11 of 15 victorious challengers were women, including several women of color, propelled by a wave of anti-Trump revulsion. Already two women, both of them African American, have launched campaigns for governor in 2021 (incumbent Ralph Northam can serve only one term). Second-term Delegate Jennifer Carroll Foy and 14-year veteran state Senator Jennifer McClellan made their announcements within days of one another last summer—a historic first for Black women in the former capital of the Confederacy.
But when former governor Terry McAuliffe announced his intention to seek another term Wednesday (you can’t run twice in a row in Virginia; nothing stops him from running now), you could feel a collective sigh of dismay from much of the progressive feminist resistance—in Virginia, and around the country. “All of these women have put in all this work—we are living in a completely different state from four years ago, built by women—and now a man’s going to step in?” asked Ivonne Wallace Fuentes, a historian and founder of one of the earliest Indivisible chapters, in Roanoke, Va. Looking for holiday gifts with a conscience? Check out The Nation Shop and help support The Nation’s journalism while you complete your gift list.
It’s hard to resist a comparison to President-elect Joe Biden, who jumped into the most diverse presidential primary field in history—six women, four of them senators, one of them African American (now his vice president–elect, Kamala Harris); a Black man, a Latino man, an Asian American, a Jewish democratic socialist, a gay mayor and… others. In the end, Biden’s strength with older black voters, his rivals’ own campaign challenges, plus the competition among women as well as candidates of color, ensured his victory. Is McAuliffe about to ride the same dynamics back to Richmond?
Not necessarily. Lots of people caution against declaring the race over just because a popular former governor and national fundraising titan jumped in. “This race is still taking shape,” says longtime Virginia Democratic activist Carolyn Fiddler of Daily Kos. Fergie Reid Jr. of 90 for 90, which began a Virginia voter registration drive that is partly credited for the state’s blue turnaround, agrees. “He’s gonna have to fight for it.” In addition to McClellan and Carroll Foy, the race also includes Lieutenant Governor Justin Fairfax, whose term was marred by accusations of sexual assault from two women, which he has repeatedly denied. Democratic socialist Lee Carter has also filed paperwork to begin fundraising, but hasn’t officially joined the race. The Nation will cover several of the candidates as the campaign continues.
Reid emphatically declares this is a great development for the Commonwealth. “We have an embarrassment of riches right now: three black people running for governor—and the white guy is getting all the heat!” He adds: “And the white guys [Carter and McAuliffe] are from opposite ends of the spectrum. It doesn’t get any better than that!” More From Joan Walsh The Promise of Justice in Fani Willis’s Indictment August 15, 2023 Please, Please Stop Blaming “Progressives” for Donald Trump’s Fascism August 11, 2023 The Ron-mentum Continues… Circling the Drain August 9, 2023
Not everyone is as happy. Some Virginians worry that McAuliffe will benefit from divisions among Black voters and progressive voters, given the existing field. He showcased his appeal to the state’s Black electorate—a quarter of the total—by launching his campaign alongside exclusively African American leaders, including House majority leader Charniele Herring, state Senator Louise Lucas and Richmond Mayor Levar Stoney. But Lucas didn’t help McAuliffe’s cause by suggesting to Politico that McClellan and Carroll Foy might be good candidates “at the appropriate time. But for right now what we need is Terry McAuliffe, somebody who we know has history with the Black community. He always asks what the Black community’s needs are. We’ve got somebody who we know can deliver.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
That sounded to a lot of women, Black or not, like “wait your turn.” It also echoed South Carolina Representative Jim Clyburn’s decisive (and pithier) endorsement of Biden: “We know Joe. Joe knows us.” But who knows? It could work. Current Issue View our current issue
To be fair to McAuliffe, he has many admirers—he left the governor’s office with overwhelming approval—as well as civil rights and women’s rights bona fides. Near the end of his term, he moved to restore voting rights to 173,000 formerly incarcerated Virginians. He was such a reliable defender of reproductive rights, vetoing ugly GOP anti-abortion laws, that NARAL Pro Choice Virginia gave him its 2017 “Brick Wall” award. (Ironically, at the group’s virtual fundraising gala Wednesday night, his rival McClellan won its “Legislator of the Year” award; McAuliffe and Carroll Foy also spoke briefly.) He emerged as one of Virginia’s leading white voices of outrage after the 2017 Charlottesville white supremacist rally that killed anti-racist protester Heather Heyer. And when Northam was damaged by a blackface scandal, and then Fairfax by sexual assault allegations, McAuliffe stepped in, campaigning and raising money for House and Senate candidates in 2019 when neither of the two top leaders was able (or welcome) to do so. His political action committee was the largest donor to state races in 2019.
So far, Carroll Foy has taken the lead in questioning McAuliffe’s rationale for running. She slightly upstaged him by announcing she was resigning her Prince William County Second District delegate seat the day before he was set to launch his run. She did it, she said, to give Second District voters a full-time delegate—there will be a special election in January—“and because it’s what’s best for my family. Running for governor is not conducive to working moms,” she told me.
Then she dug in: “I come from one of the poorest communities. I was raised by my grandmother. I’ve been a foster parent and a public defender. I’ve lived a life of service—I don’t have wealth.” The contrast with the wealthy McAuliffe went unstated, at first. But when I asked her about the core of the former governor’s pitch—that he has the experience to rescue the state from the coronavirus crisis and the related economic crash—she got more pointed.
“I think it’s an affront to women and people of color who are in this race, to say he can do something we can’t do.” Carroll Foy called the experience argument “coded language” and a “dog whistle,” noting that McAuliffe himself had no elected experience “whatsoever” when he first ran for governor in 2009 (and lost; he won in 2013). She and McClellan, she notes, have much more government experience than McAuliffe did when he took office almost seven years ago.
At Higher Heights, a national group that advocates for black women’s leadership, cofounder Glynda Carr tries to take a tone like Fergie Reid’s. “What this is demonstrating is the black women’s leadership bench is wide and deep,” she says. She shrugs off concerns that McClellan and Carroll Foy, not to mention Fairfax, will split black voters. “Certainly, we’ve never said ‘there are too many white men’ in any race.”
Still, she can’t ignore certain parallels with the Democratic presidential primary, when Higher Heights endorsed Kamala Harris early. “We’re about to see how the diversity and the dynamics that we saw in the presidential race plays out in a gubernatorial race in Virginia,” she tells me. Voters say they want diverse leadership, and this race “will test their appetite.”
Fuentes worries that women, especially, don’t have the “emotional bandwidth,” especially during the pandemic, to deliver the activism necessary to power Carroll Foy or McClellan past McAuliffe. “He’s not as progressive as I want, but he has seen that the party has shifted left—it could be that he’ll dance with us.”
Carroll Foy believes Virginia’s women activists will be there with her. “The people I fight for know that I’m one of them. We’re running the most aggressive grassroots movement this state has ever seen.”


thenation--2020-12-11--How Bob Dylan Wrote the Second Great American Songbook

Bob Dylan takes great pains to detail just how inimical to popular taste his music was when he first started performing in the late 1950s and early ’ 60s .
“ I had no song in my repertoire for commercial radio anyway , ” Dylan writes in the first—and to date only—volume of his memoirs , Chronicles : Volume One ( 2004 ) .
“ Songs about debauched bootleggers , mothers that drowned their own children , Cadillacs that only got five miles to the gallon , floods , union hall fires , darkness and cadavers at the bottom of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There was nothing easygoing about the folk songs I sang .
They weren ’ t friendly or ripe with mellowness .
They didn ’ t come gently to the shore .
I guess you could say they weren ’ t commercial.
” Knowing their limited popular appeal , Dylan sold his first songs for a pittance , busking in hole-in-the wall dives in Greenwich Village so he could collect a share of the basket and cutting a deal with Lou Levy of Leeds Music Publishing for a meager advance .
“ I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Music giving it the right to publish my songs , not that there was any great deal to hammer out , ” Dylan recalls of his first deal .
“ I hadn ’ t written much .
Lou advanced me a hundred dollars against future royalties to sign the paper and that was fine with me.
” Six decades later , Dylan has more than a 600 songs to his name—almost all of which , until recently , he owned .
One of the few exceptions were those early songs knitted up by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The New York Times reported that Dylan had sold his entire catalogue lock-stock-and-barrel to Universal Music for an estimated $ 300 million .
( The seven songs Dylan sold to Leeds Music had been purchased by Universal long ago in a separate deal ) .
The idea that one corporation could own all of Dylan ’ s work seems almost sacrilegious , as if Disney could possess the copyright on the Bible or you had to pay royalties to sing one of the traditional songs anthologized in the Child Ballads .
Covid-19 Is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But it ’ s rank sentimentalism to ignore the fact that Dylan has always worked in the domain of commercial music—even as he stretched the definition of what commercial music is .
Dylan has for decades been willing to license his songs for advertisements .
More importantly , when dealing with music as pervasively influential as Dylan ’ s catalogue , the whole idea of ownership is ambiguous .
As Amanda Petrusich of The New Yorker notes , “ Sixty years after his recording début , Dylan ’ s best-known and most resonant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wind , ’ ‘ The Times They Are A-Changin ’ , ’ ‘ Subterranean Homesick Blues ’ ) are now so intensely and inextricably interwoven into the American experience that the question of ‘ ownership ’ almost seems moot.
” She adds , “ Universal may have secured certain legal and financial privileges when it comes to Dylan ’ s catalogue .
But I ’ d venture that the songs belong to everyone who has claimed them.
” Dylan ’ s music has never belonged to Dylan alone .
A company like Universal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just because it expects there will continue to be an audience for his songs , but also because of the many other musicians who want to perform them .
The New York Times notes that “ Dylan ’ s songs have been recorded more than 6,000 times , ” according to Universal .
By some estimates , this makes Dylan second only to the Beatles .
Many of these covers are as famous or more famous than Dylan ’ s own renditions , notably Jimi Hendrix ’ s high-voltage version of “ All @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s piercing and plaintive “ Blowin ’ in the Wind.
” The paradox of Dylan is that his own quirky voice is so singular that it gives permission to other musicians to take up his songs .
Because Dylan ’ s voice isn ’ t classically perfect in the mode of Frank Sinatra or Celine Dion , it always feels like there is room for multiple interpretations of a Dylan number .
Musicologists often refer to the “ Great American Songbook ” —the shifting canon of great popular songs from Broadway and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ century .
Part of the miracle of Dylan is that he ’ s given us a second Great American Songbook , the product not of a tradition but of one musician .
But then an essential part of Dylan ’ s artistry has always come from the way he ’ s channeled traditions larger then himself .
What makes him a folk musician is not just the songs he sings but the way he ’ s listened to the whole body of American song and British folk song and incorporated them into his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adaptation of the classic ballad “ Lord Randall ” into “ A Hard Rain ’ s A- Gon na Fall.
” ) In Chronicles : Volume One , Dylan repeatedly expresses affinity for all sorts of musicians .
He recalls whiling away the hours in the Folklore Center on MacDougal Street where he eagerly pored over “ extinct song folios of every type—sea shanties , Civil War songs , cowboy songs , songs of lament , church house songs , anti-Jim Crow songs , [ and ] union songs.
” Dylan also expresses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nelson : “ Ricky ’ s talent was very accessible to me .
I felt we had a lot in common .
In a few years ’ time he ’ d record some of my songs , make them sound like they were his own , like he ’ d written them himself.
” Dylan also remembers hunting up and down the record dial in the hopes of finding a new Roy Orbison recording .
Orbison , Dylan enthuses , “ transcended all the genres—folk , country , rock and roll or just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the styles and some that hadn ’ t even been invented yet .
He could sound mean and nasty on one line and then sing in a falsetto voice like Frankie Valli in the next .
With Roy , you didn ’ t know if you were listening to mariachi or opera.
” It says something about Dylan ’ s ever shifting and quicksilver persona that the best way he ’ s figured out how to write about himself is by describing other musicians .
As great a musician as he is , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part of a much larger line of singers , some he ’ s learned from—and many who have borrowed a tune or two from him .

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Bob Dylan takes great pains to detail just how inimical to popular taste his music was when he first started performing in the late 1950s and early ’60s. “I had no song in my repertoire for commercial radio anyway,” Dylan writes in the first—and to date only—volume of his memoirs, Chronicles: Volume One (2004). “Songs about debauched bootleggers, mothers that drowned their own children, Cadillacs that only got five miles to the gallon, floods, union hall fires, darkness and cadavers at the bottom of the rivers weren’t for radiophiles. There was nothing easygoing about the folk songs I sang. They weren’t friendly or ripe with mellowness. They didn’t come gently to the shore. I guess you could say they weren’t commercial.”
Knowing their limited popular appeal, Dylan sold his first songs for a pittance, busking in hole-in-the wall dives in Greenwich Village so he could collect a share of the basket and cutting a deal with Lou Levy of Leeds Music Publishing for a meager advance. “I had just signed a contract with Leeds Music giving it the right to publish my songs, not that there was any great deal to hammer out,” Dylan recalls of his first deal. “I hadn’t written much. Lou advanced me a hundred dollars against future royalties to sign the paper and that was fine with me.” Looking for holiday gifts with a conscience? Check out The Nation Shop and help support The Nation’s journalism while you complete your gift list.
Six decades later, Dylan has more than a 600 songs to his name—almost all of which, until recently, he owned. One of the few exceptions were those early songs knitted up by Leeds Music. But earlier this week The New York Times reported that Dylan had sold his entire catalogue lock-stock-and-barrel to Universal Music for an estimated $300 million. (The seven songs Dylan sold to Leeds Music had been purchased by Universal long ago in a separate deal).
The idea that one corporation could own all of Dylan’s work seems almost sacrilegious, as if Disney could possess the copyright on the Bible or you had to pay royalties to sing one of the traditional songs anthologized in the Child Ballads. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
But it’s rank sentimentalism to ignore the fact that Dylan has always worked in the domain of commercial music—even as he stretched the definition of what commercial music is. Dylan has for decades been willing to license his songs for advertisements.
More importantly, when dealing with music as pervasively influential as Dylan’s catalogue, the whole idea of ownership is ambiguous. As Amanda Petrusich of The New Yorker notes, “Sixty years after his recording début, Dylan’s best-known and most resonant songs (‘Blowin’ in the Wind,’ ‘The Times They Are A-Changin’,’ ‘Subterranean Homesick Blues’) are now so intensely and inextricably interwoven into the American experience that the question of ‘ownership’ almost seems moot.” She adds, “Universal may have secured certain legal and financial privileges when it comes to Dylan’s catalogue. But I’d venture that the songs belong to everyone who has claimed them.”
Dylan’s music has never belonged to Dylan alone. A company like Universal music desires Dylan’s catalogue not just because it expects there will continue to be an audience for his songs, but also because of the many other musicians who want to perform them. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Current Issue View our current issue
The New York Times notes that “Dylan’s songs have been recorded more than 6,000 times,” according to Universal. By some estimates, this makes Dylan second only to the Beatles. Many of these covers are as famous or more famous than Dylan’s own renditions, notably Jimi Hendrix’s high-voltage version of “All Along the Watchtower” or Joan Baez’s piercing and plaintive “Blowin’ in the Wind.”
The paradox of Dylan is that his own quirky voice is so singular that it gives permission to other musicians to take up his songs. Because Dylan’s voice isn’t classically perfect in the mode of Frank Sinatra or Celine Dion, it always feels like there is room for multiple interpretations of a Dylan number.
Musicologists often refer to the “Great American Songbook”—the shifting canon of great popular songs from Broadway and Tin Pan Alley during the early 20th century. Part of the miracle of Dylan is that he’s given us a second Great American Songbook, the product not of a tradition but of one musician.
But then an essential part of Dylan’s artistry has always come from the way he’s channeled traditions larger then himself. What makes him a folk musician is not just the songs he sings but the way he’s listened to the whole body of American song and British folk song and incorporated them into his own work (e.g., his wholesale adaptation of the classic ballad “Lord Randall” into “A Hard Rain’s A-Gonna Fall.”)
In Chronicles: Volume One, Dylan repeatedly expresses affinity for all sorts of musicians. He recalls whiling away the hours in the Folklore Center on MacDougal Street where he eagerly pored over “extinct song folios of every type—sea shanties, Civil War songs, cowboy songs, songs of lament, church house songs, anti-Jim Crow songs, [and] union songs.”
Dylan also expresses fellow feeling for commercial singers like Ricky Nelson: “Ricky’s talent was very accessible to me. I felt we had a lot in common. In a few years’ time he’d record some of my songs, make them sound like they were his own, like he’d written them himself.”
Dylan also remembers hunting up and down the record dial in the hopes of finding a new Roy Orbison recording. Orbison, Dylan enthuses, “transcended all the genres—folk, country, rock and roll or just about anything. His stuff mixed all the styles and some that hadn’t even been invented yet. He could sound mean and nasty on one line and then sing in a falsetto voice like Frankie Valli in the next. With Roy, you didn’t know if you were listening to mariachi or opera.”
It says something about Dylan’s ever shifting and quicksilver persona that the best way he’s figured out how to write about himself is by describing other musicians. As great a musician as he is, he also realizes that he’s part of a much larger line of singers, some he’s learned from—and many who have borrowed a tune or two from him.


thenation--2020-12-14--Ron Johnson Brings Fringe Science to the US Senate

On Tuesday , the US Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee held a hearing on “ early outpatient treatment ” for Covid-19 .
You ’ d be forgiven for assuming this panel emphasized mask wearing , or urged social distancing , or embraced standard scientific treatments .
After all , these are all recommendations endorsed by respected medical experts like Dr. Anthony Fauci .
But not this panel .
That ’ s because this panel is chaired by Wisconsin ’ s very own US Senator Ron Johnson .
And Ron Johnson instead exposed the US Senate and the American @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , discredited medical theories , and dubious health advice .
It wasn ’ t the first time Johnson undermined widely accepted medical science from his powerful committee perch .
Nor is it the only example of how Wisconsin ’ s senior senator has subverted a coherent federal response to the pandemic .
He has emerged as one of the most prolific Covid-minimizers in Washington , • downplaying the risk of fatality ( “ getting coronavirus is not a death sentence except for maybe no more than 3.4 percent of our population , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deaths of nearly 200,000 of his 5.8 million constituents ) ; • speaking against mask mandates , when doctors say they can save lives ; • falsely and dangerously claiming that the coronavirus curve was flattening , even as cases in Wisconsin surged ; • and ignoring federal health guidance and potentially putting others at risk when he himself actually contracted the virus .
So Tuesday ’ s hearing was very much on Covid-dismissing brand for Ron Johnson .
But what is perplexing , from a senator who fancies himself a business and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understand how sidelining real science and medicine is crippling the economy .
Senator Ron Johnson No Longer Has Constituents ; He Has a Boss , a Don The virus is real and it kills .
More Wisconsinites have died from Covid-19 than all the Americans who perished in the September 11 , 2001 , terrorist attacks .
So far , 434,016 fellow Wisconsinites have been diagnosed , 19,162 hospitalized , and more than 4,041 of our neighbors have tragically passed .
The virus threatens people ’ s livelihoods as well as their lives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stunning 10 million fewer people employed now than when the pandemic began .
According to a National Federation of Independent Business study earlier this year , about 20 percent of small businesses fear they will be forced to shutter permanently by early next year unless the economy improves .
These are our neighbors struggling desperately to make rent or mortgage payments , keep businesses afloat , and pay bills—and they ’ ve absolutely done nothing wrong .
As we follow the science to overcome this deadly virus , we must provide substantial support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ families suffering economically .
Now , Johnson has always preferred big tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy over helping middle-class and low-income people .
But his vote against the CARES relief package , which included paid sick and family leave for people tending to children and relatives , and his opposition to “ spending a dime more ” on economic relief earlier this year reveals a glaring misunderstanding of how much people are suffering in this crisis right now—and how his embrace of junk science is making the economy worse .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Senate adjourns , with relief running out at the end of the year and congressional stimulus talks deadlocked , our senior senator spotlights vaccine skeptics—but not the millions of workers behind on rent and terrified of eviction .
He provides a forum for fringe doctors to push quack medicines that may actually harm you physically—but not for the working parents who need paid family sick to care for loved ones .
He elevates radicals who undercut public faith in proven health methods like mask wearing while instead endorsing toilet cleaning—but not the single @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scraping by on two others to save a fragile family budget .
This peanut gallery hawking questionable theories and treatments didn ’ t deserve a voice in the US Senate .
The panel Ron Johnson should have convened was one that featured our Wisconsin neighbors who are hurting from the economic shock that burst from nowhere , and is not their fault .
Then he could have heard firsthand about the urgent need to get regular Wisconsinites back to work safely , provide stimulus relief to those that need it , and update @ @ @ @ @ @ @ funds go to small businesses that are struggling .
“ We have grossly overreacted to this , ” Johnson said of the nation ’ s pandemic response , as the national death toll passed 285,000 .
The millions of Americans who did nothing wrong , yet find themselves out of work and facing eviction and a mountain of bills , would probably disagree .
If Ron Johnson would only invite these folks to his Senate committee , he would hear that message from them directly .

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On Tuesday, the US Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee held a hearing on “early outpatient treatment” for Covid-19. You’d be forgiven for assuming this panel emphasized mask wearing, or urged social distancing, or embraced standard scientific treatments. After all, these are all recommendations endorsed by respected medical experts like Dr. Anthony Fauci.
But not this panel. That’s because this panel is chaired by Wisconsin’s very own US Senator Ron Johnson. And Ron Johnson instead exposed the US Senate and the American people to a panel peddling fringe science, discredited medical theories, and dubious health advice.
It wasn’t the first time Johnson undermined widely accepted medical science from his powerful committee perch. Nor is it the only example of how Wisconsin’s senior senator has subverted a coherent federal response to the pandemic. He has emerged as one of the most prolific Covid-minimizers in Washington,
downplaying the risk of fatality (“getting coronavirus is not a death sentence except for maybe no more than 3.4 percent of our population,” he said, seeming to accept the deaths of nearly 200,000 of his 5.8 million constituents);
speaking against mask mandates, when doctors say they can save lives;
falsely and dangerously claiming that the coronavirus curve was flattening, even as cases in Wisconsin surged;
and ignoring federal health guidance and potentially putting others at risk when he himself actually contracted the virus.
So Tuesday’s hearing was very much on Covid-dismissing brand for Ron Johnson. But what is perplexing, from a senator who fancies himself a business and finance expert, is his failure to understand how sidelining real science and medicine is crippling the economy. the senator from wisconsin Senator Ron Johnson No Longer Has Constituents; He Has a Boss, a Don John Nichols
The virus is real and it kills. More Wisconsinites have died from Covid-19 than all the Americans who perished in the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. So far, 434,016 fellow Wisconsinites have been diagnosed, 19,162 hospitalized, and more than 4,041 of our neighbors have tragically passed. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
The virus threatens people’s livelihoods as well as their lives. The latest jobs report revealed a stunning 10 million fewer people employed now than when the pandemic began. According to a National Federation of Independent Business study earlier this year, about 20 percent of small businesses fear they will be forced to shutter permanently by early next year unless the economy improves.
These are our neighbors struggling desperately to make rent or mortgage payments, keep businesses afloat, and pay bills—and they’ve absolutely done nothing wrong. As we follow the science to overcome this deadly virus, we must provide substantial support to workers, small businesses, and families suffering economically. Current Issue View our current issue
Now, Johnson has always preferred big tax cuts for corporations and the wealthy over helping middle-class and low-income people. But his vote against the CARES relief package, which included paid sick and family leave for people tending to children and relatives, and his opposition to “spending a dime more” on economic relief earlier this year reveals a glaring misunderstanding of how much people are suffering in this crisis right now—and how his embrace of junk science is making the economy worse.
So, with just days left before the Senate adjourns, with relief running out at the end of the year and congressional stimulus talks deadlocked, our senior senator spotlights vaccine skeptics—but not the millions of workers behind on rent and terrified of eviction.
He provides a forum for fringe doctors to push quack medicines that may actually harm you physically—but not for the working parents who need paid family sick to care for loved ones.
He elevates radicals who undercut public faith in proven health methods like mask wearing while instead endorsing toilet cleaning—but not the single mom who lost one job and is scraping by on two others to save a fragile family budget.
This peanut gallery hawking questionable theories and treatments didn’t deserve a voice in the US Senate. The panel Ron Johnson should have convened was one that featured our Wisconsin neighbors who are hurting from the economic shock that burst from nowhere, and is not their fault.
Then he could have heard firsthand about the urgent need to get regular Wisconsinites back to work safely, provide stimulus relief to those that need it, and update the payroll protection program to ensure that funds go to small businesses that are struggling.
“We have grossly overreacted to this,” Johnson said of the nation’s pandemic response, as the national death toll passed 285,000. The millions of Americans who did nothing wrong, yet find themselves out of work and facing eviction and a mountain of bills, would probably disagree.
If Ron Johnson would only invite these folks to his Senate committee, he would hear that message from them directly.


thenation--2020-12-14--Civilian Control Means More Than Just Wearing a Suit to Work

President-elect Joe Biden ’ s nomination of retired US Army general Lloyd Austin to serve as defense secretary has triggered a bit of a kerfuffle .
And rightly so , in my estimation .
Critics complain that appointing yet another recently retired general with lucrative ties to weapons manufacturers—among other things , Austin sits on the board of Raytheon—makes a mockery of civilian control .
But that ain ’ t the half of it .
This appointment should draw our attention to a much larger question : What would genuine civilian control of the Pentagon look like ?
What should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In other words , what can citizens reasonably expect from the very senior civilians to whom very senior military officers report ?
Because it ’ s not enough merely to have admirals and generals report to bosses who wear suits to work rather than uniforms .
In his justly famous Farewell Address , President Eisenhower insisted that “ Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense…so that security and liberty may prosper together.
” Ike thereby placed an unduly heavy burden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complexity of the existing defense machinery—far greater today than it was when Eisenhower spoke back in 1961—ordinary citizens are not in a position to provide effective oversight , no matter how alert and knowledgeable they may be .
We rely on trusted agents designated by the commander-in-chief and approved by the US Senate to occupy positions within ( or on top of ) the national security hierarchy and thereby to ensure that the proper meshing occurs .
Will Biden Finally End the War in Afghanistan ?
This describes the essential role of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her ) deputies .
In other words , rather than simply collaborating with the generals and admirals on matters related to military strategy , capabilities , and readiness , it is also incumbent upon Pentagon civilians to ensure that the pursuit of security aligns with the preservation of liberty at home .
The choice is not either/or .
It must be—or at least ought to be—both .
So the role of a defense secretary is not to partner but to direct and correct , to rein in and to reorient .
Tension , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inherent in a healthy civil-military relationship .
In that sense , civilian control implies a perspective that looks past the military horizon .
The concerns of a defense secretary will encompass those of the joint chiefs of staff or senior field commanders .
But they should extend much further .
No doubt Austin is a fine fellow .
But there is nothing in his résumé as a seasoned warfighter to suggest that he possesses a capacity for recognizing or managing the inherent tension between security and liberty .
Indeed , to expect him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this stage of his professional life is on a par with expecting a homicide detective to transition upon retirement to a second career as a human rights lawyer .
But to emphasize : The objection here is not to Austin per se .
The problem is with the way that our prevailing conception of civilian control has withered—a phenomenon that the recent decades of “ endless war ” have exacerbated .
Recall that Austin ’ s appointment came as a bit of a surprise .
The smart money was on Biden anointing Michèle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Austin , if confirmed , will be the first African American defense secretary , Flournoy would have been the first woman to hold the post .
Indeed , in the chatter that preceded this appointment , diversity concerns drowned out any real discussion regarding the attributes desired in a defense secretary .
Flournoy too has an impressive .
She , too , is a seasoned warfighter , albeit involving the sort of fights that occur inside the Beltway .
An old hand at national security policy , she has served multiple tours @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defense during prior Democratic administrations .
When not in office , she helped co-found an influential Washington think tank generously supported by defense contractors .
And she has personally profited from her contacts within the military-industrial complex , precisely as her male counterparts such as Austin routinely do .
So on paper , Flournoy is eminently qualified to serve as defense secretary .
And yet , not unlike Austin , she , too , would be the wrong person for the job .
She is the embodiment of a militarized civilian , having @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ins and outs of military policy .
Different race and different gender , but when it comes to worldview , she is a veritable Austin clone .
Just as we don ’ t want retired generals going through the motions of exercising civilian control , so too we should not want militarized civilians filling that role .
For a democracy that insists upon playing the role of military superpower , the job is too important .
A nation of 330 million citizens deserves a wider range of choices , representing a wider range @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as long as the present-day eviscerated conception of civilian control continues to prevail , don ’ t expect any wider choices to materialize .

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President-elect Joe Biden’s nomination of retired US Army general Lloyd Austin to serve as defense secretary has triggered a bit of a kerfuffle. And rightly so, in my estimation. Critics complain that appointing yet another recently retired general with lucrative ties to weapons manufacturers—among other things, Austin sits on the board of Raytheon—makes a mockery of civilian control.
But that ain’t the half of it. This appointment should draw our attention to a much larger question: What would genuine civilian control of the Pentagon look like? What should genuinely effective civilian control actually entail? In other words, what can citizens reasonably expect from the very senior civilians to whom very senior military officers report? Because it’s not enough merely to have admirals and generals report to bosses who wear suits to work rather than uniforms.
In his justly famous Farewell Address, President Eisenhower insisted that “Only an alert and knowledgeable citizenry can compel the proper meshing of the huge industrial and military machinery of defense…so that security and liberty may prosper together.”
Ike thereby placed an unduly heavy burden on his fellow citizens. Given the complexity of the existing defense machinery—far greater today than it was when Eisenhower spoke back in 1961—ordinary citizens are not in a position to provide effective oversight, no matter how alert and knowledgeable they may be. We rely on trusted agents designated by the commander-in-chief and approved by the US Senate to occupy positions within (or on top of) the national security hierarchy and thereby to ensure that the proper meshing occurs. More From Andrew J. Bacevich America Needs to Break Its Addiction to Global Intervention June 7, 2023 Is the US Flirting With Nuclear War? March 23, 2023 We Can't Reduce the Ukraine War to a Morality Play February 14, 2023
This describes the essential role of the secretary of defense and his (or her) deputies. In other words, rather than simply collaborating with the generals and admirals on matters related to military strategy, capabilities, and readiness, it is also incumbent upon Pentagon civilians to ensure that the pursuit of security aligns with the preservation of liberty at home.
The choice is not either/or. It must be—or at least ought to be—both.
So the role of a defense secretary is not to partner but to direct and correct, to rein in and to reorient. Tension, even a degree of antagonism, is inherent in a healthy civil-military relationship. In that sense, civilian control implies a perspective that looks past the military horizon. The concerns of a defense secretary will encompass those of the joint chiefs of staff or senior field commanders. But they should extend much further. Current Issue View our current issue
No doubt Austin is a fine fellow. But there is nothing in his résumé as a seasoned warfighter to suggest that he possesses a capacity for recognizing or managing the inherent tension between security and liberty. Indeed, to expect him to suddenly develop such a sensitivity at this stage of his professional life is on a par with expecting a homicide detective to transition upon retirement to a second career as a human rights lawyer.
But to emphasize: The objection here is not to Austin per se. The problem is with the way that our prevailing conception of civilian control has withered—a phenomenon that the recent decades of “endless war” have exacerbated.
Recall that Austin’s appointment came as a bit of a surprise. The smart money was on Biden anointing Michèle Flournoy to run the Pentagon. Much as Austin, if confirmed, will be the first African American defense secretary, Flournoy would have been the first woman to hold the post. Indeed, in the chatter that preceded this appointment, diversity concerns drowned out any real discussion regarding the attributes desired in a defense secretary.
Flournoy too has an impressive résumé. She, too, is a seasoned warfighter, albeit involving the sort of fights that occur inside the Beltway. An old hand at national security policy, she has served multiple tours in the office of the secretary of defense during prior Democratic administrations. When not in office, she helped co-found an influential Washington think tank generously supported by defense contractors. And she has personally profited from her contacts within the military-industrial complex, precisely as her male counterparts such as Austin routinely do.
So on paper, Flournoy is eminently qualified to serve as defense secretary. And yet, not unlike Austin, she, too, would be the wrong person for the job. She is the embodiment of a militarized civilian, having devoted her adult life to mastering the ins and outs of military policy. Different race and different gender, but when it comes to worldview, she is a veritable Austin clone.
Just as we don’t want retired generals going through the motions of exercising civilian control, so too we should not want militarized civilians filling that role. For a democracy that insists upon playing the role of military superpower, the job is too important.
A nation of 330 million citizens deserves a wider range of choices, representing a wider range of viewpoints and life experience. Yet as long as the present-day eviscerated conception of civilian control continues to prevail, don’t expect any wider choices to materialize.


Lightning Strike

Hundreds of thousands of people in Poland have protested drastic abortion restrictions in recent months .
The movement is called @ @ @ @ @ , with a red lightning bolt as its symbol .
The fight started in 2016 @ @ @ @ @ umbrellas rallied against attempts to ban abortion .
Polish illustrators have shown their support with @ @ @ @ @ and an interview with the artist behind the bolt , go to marlenaagency.com/women-strike-in-poland .

This article appears in the December 28, 2020/January 4, 2021 issue.
Hundreds of thousands of people in Poland have protested drastic abortion restrictions in recent months. The movement is called the Women’s Strike, with a red lightning bolt as its symbol. The fight started in 2016, when women bearing black umbrellas rallied against attempts to ban abortion. Polish illustrators have shown their support with art. For more images and an interview with the artist behind the bolt, go to marlenaagency.com/women-strike-in-poland.
Ola Jasionowska
(Marysia Machulska)
(Agata Nowicka)
(Kasia Bogdańska)
(Joanna Grochocka)