thenation--2020-05-01--McConnell’s Stimulus Scam: Vaccinate Businesses, Expose Workers

The difference between liberal people with legal training and pretty much everybody else is that liberal lawyers—or progressive lawyers or whatever you want to call them—understand that civil lawsuits are a key form of regulation .
Not only that , they ’ re usually the only kind of regulation that wealthy business owners respect .
Everybody else acts like civil lawsuits are nuisances dreamed up by greedy ambulance chasers looking to profit off other people ’ s pain .
People love to rag on civil litigators , especially “ tort ” lawyers who seek monetary redress for injuries and death @ @ @ @ @ @ @ games and dead lawyer jokes—until they fall down a rickety escalator the city can ’ t be bothered to repair .
Or their local industry spices up their drinking water with mercury .
Or their plane falls out of the sky despite the reams of internal manufacturer memos warning , “ This model exhibits a tendency to fall out of the sky.
” When bad things happen , people stop making jokes and start making Facebook posts asking if anybody knows a good lawyer .
To me , “ legal liability ” is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ills .
Liability for gun manufactures would make mass shootings less common .
Liability for local and state police departments would make cops less trigger-happy .
And liability for employers would make them a lot less eager to risk the health and safety of their workers and customers in a rush to “ reopen ” the economy .
The regulatory effectiveness of civil lawsuits is the reason it ’ s not surprising that Republicans , led by Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell , are working hard to protect businesses from any sort of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back to work during the coronavirus pandemic .
Preventing lawsuits against employers is a critical step towards putting profits over people ’ s lives .
McConnell has “ insisted ” that the next stimulus package will include legal immunity for businesses that open back up .
He told Politico , “ The next pandemic coming will be the lawsuit pandemic in the wake of this one .
So we need to prevent that now when we have the opportunity to do it.
” It ’ s important to understand what McConnell is proposing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he will withhold aid money to state and local governments fighting the Covid-19 pandemic if the package does not include legal giveaways to protect businesses from the justice system .
People have a right to sue .
McConnell is not only trying to take that right away ; he ’ s willing to hold public relief money hostage in order to do it .
Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi has taken the opposite view .
She ’ s told reporters , “ Especially now , we have every reason to protect our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this .
So we would not be inclined to be supporting any immunity from liability “ This is no partisan sideshow .
The question of whether businesses can be sued for putting people at risk will define the extent to which businesses will put people at risk .
If businesses are granted full legal immunity from private lawsuits , they can pretty much ignore public health guidance from experts and governments .
They can treat social distancing as a mere suggestion .
They can force sick people to come to work and not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they ’ re forcing sick people to come to work .
If , in contrast , businesses can be sued by employees who get sick on the clock , then businesses with competent legal counsel will be cautious about reopening until the health of their workers can be protected .
They will provide testing for workers .
They will be more likely to abide by the best practices suggested by experts , because “ we did everything Doctor Anthony Fauci told us to do ” will be one of their best defenses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lawsuit is unlikely to keep businesses closed , but that threat is likely to make businesses less casual about people ’ s lives .
This should be a relatively easy fight for Democrats to win at the moment .
“ Immunity for businesses that get people sick ” isn ’ t exactly a catchy rallying cry .
But Republicans have a ringer on their side : health care providers .
McConnell is trying to tie immunity for businesses that might get people sick with immunity for health care providers that are trying to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ best of times , “ medical malpractice ” lawsuits are challenging for liberal lawyers to defend .
Society has a soft spot for doctors , and there is a deep belief that doctors are trying their best .
Even when doctors screw up egregiously , suing them often looks like an ungrateful way to repay a person who ostensibly tried to help you .
On top of that , associations of doctors and health care providers have spent a lot of time , advertising dollars , and lobbying efforts convincing people that medical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health care for everybody .
As if suing a drunk doctor who left his shot glass in your stomach is why Grandma can ’ t afford her pills .
During the pandemic , doctors and nurses and the entire health care system are being called on to make heroic sacrifices .
They ’ re putting their physical health , as well as their mental health , on the line to save as many people as possible .
Slapping these people with a lawsuit , should any of them make a “ mistake ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is just wrong .
But we can ’ t let Republicans hide behind these heroes as the party shovels out privileges and immunities to their business cronies .
In reality , the legal system does not often punish people , especially health care workers , who try their best , even when they make good-faith errors .
Liability attaches to people who fail to act in good faith or are reckless in their duties .
The importance of this debate , and the pitfalls of adopting a Republican frame around the issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ look at what ’ s happening with nursing homes .
Nursing homes have been epicenters for disease and death during this pandemic .
Almost 70 percent of nursing homes in the country are run by for-profit corporations .
Nursing homes are a business , even though people sometimes forget that .
Some of these facilities are trying their best under impossible circumstances .
Still others would be doing better if the government provided them with the resources they ’ re begging for .
And still others seem to have been run in an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lawsuit at the earliest opportunity .
There is nuance here and , left to its own devices , the civil litigation system is actually pretty good at handling nuance .
Looking at things on a “ case-by-case basis ” is literally what civil courts do .
But that nuance is being overrun by zealous state governments .
Already , six states have granted nursing homes immunity from coronavirus lawsuits , while another six have provided immunity to health care workers , which nursing homes will argue extends to them once the lawsuits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Until There ’ s a Vaccine ?
The Men Pushing to Open the Economy Clearly Don ’ t Need Child Care Vietnam May Have the Most Effective Response to Covid-19 More in this series One of the states granting that kind of immunity is New Jersey , the site of the most disturbing nursing home–related death scene yet reported .
Seventeen dead bodies were found piled in a morgue meant to hold four at the Andover Subacute and Rehabilitation Center .
To think that this facility would have blanket immunity from a lawsuit—and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lawsuit—shocks the conscience .
If McConnell gets his way , it won ’ t simply be for-profit nursing homes ( or for-profit prisons or for-profit hospitals ) that are allowed to operate with impunity and immunity .
It will be the wider array of Republican-aligned business interests that receive a “ Get Out of Scrutiny Free ” card from GOP lawmakers .
Hotels and resorts and cruise ships and airlines that get travelers sick will be immune .
Schools and universities that restart classes but do not provide testing for students or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most likely , cable news networks that spread lies and disinformation about the coronavirus and tell their viewers to ignore public health warnings will be immune from legal liability , too .
McConnell is trying to give corporations a vaccine against Covid-19 , while leaving the people unprotected .
This is a fight Democrats must win .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
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The difference between liberal people with legal training and pretty much everybody else is that liberal lawyers—or progressive lawyers or whatever you want to call them—understand that civil lawsuits are a key form of regulation. Not only that, they’re usually the only kind of regulation that wealthy business owners respect. Everybody else acts like civil lawsuits are nuisances dreamed up by greedy ambulance chasers looking to profit off other people’s pain.
People love to rag on civil litigators, especially “tort” lawyers who seek monetary redress for injuries and death. It’s all fun and games and dead lawyer jokes—until they fall down a rickety escalator the city can’t be bothered to repair. Or their local industry spices up their drinking water with mercury. Or their plane falls out of the sky despite the reams of internal manufacturer memos warning, “This model exhibits a tendency to fall out of the sky.” When bad things happen, people stop making jokes and start making Facebook posts asking if anybody knows a good lawyer.
To me, “legal liability” is the answer to many of our social ills. Liability for gun manufactures would make mass shootings less common. Liability for local and state police departments would make cops less trigger-happy. And liability for employers would make them a lot less eager to risk the health and safety of their workers and customers in a rush to “reopen” the economy.
The regulatory effectiveness of civil lawsuits is the reason it’s not surprising that Republicans, led by Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell, are working hard to protect businesses from any sort of legal liability associated with forcing their employees back to work during the coronavirus pandemic. Preventing lawsuits against employers is a critical step towards putting profits over people’s lives.
McConnell has “insisted” that the next stimulus package will include legal immunity for businesses that open back up. He told Politico, “The next pandemic coming will be the lawsuit pandemic in the wake of this one. So we need to prevent that now when we have the opportunity to do it.” It’s important to understand what McConnell is proposing here: He’s saying that he will withhold aid money to state and local governments fighting the Covid-19 pandemic if the package does not include legal giveaways to protect businesses from the justice system. People have a right to sue. McConnell is not only trying to take that right away; he’s willing to hold public relief money hostage in order to do it.
Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi has taken the opposite view. She’s told reporters, “Especially now, we have every reason to protect our workers and our patients in all of this. So we would not be inclined to be supporting any immunity from liability “ Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Current Issue View our current issue
This is no partisan sideshow. The question of whether businesses can be sued for putting people at risk will define the extent to which businesses will put people at risk. If businesses are granted full legal immunity from private lawsuits, they can pretty much ignore public health guidance from experts and governments. They can treat social distancing as a mere suggestion. They can force sick people to come to work and not even tell their coworkers or their customers that they’re forcing sick people to come to work.
If, in contrast, businesses can be sued by employees who get sick on the clock, then businesses with competent legal counsel will be cautious about reopening until the health of their workers can be protected. They will provide testing for workers. They will be more likely to abide by the best practices suggested by experts, because “we did everything Doctor Anthony Fauci told us to do” will be one of their best defenses in court. The threat of a lawsuit is unlikely to keep businesses closed, but that threat is likely to make businesses less casual about people’s lives.
This should be a relatively easy fight for Democrats to win at the moment. “Immunity for businesses that get people sick” isn’t exactly a catchy rallying cry. But Republicans have a ringer on their side: health care providers. McConnell is trying to tie immunity for businesses that might get people sick with immunity for health care providers that are trying to save sick people.
Even in the best of times, “medical malpractice” lawsuits are challenging for liberal lawyers to defend. Society has a soft spot for doctors, and there is a deep belief that doctors are trying their best. Even when doctors screw up egregiously, suing them often looks like an ungrateful way to repay a person who ostensibly tried to help you. On top of that, associations of doctors and health care providers have spent a lot of time, advertising dollars, and lobbying efforts convincing people that medical malpractice lawsuits drive up the costs of health care for everybody. As if suing a drunk doctor who left his shot glass in your stomach is why Grandma can’t afford her pills.
During the pandemic, doctors and nurses and the entire health care system are being called on to make heroic sacrifices. They’re putting their physical health, as well as their mental health, on the line to save as many people as possible. Slapping these people with a lawsuit, should any of them make a “mistake” born from overwork or lack of resources, is just wrong.
But we can’t let Republicans hide behind these heroes as the party shovels out privileges and immunities to their business cronies. In reality, the legal system does not often punish people, especially health care workers, who try their best, even when they make good-faith errors. Liability attaches to people who fail to act in good faith or are reckless in their duties.
The importance of this debate, and the pitfalls of adopting a Republican frame around the issues, can be seen clearly when we look at what’s happening with nursing homes. Nursing homes have been epicenters for disease and death during this pandemic. Almost 70 percent of nursing homes in the country are run by for-profit corporations. Nursing homes are a business, even though people sometimes forget that.
Some of these facilities are trying their best under impossible circumstances. Still others would be doing better if the government provided them with the resources they’re begging for. And still others seem to have been run in an entirely negligent fashion and should absolutely catch a lawsuit at the earliest opportunity.
There is nuance here and, left to its own devices, the civil litigation system is actually pretty good at handling nuance. Looking at things on a “case-by-case basis” is literally what civil courts do. But that nuance is being overrun by zealous state governments. Already, six states have granted nursing homes immunity from coronavirus lawsuits, while another six have provided immunity to health care workers, which nursing homes will argue extends to them once the lawsuits start. Covid-19 How Long Will It Take Until There’s a Vaccine? Gregg Gonsalves The Men Pushing to Open the Economy Clearly Don’t Need Child Care Elie Mystal Vietnam May Have the Most Effective Response to Covid-19 George Black
One of the states granting that kind of immunity is New Jersey, the site of the most disturbing nursing home–related death scene yet reported. Seventeen dead bodies were found piled in a morgue meant to hold four at the Andover Subacute and Rehabilitation Center. To think that this facility would have blanket immunity from a lawsuit—and the kind of public investigation that accompanies a lawsuit—shocks the conscience.
If McConnell gets his way, it won’t simply be for-profit nursing homes (or for-profit prisons or for-profit hospitals) that are allowed to operate with impunity and immunity. It will be the wider array of Republican-aligned business interests that receive a “Get Out of Scrutiny Free” card from GOP lawmakers. Hotels and resorts and cruise ships and airlines that get travelers sick will be immune. Schools and universities that restart classes but do not provide testing for students or instructors will be immune. And, most likely, cable news networks that spread lies and disinformation about the coronavirus and tell their viewers to ignore public health warnings will be immune from legal liability, too.
McConnell is trying to give corporations a vaccine against Covid-19, while leaving the people unprotected. This is a fight Democrats must win.


thenation--2020-05-01--Should We Be Kind to the Rich?

Should We Be Kind to the Rich?

There ’ s a big stink here in Maine over people coming up from the New York City area to ride out the coronavirus lockdown .
Maine is in many ways a Third World country and , especially outside Southern Maine , still largely reliant on tourism and resource extraction .
Resentment of rich folks from away is baked into our DNA .
It ’ s pretty ugly , and I know it ’ s happening elsewhere , too .
A friend of mine told me approvingly about a neighbor who chewed out some people when she found out they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to flee the Covid-19 crisis .
She demanded to know whether they ’ d brought their own supplies so they wouldn ’ t go into local stores .
And others who arrived to shelter in their summer homes have had their cars vandalized .
This all makes me somewhat uncomfortable .
Our area is heavily dependent on summer folk , so we ’ ve always had a relationship with them , one complicated by their class privilege .
We , of course , resent them for treating us as lesser , but it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seeking safety .
We also have a large refugee population , and the anger directed at both groups feels uncomfortably similar .
Solidarity with people with second ( or third ) homes feels funny but also like the humane response .
What do you think ?
It ’ s been enraging to see the well-off leave New York City with so little regard for the impact on their chosen destinations .
There have been media reports of rich urbanites carrying the virus to the Hamptons , the Jersey Shore , and Florida .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ hoard , the wealthy have been buying up much of the food in local stores .
Health officials warn that such migrations risk overburdening small , understaffed hospitals ill-equipped for the outbreak .
It ’ s a sharp illustration of how an entitled class places its health and well-being above others ’ .
Your neighbors are right to resent this behavior .
The rich should not be allowed to disregard the survival needs of locals .
Some policy-makers agree .
The governor of New Jersey asked people with second homes not to travel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Long Island officials did likewise .
In early April your governor , Janet Mills , ordered all new arrivals to self-quarantine for 14 days and said others should not come at all if they ’ re showing symptoms of Covid-19 or are from virus hot spots like New York City .
She has shuttered hotels and short-term rentals to further discourage visitors .
Violators could face fines and jail time .
Rhode Island has taken even more aggressive measures : In late March , Governor Gina Raimondo issued an executive order that had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York license plates and sending officers door-to-door to order New Yorkers into self-quarantine .
She said of her order , “ This is not a suggestion.
” ( Under criticism from the American Civil Liberties Union and New York Governor Andrew Cuomo , she doubled down , expanding her order to include all out-of-state visitors , not just New Yorkers . )
My Anxious Wife Is Stockpiling Pop-Tarts !
What Should I Do ?
I ’ m Roasting at the Office .
What Can I Do ?
How Can I Help My Mom @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Retirement ?
Still , Mainelander , your attitude is decent and humane and your concerns well founded .
To some readers , the parallel you ’ re drawing between refugees and well-heeled urbanites might seem like a stretch .
But considering the history of populisms that target people “ from away , ” it is not .
Anti-Semitism in Europe has often been mixed with class resentment against bankers .
In the 1970s , Idi Amin pursued a racist policy of exclusion against South Asians in Uganda , grounded partly in the popular @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prospered and become a privileged class .
While the class struggle of workers against capitalists is always necessary—as is political pressure for the redistribution of wealth—the populist resentment of those seen as “ not from here ” can take an ugly turn .
Dear Liza , I live in Westchester County in New York , one of the first areas hit hard by the coronavirus .
My husband and I don ’ t go out except to take walks , without getting near people .
I am wary of going to grocery stores @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the air and people can have it without symptoms .
But the only delivery service near me that has any slots available is Instacart .
I know it sends people to stores to buy the items , so that means we would be paying to put its workers at risk .
That might be morally justified because we are over 60 , my husband has diabetes , and the workers might be younger .
But then again , the person dispatched to pick up my groceries might expose an older person .
Another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t have Amazon Fresh , but there is some food available on the main site . )
Since the workers would be packing it in a warehouse , I believe they would be less at risk than in a store .
Do you think this is the most moral option ?
Amazon ’ s warehouse workers do face serious danger during this pandemic .
Many have contracted Covid-19 because of the company ’ s negligence on matters like sick leave .
Like Instacart employees , Amazon workers all over the country have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conditions .
Though some of these workers are young , I wouldn ’ t assume the coronavirus is not a threat to them ; at least one has died .
Boycotts are usually intended to economically pressure companies to change their behavior .
It ’ s almost impossible to imagine that consumers could bring any pain to Amazon , a company with monopolies in so many sectors .
But you ’ re right to want to avoid putting workers at risk through your order .
In some places , it ’ s easier @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the beginning of the lockdown .
You may be able to use Peapod , Stop & Shop ’ s online service .
Some stores provide special shopping times for those who most need protection from the virus .
For example , Costco has set aside 8 to 9 am on Tuesdays , Wednesdays , and Thursdays for shoppers over 60 .
You can also try calling local grocery stores to ask if they offer curbside pickup , as many now do .
Another option is mutual aid : Many neighborhood groups have organized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more vulnerable people who shouldn ’ t be going to the store .
Have a question ?
Ask Liza here .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
This article appears in the May 18/25, 2020 issue.
Dear Liza,
There’s a big stink here in Maine over people coming up from the New York City area to ride out the coronavirus lockdown. Maine is in many ways a Third World country and, especially outside Southern Maine, still largely reliant on tourism and resource extraction. Resentment of rich folks from away is baked into our DNA. It’s pretty ugly, and I know it’s happening elsewhere, too.
A friend of mine told me approvingly about a neighbor who chewed out some people when she found out they had come up from New York City to flee the Covid-19 crisis. She demanded to know whether they’d brought their own supplies so they wouldn’t go into local stores. And others who arrived to shelter in their summer homes have had their cars vandalized.
This all makes me somewhat uncomfortable. Our area is heavily dependent on summer folk, so we’ve always had a relationship with them, one complicated by their class privilege. We, of course, resent them for treating us as lesser, but it seems cruel to beat them up for seeking safety. We also have a large refugee population, and the anger directed at both groups feels uncomfortably similar.
Solidarity with people with second (or third) homes feels funny but also like the humane response. What do you think?
—Mainelander
Dear Mainelander, Current Issue View our current issue
It’s been enraging to see the well-off leave New York City with so little regard for the impact on their chosen destinations. There have been media reports of rich urbanites carrying the virus to the Hamptons, the Jersey Shore, and Florida. Also, since they can afford to hoard, the wealthy have been buying up much of the food in local stores. Health officials warn that such migrations risk overburdening small, understaffed hospitals ill-equipped for the outbreak. It’s a sharp illustration of how an entitled class places its health and well-being above others’.
Your neighbors are right to resent this behavior. The rich should not be allowed to disregard the survival needs of locals. Some policy-makers agree. The governor of New Jersey asked people with second homes not to travel to them during the pandemic. Some Long Island officials did likewise. In early April your governor, Janet Mills, ordered all new arrivals to self-quarantine for 14 days and said others should not come at all if they’re showing symptoms of Covid-19 or are from virus hot spots like New York City. She has shuttered hotels and short-term rentals to further discourage visitors. Violators could face fines and jail time. Rhode Island has taken even more aggressive measures: In late March, Governor Gina Raimondo issued an executive order that had the state police stopping cars with New York license plates and sending officers door-to-door to order New Yorkers into self-quarantine. She said of her order, “This is not a suggestion.” (Under criticism from the American Civil Liberties Union and New York Governor Andrew Cuomo, she doubled down, expanding her order to include all out-of-state visitors, not just New Yorkers.) Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann More From Liza Featherstone Can a Socialist Lyft Driver Beat an Incumbent Bankrolled by the Fossil Fuel Industry? August 17, 2022 The Fierce Hope of Ana María Archila June 23, 2022 Why This N.Y. Socialist Is Running on Climate June 21, 2022
Still, Mainelander, your attitude is decent and humane and your concerns well founded. To some readers, the parallel you’re drawing between refugees and well-heeled urbanites might seem like a stretch. But considering the history of populisms that target people “from away,” it is not. Anti-Semitism in Europe has often been mixed with class resentment against bankers. In the 1970s, Idi Amin pursued a racist policy of exclusion against South Asians in Uganda, grounded partly in the popular resentment of South Asian immigrants who had prospered and become a privileged class. While the class struggle of workers against capitalists is always necessary—as is political pressure for the redistribution of wealth—the populist resentment of those seen as “not from here” can take an ugly turn.
Dear Liza,
I live in Westchester County in New York, one of the first areas hit hard by the coronavirus. My husband and I don’t go out except to take walks, without getting near people. I am wary of going to grocery stores, since the virus can linger in the air and people can have it without symptoms. But the only delivery service near me that has any slots available is Instacart. I know it sends people to stores to buy the items, so that means we would be paying to put its workers at risk. That might be morally justified because we are over 60, my husband has diabetes, and the workers might be younger. But then again, the person dispatched to pick up my groceries might expose an older person. Another option is Amazon. (We don’t have Amazon Fresh, but there is some food available on the main site.) Since the workers would be packing it in a warehouse, I believe they would be less at risk than in a store. Do you think this is the most moral option?
—At Risk
Dear At Risk,
Amazon’s warehouse workers do face serious danger during this pandemic. Many have contracted Covid-19 because of the company’s negligence on matters like sick leave. Like Instacart employees, Amazon workers all over the country have been going on strike and protesting these conditions. Though some of these workers are young, I wouldn’t assume the coronavirus is not a threat to them; at least one has died.
Boycotts are usually intended to economically pressure companies to change their behavior. It’s almost impossible to imagine that consumers could bring any pain to Amazon, a company with monopolies in so many sectors. But you’re right to want to avoid putting workers at risk through your order.
In some places, it’s easier to get groceries delivered now than at the beginning of the lockdown. You may be able to use Peapod, Stop & Shop’s online service. Some stores provide special shopping times for those who most need protection from the virus. For example, Costco has set aside 8 to 9 am on Tuesdays, Wednesdays, and Thursdays for shoppers over 60. You can also try calling local grocery stores to ask if they offer curbside pickup, as many now do.
Another option is mutual aid: Many neighborhood groups have organized volunteers to deliver groceries to older and more vulnerable people who shouldn’t be going to the store.
Have a question? Ask Liza here.


thenation--2020-05-03--A Prayer for Justice and Compassion During the Pandemic

May we come to know justice and compassion and repent for those who have let the viruses of greed and lies make this situation worse .
May we come to know pandemic ’ s spread through the wounds and fissures of our society , and seek to close them .
May those who ’ ve gone along with the lies just to please narcissism break free and tell the truth .
May we who are merely inconvenienced remember those whose lives are at stake .
May we who have no risk factors remember those most vulnerable .
May we have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fight for transformation .
May we who have the luxury of working from home remember those who must choose between preserving their health or making their rent .
May we who have the flexibility to care for our children when their schools are closed remember those who have no option .
May we who have to cancel our trips remember those who have no safe place to go .
May we who are losing our margin money in the tumult of the economic market remember those who have no margins at all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a quarantine at home remember those who have no home .
As fear grips our country , may we be the kind of people who stand up and who refuse to lay down .
May we choose love .
During this time when we can not physically wrap our arms around each other , let us yet find ways to be the loving embrace of God for our neighbors .
And let us recognize that we can not give up in this moment , and no matter what it takes ; let it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that with our last breaths we fought for the world that ought to be .
This has been adapted from a prayer shared by Red Letter Christians .

The Reverend Dr. William J. Barber II joined The Nation for a weekly virtual series. As the conversation wrapped up, he shared this prayer.
May we come to know justice and compassion and repent for those who have let the viruses of greed and lies make this situation worse. May we come to know pandemics spread through the wounds and fissures of our society, and seek to close them. May those who’ve gone along with the lies just to please narcissism break free and tell the truth.
May we who are merely inconvenienced remember those whose lives are at stake. May we who have no risk factors remember those most vulnerable. May we have the necessary righteous indignation in this moment to fight for transformation. May we who have the luxury of working from home remember those who must choose between preserving their health or making their rent. May we who have the flexibility to care for our children when their schools are closed remember those who have no option.
May we who have to cancel our trips remember those who have no safe place to go. May we who are losing our margin money in the tumult of the economic market remember those who have no margins at all. May we who settle in for a quarantine at home remember those who have no home. As fear grips our country, may we be the kind of people who stand up and who refuse to lay down. May we choose love.
During this time when we cannot physically wrap our arms around each other, let us yet find ways to be the loving embrace of God for our neighbors. And let us recognize that we cannot give up in this moment, and no matter what it takes; let it at least be written down in history that with our last breaths we fought for the world that ought to be.
This prayer was written by Cameron Bellm.


Lies All, Trumptown

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thenation--2020-05-04--It’s Time to Bring the Supreme Court Into the Modern Era—and the Light

For six days in May , the Supreme Court will hear oral arguments by phone .
The court has picked 10 arguments , spanning 13 cases , that it has deemed time sensitive .
It will let lawyers argue their positions via conference call .
The audio feed will be made available , live , to the press and members of the general public .
It ’ s a momentous step for the Supreme Court , which has never before allowed live audio or video coverage of its arguments .
In The New York Times , Adam Liptak reported that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of arguments available only 27 times in the past two decades .
While it ’ s significant that the court is willing to adopt technology that has been available since the 1950s in order to keep working under coronavirus social-distancing protocols , the decision highlights the sheer absurdity of the court ’ s continued stance against cameras in the courtroom .
Rather than jump feetfirst into the present and handle its full docket online , with audio and video , as other courts are doing , the Supreme Court is now trying to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any case the Supreme Court decides to hear isn ’ t critical to some person , group , or collection of rights—because it doesn ’ t want to make it too easy for the public to hear and see what it ’ s doing .
The argument against cameras in the courtroom has always been a little bit tortured .
Courts are public institutions .
All courts ( except the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court ) are open to the public .
If you want to see a Supreme Court argument , all you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and stand in line .
Putting a live feed in the courtroom is simply about making it easier for the public to hear and see what it ’ s already entitled to hear and see .
But the Supreme Court has resisted making itself more transparent and easier to access .
The argument against cameras—and it comes from both conservative and liberal justices—is that their presence will result in the C-SPAN effect , encouraging advocates to mug for the cameras and make arguments in sound bites that play well on cable news when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highly technical arguments to the court .
There ’ s also some worry that justices will be afraid to ask tough questions that are legally relevant but might make them look bad .
For what it ’ s worth , I agree with most of the arguments against live coverage of the Supreme Court .
I think lawyers , especially Republican ones , would attempt to make cute yet legally irrelevant comments to become stars on Fox News .
And every congressional hearing I ’ ve watched tells me that humans are bad @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into speeches .
There should be a German word for “ stupidity and pandering induced by being on camera ” : Dummfernsehendoof .
Where I disagree is that I just don ’ t think the negatives come close to outweighing the positives of increased transparency .
Most people don ’ t understand what the Supreme Court does , and that ’ s in part because most people never get to see the court doing it .
It might be hard for nonlawyers to follow along with the technical legal arguments involving , say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Civil Rights Act .
But “ it ’ s OK to fire people because they ’ re gay ” is the core argument that would pierce through the jargon .
People would notice which justices thought that was a good idea , and people might start to ask which political party insists on appointing such justices .
The Supreme Court is a political institution just like Congress or the presidency .
It ’ s long past time we started covering the court like we cover the legislative and executive branches , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be the first step in that process .
Right now , in part because of the limited access the court grants to its proceedings , reporting on the Supreme Court is largely left to a cadre of reporters sponsored by the legacy media .
They ’ re a skilled and professional group , but they are generally male and blindingly white .
( Supreme Court reporters make the White House press corps look like a rainbow coalition . )
Coverage of the court reflects those white male sensibilities .
When reports about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ real world consequences of the rulings , that ’ s not just because the law values dispassionate analysis ; that ’ s in part because the humans whose rights and dignities are being stripped away are underrepresented in the room where it ’ s happening .
Other federal courts are trying to find a way to make video technology work during the coronavirus crisis .
There are privacy and security concerns with some of the technology , along with the inevitable technical challenges that come when people try to learn new applications .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ proceedings in public is a necessary component of administering that justice .
SCOTUS Just Found a Way to Inflict More Terror on Immigrants SCOTUS Is Back in Session and Cruelty Is on the Docket Only the Supreme Court is trying to hide in the shadows .
Yes , the court will get around to hearing arguments on Trump v. Mazars and Trump v. Vance when the justices dial in for that six-day session .
Those are important cases about whether Donald Trump ’ s tax returns and other financial documents can be subpoenaed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But the court left California v. Texas , a critical case about the continued constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act , off its emergency docket .
That decision sets the stage for the court to hold off ruling the ACA unconstitutional , as it almost certainly will , until after the elections , thus protecting Republicans from getting punished at the polls for their stance against the popular health care law .
Whenever the court hears it , the Obamacare case is a perfect example of why we should turn on the cameras @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alleged attempted rapist Brett Kavanaugh misconstrue the ACA as unconstitutional and then play clips of his questions in a campaign attack ad against Senator Susan Collins .
Collins , most people will remember , defended Kavanaugh and was a key vote in favor of his confirmation , so when he overturns the health care law , it ’ ll be her fault as much as anybody ’ s .
That ’ s why cameras are still excluded from the Supreme Court .
Even though justices are appointed for life , they don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would come from the public seeing what they ’ re doing .
They don ’ t want their political benefactors to have to answer for their nominations and confirmation votes .
They want to operate in darkness because injustice abhors the light .

This article appears in the May 18/25, 2020 issue.
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For six days in May, the Supreme Court will hear oral arguments by phone. The court has picked 10 arguments, spanning 13 cases, that it has deemed time sensitive. It will let lawyers argue their positions via conference call. The audio feed will be made available, live, to the press and members of the general public.
It’s a momentous step for the Supreme Court, which has never before allowed live audio or video coverage of its arguments. In The New York Times, Adam Liptak reported that the court has made same-day audio recordings of arguments available only 27 times in the past two decades.
While it’s significant that the court is willing to adopt technology that has been available since the 1950s in order to keep working under coronavirus social-distancing protocols, the decision highlights the sheer absurdity of the court’s continued stance against cameras in the courtroom. Rather than jump feetfirst into the present and handle its full docket online, with audio and video, as other courts are doing, the Supreme Court is now trying to cherry-pick which cases are truly important—as if any case the Supreme Court decides to hear isn’t critical to some person, group, or collection of rights—because it doesn’t want to make it too easy for the public to hear and see what it’s doing.
The argument against cameras in the courtroom has always been a little bit tortured. Courts are public institutions. All courts (except the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court) are open to the public. If you want to see a Supreme Court argument, all you have to do is wake up early and stand in line. Putting a live feed in the courtroom is simply about making it easier for the public to hear and see what it’s already entitled to hear and see. Current Issue View our current issue
But the Supreme Court has resisted making itself more transparent and easier to access. The argument against cameras—and it comes from both conservative and liberal justices—is that their presence will result in the C-SPAN effect, encouraging advocates to mug for the cameras and make arguments in sound bites that play well on cable news when they’re supposed to be making highly technical arguments to the court. There’s also some worry that justices will be afraid to ask tough questions that are legally relevant but might make them look bad.
For what it’s worth, I agree with most of the arguments against live coverage of the Supreme Court. I think lawyers, especially Republican ones, would attempt to make cute yet legally irrelevant comments to become stars on Fox News. And every congressional hearing I’ve watched tells me that humans are bad at resisting the urge to turn questions into speeches. There should be a German word for “stupidity and pandering induced by being on camera”: Dummfernsehendoof. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Where I disagree is that I just don’t think the negatives come close to outweighing the positives of increased transparency. Most people don’t understand what the Supreme Court does, and that’s in part because most people never get to see the court doing it. It might be hard for nonlawyers to follow along with the technical legal arguments involving, say, the statutory interpretation of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act. But “it’s OK to fire people because they’re gay” is the core argument that would pierce through the jargon. People would notice which justices thought that was a good idea, and people might start to ask which political party insists on appointing such justices.
The Supreme Court is a political institution just like Congress or the presidency. It’s long past time we started covering the court like we cover the legislative and executive branches, and opening up access to its proceedings would be the first step in that process. Right now, in part because of the limited access the court grants to its proceedings, reporting on the Supreme Court is largely left to a cadre of reporters sponsored by the legacy media. They’re a skilled and professional group, but they are generally male and blindingly white. (Supreme Court reporters make the White House press corps look like a rainbow coalition.) Coverage of the court reflects those white male sensibilities. When reports about court cases seem intellectually detached from the real world consequences of the rulings, that’s not just because the law values dispassionate analysis; that’s in part because the humans whose rights and dignities are being stripped away are underrepresented in the room where it’s happening.
Other federal courts are trying to find a way to make video technology work during the coronavirus crisis. There are privacy and security concerns with some of the technology, along with the inevitable technical challenges that come when people try to learn new applications. But most courts understand that conducting their proceedings in public is a necessary component of administering that justice. More from Mystal SCOTUS Just Found a Way to Inflict More Terror on Immigrants Elie Mystal SCOTUS Is Back in Session and Cruelty Is on the Docket Elie Mystal
Only the Supreme Court is trying to hide in the shadows. Yes, the court will get around to hearing arguments on Trump v. Mazars and Trump v. Vance when the justices dial in for that six-day session. Those are important cases about whether Donald Trump’s tax returns and other financial documents can be subpoenaed under the normal operation of law. But the court left California v. Texas, a critical case about the continued constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act, off its emergency docket. That decision sets the stage for the court to hold off ruling the ACA unconstitutional, as it almost certainly will, until after the elections, thus protecting Republicans from getting punished at the polls for their stance against the popular health care law.
Whenever the court hears it, the Obamacare case is a perfect example of why we should turn on the cameras. We should be able to see alleged attempted rapist Brett Kavanaugh misconstrue the ACA as unconstitutional and then play clips of his questions in a campaign attack ad against Senator Susan Collins. Collins, most people will remember, defended Kavanaugh and was a key vote in favor of his confirmation, so when he overturns the health care law, it’ll be her fault as much as anybody’s.
That’s why cameras are still excluded from the Supreme Court. Even though justices are appointed for life, they don’t want the kind of heat that would come from the public seeing what they’re doing. They don’t want their political benefactors to have to answer for their nominations and confirmation votes. They want to operate in darkness because injustice abhors the light.


thenation--2020-05-04--Shock Doctrine: The McConnell Method

Shock Doctrine: The McConnell Method

“ Mitch McConnell to teachers and first responders : Drop dead.
” That , of course , wasn ’ t the headline .
But it could have been .
The press reported that McConnell , the Senate Republican majority leader , opposed emergency assistance to states and localities—which his office dubbed “ blue state bailouts ” —suggesting he ’ d empower states to file for bankruptcy instead .
Governors from both parties decried what McConnell had said ; New York Governor Andrew Cuomo scorned it as “ just dumb.
” McConnell , however , is dumb like a snake .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ across the nation serves both his partisan purpose and his ideological interest , and he ’ s playing for bigger stakes : McConnell is intent on ensuring that this crisis doesn ’ t go to waste .
States and local governments provide the public services we rely on–police , firefighters , public schools , public parks , mass transit , roads and bridges , water systems , and more—while employing about 13 percent of the nation ’ s workforce .
Virtually all are required to balance their budget each year .
And with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they—red and blue states alike—are up against the wall , facing soaring costs while revenues—sales , gas , and income taxes , oil revenue , and tourist fees—collapse .
Congress included $ 150 billion in aid to states in the March relief package , but the Treasury Department ruled it could cover only expenses directly due to the pandemic and could be shared only with large cities and counties .
Let Us Now Praise Bernie Sanders The most recent estimates , offered by both the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the states alone of about $ 500 billion from now through June 2021 , with localities losing an additional $ 250 billion .
Even those numbers are based on projections of unemployment levels that increasingly look far too optimistic .
With more than 30 million already filing for unemployment , we are nearing the record for joblessness set in the Great Depression .
James Knightley , chief economist of ING , notes that by the end of May , fewer than one in two working-age Americans will be drawing a paycheck .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the states and localities , wholesale layoffs of teachers , police , public hospital staff , and caregivers for the poor and vulnerable would add hundreds of thousands to the number of unemployed .
The cuts have already begun .
Los Angeles will force city workers to take 26 days of unpaid leave—the equivalent of a 10 percent pay cut—over the course of the next fiscal year .
The city of Dayton , Ohio , furloughed more than a quarter of its workforce , while the state ’ s Republican governor proposed a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year .
New York City eliminated summer jobs for 75,000 young people .
Pennsylvania stopped paying nearly 9,000 state employees—more than 10 percent of its workforce .
In 2008 , after McConnell ’ s Senate Republicans blocked a second round of stimulus , states and localities started laying off workers in that summer and continued for the next five years , with 220,000 teachers and 56,000 police officers among those losing jobs .
Teacher shortages remain to this day .
For McConnell , cuts in public employees is a benefit , not a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conservative governors to rip up their union contracts and break the promises made to retirees in their pension plans .
Having eviscerated unions in the private sector , Republicans have been on the hunt after public-sector union workers .
Now they have them in their sights .
As Chris Tobe , a former Kentucky pension official and the author of the book Kentucky Fried Pensions , put it , “ [ McConnell ] knows that most of these workers are never going to vote for him.… And he knows that this crisis gives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bankruptcy plan that has been a dream of Republicans for years .
They ’ ve been waiting for the right time to bring this out.
” McConnell and Trump rejected Democratic demands that aid to states and localities be included in the last rescue legislation .
Democratic leaders folded , promising it would be included in the next package .
McConnell now has made it clear he isn ’ t on board , and Trump now echoes McConnell ’ s “ blue state ” jibes .
In fact , neither Trump nor McConnell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trigger massive layoffs before the fall elections .
Their extreme position is just a marker for the coming negotiations with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and the House Democratic majority .
In response , Pelosi has called for $ 1 trillion in aid for states and localities , clearly raising the figure in anticipation of the negotiations to come .
Last Monday , McConnell admitted in a radio interview that “ there probably will be ” some aid for the states and local governments , but added that “ we need to make sure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beyond simply sending out money , ” suggesting that the next bill must include liability protection for businesses , waiving any liability for harm to workers or customers if owners are negligent in opening up their facilities .
He ’ ll also push to enable governors to declare bankruptcy .
Trump adds demands to end sanctuary cities .
By McConnell ’ s calculation , he ’ ll let Democrats win some aid to the states and localities , although less than they want or the states need .
In exchange , McConnell will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ powers for governors—giving both public- and private-sector workers the shaft in one bill .
Assuming that Pelosi finally figures out how to get the House back in operation , the House should pass a bill that treats aid to states and localities as a bipartisan imperative .
The legislation should include other vital reforms—universal sick leave , money for vote-by-mail in the fall , plus aid to ensure that the United States Postal Service survives , and payroll protection so small-business owners don ’ t have to fire their team and workers can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the shutdowns .
They should anticipate Trump ’ s turn to investment in infrastructure by putting forth a bold Green New Deal investment and jobs program .
Then open negotiations with McConnell on what is included in addition to aid to states and localities .
A crisis of this severity necessarily involves a struggle about what comes next .
Mass unemployment , for example , exposed the folly of our slapdash , employer-based private health insurance system .
If the federal government simply guaranteed all health care costs in the crisis , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it would demonstrate that Medicare for All is common sense .
Instead , Democratic leaders endorsed a complicated plan to help the unemployed pay to extend their private insurance , if they have it .
McConnell and his corporate patrons are clear about the stakes—and they are on the march .
Big corporations and banks are cashing in on the financial collapse , pocketing trillions from the Federal Reserve , and even plundering money appropriated for small businesses .
Trump ’ s aides have used the crisis to gut environmental protections .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ service .
And McConnell is intent on using the negotiations to further weaken public services and public employees , while larding benefits on the interests that back him .
The battle over aid to states and localities is but one skirmish in the struggle to determine our direction as we come out of the crisis .
And right now , we are headed backward down the wrong path—and will be so long as McConnell sets the terms of the debate .

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“Mitch McConnell to teachers and first responders: Drop dead.” That, of course, wasn’t the headline. But it could have been. The press reported that McConnell, the Senate Republican majority leader, opposed emergency assistance to states and localities—which his office dubbed “blue state bailouts”—suggesting he’d empower states to file for bankruptcy instead. Governors from both parties decried what McConnell had said; New York Governor Andrew Cuomo scorned it as “just dumb.” McConnell, however, is dumb like a snake. Savaging public services in states and localities across the nation serves both his partisan purpose and his ideological interest, and he’s playing for bigger stakes: McConnell is intent on ensuring that this crisis doesn’t go to waste.
States and local governments provide the public services we rely on–police, firefighters, public schools, public parks, mass transit, roads and bridges, water systems, and more—while employing about 13 percent of the nation’s workforce.
Virtually all are required to balance their budget each year. And with the pandemic shutting down the economy, they—red and blue states alike—are up against the wall, facing soaring costs while revenues—sales, gas, and income taxes, oil revenue, and tourist fees—collapse.
Congress included $150 billion in aid to states in the March relief package, but the Treasury Department ruled it could cover only expenses directly due to the pandemic and could be shared only with large cities and counties. More From Robert L. Borosage Jesse Jackson Is Keeping Hope Alive July 13, 2023 The Left Should Support Ending Violence in Ukraine April 27, 2023 Biden, Go Bold in the State of the Union February 6, 2023
The most recent estimates, offered by both the Center for Budget and Policy Priorities and the Economic Policy Institute, project a shortfall for the states alone of about $500 billion from now through June 2021, with localities losing an additional $250 billion. Even those numbers are based on projections of unemployment levels that increasingly look far too optimistic. With more than 30 million already filing for unemployment, we are nearing the record for joblessness set in the Great Depression. James Knightley, chief economist of ING, notes that by the end of May, fewer than one in two working-age Americans will be drawing a paycheck. If McConnell were to block aid to the states and localities, wholesale layoffs of teachers, police, public hospital staff, and caregivers for the poor and vulnerable would add hundreds of thousands to the number of unemployed.
The cuts have already begun. Los Angeles will force city workers to take 26 days of unpaid leave—the equivalent of a 10 percent pay cut—over the course of the next fiscal year. The city of Dayton, Ohio, furloughed more than a quarter of its workforce, while the state’s Republican governor proposed a 20 percent across-the-board budget cut for next year. New York City eliminated summer jobs for 75,000 young people. Pennsylvania stopped paying nearly 9,000 state employees—more than 10 percent of its workforce. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
In 2008, after McConnell’s Senate Republicans blocked a second round of stimulus, states and localities started laying off workers in that summer and continued for the next five years, with 220,000 teachers and 56,000 police officers among those losing jobs. Teacher shortages remain to this day. Current Issue View our current issue
For McConnell, cuts in public employees is a benefit, not a bug. And bankruptcy authority would allow conservative governors to rip up their union contracts and break the promises made to retirees in their pension plans. Having eviscerated unions in the private sector, Republicans have been on the hunt after public-sector union workers. Now they have them in their sights.
As Chris Tobe, a former Kentucky pension official and the author of the book Kentucky Fried Pensions, put it, “[McConnell] knows that most of these workers are never going to vote for him.… And he knows that this crisis gives him a chance to achieve the state bankruptcy plan that has been a dream of Republicans for years. They’ve been waiting for the right time to bring this out.”
McConnell and Trump rejected Democratic demands that aid to states and localities be included in the last rescue legislation. Democratic leaders folded, promising it would be included in the next package. McConnell now has made it clear he isn’t on board, and Trump now echoes McConnell’s “blue state” jibes.
In fact, neither Trump nor McConnell can afford to block state aid and trigger massive layoffs before the fall elections. Their extreme position is just a marker for the coming negotiations with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and the House Democratic majority.
In response, Pelosi has called for $1 trillion in aid for states and localities, clearly raising the figure in anticipation of the negotiations to come. Last Monday, McConnell admitted in a radio interview that “there probably will be” some aid for the states and local governments, but added that “we need to make sure that we achieve something that will go beyond simply sending out money,” suggesting that the next bill must include liability protection for businesses, waiving any liability for harm to workers or customers if owners are negligent in opening up their facilities. He’ll also push to enable governors to declare bankruptcy. Trump adds demands to end sanctuary cities. Mitch McConnell McConnell’s Stimulus Scam: Vaccinate Businesses, Expose Workers Elie Mystal
By McConnell’s calculation, he’ll let Democrats win some aid to the states and localities, although less than they want or the states need. In exchange, McConnell will pocket liability protections for business and bankruptcy powers for governors—giving both public- and private-sector workers the shaft in one bill.
Assuming that Pelosi finally figures out how to get the House back in operation, the House should pass a bill that treats aid to states and localities as a bipartisan imperative. The legislation should include other vital reforms—universal sick leave, money for vote-by-mail in the fall, plus aid to ensure that the United States Postal Service survives, and payroll protection so small-business owners don’t have to fire their team and workers can keep getting paid even while idled by the shutdowns. They should anticipate Trump’s turn to investment in infrastructure by putting forth a bold Green New Deal investment and jobs program. Then open negotiations with McConnell on what is included in addition to aid to states and localities.
A crisis of this severity necessarily involves a struggle about what comes next. Mass unemployment, for example, exposed the folly of our slapdash, employer-based private health insurance system. If the federal government simply guaranteed all health care costs in the crisis, with the providers billing the federal government directly, it would demonstrate that Medicare for All is common sense. Instead, Democratic leaders endorsed a complicated plan to help the unemployed pay to extend their private insurance, if they have it.
McConnell and his corporate patrons are clear about the stakes—and they are on the march. Big corporations and banks are cashing in on the financial collapse, pocketing trillions from the Federal Reserve, and even plundering money appropriated for small businesses. Trump’s aides have used the crisis to gut environmental protections. Trump is looking to cripple the postal service. And McConnell is intent on using the negotiations to further weaken public services and public employees, while larding benefits on the interests that back him.
The battle over aid to states and localities is but one skirmish in the struggle to determine our direction as we come out of the crisis. And right now, we are headed backward down the wrong path—and will be so long as McConnell sets the terms of the debate.


thenation--2020-05-04--What We Know About the Covid-19 Race Gap

By now it ’ s clear that the novel coronavirus is no “ great equalizer.
” Not everyone has work they can do from home or a vacation house to retreat to—let alone paid sick leave .
These economic divides became obvious early in the pandemic ’ s spread , as states issued their stay-at-home orders .
What took longer to emerge is that the pandemic is amplifying a vast racial divide , killing a disproportionate share of people of color across the United States .
Deep racialized disparities began to surface in late March as a handful of counties @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In Wisconsin ’ s Milwaukee County , all the people who had died as of March 27 were black ; in Michigan as of April 2 , black residents accounted for 40 percent of Covid-19 deaths , nearly triple their share of the state ’ s population .
Similarly lopsided death or infection rates appeared in a number of cities , including New Orleans , Chicago , and Charlotte , North Carolina .
But getting a clear picture of the extent of racialized disparities across the country has been a struggle because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Disease Control and Prevention and many local and state authorities to release detailed demographic information .
On March 30 , Senator Elizabeth Warren , Representative Ayanna Pressley , and other Democrats wrote to Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar , admonishing his department for the gap in information .
“ Without demographic data on the race and ethnicity of patients…it will be impossible for practitioners and policy makers to address disparities in health outcomes and inequities in access to testing and treatment as they emerge , ” they wrote .
“ This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disparities and result in the loss of lives in vulnerable communities.
” Democrats introduced a bill to require federal health officials to publish racial data regularly ; key aspects of that legislation were included in the latest coronavirus relief package .
While the CDC and additional states have begun to release more racial and ethnic data , it remains incomplete .
Race is missing or unspecified in nearly 60 percent of the confirmed cases reported by the CDC , and as of this writing , the agency has not released demographic data on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ erasing Native Americans from their data sets by classifying them as “ other , ” despite the fact that the states tracking that demographic , such as Arizona and New Mexico , have found severely disparate rates of infection or death .
How Long Will It Take Until There ’ s a Vaccine ?
Trump and GOP to Nation : Go Bankrupt , Drop Dead More in this series Here ’ s some of we do know , based on an analysis by APM Research Lab , which compiled data from the 35 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) that are now reporting racial demographics for Covid-19 deaths .
As of April 28 , black Americans are dying at 2.7 times the rate for whites , or 26 deaths per 100,000 people .
According to APM , “ Black Americans are dying at elevated rates , relative to their population , in 28 of the 36 jurisdictions.
” In New York the mortality rate among black residents is 138.9 per 100,000 .
Latino residents in New York also have shockingly high mortality rates .
In DC , Michigan , and South @ @ @ @ @ @ @ population share and percentage of deaths is more than 30 points .
This crisis within a crisis is at once urgent and predictable .
Historically , disasters—from the 1918 flu pandemic to Hurricane Katrina—tend to magnify inequality rather than level it .
Covid-19 is retracing patterns of disease and death long documented by public health experts , who have found that black Americans are more likely than whites to suffer from a variety of illnesses and chronic conditions—such as diabetes and hypertension , common comorbidities in Covid-19 hospitalizations—and to die prematurely .
While @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( “ Why is it that the African American community is so much , you know , numerous times more [ likely to die ] than everybody else ?
… It doesn ’ t make sense , ” President Trump said recently ) , there ’ s a robust body of research indicating that systemic racism and its related stress exact a physical toll that compounds over a lifetime .
In the case of Covid-19 , these underlying inequities are reinforcing more immediate factors ( such as the fact that Black and Hispanic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to stay home ) that increase exposure to the virus and limit access to care , including testing , which early analyses show has been more accessible in wealthier , whiter communities .
Missing or incomplete data remains a pressing concern because data often determines the allocation of money and other resources .
In the early stages of the pandemic , the turmoil at hospitals may have contributed to some of the gaps , as did testing by commercial labs that sometimes withheld information .
Another factor was the deep cuts made to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 2008 recession .
Now a coalition of civil right and health equity groups called We Must Count is calling on the federal government to coordinate and provide funding for more detailed data collection and analysis .
But data does not solve problems on its own .
During a recent webinar organized by Data & Society , writer Kenyon Farrow critiqued the tendency for media outlets and others to get stuck on “ this spectacle of the disproportionate rates of black people dying ” and on “ requests for data and not the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the epidemic , ” such as to direct testing and other resources to the communities most at risk .
And data doesn ’ t mean the same thing to everyone : Already , some public figures expressing concern about racialized disparities are stopping short of acknowledging the inequities that underly them , choosing instead to point a finger at individual behavior .
( “ Avoid alcohol , tobacco , and drugs , ” Surgeon General Jerome Adams suggested recently , directing his advice to communities of color . )
The pandemic is repeating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There ’ s a real risk that the way we explain the crisis will also perpetuate familiar falsehoods .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
This article appears in the May 18/25, 2020 issue.
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By now it’s clear that the novel coronavirus is no “great equalizer.” Not everyone has work they can do from home or a vacation house to retreat to—let alone paid sick leave. These economic divides became obvious early in the pandemic’s spread, as states issued their stay-at-home orders.
What took longer to emerge is that the pandemic is amplifying a vast racial divide, killing a disproportionate share of people of color across the United States. Deep racialized disparities began to surface in late March as a handful of counties released preliminary counts of infections and deaths. In Wisconsin’s Milwaukee County, all the people who had died as of March 27 were black; in Michigan as of April 2, black residents accounted for 40 percent of Covid-19 deaths, nearly triple their share of the state’s population. Similarly lopsided death or infection rates appeared in a number of cities, including New Orleans, Chicago, and Charlotte, North Carolina.
But getting a clear picture of the extent of racialized disparities across the country has been a struggle because of the failure of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and many local and state authorities to release detailed demographic information. On March 30, Senator Elizabeth Warren, Representative Ayanna Pressley, and other Democrats wrote to Health and Human Services Secretary Alex Azar, admonishing his department for the gap in information. “Without demographic data on the race and ethnicity of patients…it will be impossible for practitioners and policy makers to address disparities in health outcomes and inequities in access to testing and treatment as they emerge,” they wrote. “This lack of information will exacerbate existing health disparities and result in the loss of lives in vulnerable communities.” Democrats introduced a bill to require federal health officials to publish racial data regularly; key aspects of that legislation were included in the latest coronavirus relief package.
While the CDC and additional states have begun to release more racial and ethnic data, it remains incomplete. Race is missing or unspecified in nearly 60 percent of the confirmed cases reported by the CDC, and as of this writing, the agency has not released demographic data on Covid-19 testing. Many states are effectively erasing Native Americans from their data sets by classifying them as “other,” despite the fact that the states tracking that demographic, such as Arizona and New Mexico, have found severely disparate rates of infection or death. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann The Coronavirus Crisis Covid-19’s Third Shock Wave: The Global Food Crisis Michael T. Klare How Long Will It Take Until There’s a Vaccine? Gregg Gonsalves Trump and GOP to Nation: Go Bankrupt, Drop Dead Sasha Abramsky
Here’s some of we do know, based on an analysis by APM Research Lab, which compiled data from the 35 states (and the District of Columbia) that are now reporting racial demographics for Covid-19 deaths. As of April 28, black Americans are dying at 2.7 times the rate for whites, or 26 deaths per 100,000 people. According to APM, “Black Americans are dying at elevated rates, relative to their population, in 28 of the 36 jurisdictions.” In New York the mortality rate among black residents is 138.9 per 100,000. Latino residents in New York also have shockingly high mortality rates. In DC, Michigan, and South Carolina, the gap between blacks’ population share and percentage of deaths is more than 30 points.
This crisis within a crisis is at once urgent and predictable. Historically, disasters—from the 1918 flu pandemic to Hurricane Katrina—tend to magnify inequality rather than level it. Covid-19 is retracing patterns of disease and death long documented by public health experts, who have found that black Americans are more likely than whites to suffer from a variety of illnesses and chronic conditions—such as diabetes and hypertension, common comorbidities in Covid-19 hospitalizations—and to die prematurely. While some treat these disparities as a mystery (“Why is it that the African American community is so much, you know, numerous times more [likely to die] than everybody else?… It doesn’t make sense,” President Trump said recently), there’s a robust body of research indicating that systemic racism and its related stress exact a physical toll that compounds over a lifetime. In the case of Covid-19, these underlying inequities are reinforcing more immediate factors (such as the fact that Black and Hispanic workers are less likely to be able to stay home) that increase exposure to the virus and limit access to care, including testing, which early analyses show has been more accessible in wealthier, whiter communities.
Missing or incomplete data remains a pressing concern because data often determines the allocation of money and other resources. In the early stages of the pandemic, the turmoil at hospitals may have contributed to some of the gaps, as did testing by commercial labs that sometimes withheld information. Another factor was the deep cuts made to state and local public health departments after the 2008 recession. Now a coalition of civil right and health equity groups called We Must Count is calling on the federal government to coordinate and provide funding for more detailed data collection and analysis.
But data does not solve problems on its own. During a recent webinar organized by Data & Society, writer Kenyon Farrow critiqued the tendency for media outlets and others to get stuck on “this spectacle of the disproportionate rates of black people dying” and on “requests for data and not the things we need to do to stop the epidemic,” such as to direct testing and other resources to the communities most at risk. And data doesn’t mean the same thing to everyone: Already, some public figures expressing concern about racialized disparities are stopping short of acknowledging the inequities that underly them, choosing instead to point a finger at individual behavior. (“Avoid alcohol, tobacco, and drugs,” Surgeon General Jerome Adams suggested recently, directing his advice to communities of color.) The pandemic is repeating an old pattern in whom it kills. There’s a real risk that the way we explain the crisis will also perpetuate familiar falsehoods.


thenation--2020-05-04--Parenting During a Pandemic

Parenting During a Pandemic

The Nation and Magnum Foundation are partnering on a visual chronicle of untold stories as the coronavirus continues to spread across the United States and the rest of the world—read more from The Invisible Frontline here .
—The Editors This photo essay was supported by the Economic Hardship Reporting Project ( @ econhardship ) Covid-19 works like a highlighter , making our long-standing societal inequities more visible .
This crisis has so far been most deadly for people suffering from environmental racism , regular racism , and the health and financial impacts of surviving poverty and a profit-driven health care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s revealing the unsustainable burden of a whole sector of unremunerated work .
The United States has long offered only symbolic support for parents : We have insufficient parental leave , poor maternal health care , expensive child care .
Caretaking work–parenting , teaching , nursing–is lauded in the abstract , but not given the recognition a capitalist society uses to show what is really of value : financial compensation and societal accommodation .
For those of us fortunate enough to stay home with our kids under lockdown , the effects of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the United States .
Caretaking is supposed to flow like female love : uncomplicated , given freely , untainted by resentment .
If we say that this is impossible and we don ’ t have the support we need , we are whining and complaining .
But caretaking work is work .
It is labor like any other .
So I ’ ve been photographing my way through social distancing : trying to keep my kids six feet away from neighbors in a small apartment where we ourselves are never much more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a look at one family ’ s attempt to stay fed , employed , and at least partly literate during a global crisis .
Though in the past we ’ ve struggled to pay rent in an expensive city , our family is extravagantly fortunate .
I ’ m reminded of this during my children ’ s online meetings with classmates at their public school in our gentrifying , working-class neighborhood .
But holding a family together now takes vast amounts of invisible labor : explaining Google Classroom to kids , supervising assignments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and feeding and washing , dressing and undressing and cleaning clothes and drying clothes and folding clothes and putting away clothes and taking them out again and getting them back on children , reminding people to flush the toilet and wash their hands , handling outbursts with patience and boundaries , managing our own fear and exhaustion , trying so hard to stay in the present and not think about the future .
Oh , and our jobs .
My husband Nick spent the first two weeks awash in work and worry about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I opened e-mail after e-mail canceling scheduled jobs , losing $ 5,000 of work in a matter of days .
I still haven ’ t gotten my unemployment benefits to come through .
When I do have work–teaching online , pitching stories , editing the photographs you see here–I plug in my headphones and listen to white noise in my office , an open area in the middle of our railroad apartment .
I can hear Nick typing behind me and my kids whining and running past .
I feel invaded : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ physical space , no time inside my mind .
I take naps surrounded by stuffed unicorns in my daughter ’ s bed ; I lie in the empty bathtub to talk to my husband privately ; I sit on the stoop in the rain .
I miss my work , my city , my friends , my freedom , and myself .
Our child-raising was shared with teachers , after-school teaching artists , day care workers , friends , family and babysitters–my husband and I are both working parents .
Teachers and grandparents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but most of this is on us now .
It ’ s hard for most adults to comprehend what ’ s happening here in the center of the pandemic , let alone to explain it to their children .
My son maintains connection with classes and friends through remote learning .
But my younger child can ’ t , developmentally , so she openly expresses the confusion and worry many of us are working to contain .
A Pre-K student , January processes all of her emotions through play : conflict , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But now she can ’ t touch–or even see–most of her peers .
Her class holds meetings online , but she hides and cries when it ’ s meeting time .
She deeply misses her teachers , friends , and classroom , and her emotional reactions reveal what many of us all are feeling in deeply uncertain times .
I am unsure how much to grieve because I can ’ t tell how much we ’ ve lost .
I can always teach , I think , Nick can always build , maybe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cabin ?
In the woods ?
After 20 years building a career I love in a city I have stayed loyal to through September 11 , Hurricane Sandy , a blackout , and an ongoing housing crisis ?
But then , maybe we ’ ll be fine .
I got paid for work I did last month , my husband did not get laid off after all , as it turns out we aren ’ t spending money on anything but the basics and so we ’ re fine ?
Better than we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forever , and probably life will return to some sort of normal .
I just wish I knew .
I don ’ t want a Blue Angels flyover for health care workers or flowers on Mother ’ s Day .
I want sufficient N95 masks for nurses , Medicare for All , and a system that doesn ’ t make parenting a luxury .
Until then : Hope you ’ re well !
Hope you ’ re doing well in these strange times Hope you and your family are doing as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
I don ’ t even know Don ’ t touch that You need to find a better way to solve this problem If you can ’ t share the Legos I am giving them a timeout I am sure there are other Lego arms you could use instead Quit whining !
Wash your hands before you– That wasn ’ t 20 seconds Don ’ t touch that Could you get the kids out of here so I can have my 4:30 meeting ?
I ’ ll take them up to the park @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people their space Don ’ t touch that .

Alice Proujansky, The Nation, Magnum Foundation

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
The Nation and Magnum Foundation are partnering on a visual chronicle of untold stories as the coronavirus continues to spread across the United States and the rest of the world—read more from The Invisible Frontline here. —The Editors This photo essay was supported by the Economic Hardship Reporting Project (@econhardship)
Covid-19 works like a highlighter, making our long-standing societal inequities more visible. This crisis has so far been most deadly for people suffering from environmental racism, regular racism, and the health and financial impacts of surviving poverty and a profit-driven health care system. And now, it’s revealing the unsustainable burden of a whole sector of unremunerated work.
The United States has long offered only symbolic support for parents: We have insufficient parental leave, poor maternal health care, expensive child care. Caretaking work–parenting, teaching, nursing–is lauded in the abstract, but not given the recognition a capitalist society uses to show what is really of value: financial compensation and societal accommodation.
For those of us fortunate enough to stay home with our kids under lockdown, the effects of the virus are underscoring the challenges of parenting in the United States. Caretaking is supposed to flow like female love: uncomplicated, given freely, untainted by resentment. If we say that this is impossible and we don’t have the support we need, we are whining and complaining.
But caretaking work is work. It is labor like any other.
So I’ve been photographing my way through social distancing: trying to keep my kids six feet away from neighbors in a small apartment where we ourselves are never much more than six feet apart. This is a look at one family’s attempt to stay fed, employed, and at least partly literate during a global crisis.
Though in the past we’ve struggled to pay rent in an expensive city, our family is extravagantly fortunate. I’m reminded of this during my children’s online meetings with classmates at their public school in our gentrifying, working-class neighborhood.
But holding a family together now takes vast amounts of invisible labor: explaining Google Classroom to kids, supervising assignments, endless cycles of shopping and cooking and feeding and washing, dressing and undressing and cleaning clothes and drying clothes and folding clothes and putting away clothes and taking them out again and getting them back on children, reminding people to flush the toilet and wash their hands, handling outbursts with patience and boundaries, managing our own fear and exhaustion, trying so hard to stay in the present and not think about the future.
Oh, and our jobs.
My husband Nick spent the first two weeks awash in work and worry about work. A freelance photographer and educator, I opened e-mail after e-mail canceling scheduled jobs, losing $5,000 of work in a matter of days. I still haven’t gotten my unemployment benefits to come through. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
When I do have work–teaching online, pitching stories, editing the photographs you see here–I plug in my headphones and listen to white noise in my office, an open area in the middle of our railroad apartment. I can hear Nick typing behind me and my kids whining and running past. I feel invaded: There is no time alone, no physical space, no time inside my mind. I take naps surrounded by stuffed unicorns in my daughter’s bed; I lie in the empty bathtub to talk to my husband privately; I sit on the stoop in the rain. I miss my work, my city, my friends, my freedom, and myself.
Our child-raising was shared with teachers, after-school teaching artists, day care workers, friends, family and babysitters–my husband and I are both working parents. Teachers and grandparents do their best to help through screens, but most of this is on us now.
It’s hard for most adults to comprehend what’s happening here in the center of the pandemic, let alone to explain it to their children. My son maintains connection with classes and friends through remote learning. But my younger child can’t, developmentally, so she openly expresses the confusion and worry many of us are working to contain. A Pre-K student, January processes all of her emotions through play: conflict, connection, fear, and confusion. But now she can’t touch–or even see–most of her peers. Her class holds meetings online, but she hides and cries when it’s meeting time. She deeply misses her teachers, friends, and classroom, and her emotional reactions reveal what many of us all are feeling in deeply uncertain times.
I am unsure how much to grieve because I can’t tell how much we’ve lost. I can always teach, I think, Nick can always build, maybe we’ll end up in a cabin? In the woods? After 20 years building a career I love in a city I have stayed loyal to through September 11, Hurricane Sandy, a blackout, and an ongoing housing crisis? But then, maybe we’ll be fine. I got paid for work I did last month, my husband did not get laid off after all, as it turns out we aren’t spending money on anything but the basics and so we’re fine? Better than we thought?
This can’t last forever, and probably life will return to some sort of normal. I just wish I knew. I don’t want a Blue Angels flyover for health care workers or flowers on Mother’s Day. I want sufficient N95 masks for nurses, Medicare for All, and a system that doesn’t make parenting a luxury. Until then:
Hope you’re well!
Hope you’re doing well in these strange times
Hope you and your family are doing as well as can be expected
How are you guys?
I don’t even know
Don’t touch that
You need to find a better way to solve this problem
If you can’t share the Legos I am giving them a timeout
I am sure there are other Lego arms you could use instead
Quit whining!
Wash your hands before you–
That wasn’t 20 seconds
Don’t touch that
Could you get the kids out of here so I can have my 4:30 meeting?
I’ll take them up to the park
Don’t touch that
Give those people their space
Don’t touch that.