thenation--2020-08-27--Republicans Have Organized a Backlash Convention, and It’s Tearing This Country Apart

The political strategy of the Republican National Convention has been evident from the moment it opened .
The organizers are determined to stir a backlash vote against every Democrat who has displayed even modest regard for the need to address police violence and systemic racism .
There ’ s a reason for this .
President Trump and his partisans are well aware that he can not win an election based on his record of mismanaging the response to a pandemic and mass unemployment , and of dividing the country against itself with racism and xenophobia .
So they are amplifying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ narrow , ugly , and exceptionally dangerous path to victory .
The Republican convention ’ s apocalyptic tone is drawing sharp criticism , especially in the battleground state of Wisconsin , where a gunman killed two demonstrators who were protesting in Kenosha following the police shooting of Jacob Blake , a 29-year-old Black man .
The deaths shocked the state and had people complaining that the raw rhetoric long employed by the president and now being amplified by his surrogates is kindling chaos .
Trump opened this week ’ s convention with an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Democratic rivals “ will take your guns away as sure as you ’ re standing or sitting there .
They will take your guns away , either that or obliterate the Second Amendment , the right to bear arms .
You have the right to bear arms , especially when you look at a Portland and you see how weak those Democrats are .
The governor , the mayor , how pathetic , they let them riot every night .
We ’ re saying , let us come in and solve your problem.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was in Charlotte , N.C. , spinning his dark tale of Democratic cities overrun by riotous mobs .
The Party of Whatever the Hell Trump Says Biden Can not Win ( or Govern ) as a Deficit Hawk On Tuesday night , in the historically Democratic city of Kenosha , a heavily armed 17-year-old white man was seen firing multiple rounds at demonstrators who had joined the third night of protests .
Those protests began Sunday evening after videos circulated showing a police officer grabbing Blake by his T-shirt and repeatedly shooting him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stopped on Tuesday night , two demonstrators were dead and one more was severely wounded .
The alleged shooter identified with the so-called “ militias ” that appeared on the streets of Kenosha as the demonstrations grew in intensity .
Kenosha County Sheriff David Beth told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel that these armed men were “ like a vigilante group.
” Only now are many Americans learning about the character of these militias , and about the Illinois youth who has been charged with first-degree intentional homicide .
According to a BuzzFeed report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ night ’ s shootings led Democrats to speak in stark terms .
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi complained on Wednesday about “ the encouragement that the president…gives to vigilantes coming in to make matters worse.
” Wisconsin Lieutenant Governor Mandela Barnes called out Trump ’ s rhetoric and “ the message coming from the top about how to handle people who are…standing up against racial injustice in this country.
” And they were not alone in noticing .
Philip Bump of The Washington Post observed , as the convention ’ s third night concluded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Party of Wisconsin chair Ben Wikler , who said , “ Trump and his allies have fearmongered and stoked hate against those standing in opposition to racism and injustice , and conflated peaceful protests with rioters .
Trump egged on armed right-wing militias through calls to ‘ liberate ’ states during stay-at-home orders ; Trump ’ s Republican National Convention has speakers spreading conspiracy theories about the destruction of the suburbs.
” Wikler was referring to a convention appearance Monday by Mark and Patricia McCloskey , the St. Louis couple who in June @ @ @ @ @ @ @ handgun at participants in a Black Lives Matter march that was passing their mansion in a wealthy neighborhood .
“ America is such a great country that you not only have the right to own a gun and use it to defend yourself , but thousands of Americans will offer you free advice on how to use it .
At least that ’ s what we experienced , ” Mrs. McCloskey chirped .
Mr. McCloskey jumped in to say , “ It seems as if Democrats no longer view the government ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but rather protecting criminals from honest citizens.
” Then Mrs. McCloskey was back to complain that Democrats “ are not satisfied with spreading the chaos and violence into our communities .
They want to abolish the suburbs altogether.
” The McCloskeys have not been outliers on the convention stage .
They have joined a chorus of voices that stoked fears for political purposes .
“ Look at what ’ s happening in American cities , cities all run by Democrats , ” Representative Jim Jordan announced in a wide-eyed virtual speech on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Crime , violence , and mob rule .
Democrats refuse to denounce the mob , and the response to the chaos , defund the police , defund border patrol , and defund our military , ” ranted the Ohioan .
“ And while they ’ re doing all this , they ’ re also trying to take away your guns .
Look at the positions they ’ ve taken in the past few months .
Democrats won ’ t let you go to church , but they ’ ll let you protest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ go to work , but they ’ ll let you riot .
And Democrats won ’ t let you go to school , but they ’ ll let you go loot.
” Jordan is always over the top , as is Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida , who griped on Monday that the opposition would “ disarm you , empty the prisons , lock you in your house and invite MS-13 to live next door.
” But the president was also stoking the fire , as were the members of his family whose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wednesday night ’ s session closed with Vice President Mike Pence warning , “ The hard truth is , you won ’ t be safe in Joe Biden ’ s America.
” Republicans will say that all this talk about “ pathetic ” governors and mayors who “ let them riot every night ” is standard convention fare .
Like all practitioners of backlash politics , they ’ ll refuse to admit that campaign strategies grounded in fear and loathing have in the past torn countries apart—and could do so again .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Wikler was warning the president and his minions , “ This is irresponsible rhetoric that has consequences .
”

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The political strategy of the Republican National Convention has been evident from the moment it opened. The organizers are determined to stir a backlash vote against every Democrat who has displayed even modest regard for the need to address police violence and systemic racism. There’s a reason for this. President Trump and his partisans are well aware that he cannot win an election based on his record of mismanaging the response to a pandemic and mass unemployment, and of dividing the country against itself with racism and xenophobia. So they are amplifying those divisions in hopes of identifying a narrow, ugly, and exceptionally dangerous path to victory.
The Republican convention’s apocalyptic tone is drawing sharp criticism, especially in the battleground state of Wisconsin, where a gunman killed two demonstrators who were protesting in Kenosha following the police shooting of Jacob Blake, a 29-year-old Black man. The deaths shocked the state and had people complaining that the raw rhetoric long employed by the president and now being amplified by his surrogates is kindling chaos.
Trump opened this week’s convention with an ominous warning that the party’s Democratic rivals “will take your guns away as sure as you’re standing or sitting there. They will take your guns away, either that or obliterate the Second Amendment, the right to bear arms. You have the right to bear arms, especially when you look at a Portland and you see how weak those Democrats are. The governor, the mayor, how pathetic, they let them riot every night. We’re saying, let us come in and solve your problem.”
It was on Monday that Trump was in Charlotte, N.C., spinning his dark tale of Democratic cities overrun by riotous mobs. More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
On Tuesday night, in the historically Democratic city of Kenosha, a heavily armed 17-year-old white man was seen firing multiple rounds at demonstrators who had joined the third night of protests. Those protests began Sunday evening after videos circulated showing a police officer grabbing Blake by his T-shirt and repeatedly shooting him in the back. When the shooting stopped on Tuesday night, two demonstrators were dead and one more was severely wounded.
The alleged shooter identified with the so-called “militias” that appeared on the streets of Kenosha as the demonstrations grew in intensity. Kenosha County Sheriff David Beth told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel that these armed men were “like a vigilante group.” Only now are many Americans learning about the character of these militias, and about the Illinois youth who has been charged with first-degree intentional homicide. According to a BuzzFeed report published Wednesday: Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
The law enforcement–obsessed 17-year-old who was charged with shooting and killing two people and injuring another in Kenosha, Wisconsin, during protests for Jacob Blake appeared in the front row at a Donald Trump rally in January. Kyle Howard Rittenhouse’s social media presence is filled with him posing with weapons, posting “Blue Lives Matter,” and supporting Trump for president. Footage from the Des Moines, Iowa, rally on January 30 shows Rittenhouse feet away from the president, in the front row, to the left of the podium. He posted a TikTok video from the event.
The news of Tuesday night’s shootings led Democrats to speak in stark terms. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi complained on Wednesday about “the encouragement that the president…gives to vigilantes coming in to make matters worse.” Wisconsin Lieutenant Governor Mandela Barnes called out Trump’s rhetoric and “the message coming from the top about how to handle people who are…standing up against racial injustice in this country.” And they were not alone in noticing. Philip Bump of The Washington Post observed, as the convention’s third night concluded:
If Rittenhouse shot those two people dead, there was some spur for him to do so that simply doesn’t exist for most other people. It’s facile to assume that we can identify that spur as the rhetoric offered by President Trump and his reelection campaign. But it’s impossible not to notice how that rhetoric echoes in what appears to have happened in Kenosha.
The sharpest criticism came from Democratic Party of Wisconsin chair Ben Wikler, who said, “Trump and his allies have fearmongered and stoked hate against those standing in opposition to racism and injustice, and conflated peaceful protests with rioters. Trump egged on armed right-wing militias through calls to ‘liberate’ states during stay-at-home orders; Trump’s Republican National Convention has speakers spreading conspiracy theories about the destruction of the suburbs.”
Wikler was referring to a convention appearance Monday by Mark and Patricia McCloskey, the St. Louis couple who in June pointed a semiautomatic rifle and a semiautomatic handgun at participants in a Black Lives Matter march that was passing their mansion in a wealthy neighborhood. “America is such a great country that you not only have the right to own a gun and use it to defend yourself, but thousands of Americans will offer you free advice on how to use it. At least that’s what we experienced,” Mrs. McCloskey chirped. Mr. McCloskey jumped in to say, “It seems as if Democrats no longer view the government’s job as protecting honest citizens from criminals, but rather protecting criminals from honest citizens.” Then Mrs. McCloskey was back to complain that Democrats “are not satisfied with spreading the chaos and violence into our communities. They want to abolish the suburbs altogether.”
The McCloskeys have not been outliers on the convention stage. They have joined a chorus of voices that stoked fears for political purposes. Current Issue View our current issue
“Look at what’s happening in American cities, cities all run by Democrats,” Representative Jim Jordan announced in a wide-eyed virtual speech on the convention’s opening night. “Crime, violence, and mob rule. Democrats refuse to denounce the mob, and the response to the chaos, defund the police, defund border patrol, and defund our military,” ranted the Ohioan. “And while they’re doing all this, they’re also trying to take away your guns. Look at the positions they’ve taken in the past few months. Democrats won’t let you go to church, but they’ll let you protest. Democrats won’t let you go to work, but they’ll let you riot. And Democrats won’t let you go to school, but they’ll let you go loot.”
Jordan is always over the top, as is Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida, who griped on Monday that the opposition would “disarm you, empty the prisons, lock you in your house and invite MS-13 to live next door.” But the president was also stoking the fire, as were the members of his family whose names filled the speaking schedule. And Wednesday night’s session closed with Vice President Mike Pence warning, “The hard truth is, you won’t be safe in Joe Biden’s America.”
Republicans will say that all this talk about “pathetic” governors and mayors who “let them riot every night” is standard convention fare. Like all practitioners of backlash politics, they’ll refuse to admit that campaign strategies grounded in fear and loathing have in the past torn countries apart—and could do so again.
But after a harrowing few days in Wisconsin, Wikler was warning the president and his minions, “This is irresponsible rhetoric that has consequences.”


thenation--2020-08-27--The RNC’s Pitch to Black America Is Not Just Ridiculous—It’s Sick

If you watched this week ’ s Republican National Convention in complete ignorance of US politics , you ’ d think the GOP had achieved a remarkable degree of racial parity .
A plethora of people of color spoke on behalf of Donald Trump ’ s reelection—conspicuously so .
Just on the first night , the RNC gave pride of place to Maryland congressional candidate Kim Klacik , Georgia Democratic state Representative Vernon Jones , NFL star Herschel Walker , South Carolina Senator Tim Scott , and former UN ambassador Nikki Haley .
As David Dayen of The American Prospect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ race and ethnicity of current elected officials who spoke on the first two nights of the Republican National Convention , the GOP is 41.7 % nonwhite.
” But of course this impression is a false one .
The Republican Party is overwhelmingly white , both in its voting base and its elected officials .
The prominence given to people of color at this week ’ s convention is hardly an accident .
Although Trump has been more vocally racist than any president of the modern era , his political success has been based @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also finding ways to peel off people of color from the Democratic coalition .
Politics is about margins , so he doesn ’ t need to win a majority of people of color .
All he needs is to have a slightly larger number vote for him—or even just stay at home .
In 2016 , his campaign ads played up Hillary Clinton ’ s remark about “ the kinds of kids who are super-predators.
” This seems to have had the required effect of dampening African American enthusiasm for Clinton .
Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact that a lower Black turnout helped him in 2016 .
Hence many of the speeches at the RNC didn ’ t just trumpet what Trump was offering people of color ( jobs , criminal justice reform ) but also slagged Democrats for their failure in serving minority communities .
Tim Scott , in particular , was sharp and effective in pointing out the flaws in Joe Biden ’ s record : Joe Biden said if a black man didn ’ t vote for him , he wasn ’ t truly black .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ just as smart as white kids .
And while his words are one thing , his actions take it to a whole new level .
In 1994 , Biden led the charge on a crime bill that put millions of black Americans behind bars… .
President Trump ’ s criminal justice reform law fixed many of the disparities Biden created and made our system more fair and just for all Americans .
Joe Biden failed our nation ’ s Historically Black Colleges and Universities… heaping blame on them as they fought to ensure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ education .
Trump ’ s bid to win over more people of color shouldn ’ t be dismissed out of hand as doomed to failure .
As polling expert Nate Silver notes , “ There ’ s some polling evidence to suggest Trump is performing better than in 2016 with Black and Hispanic voters , especially younger Black and Hispanic voters.
” The appeal Trump has to these voters is exactly along the lines Scott suggested , with Biden as the face of a centrist Democratic approach that has yielded few positive results @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Yet this pitch to people of color is undercut by the racism that is also part of Trump ’ s message .
Throughout the convention there has been an endless litany of law-and-order rhetoric , with warnings that the Democrats would unleash crime on the suburbs .
On Monday night , the RNC featured Mark and Patricia McCloskey , the St. Louis couple notorious for pointing guns at Black Lives Matter protesters .
During their prerecorded speech , the McCloskeys warned that the Democrats were “ protecting criminals from honest citizens ” and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On Sunday night , a day before the RNC started , police in Kenosha , Wis. , shot Jacob Blake seven times in the back , igniting another wave of Black Lives Matter protests .
On Tuesday night , a vigilante in Kenosha killed two protesters .
The following day , a 17-year-old Trump supporter named Kyle Rittenhouse was arrested for the crime .
It ’ s hard not to draw a connection between the RNC and the violence in Kenosha .
Former Obama adviser Jon Favreau tweeted , “ Tonight ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Wisconsin shootings , particularly since Trump gave primetime slots to a white couple who pointed guns at BLM protesters , the AG who hasn ’ t charged Breonna Taylor ’ s killers , and speakers who attacked athletes for protest.
” The Trump campaign has disavowed the shooter in a statement that claimed , “ This individual had nothing to do with our campaign.
” On the other hand , many right-wing pundits are excusing the shooter .
On his Fox News show , Tucker Carlson asked , “ How shocked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they had to maintain order when no one else would ?
” Carlson ’ s words highlight the absurdity of the RNC ’ s pitch to people of color .
It ’ s ridiculous to make the case that nonwhites are welcome in the GOP when leading Trump supporters are calling for a race war .

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If you watched this week’s Republican National Convention in complete ignorance of US politics, you’d think the GOP had achieved a remarkable degree of racial parity. A plethora of people of color spoke on behalf of Donald Trump’s reelection—conspicuously so. Just on the first night, the RNC gave pride of place to Maryland congressional candidate Kim Klacik, Georgia Democratic state Representative Vernon Jones, NFL star Herschel Walker, South Carolina Senator Tim Scott, and former UN ambassador Nikki Haley. As David Dayen of The American Prospect quipped, “Looking just at the race and ethnicity of current elected officials who spoke on the first two nights of the Republican National Convention, the GOP is 41.7% nonwhite.” But of course this impression is a false one. The Republican Party is overwhelmingly white, both in its voting base and its elected officials. 2020 RNC Why I Can’t Watch the RNC Joan Walsh
The prominence given to people of color at this week’s convention is hardly an accident. Although Trump has been more vocally racist than any president of the modern era, his political success has been based not just on winning white voters but also finding ways to peel off people of color from the Democratic coalition. Politics is about margins, so he doesn’t need to win a majority of people of color. All he needs is to have a slightly larger number vote for him—or even just stay at home. In 2016, his campaign ads played up Hillary Clinton’s remark about “the kinds of kids who are super-predators.” This seems to have had the required effect of dampening African American enthusiasm for Clinton. Trump has on several occasions alluded to the fact that a lower Black turnout helped him in 2016.
Hence many of the speeches at the RNC didn’t just trumpet what Trump was offering people of color (jobs, criminal justice reform) but also slagged Democrats for their failure in serving minority communities.
Tim Scott, in particular, was sharp and effective in pointing out the flaws in Joe Biden’s record:
Joe Biden said if a black man didn’t vote for him, he wasn’t truly black. Joe Biden said black people are a monolithic community. Joe Biden said poor kids can be just as smart as white kids. And while his words are one thing, his actions take it to a whole new level. In 1994, Biden led the charge on a crime bill that put millions of black Americans behind bars…. President Trump’s criminal justice reform law fixed many of the disparities Biden created and made our system more fair and just for all Americans. Joe Biden failed our nation’s Historically Black Colleges and Universities… heaping blame on them as they fought to ensure our young folks had access to higher education. Current Issue View our current issue
Trump’s bid to win over more people of color shouldn’t be dismissed out of hand as doomed to failure. As polling expert Nate Silver notes, “There’s some polling evidence to suggest Trump is performing better than in 2016 with Black and Hispanic voters, especially younger Black and Hispanic voters.” The appeal Trump has to these voters is exactly along the lines Scott suggested, with Biden as the face of a centrist Democratic approach that has yielded few positive results for ordinary folks in recent years.
Yet this pitch to people of color is undercut by the racism that is also part of Trump’s message. Throughout the convention there has been an endless litany of law-and-order rhetoric, with warnings that the Democrats would unleash crime on the suburbs.
On Monday night, the RNC featured Mark and Patricia McCloskey, the St. Louis couple notorious for pointing guns at Black Lives Matter protesters. During their prerecorded speech, the McCloskeys warned that the Democrats were “protecting criminals from honest citizens” and trying to “abolish the suburbs.”
On Sunday night, a day before the RNC started, police in Kenosha, Wis., shot Jacob Blake seven times in the back, igniting another wave of Black Lives Matter protests. On Tuesday night, a vigilante in Kenosha killed two protesters. The following day, a 17-year-old Trump supporter named Kyle Rittenhouse was arrested for the crime.
It’s hard not to draw a connection between the RNC and the violence in Kenosha. Former Obama adviser Jon Favreau tweeted, “Tonight’s RNC should be covered through the prism of the Wisconsin shootings, particularly since Trump gave primetime slots to a white couple who pointed guns at BLM protesters, the AG who hasn’t charged Breonna Taylor’s killers, and speakers who attacked athletes for protest.”
The Trump campaign has disavowed the shooter in a statement that claimed, “This individual had nothing to do with our campaign.”
On the other hand, many right-wing pundits are excusing the shooter. On his Fox News show, Tucker Carlson asked, “How shocked are we that 17-year-olds with rifles decided they had to maintain order when no one else would?”
Carlson’s words highlight the absurdity of the RNC’s pitch to people of color. It’s ridiculous to make the case that nonwhites are welcome in the GOP when leading Trump supporters are calling for a race war.


thenation--2020-08-26--The Milwaukee Bucks and Brewers Strike for Racial Justice

This is without precedent in the history of sports : The Milwaukee Bucks , arguably the best team in the NBA , have gone on strike , refusing to leave the locker room for game five of their playoff series against the Orlando Magic .
Their decision stopped the sports world on a dime , and shortly after the news , the Milwaukee Brewers announced that the team would also skip tonight ’ s MLB game .
The Brewers and Bucks are refusing to play in solidarity with the demand for justice for Jacob Blake , who was shot in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by police in nearby Kenosha .
Immediately , the Bucks ’ decision had a catalytic effect on the league .
The remainder of the playoff games today , by decision of the players , have been canceled , including the game between LeBron James and the Lakers and the Portland Trailblazers .
All NBA players are meeting this evening to discuss whether there will be a season .
Call it a wildcat strike , call it an uprising , but whatever you call it , the actions of these athletes have repercussions far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ FUCK THIS MAN !
!
!
!
WE DEMAND CHANGE .
SICK OF IT ” in support of the Bucks players , he didn ’ t get love just from NBA fans .
Future congressman Jamaal Bowman and Representative Ilhan Omar immediately endorsed his sentiment .
In addition to the police shooting of Blake , protests are calling attention to the white supremacist violence that has occurred in its aftermath .
A 17-year-old Trump fanatic named Kyle Rittenhouse drove to Kenosha from Illinois last night and killed two protesters .
Police let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , only arresting him for first degree murder today .
Many NBA players feared that when they restarted the season in a Covid-free bubble in Orlando the games would distract attention from the nationwide protests that followed the police killing of George Floyd earlier this summer .
For the players , after the shooting of Blake , it clearly became too much of a contradiction .
“ At the end of the day , if we ’ re gon na sit here and talk about making change , then at some point we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our nuts on the line and actually put something up to lose , rather than just money or visibility , ” Toronto Raptors guard Fred VanVleet said Tuesday .
“ We ’ ve got ta take responsibility as well .
Like , what are we willing to give up ?
Do we actually give a f—about what ’ s going on , or is it just cool to [ have ] ‘ Black Lives Matter ’ on the backdrop , or wear a T-shirt ?
Like , what does that really mean ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ The players were itching to do something , and now they have .
The strike stands in stark contrast to the hypocrisy and authoritarianism on display at the Republican National Convention .
Trump ’ s party wants to push this idea that everything is fine in America , except for “ anarchists ” who are burning down “ Democrat cities , ” and a Black “ invasion ” of the suburbs .
The pandemic is in the past and the police are heroes .
These are obscene lies , but far too many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do anything except shout into the wind , or try to burn it all down .
The NBA players are showing that this is a wretchedly dysfunctional country , whose horrors make even the playing of sports too much for athletes to bear .
These are not the first athletes in history to point out the gap between how Black athletes are loved on the field and how they are treated off of it .
The slogan of the 1968 Olympic Project for Human Rights was “ Why should we run in Mexico @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bill Russell and the Celtics were a part of sitting out a game in Lexington , Ky. , along with the St. Louis Hawks in the early 1960s in protest of the city ’ s treatment of black players .
There are other examples as well .
But as the saying goes , in politics timing is everything .
The timing of this strike by the Bucks and now the players of the NBA has the potential to turn politics inside out .
They are posing the question that all great strikes pose—to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fans who hate politics , and to white fans who love them on the court but are oblivious to Black lives when the final whistle is blown— “ Which side are you on ?
” It is a question that is now blaring from every corner of the media landscape .
It ’ s a question all of us are going to need to answer .

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This is without precedent in the history of sports: The Milwaukee Bucks, arguably the best team in the NBA, have gone on strike, refusing to leave the locker room for game five of their playoff series against the Orlando Magic. Their decision stopped the sports world on a dime, and shortly after the news, the Milwaukee Brewers announced that the team would also skip tonight’s MLB game. The Brewers and Bucks are refusing to play in solidarity with the demand for justice for Jacob Blake, who was shot in the back seven times over the weekend by police in nearby Kenosha.
Immediately, the Bucks’ decision had a catalytic effect on the league. The remainder of the playoff games today, by decision of the players, have been canceled, including the game between LeBron James and the Lakers and the Portland Trailblazers. All NBA players are meeting this evening to discuss whether there will be a season. Call it a wildcat strike, call it an uprising, but whatever you call it, the actions of these athletes have repercussions far beyond sports. When LeBron James tweeted “FUCK THIS MAN!!!! WE DEMAND CHANGE. SICK OF IT” in support of the Bucks players, he didn’t get love just from NBA fans. Future congressman Jamaal Bowman and Representative Ilhan Omar immediately endorsed his sentiment.
In addition to the police shooting of Blake, protests are calling attention to the white supremacist violence that has occurred in its aftermath. A 17-year-old Trump fanatic named Kyle Rittenhouse drove to Kenosha from Illinois last night and killed two protesters. Police let him roam the streets with an AR-15, only arresting him for first degree murder today.
Many NBA players feared that when they restarted the season in a Covid-free bubble in Orlando the games would distract attention from the nationwide protests that followed the police killing of George Floyd earlier this summer. For the players, after the shooting of Blake, it clearly became too much of a contradiction.
“At the end of the day, if we’re gonna sit here and talk about making change, then at some point we’re gonna have to put our nuts on the line and actually put something up to lose, rather than just money or visibility,” Toronto Raptors guard Fred VanVleet said Tuesday. “We’ve gotta take responsibility as well. Like, what are we willing to give up? Do we actually give a f—about what’s going on, or is it just cool to [have] ‘Black Lives Matter’ on the backdrop, or wear a T-shirt? Like, what does that really mean? Is it really doing anything?” The players were itching to do something, and now they have.
The strike stands in stark contrast to the hypocrisy and authoritarianism on display at the Republican National Convention. Trump’s party wants to push this idea that everything is fine in America, except for “anarchists” who are burning down “Democrat cities,” and a Black “invasion” of the suburbs. The pandemic is in the past and the police are heroes. These are obscene lies, but far too many of us feel helpless to say or do anything except shout into the wind, or try to burn it all down. The NBA players are showing that this is a wretchedly dysfunctional country, whose horrors make even the playing of sports too much for athletes to bear.
These are not the first athletes in history to point out the gap between how Black athletes are loved on the field and how they are treated off of it. The slogan of the 1968 Olympic Project for Human Rights was “Why should we run in Mexico City only to crawl home?” Bill Russell and the Celtics were a part of sitting out a game in Lexington, Ky., along with the St. Louis Hawks in the early 1960s in protest of the city’s treatment of black players.
There are other examples as well. But as the saying goes, in politics timing is everything. The timing of this strike by the Bucks and now the players of the NBA has the potential to turn politics inside out. They are posing the question that all great strikes pose—to political people who hate sports and sports fans who hate politics, and to white fans who love them on the court but are oblivious to Black lives when the final whistle is blown—“Which side are you on?”
It is a question that is now blaring from every corner of the media landscape. It’s a question all of us are going to need to answer.


thenation--2020-08-26--Without Trust, Politics Is Reduced to Spectacle

Shortly after 9 pm on December 30 , 2007 , Mwai Kibaki held a Bible in his right hand and was sworn in for a third term as Kenya ’ s president .
It was a hurried , late-night provocation that even the most authoritarian administrations had never before attempted .
Just a few hours earlier , the Electoral Commission of Kenya ( ECK ) had declared Kibaki the winner of the election held on December 27 .
The ECK did this knowing the opposition had accused the government of rigging the vote .
In hindsight , the swearing-in was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inflection point for Kenya—one with lessons for any fragile democracy , but especially for the United States under President Donald Trump .
Election day had been marred by protest .
Junior officers at the ECK had even gone on national television and radio to warn the public that the results were being manipulated .
Then , in the early hours of the next morning , Kibaki suddenly and rapidly reversed a nearly 1 million-vote deficit against his main challenger , Raila Odinga .
Some constituencies recorded voter turnouts of over 100 percent .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the contest of wills between Kibaki and Odinga , the kingpins of the two major political camps , triggered protests and police crackdowns , which were followed by outbreaks of ethnic violence that killed more than 1,500 people and displaced hundreds of thousands over the next four months .
Eventually , after regional and international intervention , Kibaki agreed to a coalition government , where he remained president .
I couldn ’ t help but think of Kenya ’ s 2007–08 political crisis this past week while witnessing the furor in the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ institution so fundamental to public life that it is protected by the Constitution .
Given the Covid-19 pandemic , the Postal Service is expected to receive , verify , and transmit more votes than ever .
And like the ECK , the US Postal Service has been subject to a political assault .
Removing sorting machines and mailboxes , and proposing major budget cuts so close to an election is an attack on the post office ’ s financial and structural health .
If voters feel like they can ’ t trust a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ critical moment , the ramifications go far beyond this election cycle : They will cut to the heart of the United States as a political project .
Africa Is Not Waiting to Be Saved From the Coronavirus In Kenya , we learned that when people lose trust in institutions , they opt out of the public sphere—sometimes violently , but other times with a slow disengagement that leaves the government vulnerable to takeover from those that crave power without responsibility .
We also learned that it is essential to protect the institutions at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Analysts of African politics have spilled a great deal of ink over prospects of electoral violence , but endemic apathy is just as sinister .
If people stop engaging with public institutions , life-or-death politics is reduced to spectacle .
This is the challenge facing Kenya today .
Newspapers and television stations use politicians to garner attention but rarely interrogate their actual policies .
Politics is fodder for bar banter , while the daily processes of representation are unresponsive .
Bad people enter politics , and the government is the one arena where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Good people are driven out , because the climate becomes intolerable .
When it emerged during a pandemic that much of the funding for public health was stolen by senior government officials , no one had a clear sense of how to demand accountability from the institutions and politicians who have publicly affirmed their contempt .
Kenyans still show up to vote , but often see the process of democracy as abstract performance art .
Going into 2007 , the ECK had the public ’ s confidence , because it presided over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this point , a single party had governed Kenya for 40 years—the latter 24 years , that of the authoritarian Daniel Toroitich arap Moi .
In 1988 , the Kenyan Parliament officially ended one-party rule , but flagrant manipulation , intimidation , and assaults on opponents plagued the next two elections .
At the time , analysts framed the widespread violence as the result of ethnic tensions , but we later learned that local and national politicians instigated attacks to depress voter turnout in opposition strongholds .
In 2002 , amid protests and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no one expected the ECK to deliver a result against the president .
Mightier institutions like the judiciary and the police had buckled under the weight of authoritarianism , and most people expected that Moi would find a way to either prolong his rule or hand over power to his chosen successor—Uhuru Kenyatta , Kenya ’ s current president .
So when Kenyatta conceded to Kibaki , it wasn ’ t just a win for the opposition .
It was a win for the ECK and elections in Kenya more generally .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that incubate it .
Thus the betrayal of 2007 was a betrayal of every inch of progress that Kenya ’ s democracy had made since 2002 .
It unraveled the goodwill extended , to not just the ECK but also all other aspects of the state .
After 2007 , a new constitution disbanded ECK in favor of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission ( IEBC ) .
But rather than learn from the mistakes of the ECK , the IEBC compounded them , delivering to Kenyans two highly suspect elections in 2017 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s elections since 1992 , only the 2002 election was untainted by violence or a serious legal challenge .
The latest fad in politics is to use technology to claw back public trust once it has been grossly abused , but in Kenya this has resulted only in costly and unwieldy elections .
The first 2017 election in August was the second fully digital election in Africa .
The process of casting a ballot was a three-month exercise in collecting the biometric data of almost 20 million eligible voters , verifying identities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the country , coordinating with three mobile phone companies , and vetting and hiring foreign tech companies to build the platforms , to name just a few of the complications .
At the time , it was the most expensive election per capita in the world .
Three months later , the Supreme Court nullified the result .
During the legal challenge , the IEBC ’ s lawyers couldn ’ t easily explain how the technology worked .
The outcomes were so untrustworthy that Kenyans were back at the polls later that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a 22-year-old autocracy using marbles .
It ’ s not the technology ; it ’ s the trust that people have in their institutions that sustains democracies .
Political scientists , especially those working in the quantitative traditions preferred in the United States , have a hard time dealing with the softer materials of democracy .
We prefer to speak of things that can be measured and counted , and where the concepts are more nebulous like trust , confidence , and hope , we prefer to use proxy measurements that get close @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always capture the complete picture .
We can analyze their erosion during a crisis or after the fact , but very few of us are comfortable predicting the disaster before it occurs .
Our methods are usually retroactive .
So the best way we can help the public make sense of a challenge like that facing the United States is by analogies , either in history or across geographies .
This is why the lessons of Kenya are important for those looking at the political developments in the US and elsewhere .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public trust in institutions , and how it takes years of concerted effort to get it back .
In the meantime , we ’ ve seen how the knock-on effects of narratives of institutional failure discourage people from participating .
Kenya demonstrates that technology can ’ t replace public trust .
If you throw digital consultants at what is fundamentally a question of confidence , you end up with a Frankenstein ’ s monster of democratic institutions : cumbersome , expensive , ill-suited for its purpose , and shaped by business interests who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ profit .
Take a Kenyan ’ s word on this .
It is not an overreaction to say that massive political cuts to the USPS could destabilize American democracy .
People must believe that institutions will run the way they ’ re supposed to in order to believe in the bigger democratic promises .
When political interests threaten public institutions , American must raise the alarm .
During an election , it ’ s not always apparent how far and fast trust in institutions like the ECK will fall , but it becomes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the formal institutions in individually imperceptible but cumulatively palpable ways—apathy , protest , or , in our worst-case scenario , violence .

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Shortly after 9 pm on December 30, 2007, Mwai Kibaki held a Bible in his right hand and was sworn in for a third term as Kenya’s president. It was a hurried, late-night provocation that even the most authoritarian administrations had never before attempted. Just a few hours earlier, the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) had declared Kibaki the winner of the election held on December 27. The ECK did this knowing the opposition had accused the government of rigging the vote. In hindsight, the swearing-in was the culmination of events that constitute an inflection point for Kenya—one with lessons for any fragile democracy, but especially for the United States under President Donald Trump.
Election day had been marred by protest. Junior officers at the ECK had even gone on national television and radio to warn the public that the results were being manipulated. Then, in the early hours of the next morning, Kibaki suddenly and rapidly reversed a nearly 1 million-vote deficit against his main challenger, Raila Odinga. Some constituencies recorded voter turnouts of over 100 percent.
The opposition disputed the results, and the contest of wills between Kibaki and Odinga, the kingpins of the two major political camps, triggered protests and police crackdowns, which were followed by outbreaks of ethnic violence that killed more than 1,500 people and displaced hundreds of thousands over the next four months. Eventually, after regional and international intervention, Kibaki agreed to a coalition government, where he remained president.
I couldn’t help but think of Kenya’s 2007–08 political crisis this past week while witnessing the furor in the United States regarding the Postal Service, an institution so fundamental to public life that it is protected by the Constitution. Given the Covid-19 pandemic, the Postal Service is expected to receive, verify, and transmit more votes than ever. And like the ECK, the US Postal Service has been subject to a political assault. Removing sorting machines and mailboxes, and proposing major budget cuts so close to an election is an attack on the post office’s financial and structural health. If voters feel like they can’t trust a key democratic institution to deliver at a critical moment, the ramifications go far beyond this election cycle: They will cut to the heart of the United States as a political project. Related Article Africa Is Not Waiting to Be Saved From the Coronavirus Nanjala Nyabola
In Kenya, we learned that when people lose trust in institutions, they opt out of the public sphere—sometimes violently, but other times with a slow disengagement that leaves the government vulnerable to takeover from those that crave power without responsibility. We also learned that it is essential to protect the institutions at the core of the electoral process. Analysts of African politics have spilled a great deal of ink over prospects of electoral violence, but endemic apathy is just as sinister. If people stop engaging with public institutions, life-or-death politics is reduced to spectacle.
This is the challenge facing Kenya today. Newspapers and television stations use politicians to garner attention but rarely interrogate their actual policies. Politics is fodder for bar banter, while the daily processes of representation are unresponsive. Bad people enter politics, and the government is the one arena where their actions are shielded from scrutiny. Good people are driven out, because the climate becomes intolerable. When it emerged during a pandemic that much of the funding for public health was stolen by senior government officials, no one had a clear sense of how to demand accountability from the institutions and politicians who have publicly affirmed their contempt. Kenyans still show up to vote, but often see the process of democracy as abstract performance art. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
Going into 2007, the ECK had the public’s confidence, because it presided over the unexpectedly successful election of 2002. Until this point, a single party had governed Kenya for 40 years—the latter 24 years, that of the authoritarian Daniel Toroitich arap Moi. In 1988, the Kenyan Parliament officially ended one-party rule, but flagrant manipulation, intimidation, and assaults on opponents plagued the next two elections. At the time, analysts framed the widespread violence as the result of ethnic tensions, but we later learned that local and national politicians instigated attacks to depress voter turnout in opposition strongholds. Current Issue View our current issue
In 2002, amid protests and the violent suppression of government critics, no one expected the ECK to deliver a result against the president. Mightier institutions like the judiciary and the police had buckled under the weight of authoritarianism, and most people expected that Moi would find a way to either prolong his rule or hand over power to his chosen successor—Uhuru Kenyatta, Kenya’s current president. So when Kenyatta conceded to Kibaki, it wasn’t just a win for the opposition. It was a win for the ECK and elections in Kenya more generally. It restored trust in democracy and the institutions that incubate it.
Thus the betrayal of 2007 was a betrayal of every inch of progress that Kenya’s democracy had made since 2002. It unraveled the goodwill extended, to not just the ECK but also all other aspects of the state.
After 2007, a new constitution disbanded ECK in favor of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC). But rather than learn from the mistakes of the ECK, the IEBC compounded them, delivering to Kenyans two highly suspect elections in 2017. In fact, of all Kenya’s elections since 1992, only the 2002 election was untainted by violence or a serious legal challenge.
The latest fad in politics is to use technology to claw back public trust once it has been grossly abused, but in Kenya this has resulted only in costly and unwieldy elections. The first 2017 election in August was the second fully digital election in Africa. The process of casting a ballot was a three-month exercise in collecting the biometric data of almost 20 million eligible voters, verifying identities, establishing 4G towers in remote corners of the country, coordinating with three mobile phone companies, and vetting and hiring foreign tech companies to build the platforms, to name just a few of the complications. At the time, it was the most expensive election per capita in the world.
Three months later, the Supreme Court nullified the result. During the legal challenge, the IEBC’s lawyers couldn’t easily explain how the technology worked. The outcomes were so untrustworthy that Kenyans were back at the polls later that year. Meanwhile, Gambians voted out a 22-year-old autocracy using marbles. It’s not the technology; it’s the trust that people have in their institutions that sustains democracies.
Political scientists, especially those working in the quantitative traditions preferred in the United States, have a hard time dealing with the softer materials of democracy. We prefer to speak of things that can be measured and counted, and where the concepts are more nebulous like trust, confidence, and hope, we prefer to use proxy measurements that get close to the dynamic but don’t always capture the complete picture. We can analyze their erosion during a crisis or after the fact, but very few of us are comfortable predicting the disaster before it occurs. Our methods are usually retroactive.
So the best way we can help the public make sense of a challenge like that facing the United States is by analogies, either in history or across geographies. This is why the lessons of Kenya are important for those looking at the political developments in the US and elsewhere. We show how easy it is to lose public trust in institutions, and how it takes years of concerted effort to get it back. In the meantime, we’ve seen how the knock-on effects of narratives of institutional failure discourage people from participating.
Kenya demonstrates that technology can’t replace public trust. If you throw digital consultants at what is fundamentally a question of confidence, you end up with a Frankenstein’s monster of democratic institutions: cumbersome, expensive, ill-suited for its purpose, and shaped by business interests who have no stake in the outcome except profit. Take a Kenyan’s word on this.
It is not an overreaction to say that massive political cuts to the USPS could destabilize American democracy. People must believe that institutions will run the way they’re supposed to in order to believe in the bigger democratic promises. When political interests threaten public institutions, American must raise the alarm. During an election, it’s not always apparent how far and fast trust in institutions like the ECK will fall, but it becomes clear when people begin to stop participating of the formal institutions in individually imperceptible but cumulatively palpable ways—apathy, protest, or, in our worst-case scenario, violence.


thenation--2020-08-26--Why I Can’t Watch the RNC

Why I Can’t Watch the RNC

I missed night one of the Republican National Convention .
Deliberately .
We ’ re all practicing some forms of self-care during the pandemic—that was mine .
When I woke up , early , I saw “ cocaine , ” “ Adderall ” and “ Cecily Strong ” trending on Twitter , at least here in New York .
In a way , that was all I needed to know .
I have no evidence that either glassy-eyed Donald Trump Jr. or his lovely companion , screaming fascist Kimberly Guilfoyle , were doing either drug .
As my colleague Jeet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doesn ’ t matter—he blamed Trump ’ s strange countenance on “ existential dread ” ; it was scary and disgraceful enough , without drugs being involved .
The “ Cecily Strong ” suggestion—that the Saturday Night Live star play Guilfoyle—was completely on point .
It ’ s hard to believe the convention got worse after that , but it did .
I tried to watch Tuesday night , but its cynical manipulation was even worse than Tuesday ’ s apocalyptic screeching .
We had to watch the president of anti-Obama birtherism , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a black man convicted of armed robbery who turned his life around .
( To be fair , the man pardoned seemed genuinely moved , and grateful , but it was a political stunt nonetheless . )
We had to watch a president who has made immigration tougher at every turn , who ’ s railed against “ shithole countries , ” naturalize five new citizens .
I had to turn off the television and go to bed early , again .
Meanwhile , in Kenosha , Wis. , armed vigilantes and , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members began shooting at people protesting the police shooting of Jacob Blake , an apparently unarmed black man , on Sunday .
( Inexplicably , at least three police cars rolled past a man carrying his long gun , even after the crowd identified him as the shooter , or one of them . )
Two people were killed .
This , after the RNC celebrated Mark and Patricia McCloskey , two armed vigilantes who threatened to shoot peaceful protesters marching by their St. Louis mansion earlier this summer , on Monday night @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order ” owns this terrifying twist in the escalating national conflict between police and the people who don ’ t want to be shot by police—or more to the point , who want police to stop shooting unarmed black men and women .
He encouraged the armed militias who have turned out to protest Democratic lawmakers ’ efforts to combat Covid .
Expect him to try to blame the chaos on Democratic nominee Joe Biden .
Frighteningly , the campaign ’ s cynical turn to “ compassionate conservatism ” played relatively well in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ front-page headlines blared : “ TRUMP TAKES AIM AT MIDDLE , USING TOOLS OF OFFICE | BID TO BROADEN APPEAL G.O.P .
| Points Message at Both Women and Minority Voters.
” Apparently , first lady Melania Trump feigned empathy with Covid victims and didn ’ t plagiarize Michelle Obama , so her speech was considered successful .
So I ’ m not going to watch Wednesday night , either .
I can ’ t .
I have reached some limit—my psyche can ’ t take in anymore lies .
I recoil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ promised to watch Thursday night and do a live-chat with my Nation colleagues , but until then , I ’ m fasting , avoiding toxins , trying to do a psychic cleanse .
Wish me luck—and I ’ ll see you all Thursday night .

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I missed night one of the Republican National Convention. Deliberately. We’re all practicing some forms of self-care during the pandemic—that was mine. When I woke up, early, I saw “cocaine,” “Adderall” and “Cecily Strong” trending on Twitter, at least here in New York. In a way, that was all I needed to know.
I have no evidence that either glassy-eyed Donald Trump Jr. or his lovely companion, screaming fascist Kimberly Guilfoyle, were doing either drug. As my colleague Jeet Heer said after night one, it doesn’t matter—he blamed Trump’s strange countenance on “existential dread”; it was scary and disgraceful enough, without drugs being involved. The “Cecily Strong” suggestion—that the Saturday Night Live star play Guilfoyle—was completely on point.
It’s hard to believe the convention got worse after that, but it did. I tried to watch Tuesday night, but its cynical manipulation was even worse than Tuesday’s apocalyptic screeching. We had to watch the president of anti-Obama birtherism, the defender of Confederate statues, pardon a black man convicted of armed robbery who turned his life around. (To be fair, the man pardoned seemed genuinely moved, and grateful, but it was a political stunt nonetheless.) We had to watch a president who has made immigration tougher at every turn, who’s railed against “shithole countries,” naturalize five new citizens. I had to turn off the television and go to bed early, again.
Meanwhile, in Kenosha, Wis., armed vigilantes and, according to the local sheriff, militia members began shooting at people protesting the police shooting of Jacob Blake, an apparently unarmed black man, on Sunday. (Inexplicably, at least three police cars rolled past a man carrying his long gun, even after the crowd identified him as the shooter, or one of them.) Two people were killed. This, after the RNC celebrated Mark and Patricia McCloskey, two armed vigilantes who threatened to shoot peaceful protesters marching by their St. Louis mansion earlier this summer, on Monday night. Current Issue View our current issue
The president of “law and order” owns this terrifying twist in the escalating national conflict between police and the people who don’t want to be shot by police—or more to the point, who want police to stop shooting unarmed black men and women. He encouraged the armed militias who have turned out to protest Democratic lawmakers’ efforts to combat Covid. Expect him to try to blame the chaos on Democratic nominee Joe Biden.
Frighteningly, the campaign’s cynical turn to “compassionate conservatism” played relatively well in the media. The New York Times’ front-page headlines blared: “TRUMP TAKES AIM AT MIDDLE, USING TOOLS OF OFFICE | BID TO BROADEN APPEAL G.O.P. | Points Message at Both Women and Minority Voters.” Apparently, first lady Melania Trump feigned empathy with Covid victims and didn’t plagiarize Michelle Obama, so her speech was considered successful.
So I’m not going to watch Wednesday night, either. I can’t. I have reached some limit—my psyche can’t take in anymore lies. I recoil, morally and physically. I have promised to watch Thursday night and do a live-chat with my Nation colleagues, but until then, I’m fasting, avoiding toxins, trying to do a psychic cleanse. Wish me luck—and I’ll see you all Thursday night.


Toward Criminal Justice

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Letter From Seoul

eoul—Masks have always been common in Korea .
People wear loose ones to avoid tanning their faces or to cover makeup-less mugs .
Instead of calling in sick with a cold , they are expected to work with a mask to protect their coworkers .
Terrible air pollution prompts about half the people to wear masks , and since antiquity , masks have come out every spring , when the Gobi Desert blankets east Asia with fine sand during Yellow Dust Season .
Since the onset of the pandemic , masks have been mandated on all public transportation , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Nearly everyone complies , with drivers and other riders reminding maskless passengers of the requirement .
No one takes violent offense ; people are always in your business in Korea .
Until late August , following a right-wing rally that caused a spike in infections , masks weren ’ t mandated here in most other settings .
It was largely unnecessary , since almost everyone already wears them , although some establishments had posted signs requiring them .
This past spring , after returning to Seoul from a visit to New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in restaurants and parks discussing reports from the United States about mask fury and toilet paper hoarding and fights over hand sanitizer .
Although Korea was “ on pause , ” we never locked down like US cities .
After the crisis began in Daegu , with a member of a secretive Christian church who was a “ super spreader , ” the government response here and the public ’ s trust in that response made the difference .
Besides long-established mask wearing , other aspects of Korean culture and history helped contain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put disaster plans in place , and also activated a sense of solidarity among Koreans .
As during the 1997 IMF crisis , when faced with existential threats , Koreans shift from competitiveness to a “ together we can overcome ” approach .
Furthermore , as the national and local governments ’ policies proved effective , public trust in the official response soared .
In April elections , the incumbent party won by a landslide .
In May , Korea fell out of the top 10 countries worst hit by the virus .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ were ranked number 74 , with six deaths per million .
In contrast , the United States was number one , with 465 deaths per million .
While the US had about 70,000 new cases per day , here we ’ d get panicky if 60 arose .
By August , US fatalities exceeded 170,000 ; in Korea the dead number just over 300 .
Even with the great difference in population , there ’ s no comparison .
This Is What Dystopia Looks Like As Covid Slams Us , Elders Want Solidarity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ series South Korea , historically in a highly paternalistic relationship with the United States , is not looking to the US to show the way anymore .
In some scenarios , like the run-up to the November elections , the US should take cues from the ROK .
Here , elections were held with an extended early voting period to curtail waiting and crowding .
At polling stations , floor markings made social distancing easy , and both temperature monitoring and disposable gloves were provided .
As a Korean American , I know @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would make some of the other ways Koreans have stemmed the pandemic much harder to transfer to the US .
In addition to the two-week pause , involving intense social distancing , the government has tackled the pandemic aggressively with public education campaigns and extensive contact tracing .
Text messages inform people about the routes newly diagnosed patients took for several days leading up to diagnosis .
Anyone who had been in the same places as a confirmed patient can get tested for free .
Testing centers have been set up across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South Korea ’ s “ hurry-up ” culture , results within 24 hours by text message are the only acceptable standard .
People who test positive , or who have been in close contact with someone positive , are quarantined at home with provisions delivered to their door by the government : rice , ramen , Spam , masks , garbage bags for biohazard , water , vegetables , disinfectant , toilet paper .
Those under quarantine are also assigned a case worker who checks in on them several times a day to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This occurs regardless of the patient ’ s immigration or citizenship status .
The government understands that the virus also disregards these legal distinctions .
Such measures help residents who are threatened by disease feel that they haven ’ t been abandoned , plus it ’ s in everyone ’ s interest to contain the virus , even if it means extensive contact tracing .
Contact tracing uses smartphone GPS , security cameras , credit and bank card purchases , and transit card usage .
( When a Covid cluster in a foreigner- @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right-wing Christian media outlet , some identifying information was not sent out anymore , like people ’ s age and citizenship , which could stigmatize foreigners . )
Recently , people have been compelled to scan QR codes with their phones , thus sharing their contact information ( name , phone number , address ) when they enter an establishment that has been known to be the source of outbreak clusters like nightclubs , hostess bars , karaoke rooms , and churches .
Why do people tolerate such surveillance ?
In so densely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impossible to do much without someone watching you , even more so in the Seoul metro area , where half of the country ’ s population lives .
South Korea is the most cashless country in the world , and we aren ’ t going to start using cash again anytime soon .
Some purchases are even done through contactless transactions using our phones , whose user agreements allow collection of data .
Virtually everyone has a smartphone , and Koreans love convenience .
The only thing Koreans love more is drinking and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the high-tech tracing is accepted .
Finally , there is the necessary relationship between effective , trustworthy leadership and public commitment to the idea of a shared fight and a shared fate .
Scenes From a Pandemic is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind , a living memorial to radical journalist Andrew Kopkind , who from 1982–94 was the magazine ’ s chief political writer and analyst .
This series of dispatches from Kopkind ’ s far-flung network of participants , advisers , guests , and friends is edited by Nation contributor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and appears weekly on thenation.com and kopkind.org .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
S eoul—Masks have always been common in Korea. People wear loose ones to avoid tanning their faces or to cover makeup-less mugs. Instead of calling in sick with a cold, they are expected to work with a mask to protect their coworkers. Terrible air pollution prompts about half the people to wear masks, and since antiquity, masks have come out every spring, when the Gobi Desert blankets east Asia with fine sand during Yellow Dust Season. Since the onset of the pandemic, masks have been mandated on all public transportation, including taxis, in Seoul and its suburbs. Nearly everyone complies, with drivers and other riders reminding maskless passengers of the requirement. No one takes violent offense; people are always in your business in Korea. Until late August, following a right-wing rally that caused a spike in infections, masks weren’t mandated here in most other settings. It was largely unnecessary, since almost everyone already wears them, although some establishments had posted signs requiring them.
This past spring, after returning to Seoul from a visit to New York, I’d sit with friends in restaurants and parks discussing reports from the United States about mask fury and toilet paper hoarding and fights over hand sanitizer. Although Korea was “on pause,” we never locked down like US cities. After the crisis began in Daegu, with a member of a secretive Christian church who was a “super spreader,” the government response here and the public’s trust in that response made the difference.
Besides long-established mask wearing, other aspects of Korean culture and history helped contain Covid-19. The 2015 MERS outbreak had put disaster plans in place, and also activated a sense of solidarity among Koreans. As during the 1997 IMF crisis, when faced with existential threats, Koreans shift from competitiveness to a “together we can overcome” approach. Furthermore, as the national and local governments’ policies proved effective, public trust in the official response soared. In April elections, the incumbent party won by a landslide.
In May, Korea fell out of the top 10 countries worst hit by the virus. By the end of July, we were ranked number 74, with six deaths per million. In contrast, the United States was number one, with 465 deaths per million. While the US had about 70,000 new cases per day, here we’d get panicky if 60 arose. By August, US fatalities exceeded 170,000; in Korea the dead number just over 300. Even with the great difference in population, there’s no comparison. Scenes From a Pandemic Untethered, or The Year of Living Virtually Patricia J. Williams The Art of the Meal Mary Lewis Maybe We Shouldn’t Go Back to Normal Bri M.
South Korea, historically in a highly paternalistic relationship with the United States, is not looking to the US to show the way anymore. In some scenarios, like the run-up to the November elections, the US should take cues from the ROK. Here, elections were held with an extended early voting period to curtail waiting and crowding. At polling stations, floor markings made social distancing easy, and both temperature monitoring and disposable gloves were provided. As a Korean American, I know that differences in cultural norms and values would make some of the other ways Koreans have stemmed the pandemic much harder to transfer to the US.
In addition to the two-week pause, involving intense social distancing, the government has tackled the pandemic aggressively with public education campaigns and extensive contact tracing. Text messages inform people about the routes newly diagnosed patients took for several days leading up to diagnosis. Anyone who had been in the same places as a confirmed patient can get tested for free. Testing centers have been set up across the country. True to the cliché of South Korea’s “hurry-up” culture, results within 24 hours by text message are the only acceptable standard. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life A Grim Chronicle of Trump’s Corrupt Public Life Chris Lehmann
People who test positive, or who have been in close contact with someone positive, are quarantined at home with provisions delivered to their door by the government: rice, ramen, Spam, masks, garbage bags for biohazard, water, vegetables, disinfectant, toilet paper. Those under quarantine are also assigned a case worker who checks in on them several times a day to monitor their mental health during isolation. This occurs regardless of the patient’s immigration or citizenship status. The government understands that the virus also disregards these legal distinctions. Such measures help residents who are threatened by disease feel that they haven’t been abandoned, plus it’s in everyone’s interest to contain the virus, even if it means extensive contact tracing. Current Issue View our current issue
Contact tracing uses smartphone GPS, security cameras, credit and bank card purchases, and transit card usage. (When a Covid cluster in a foreigner- and gay-friendly neighborhood was sensationalized by a right-wing Christian media outlet, some identifying information was not sent out anymore, like people’s age and citizenship, which could stigmatize foreigners.) Recently, people have been compelled to scan QR codes with their phones, thus sharing their contact information (name, phone number, address) when they enter an establishment that has been known to be the source of outbreak clusters like nightclubs, hostess bars, karaoke rooms, and churches.
Why do people tolerate such surveillance? In so densely populated a country, it’s impossible to do much without someone watching you, even more so in the Seoul metro area, where half of the country’s population lives. South Korea is the most cashless country in the world, and we aren’t going to start using cash again anytime soon. Some purchases are even done through contactless transactions using our phones, whose user agreements allow collection of data. Virtually everyone has a smartphone, and Koreans love convenience. The only thing Koreans love more is drinking and socializing with coworkers and friends, so the high-tech tracing is accepted. Finally, there is the necessary relationship between effective, trustworthy leadership and public commitment to the idea of a shared fight and a shared fate.
Scenes From a Pandemic is a collaboration between The Nation and Kopkind, a living memorial to radical journalist Andrew Kopkind, who from 1982–94 was the magazine’s chief political writer and analyst. This series of dispatches from Kopkind’s far-flung network of participants, advisers, guests, and friends is edited by Nation contributor and Kopkind program director JoAnn Wypijewski, and appears weekly on thenation.com and kopkind.org.


thenation--2020-08-26--Masai Ujiri and Police Who Live Above the Law

We finally have police camera video from the incident at the end of last season ’ s NBA finals when Toronto Raptors President Masai Ujiri engaged in a “ confrontation ” with Alameda Country police .
The police version of events was always doubtful : They immediately put out the idea that after the Raptors won the title , Ujiri attempted to rush the court without credentials , and on the way physically assaulted an officer , striking him in the face .
They recommended prosecution to the district attorney last summer , who took one look at the facts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the trash .
Their story always stunk to high heaven , because amateur video of Ujiri at the time showed that he did in fact have a badge and no one could find any kind of a punch , despite thousands of smartphone cameras capturing the moment when the Raptors won the title .
Now the cam footage brings the lies of the police to an entirely other level .
The police video shows the officer twice shoving Ujiri very hard .
No punches are thrown , and Ujiri ’ s credentials are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been caught lying .
In a functioning society , both the officer in question and the department would have to pay a price for that .
Yet now the police , in a state of utter arrogance and crude Trumpian gaslighting , are still insisting that an assault took place .
This case exposes so much more than a corrupt cop who has collected $ 150,000 in “ disability ” over the last year over the “ trauma ” that Ujiri caused him .
It shows a police department that believes that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matter the circumstances , no matter the subject of their abuse .
Masai is very wealthy , very famous , hell he was sitting at a game with Obama a few days earlier , and the head of a multi-billion dollar enterprise .
The officer in question on the other hand has a sordid past of frivolous lawsuits and a conviction for an insurance scam .
And yet with all of the evidence , with the power imbalance going in Masai ’ s favor , with all of the personal credibility going in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ Thin Blue Line ’ refused to bend .
Not to reality , not to common sense , not even to self-preservation .
That is how sure they are of their impunity .
After the video went public , Ujiri issued a statement of his own , a statement that was circulated throughout the NBA and even posted on the NBA ’ s website .
It ’ s an astounding missive that speaks to both the post–George Floyd era and the politicization of the NBA that has taken place over the last six @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more like a phenomena—at least for now—that extends beyond “ woke ” marketing and towards a guiding political ethos .
Ujiri writes , Thank you to everybody who has expressed disappointment and concern regarding the video that was recently released .
My family and I are deeply grateful for your care and consideration .
The video sadly demonstrates how horribly I was treated by a law enforcement officer last year in the midst of my team , the Toronto Raptors , winning its first world championship .
It was an exhilarating moment of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ players , for our city , for our country , and for me personally , given my long-tenured professional journey in the NBA .
Yet , unfortunately , I was reminded in that moment that despite all of my hard work and success , there are some people , including those who are supposed to protect us , who will always and only see me as something that is unworthy of respectful engagement .
And , there ’ s only one indisputable reason why that is the case – because I am Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ordeal is that the only reason why I am getting the justice I deserve in this moment is because of my success .
Because I ’ m the President of a NBA team , I had access to resources that ensured I could demand and fight for my justice .
So many of my brothers and sisters haven ’ t had , don ’ t have , and won ’ t have the same access to resources that assured my justice .
And that ’ s why Black Lives Matter .
And that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for all of us to keep demanding justice .
Justice for George .
Justice for Breonna .
Justice for Elijah .
Justice for far too many Black lives that mattered .
And justice for Black people around the world , who need our voice and our compassion to save their lives .
Those are the ties that bind us .
Ujiri ’ s broader political point must not be lost .
He is able to wrest a measure of justice from this situation only because he has wealth , power , and position @ @ @ @ @ @ @ struggle .
And this is all over a push .
Imagine having no station and being shot or killed by police .
We don ’ t have to imagine .
We have too many examples , as Ujiri mentions , of those for whom justice is a pipe dream .
As we see right now in Kenosha , Wis. , “ no justice , no peace ” is more than a slogan .
It ’ s the only avenue available for those to whom even a basic semblance of justice is denied .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the mob ” are the only ones—amid pandemic and armed repression—attempting to balance the scales of justice in a time when police carry the unholy arrogance of people who , like their dear leader , believe that they live above the law .
The people in the streets are heroes .
Masai Ujiri , through his statement and his vigilance , has joined their ranks .

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We finally have police camera video from the incident at the end of last season’s NBA finals when Toronto Raptors President Masai Ujiri engaged in a “confrontation” with Alameda Country police. The police version of events was always doubtful: They immediately put out the idea that after the Raptors won the title, Ujiri attempted to rush the court without credentials, and on the way physically assaulted an officer, striking him in the face. They recommended prosecution to the district attorney last summer, who took one look at the facts of the case and threw it in the trash. Current Issue View our current issue
Their story always stunk to high heaven, because amateur video of Ujiri at the time showed that he did in fact have a badge and no one could find any kind of a punch, despite thousands of smartphone cameras capturing the moment when the Raptors won the title. Now the cam footage brings the lies of the police to an entirely other level. The police video shows the officer twice shoving Ujiri very hard. No punches are thrown, and Ujiri’s credentials are clutched in his hand.
The police have been caught lying. In a functioning society, both the officer in question and the department would have to pay a price for that. Yet now the police, in a state of utter arrogance and crude Trumpian gaslighting, are still insisting that an assault took place.
This case exposes so much more than a corrupt cop who has collected $150,000 in “disability” over the last year over the “trauma” that Ujiri caused him. It shows a police department that believes that it is above the law, no matter the circumstances, no matter the subject of their abuse.
As Jeff Berg wrote in Counterpunch,
Masai is very wealthy, very famous, hell he was sitting at a game with Obama a few days earlier, and the head of a multi-billion dollar enterprise. The officer in question on the other hand has a sordid past of frivolous lawsuits and a conviction for an insurance scam. And yet with all of the evidence, with the power imbalance going in Masai’s favor, with all of the personal credibility going in Masai’s favor, still the ‘Thin Blue Line’ refused to bend. Not to reality, not to common sense, not even to self-preservation. That is how sure they are of their impunity.
After the video went public, Ujiri issued a statement of his own, a statement that was circulated throughout the NBA and even posted on the NBA’s website. It’s an astounding missive that speaks to both the post–George Floyd era and the politicization of the NBA that has taken place over the last six months, a politicization that is looking more like a phenomena—at least for now—that extends beyond “woke” marketing and towards a guiding political ethos. Ujiri writes,
Ujiri’s broader political point must not be lost. He is able to wrest a measure of justice from this situation only because he has wealth, power, and position. Yet it has still been a struggle. And this is all over a push. Imagine having no station and being shot or killed by police. We don’t have to imagine. We have too many examples, as Ujiri mentions, of those for whom justice is a pipe dream.
As we see right now in Kenosha, Wis., “no justice, no peace” is more than a slogan. It’s the only avenue available for those to whom even a basic semblance of justice is denied. The people that Trump is calling “the mob” are the only ones—amid pandemic and armed repression—attempting to balance the scales of justice in a time when police carry the unholy arrogance of people who, like their dear leader, believe that they live above the law. The people in the streets are heroes. Masai Ujiri, through his statement and his vigilance, has joined their ranks.