thenation--2020-09-30--How Libertarianism Made Arizona a Covid-19 Hot Spot

This summer Stacy Brosius , a third-grade public school teacher in Peoria , Ariz. , painted a message for Republican Governor Doug Ducey on the rear window of her car : “ We are not sacrificial lambs.
” With other teachers , she organized “ motor marches ” that spread across the state .
Caravans of vehicles drove through neighborhoods , honking their horns and waving their hands to draw attention to the messages on their cars .
The protesters even made Spotify playlists to blare through their speakers .
The teachers were demanding that the state release science-based metrics @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resume .
In August , the governor finally published reopening benchmarks .
But for Brosius and others , it was too little , too late .
School districts wouldn ’ t be forced to follow the guidelines , and forcing the state to even minimally respond to the Covid-19 pandemic had required a mass mobilization .
Arizonans are justifiably angry at those who refuse to wear masks or insist on having access to overpriced nightclub drinks .
But most activists say blaming the selfish actions of individuals obscures the root cause of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deaths and more than 200,000 infections : a libertarian ideology that has long eroded Arizona ’ s public institutions .
Ducey ’ s response to this crisis has left it to local networks , especially teachers and mutual aid groups , to organize and protect their communities—but without commonsense policies and state support , there ’ s only so much they can do .
The first case of the coronavirus in Arizona was confirmed in late January .
It was just the fifth confirmed case in the country .
About two months later @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and introduced “ proactive measures ” —though his executive order notably did not address masks , social distancing , or limiting nonessential business activities .
While he encouraged the public to follow the health department ’ s guidelines in his press conferences , he blocked local governments from requiring masks .
It wasn ’ t till mid-June that he changed his mind and allowed cities to impose mask mandates .
Arizona now has one of the highest Covid-19 per capita rates in the United States .
Not coincidentally , it was also one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and one of the first to reopen them .
Saskia Popescu , an epidemiologist at the University of Arizona , told me that when Ducey allowed the stay-at-home order to expire on May 15 , the coronavirus situation went from “ zero to 60.
” She said the state became a “ perfect case study ” of a place that was unlikely “ to have severe surges , ” but then did not reopen businesses in an “ incremental , slow phase process.
” Instead , the number of confirmed Covid-19 infections started @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these life-or-death policy decisions , many public health professionals said they were being ignored .
On March 28 , the Arizona director of emergency management , Wendy Smith-Reeve , announced her resignation because of the “ lack of communication and transparency ” behind the scenes and because “ the directives from the Governor ’ s office have been to work completely outside of the State Emergency Response and Recovery Plan that the Governor acknowledged and directed the state enterprise to follow.
” Just as the stay-at-home order was approaching its expiration date in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Arizona Department of Health Services told a 22-person team of public health experts working for free on predictive models of the virus ’ s spread to “ pause ” their work .
This , according to Popescu , was one of the first indicators of the “ politicization of public health.
” On June 17 , Ducey allowed local governments to pass their own mask requirements .
By then , about 1,500 Arizonans had died .
Robert Washington , a cancer survivor and diabetic who went back to work as a casino @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his insulin , died about two weeks after his first day back at work .
Five of Ricardo Aguirre ’ s family members in the state died from Covid-19 , and he , his wife , children , and brothers all tested positive .
By the end of June , Kristin Urquiza lost her father , Mark , and her obituary to him has since gone viral and her message made its way to the Democratic National Convention stage : “ His death is due to the carelessness of the politicians who continue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through a clear lack of leadership , refusal to acknowledge the severity of this crisis , and inability and unwillingness to give clear and decisive direction on how to minimize risk.
” The governor ’ s office told me that it did not lift the prohibition against local governments ’ passing mask mandates too late .
Rather , the governor ’ s staff said , it was only appropriate after mayors , such as Tucson ’ s Regina Romero , implored him to do so .
Within a month of rescinding the ban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s counties , cities , and towns had instituted some form of masking requirement .
But masks aren ’ t the only area where the state was behind the curve .
When the first stay-at-home order expired in mid May , Arizona ranked 50 out of 50 states , Washington , D.C. , and Puerto Rico for the number of tests completed with results per 1,000 people , according to data from the Kaiser Family Foundation .
By July , only 9 percent of the state ’ s adult ICU beds were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ County , the county with the second-highest population density , had to be transferred to hospitals in Phoenix , San Diego , Albuquerque , and Las Vegas due to shortages of staffing , beds , or equipment .
Throughout the crisis , the urgency of the situation has rarely been reflected in the words or deeds of Arizona ’ s politicians .
In mid-March , when the state was under an 8 pm curfew to convince people to stay home , four Republican lawmakers—Anthony Kern , David Gowan , Mark Finchem , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restaurant , smiling and pointing up at a clock displaying the time , 8:15 pm .
A month later , then–Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin killed George Floyd in Minnesota , sparking nationwide protests , and Scottsdale city councilman Guy Phillips used Floyd ’ s dying words of “ I can ’ t breathe ” at an anti-mask rally .
Over Memorial Day weekend , people packed into Old Town Scottsdale clubs and bars , with no social distancing or masks .
The family of a senior policy adviser to Ducey , Christina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
( The governor ’ s chief of staff , Daniel Scarpinato , told the Arizona Capitol Times that this was not a conflict of interest because Corieri was not involved in business reopening decisions . )
In the Navajo Nation , Anarchism Has Indigenous Roots In July , a photo of Ducey attending a backyard party without social distancing or masks went viral , and the governor ’ s office later issued a statement with the information that the party took place in early June , not July , and was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fourth of July party .
June or July—it doesn ’ t matter ; the state wasn ’ t in any shape to be endorsing house parties .
On the alleged date of this backyard party alone , June 6 , the state had confirmed 866 new cases .
During a June 17 press briefing , Ducey said , “ I know a lot of people that have contracted this [ the coronavirus ] .
And I want to tell you where they contracted it : at graduation parties , at private gatherings in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , he made clear that he would not cancel the Trump rally scheduled for the following week .
“ These are voluntary events , ” he said to a reporter , “ and people will voluntarily make the decision [ to attend ] .
” “ Is that good enough for you ?
” the reporter pressed .
“ To leave it up to them what to do ?
” “ We ’ re going to protect people ’ s rights to assemble in an election year , ” he answered .
New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ County during the weeks following the rally .
In the two weeks immediately after , the number of Covid-19 related deaths in the state nearly doubled .
The Phoenix rally , organized by a group called Students for Trump and held in a megachurch , offered no temperature checks for its roughly 3,000 unmasked attendees .
In late September , Scottsdale Mayor Jim Lane ended his city ’ s mask mandate , claiming that protecting public health “ remains the civic responsibility of each person.
” Tom Volgy , a former Tucson mayor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the University of Arizona , says it ’ s obvious that the state opened too quickly .
Ducey , Volgy said , kept “ consistency with the Trump administration to reprioritize economic concerns over health concerns.
” Ducey ’ s second failure , he said , was not requiring masks statewide .
That combination “ created havoc.
” Ducey ’ s initial decision to bar cities from requiring masks was an “ approach that was classic Arizona—this was a state that ’ s rich in this libertarian tradition of trying to keep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” When it comes to their response to Covid-19 , Ducey and Trump have been in lockstep , both emphasizing the need for businesses to reopen .
Ducey was the CEO of Cold Stone Creamery , an ice cream franchise , from 1995 to 2007 .
Unsurprisingly , Ducey and Trump , two businessmen turned politicians , seem to get along .
Ducey set his ringtone to play “ Hail to the Chief ” when the White House calls , and when the two met on August 5 , Trump told Ducey , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ job .
We ’ re very proud of you.
” Given Arizona ’ s libertarian streak , public educators in the state say they are used to politicians ’ letting them down .
In 2018 , Arizona teachers donned red clothes , walked out of their classrooms , and protested in record numbers for higher pay and increased K-12 education funding in what became the Red for Ed movement .
When the walkouts began , Ducey said the teachers were displaying “ political theater , ” and initially declined to meet with them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who he was when he ran for office and what his priorities were once he came into office , ” Volgy said .
“ His primary interests were to reduce the size of government…to make the state ‘ as friendly as possible ’ for economic development , to minimize the cost of education in terms of taxpayer dollars , we knew all of that .
There were no surprises.
” Except now , amid a pandemic , the stakes for teachers , school support staff , students , and students ’ families are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Deer Valley School District , about 30 miles north of Phoenix .
While her school district decided to keep some students off campuses until late September , and stagger attendance when different grades return through mid-October , other schools returned to full-time , in-person classes on August 17 .
School leaders are not required to follow state health benchmarks ; districts can decide when to hold in-person classes .
The governor ’ s office said it didn ’ t believe it was the role of the state to instruct schools when they should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be flexibility within the reopening schedules .
Queen Creek School District , outside of Phoenix , reopened to thousands of students before it met these health benchmarks , and dozens of teachers promptly resigned .
A couple of weeks later , administrators from a Queen Creek high school sent parents an e-mail saying that their students may have been exposed to the virus , and a leaked e-mail between teachers in the district revealed that students can ’ t properly socially distance because “ we all know that ’ s impossible.
” Among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ marches , Brosius said they were “ floored and disappointed ” by the lack of direction Ducey gave educators .
“ He punted it so he didn ’ t have to take responsibility , ” she said .
“ That is not fair to our teachers .
That ’ s not fair to our students , and it ’ s not fair to parents , who need some kind of guidance as to what ’ s going to happen.
” Ducey ’ s decision to leave mandates up to municipalities rather than creating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Brosius said , because they will be exposed not only to the possibly asymptomatic students in their cramped classrooms but also to all of the people those students interact with on a daily basis .
Students , students ’ families , teachers , and support staff , and anyone else under the school ’ s roof will suddenly be expanding their pool of human interaction 50-fold .
Schools can quickly become central nodes in community outbreaks .
It ’ s Time to Tell a New Story About the Coronavirus—Our Lives Depend on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lazy , ” she said .
“ I went on Monday to pick up things I needed , and sat in there and cried .
We want to go back , but we need to do it in a way that is safe for every child and every instructor or support staff in that building.
” Instead , she added , it ’ s “ welcome to Arizona , where teaching has become The Hunger Games , Lord of the Flies , and Survivor all wrapped in one.
” One Arizona teacher has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elementary school teachers were teaching virtual summer school classes in the same classroom and all tested positive .
One of them , Kimberley Chavez Lopez Byrd , died , even though they socially distanced , wore masks , and used hand sanitizer while in the room .
Byrd had spent nearly 40 years in the Hayden Winkelman Unified School District .
“ I think that educators are nervous and anxious , because they can trust their state government to not provide them with the resources that they need , ” Joe Thomas , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , told me .
“ We have decades of proof of that in our schools .
We already had overcrowded classrooms ; we already had an underfunded system ; and now we have to go out and find more safety equipment.
” Public schools in Arizona are chronically underfunded , and consistently rank as one of the lowest-paying states for teachers in the country .
Many teachers spend hundreds of their own dollars on supplies every year .
While the Red for Ed protests against education funding cuts secured a 20 percent pay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Ducey did not bend on the other demands for a sustainable revenue source for public schools , raises for noninstructional school staff , or the recovery of pre-recession education funding .
“ Teachers can always make do—I mean they don ’ t want to—in a classroom that ’ s falling apart , ” Brosius said .
“ I remember seeing pictures of rooms with leaks and 20-year-old textbooks .
We are able to pivot… We can research , we can find things , but we can ’ t do that in this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anything to stop it , because Covid ’ s in charge , not us.
” The coronavirus has also introduced new dilemmas .
Some classrooms don ’ t have any windows , and even when they do , the hot desert climate will sometimes prevent teachers from opening them .
In Arizona , schools are also not required to employ a school nurse .
In August , hundreds of people gathered—mostly unmasked—at the Capitol in Phoenix to demand schools resume in-person learning despite warnings from public health officials .
One parent who spoke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rhetoric , saying , “ We need to have a choice.
” Volgy told me this “ libertarian approach about letting each individual decide , ” is especially dangerous during a pandemic : “ It ’ s : If you do choose not to do this , I will be hurt.
” Some Arizona students and teachers are speaking out .
A video made by students circulated on Twitter in July , featuring students and one teacher in Glendale arguing that the reopening decisions shouldn ’ t be left up to school districts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statewide plan .
In it , teacher Elise Villescaz says , “ I will not stand by silently to watch Arizona become some kind of national experiment .
If I die from Covid , please politicize my death.
” Indigenous communities are also unsurprised by the state ’ s response to the pandemic , and have been organizing mutual aid collectives to support each other in ways that they ’ ve always known the government won ’ t .
The Desert Indigenous Collective has been providing masks , groceries , medicines , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ month in the Phoenix area , or approximately 50 to 80 people , according to Zach Cooper , one of the collective members .
Native Americans have been disproportionately infected and killed from this virus , and especially in the Navajo Nation , which was at one point one of the hardest-hit communities in the country .
“ It ’ s racialized capitalism that we live under , ” Ashley Claw , another collective member , said .
“ Now we are seeing all of the pitfalls of our federal system and of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re seeing all the problems crop up because they have always been there , but there hasn ’ t been a national consciousness raised around those issues.
” When it comes to the state leadership under Ducey , Cooper and Claw say the problems lie much deeper than just a single man ’ s actions .
The Coronavirus Pushes State Budgets to the Brink “ It ’ s pretty unsurprising…just looking back to that fundamental relationship that the United States has continuously failed on the part of Native people just makes me one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that we have a lot of work to do , ” Cooper said .
Mutual aid collectives like Desert Indigenous Collective will continue for as long as Native communities keep getting “ the short end of the stick , ” Claw said .
Like Cooper , she said the situation in Arizona is not due to any single politician , but rather , to our governing and economic structures that have never been equal .
The Tucson Mutual Aid collective also mobilized once the coronavirus hit .
One of the projects Megan Cox @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sanitizer to those experiencing homelessness in the city .
Similar to the Desert Indigenous Collective members , Cox said there are certain parts of the community that see the failure of the state government and of the governor to support everyone in need “ as a given.
” Ducey , she said , “ is clearly steeped in Republican politics and doesn ’ t really care much about us .
Every gesture that he ’ s made has been ineffective at best.
” These collective members ’ sentiments seem to be increasingly shared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ducey had the lowest approval rating for his response to the coronavirus than any other governor in the country , according to a July poll by the Covid-19 Consortium , a collaboration between several universities .
In early May , this rating was 57 percent , but dropped to 32 percent by late June .
“ There has been an incredible deterioration of trust and confidence in the state as being competent , ” Volgy said .
“ This ‘ libertarian tradition ’ has been supplemented by the public wanting competent government , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disappeared around this coronavirus.
” Ducey is serving his second term and will not be eligible to run in 2022 , but even without the threat of his reelection , the left has been gaining ground in Arizona , despite the national perception of the state as a “ Republican stronghold.
” This shift is in part fueled by both the suburbs ’ starting to defect away from the Republican Party and the number of Latinx voters who are slowly but surely rising .
Similar to national trends , students and young voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ force behind efforts to make the state more progressive .
“ People are saying we need a change , ” Volgy said .
“ We want government when it ’ s needed to function effectively .
”

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This summer Stacy Brosius, a third-grade public school teacher in Peoria, Ariz., painted a message for Republican Governor Doug Ducey on the rear window of her car: “We are not sacrificial lambs.”
With other teachers, she organized “motor marches” that spread across the state. Caravans of vehicles drove through neighborhoods, honking their horns and waving their hands to draw attention to the messages on their cars. The protesters even made Spotify playlists to blare through their speakers. The teachers were demanding that the state release science-based metrics on when and how in-person learning should resume. In August, the governor finally published reopening benchmarks. But for Brosius and others, it was too little, too late. School districts wouldn’t be forced to follow the guidelines, and forcing the state to even minimally respond to the Covid-19 pandemic had required a mass mobilization.
Arizonans are justifiably angry at those who refuse to wear masks or insist on having access to overpriced nightclub drinks. But most activists say blaming the selfish actions of individuals obscures the root cause of the state’s more than 5,000 Covid-19 deaths and more than 200,000 infections: a libertarian ideology that has long eroded Arizona’s public institutions. Ducey’s response to this crisis has left it to local networks, especially teachers and mutual aid groups, to organize and protect their communities—but without commonsense policies and state support, there’s only so much they can do.
The first case of the coronavirus in Arizona was confirmed in late January. It was just the fifth confirmed case in the country. About two months later, Ducey declared a public health emergency and introduced “proactive measures”—though his executive order notably did not address masks, social distancing, or limiting nonessential business activities. While he encouraged the public to follow the health department’s guidelines in his press conferences, he blocked local governments from requiring masks. It wasn’t till mid-June that he changed his mind and allowed cities to impose mask mandates. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Arizona now has one of the highest Covid-19 per capita rates in the United States. Not coincidentally, it was also one of the last to close its businesses and one of the first to reopen them. Saskia Popescu, an epidemiologist at the University of Arizona, told me that when Ducey allowed the stay-at-home order to expire on May 15, the coronavirus situation went from “zero to 60.” She said the state became a “perfect case study” of a place that was unlikely “to have severe surges,” but then did not reopen businesses in an “incremental, slow phase process.” Instead, the number of confirmed Covid-19 infections started to skyrocket. Current Issue View our current issue
As Ducey was making these life-or-death policy decisions, many public health professionals said they were being ignored. On March 28, the Arizona director of emergency management, Wendy Smith-Reeve, announced her resignation because of the “lack of communication and transparency” behind the scenes and because “the directives from the Governor’s office have been to work completely outside of the State Emergency Response and Recovery Plan that the Governor acknowledged and directed the state enterprise to follow.” Just as the stay-at-home order was approaching its expiration date in May, local news outlets reported that the Arizona Department of Health Services told a 22-person team of public health experts working for free on predictive models of the virus’s spread to “pause” their work. This, according to Popescu, was one of the first indicators of the “politicization of public health.”
On June 17, Ducey allowed local governments to pass their own mask requirements. By then, about 1,500 Arizonans had died. Robert Washington, a cancer survivor and diabetic who went back to work as a casino security guard so that he could afford his insulin, died about two weeks after his first day back at work. Five of Ricardo Aguirre’s family members in the state died from Covid-19, and he, his wife, children, and brothers all tested positive. By the end of June, Kristin Urquiza lost her father, Mark, and her obituary to him has since gone viral and her message made its way to the Democratic National Convention stage: “His death is due to the carelessness of the politicians who continue to jeopardize the health of brown bodies through a clear lack of leadership, refusal to acknowledge the severity of this crisis, and inability and unwillingness to give clear and decisive direction on how to minimize risk.”
The governor’s office told me that it did not lift the prohibition against local governments’ passing mask mandates too late. Rather, the governor’s staff said, it was only appropriate after mayors, such as Tucson’s Regina Romero, implored him to do so. Within a month of rescinding the ban, about 90 percent of the state’s counties, cities, and towns had instituted some form of masking requirement.
But masks aren’t the only area where the state was behind the curve. When the first stay-at-home order expired in mid May, Arizona ranked 50 out of 50 states, Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico for the number of tests completed with results per 1,000 people, according to data from the Kaiser Family Foundation. By July, only 9 percent of the state’s adult ICU beds were available. Some coronavirus patients in Pima County, the county with the second-highest population density, had to be transferred to hospitals in Phoenix, San Diego, Albuquerque, and Las Vegas due to shortages of staffing, beds, or equipment.
Throughout the crisis, the urgency of the situation has rarely been reflected in the words or deeds of Arizona’s politicians. In mid-March, when the state was under an 8 pm curfew to convince people to stay home, four Republican lawmakers—Anthony Kern, David Gowan, Mark Finchem, and Sonny Borelli—posed for a picture in a restaurant, smiling and pointing up at a clock displaying the time, 8:15 pm. A month later, then–Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin killed George Floyd in Minnesota, sparking nationwide protests, and Scottsdale city councilman Guy Phillips used Floyd’s dying words of “I can’t breathe” at an anti-mask rally. Over Memorial Day weekend, people packed into Old Town Scottsdale clubs and bars, with no social distancing or masks. The family of a senior policy adviser to Ducey, Christina Corieri, owns six of these nightclubs. (The governor’s chief of staff, Daniel Scarpinato, told the Arizona Capitol Times that this was not a conflict of interest because Corieri was not involved in business reopening decisions.) Related Article In the Navajo Nation, Anarchism Has Indigenous Roots Cecilia Nowell
In July, a photo of Ducey attending a backyard party without social distancing or masks went viral, and the governor’s office later issued a statement with the information that the party took place in early June, not July, and was a high school graduation party, not a Fourth of July party. June or July—it doesn’t matter; the state wasn’t in any shape to be endorsing house parties. On the alleged date of this backyard party alone, June 6, the state had confirmed 866 new cases.
During a June 17 press briefing, Ducey said, “I know a lot of people that have contracted this [the coronavirus]. And I want to tell you where they contracted it: at graduation parties, at private gatherings in homes.” In the same press briefing, he made clear that he would not cancel the Trump rally scheduled for the following week.
“These are voluntary events,” he said to a reporter, “and people will voluntarily make the decision [to attend].”
“Is that good enough for you?” the reporter pressed. “To leave it up to them what to do?”
“We’re going to protect people’s rights to assemble in an election year,” he answered.
New coronavirus cases continued to grow in Maricopa County during the weeks following the rally. In the two weeks immediately after, the number of Covid-19 related deaths in the state nearly doubled. The Phoenix rally, organized by a group called Students for Trump and held in a megachurch, offered no temperature checks for its roughly 3,000 unmasked attendees.
In late September, Scottsdale Mayor Jim Lane ended his city’s mask mandate, claiming that protecting public health “remains the civic responsibility of each person.”
Tom Volgy, a former Tucson mayor and a government and public policy professor at the University of Arizona, says it’s obvious that the state opened too quickly. Ducey, Volgy said, kept “consistency with the Trump administration to reprioritize economic concerns over health concerns.” Ducey’s second failure, he said, was not requiring masks statewide. That combination “created havoc.” Ducey’s initial decision to bar cities from requiring masks was an “approach that was classic Arizona—this was a state that’s rich in this libertarian tradition of trying to keep government out of the lives of citizens.”
When it comes to their response to Covid-19, Ducey and Trump have been in lockstep, both emphasizing the need for businesses to reopen. Ducey was the CEO of Cold Stone Creamery, an ice cream franchise, from 1995 to 2007. Unsurprisingly, Ducey and Trump, two businessmen turned politicians, seem to get along. Ducey set his ringtone to play “Hail to the Chief” when the White House calls, and when the two met on August 5, Trump told Ducey, “You’ve done a fantastic job. We’re very proud of you.”
Red for Ed Against Covid
Given Arizona’s libertarian streak, public educators in the state say they are used to politicians’ letting them down. In 2018, Arizona teachers donned red clothes, walked out of their classrooms, and protested in record numbers for higher pay and increased K-12 education funding in what became the Red for Ed movement. When the walkouts began, Ducey said the teachers were displaying “political theater,” and initially declined to meet with them.
“He made it very clear who he was when he ran for office and what his priorities were once he came into office,” Volgy said. “His primary interests were to reduce the size of government…to make the state ‘as friendly as possible’ for economic development, to minimize the cost of education in terms of taxpayer dollars, we knew all of that. There were no surprises.”
Except now, amid a pandemic, the stakes for teachers, school support staff, students, and students’ families are even higher.
Brosius teaches in the Deer Valley School District, about 30 miles north of Phoenix. While her school district decided to keep some students off campuses until late September, and stagger attendance when different grades return through mid-October, other schools returned to full-time, in-person classes on August 17. School leaders are not required to follow state health benchmarks; districts can decide when to hold in-person classes.
The governor’s office said it didn’t believe it was the role of the state to instruct schools when they should resume regular classes and that there should be flexibility within the reopening schedules. Queen Creek School District, outside of Phoenix, reopened to thousands of students before it met these health benchmarks, and dozens of teachers promptly resigned. A couple of weeks later, administrators from a Queen Creek high school sent parents an e-mail saying that their students may have been exposed to the virus, and a leaked e-mail between teachers in the district revealed that students can’t properly socially distance because “we all know that’s impossible.”
Among her group of teachers organizing the motor marches, Brosius said they were “floored and disappointed” by the lack of direction Ducey gave educators.
“He punted it so he didn’t have to take responsibility,” she said. “That is not fair to our teachers. That’s not fair to our students, and it’s not fair to parents, who need some kind of guidance as to what’s going to happen.”
Ducey’s decision to leave mandates up to municipalities rather than creating statewide ones is especially concerning to teachers, Brosius said, because they will be exposed not only to the possibly asymptomatic students in their cramped classrooms but also to all of the people those students interact with on a daily basis. Students, students’ families, teachers, and support staff, and anyone else under the school’s roof will suddenly be expanding their pool of human interaction 50-fold. Schools can quickly become central nodes in community outbreaks. Related Article It’s Time to Tell a New Story About the Coronavirus—Our Lives Depend on It Sonia Shah
“We’re not being lazy,” she said. “I went on Monday to pick up things I needed, and sat in there and cried. We want to go back, but we need to do it in a way that is safe for every child and every instructor or support staff in that building.”
Instead, she added, it’s “welcome to Arizona, where teaching has become The Hunger Games, Lord of the Flies, and Survivor all wrapped in one.”
One Arizona teacher has already died from the coronavirus. Three elementary school teachers were teaching virtual summer school classes in the same classroom and all tested positive. One of them, Kimberley Chavez Lopez Byrd, died, even though they socially distanced, wore masks, and used hand sanitizer while in the room. Byrd had spent nearly 40 years in the Hayden Winkelman Unified School District.
“I think that educators are nervous and anxious, because they can trust their state government to not provide them with the resources that they need,” Joe Thomas, president of the Arizona Education Association union, told me. “We have decades of proof of that in our schools. We already had overcrowded classrooms; we already had an underfunded system; and now we have to go out and find more safety equipment.”
Public schools in Arizona are chronically underfunded, and consistently rank as one of the lowest-paying states for teachers in the country. Many teachers spend hundreds of their own dollars on supplies every year. While the Red for Ed protests against education funding cuts secured a 20 percent pay raise by 2020 for some—though not all—teachers, Ducey did not bend on the other demands for a sustainable revenue source for public schools, raises for noninstructional school staff, or the recovery of pre-recession education funding.
“Teachers can always make do—I mean they don’t want to—in a classroom that’s falling apart,” Brosius said. “I remember seeing pictures of rooms with leaks and 20-year-old textbooks. We are able to pivot… We can research, we can find things, but we can’t do that in this situation. We don’t have anything to stop it, because Covid’s in charge, not us.”
The coronavirus has also introduced new dilemmas. Some classrooms don’t have any windows, and even when they do, the hot desert climate will sometimes prevent teachers from opening them. In Arizona, schools are also not required to employ a school nurse.
In August, hundreds of people gathered—mostly unmasked—at the Capitol in Phoenix to demand schools resume in-person learning despite warnings from public health officials. One parent who spoke to ABC 15 echoed Ducey’s rhetoric, saying, “We need to have a choice.”
Volgy told me this “libertarian approach about letting each individual decide,” is especially dangerous during a pandemic: “It’s: If you do choose not to do this, I will be hurt.”
Some Arizona students and teachers are speaking out. A video made by students circulated on Twitter in July, featuring students and one teacher in Glendale arguing that the reopening decisions shouldn’t be left up to school districts, but should be addressed with a statewide plan. In it, teacher Elise Villescaz says, “I will not stand by silently to watch Arizona become some kind of national experiment. If I die from Covid, please politicize my death.”
Without Government, Mutual Aid
Indigenous communities are also unsurprised by the state’s response to the pandemic, and have been organizing mutual aid collectives to support each other in ways that they’ve always known the government won’t. The Desert Indigenous Collective has been providing masks, groceries, medicines, and other necessities to about 15 families per month in the Phoenix area, or approximately 50 to 80 people, according to Zach Cooper, one of the collective members. Native Americans have been disproportionately infected and killed from this virus, and especially in the Navajo Nation, which was at one point one of the hardest-hit communities in the country.
“It’s racialized capitalism that we live under,” Ashley Claw, another collective member, said. “Now we are seeing all of the pitfalls of our federal system and of our local state governance. You’re seeing all the problems crop up because they have always been there, but there hasn’t been a national consciousness raised around those issues.”
When it comes to the state leadership under Ducey, Cooper and Claw say the problems lie much deeper than just a single man’s actions. Related Article The Coronavirus Pushes State Budgets to the Brink Bryce Covert
“It’s pretty unsurprising…just looking back to that fundamental relationship that the United States has continuously failed on the part of Native people just makes me one, unsurprised, and two, realize that we have a lot of work to do,” Cooper said.
Mutual aid collectives like Desert Indigenous Collective will continue for as long as Native communities keep getting “the short end of the stick,” Claw said. Like Cooper, she said the situation in Arizona is not due to any single politician, but rather, to our governing and economic structures that have never been equal.
The Tucson Mutual Aid collective also mobilized once the coronavirus hit. One of the projects Megan Cox has been working on is getting hand sanitizer to those experiencing homelessness in the city. Similar to the Desert Indigenous Collective members, Cox said there are certain parts of the community that see the failure of the state government and of the governor to support everyone in need “as a given.”
Ducey, she said, “is clearly steeped in Republican politics and doesn’t really care much about us. Every gesture that he’s made has been ineffective at best.”
These collective members’ sentiments seem to be increasingly shared by many others in the state. Ducey had the lowest approval rating for his response to the coronavirus than any other governor in the country, according to a July poll by the Covid-19 Consortium, a collaboration between several universities. In early May, this rating was 57 percent, but dropped to 32 percent by late June.
“There has been an incredible deterioration of trust and confidence in the state as being competent,” Volgy said. “This ‘libertarian tradition’ has been supplemented by the public wanting competent government, and that competent government appears to have disappeared around this coronavirus.”
Ducey is serving his second term and will not be eligible to run in 2022, but even without the threat of his reelection, the left has been gaining ground in Arizona, despite the national perception of the state as a “Republican stronghold.” This shift is in part fueled by both the suburbs’ starting to defect away from the Republican Party and the number of Latinx voters who are slowly but surely rising. Similar to national trends, students and young voters in Arizona have also been a crucial force behind efforts to make the state more progressive.
“People are saying we need a change,” Volgy said. “We want government when it’s needed to function effectively.”


thenation--2020-09-30--With Help From Chris Wallace, Trump Attacked American Democracy

The first presidential debate of 2020 was a wretched affair , more a verbal brawl than a discussion .
The candidates were constantly interrupting each other , with Trump especially given to heckling while Joe Biden made a forlorn effort to get a few words in edgewise .
Trump was manic and Biden often seemed dispirited and baffled .
CNN ’ s Dana Bash was bluntly honest when she said , “ That was a shitshow.
” Her fellow news host Jake Tapper more politely called it “ a hot mess ” and a “ dumpster fire.
” Rachel Maddow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ monstrous unintelligible display of logorrhea.
” Trump has been known for using sharp elbows in debates , but never before has he been so blustery and intent on shouting down a rival .
As The New York Times reports , Trump , “ interrupting throughout the debate , appeared aggressive and assertive , at one point challenging Mr. Biden to name law enforcement groups that had endorsed his campaign .
The president also claimed that antifa would overthrow Mr. Biden.
” The fault for the disastrous debate belongs not just to Trump but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who did nothing to moderate the constant barrage of insults and cross talk .
He allowed Trump to rant and rave in an unhinged way , refusing to push back .
Instead , Wallace sounded like a nervous nephew trying to calm down a drunk uncle holding forth in a Thanksgiving dinner .
When he did ask questions , Wallace often framed them in a right-wing fashion , as when he asked whether protesters should be prosecuted .
He also claimed that the economy is enjoying an unexpectedly robust rebound , which may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not of long-term unemployment or other indicia of life for ordinary workers .
Trump ’ s Tax Evasion Is an Indictment of American Plutocracy But beyond Trump ’ s frothing fulmination , the actual content of what he said was often disturbing .
In fact , he used the circus-like atmosphere he created to reinforce his authoritarian threat to American democracy .
The two most notable examples were Trump ’ s unwillingness to categorically criticize racist political violence and his fearmongering about election security .
In his answer to one of Wallace ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the president to condemn white supremacist violence—Trump gave a shout-out to the Proud Boys , an authoritarian , member-based organization that has instigated numerous fights with left-wing protesters and actively promotes political violence .
Far from criticizing the group , Trump ’ s comments seemed calculated to legitimize them .
The New York Times distilled the disastrous exchange : President Trump refused to categorically denounce white supremacists on Tuesday night , diverting a question about right-wing extremist violence in Charlottesville , Va. , and Portland , Ore. , into an attack on “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ willing tonight to condemn white supremacists and groups to say they need to stand down and not add to the violence and number of the cities as we saw in Kenosha and as we ’ ve seen in Portland ?
” Chris Wallace , the moderator , asked the president .
“ Sure .
I ’ m willing to do that , ” said Mr. Trump , quickly adding , “ Almost everything I see is from the left wing .
Not from the right wing.
” When Mr. Wallace pressed on , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you want to call them ?
” “ Proud Boys , stand back and standby , ” he said , apparently addressing the far-right group , then added , “ But I ’ ll tell you what .
I ’ ll tell you what .
Somebody has to do something about antifa and the left .
This is not a right-wing problem .
This is left wing.
” Wallace then singularly failed to press Trump on this point , and continued as if nothing of note had been said .
Trump also said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Supreme Court to look into the result of the upcoming election .
Many of his lengthy , often off-topic comments were peppered with predictions of disaster in the coming vote count .
Toward the end of the debate , he gave his usual dire warnings about voting by mail and urged his followers to monitor polling stations .
“ This is going to be a fraud like you ’ ve never seen , ” he said .
As The Washington Post reports , “ Trump said he ‘ can ’ t go @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on millions of mailed ballots , particularly if many of those ballots are received and counted after Election Day.
” Will Someone Please Wake Me Up ?
We ’ ll find out in the coming days and weeks what impact , if any , the debate had on the voters .
It ’ s entirely possible that the night was a wash or a net loss for Trump .
His behavior here wasn ’ t designed to win over wavering voters .
Rather , he was rallying those already on board while also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Biden ’ s message couldn ’ t get heard .
But even if Trump loses voters from this debate , he may have managed to eke out a win by stirring up fear about the coming election , making it seem even more uncertain and perilous than before .
He has everything to gain from a chaotic atmosphere—the better to delegitimize the election—if he loses .
In sum , the debate was part of Trump ’ s larger assault on American democracy .
Thanks to Wallace ’ s feckless moderation , Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throat of the republic .

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The first presidential debate of 2020 was a wretched affair, more a verbal brawl than a discussion. The candidates were constantly interrupting each other, with Trump especially given to heckling while Joe Biden made a forlorn effort to get a few words in edgewise. Trump was manic and Biden often seemed dispirited and baffled.
CNN’s Dana Bash was bluntly honest when she said, “That was a shitshow.” Her fellow news host Jake Tapper more politely called it “a hot mess” and a “dumpster fire.” Rachel Maddow of MSNBC described it as “a monstrous unintelligible display of logorrhea.”
Trump has been known for using sharp elbows in debates, but never before has he been so blustery and intent on shouting down a rival. As The New York Times reports, Trump, “interrupting throughout the debate, appeared aggressive and assertive, at one point challenging Mr. Biden to name law enforcement groups that had endorsed his campaign. The president also claimed that antifa would overthrow Mr. Biden.”
The fault for the disastrous debate belongs not just to Trump but also to Chris Wallace, the moderator who did nothing to moderate the constant barrage of insults and cross talk. He allowed Trump to rant and rave in an unhinged way, refusing to push back. Instead, Wallace sounded like a nervous nephew trying to calm down a drunk uncle holding forth in a Thanksgiving dinner. When he did ask questions, Wallace often framed them in a right-wing fashion, as when he asked whether protesters should be prosecuted. He also claimed that the economy is enjoying an unexpectedly robust rebound, which may be true of the stock market but not of long-term unemployment or other indicia of life for ordinary workers. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
But beyond Trump’s frothing fulmination, the actual content of what he said was often disturbing. In fact, he used the circus-like atmosphere he created to reinforce his authoritarian threat to American democracy.
The two most notable examples were Trump’s unwillingness to categorically criticize racist political violence and his fearmongering about election security.
In his answer to one of Wallace’s few forceful queries—an unvarnished appeal to the president to condemn white supremacist violence—Trump gave a shout-out to the Proud Boys, an authoritarian, member-based organization that has instigated numerous fights with left-wing protesters and actively promotes political violence. Far from criticizing the group, Trump’s comments seemed calculated to legitimize them. The New York Times distilled the disastrous exchange: Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
President Trump refused to categorically denounce white supremacists on Tuesday night, diverting a question about right-wing extremist violence in Charlottesville, Va., and Portland, Ore., into an attack on “left-wing” protesters. “Are you willing tonight to condemn white supremacists and groups to say they need to stand down and not add to the violence and number of the cities as we saw in Kenosha and as we’ve seen in Portland?” Chris Wallace, the moderator, asked the president. “Sure. I’m willing to do that,” said Mr. Trump, quickly adding, “Almost everything I see is from the left wing. Not from the right wing.” When Mr. Wallace pressed on, the president asked, “What do you want to call them?” “White supremacists,” the moderator replied. “Proud Boys, stand back and standby,” he said, apparently addressing the far-right group, then added, “But I’ll tell you what. I’ll tell you what. Somebody has to do something about antifa and the left. This is not a right-wing problem. This is left wing.”
Wallace then singularly failed to press Trump on this point, and continued as if nothing of note had been said.
Trump also said he’s “counting” on the Supreme Court to look into the result of the upcoming election. Many of his lengthy, often off-topic comments were peppered with predictions of disaster in the coming vote count. Toward the end of the debate, he gave his usual dire warnings about voting by mail and urged his followers to monitor polling stations. “This is going to be a fraud like you’ve never seen,” he said. As The Washington Post reports, “Trump said he ‘can’t go along’ with an election result based on millions of mailed ballots, particularly if many of those ballots are received and counted after Election Day.” Related Article Will Someone Please Wake Me Up? D.D. Guttenplan
We’ll find out in the coming days and weeks what impact, if any, the debate had on the voters. It’s entirely possible that the night was a wash or a net loss for Trump. His behavior here wasn’t designed to win over wavering voters. Rather, he was rallying those already on board while also trying to shout down Biden, so that Biden’s message couldn’t get heard.
But even if Trump loses voters from this debate, he may have managed to eke out a win by stirring up fear about the coming election, making it seem even more uncertain and perilous than before. He has everything to gain from a chaotic atmosphere—the better to delegitimize the election—if he loses.
In sum, the debate was part of Trump’s larger assault on American democracy. Thanks to Wallace’s feckless moderation, Trump once again put a knife to the throat of the republic.


thenation--2020-09-30--Will Someone Please Wake Me Up?

Will Someone Please Wake Me Up?

Before the first presidential debate , I had both hopes and fears .
Hopes that Biden would be able to call out Trump ’ s lies , or at least expose the president ’ s callous indifference to the terrible suffering Americans have experienced these past few months .
Fears that Trump—a far more gifted television performer than he ’ s usually given credit for—would present a sufficiently plausible counterfeit of competence and leadership to con the tiny , but potentially decisive , sliver of voters who still haven ’ t made up their minds .
( And yes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been ?
!
” is a totally fair question . )
But both hopes and fears evaporated within minutes of exposure to the actual event—which , as many of my colleagues in the press will tell you , was much , much worse than any prediction .
Chris Wallace , who moderated the debate with all the spine of a jellyfish officiating at an amoeba beauty pageant , deserves much of the blame for that .
But as the proceedings crawled agonizingly toward some kind of ending , I realized that beyond Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we were also being offered a choice of fantasies .
For those of us unsympathetic to the man or his cause , Trump ’ s fantasy world was more garish : a world of unimpeded male dominance , and barely embarrassed white supremacy , where suburbs full of well-armed white people live under threat from the multicolored , multicultural , cosmopolite hoards .
Where shouting wins the argument .
Where peaceful protesters are antifa activists , centrist Joe Biden is a secret Sanders sympathizer , and socialism is just around the corner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authority always Trumps reality .
It would be easy to laugh—and God knows , Biden simulated laughter often enough .
But he , too , was peddling plots in never-never land .
Biden ’ s fantasy was , of course , more appealing—at least to me : a world of reasonable men ( my colleague Elie Mystal asked , “ Is this really the best white people can do ?
” Fair point .
But also : Is this the best the male sex can do ? )
, bipartisan comity , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the darkest chapters of American history can be placated and smoothed over by a wry smile , a rueful shake of the head , and a promise to get both sides together in a room .
Or the Oval Office .
The New Look of ‘ The Nation ’ Biden , Just Say Yes on Medicare for All !
Both fantasies seem terribly dangerous to me .
The first—the Trumpian fantasy of an Aryan ascendancy—is terrifying because of the world it leads to .
The world we increasingly live in—and which , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is likely to endure for decades ( if not quite the full tausendjähriges Reich . )
But as a strategy for combating all those horrors , Biden ’ s stubborn faith in institutions , like his appeal to the consciences of Republican senators , seems criminally naive .
And terribly dangerous .
Everyone who watched tonight saw Trump , beseeched by Wallace to disavow his white supremacist supporters , instead tell the Proud Boys—a group of armed racists—to “ stand back and stand by.
” Everyone who watched saw Trump , asked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ official outcome of the election and abide by the result , refuse to do so , launching instead into a foaming-at-the-mouth attack on mail-in ballots , alleging without any evidence that Democrats were preparing to steal the election .
Biden ’ s most powerful argument of the night came when he said , “ If we get the votes , it ’ s all over .
He can ’ t stay in power.
” It would be pretty to think so .
But if it comes to a real fight—whether in the courts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ streets ( because right now all of those possibilities seem terrifyingly likely ) does anyone really believe the Biden who let Trump interrupt him time and again , who was tenacious in defending his surviving son , but unwilling to point out the contrast between his dead son ’ s service and the Trump family ’ s legacy of shirking and evasion , who kept looking at Wallace as if he was the gym teacher about to break up a fight , only to be cruelly disappointed again and again—does anyone really believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stay in the fight and win it ?
Because if you do , please send some of what you ’ re smoking to me c/o The Nation .
Of course , we have to all vote the bastard out .
But as tonight made unmistakably plain , that ’ s just the beginning of this fight .
We have to be prepared to out-organize , out-mobilize , and outlast him as well .
Anybody who tells you different is fantasizing .
Or dreaming .

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Before the first presidential debate, I had both hopes and fears. Hopes that Biden would be able to call out Trump’s lies, or at least expose the president’s callous indifference to the terrible suffering Americans have experienced these past few months. Fears that Trump—a far more gifted television performer than he’s usually given credit for—would present a sufficiently plausible counterfeit of competence and leadership to con the tiny, but potentially decisive, sliver of voters who still haven’t made up their minds. (And yes, “Where the f**k have you people been?!” is a totally fair question.)
But both hopes and fears evaporated within minutes of exposure to the actual event—which, as many of my colleagues in the press will tell you, was much, much worse than any prediction. Chris Wallace, who moderated the debate with all the spine of a jellyfish officiating at an amoeba beauty pageant, deserves much of the blame for that.
But as the proceedings crawled agonizingly toward some kind of ending, I realized that beyond Trump’s boorish bullying and incessant interruption, we were also being offered a choice of fantasies. For those of us unsympathetic to the man or his cause, Trump’s fantasy world was more garish: a world of unimpeded male dominance, and barely embarrassed white supremacy, where suburbs full of well-armed white people live under threat from the multicolored, multicultural, cosmopolite hoards. Where shouting wins the argument. Where peaceful protesters are antifa activists, centrist Joe Biden is a secret Sanders sympathizer, and socialism is just around the corner. But also, luckily, where authority always Trumps reality.
It would be easy to laugh—and God knows, Biden simulated laughter often enough. But he, too, was peddling plots in never-never land. Biden’s fantasy was, of course, more appealing—at least to me: a world of reasonable men (my colleague Elie Mystal asked, “Is this really the best white people can do?” Fair point. But also: Is this the best the male sex can do?), bipartisan comity, and avuncular authority, where irreconcilable interests and the darkest chapters of American history can be placated and smoothed over by a wry smile, a rueful shake of the head, and a promise to get both sides together in a room. Or the Oval Office. More From D.D. Guttenplan Victor Navasky, Who Saved “The Nation,” Tried to Save the World January 27, 2023 Why the Left Should Pay Attention to Ana María Archila June 23, 2022 “The Nation” on Drugs March 21, 2022
Both fantasies seem terribly dangerous to me. The first—the Trumpian fantasy of an Aryan ascendancy—is terrifying because of the world it leads to. The world we increasingly live in—and which, with a 6-3 Supreme Court sanctifying its authority, is likely to endure for decades (if not quite the full tausendjähriges Reich.) But as a strategy for combating all those horrors, Biden’s stubborn faith in institutions, like his appeal to the consciences of Republican senators, seems criminally naive. And terribly dangerous.
Everyone who watched tonight saw Trump, beseeched by Wallace to disavow his white supremacist supporters, instead tell the Proud Boys—a group of armed racists—to “stand back and stand by.” Everyone who watched saw Trump, asked if he would promise to await the official outcome of the election and abide by the result, refuse to do so, launching instead into a foaming-at-the-mouth attack on mail-in ballots, alleging without any evidence that Democrats were preparing to steal the election.
Biden’s most powerful argument of the night came when he said, “If we get the votes, it’s all over. He can’t stay in power.” It would be pretty to think so. But if it comes to a real fight—whether in the courts, the Congress, or in the streets (because right now all of those possibilities seem terrifyingly likely) does anyone really believe the Biden who let Trump interrupt him time and again, who was tenacious in defending his surviving son, but unwilling to point out the contrast between his dead son’s service and the Trump family’s legacy of shirking and evasion, who kept looking at Wallace as if he was the gym teacher about to break up a fight, only to be cruelly disappointed again and again—does anyone really believe that Biden has what it takes to stay in the fight and win it?
Because if you do, please send some of what you’re smoking to me c/o The Nation. Of course, we have to all vote the bastard out. But as tonight made unmistakably plain, that’s just the beginning of this fight. We have to be prepared to out-organize, out-mobilize, and outlast him as well. Anybody who tells you different is fantasizing. Or dreaming.


thenation--2020-09-30--As Trump Equivocates on White Supremacy, the FBI Warns of Right-Wing Terror

Asked at yesterday ’ s presidential debate if he would condemn white supremacist violence by groups like the Proud Boys , President Trump was defiant , remarking : “ Almost everything I see is from the left-wing , not the right-wing.
” But that very same day , the FBI issued an intelligence report warning of an imminent “ violent extremist threat ” posed by a far-right militia that includes white supremacists—identifying the current election period up to the 2021 inauguration as a “ potential flashpoint.
” The report , obtained exclusively by The Nation and titled “ Boogaloo Adherents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Increasing Domestic Violent Extremist Threat in the FBI Dallas Area of Responsibility , ” warns of the threat posed by the far-right militia group known as the “ Boogaloos.
” Marked for official use only and law enforcement sensitive , the document was prepared by the FBI ’ s Dallas Field Office and is dated September 29 , 2020 .
It draws on a wide array of intelligence sources , making specific mention of human sources—suggesting that the Bureau may have confidential informants within the group .
The document points to several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s membership , including resentment over perceived government overreach embodied by the Covid-19 shutdown and the presidential election .
FBI Dallas Field Office judges in the next three months , continuing up to the January 2021 inauguration with the presidential elections acting as a potential flashpoint , boogaloo adherents likely will expand influence within the FBI Dallas AOR [ Area of Responsibility ] due to the presence of existing anti-government or anti-authority violent extremists , the sentiment of perceived government overreach , heightened tensions due to COVID-19-related state and local restrictions , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests as a result of the death of an African American USPER [ US person ] in Minneapolis , factors that led to violence at otherwise peaceful and lawful protests in the FBI Dallas AOR .
The word “ Boogaloo ” refers to a second American Civil War , which the loosely organized , fiercely anti-government group has declared its intention to bring about .
Its members often wear an outfit of military fatigues and a Hawaiian shirt .
While the Boogaloos clearly contain white supremacist elements—many members believe the coming civil war @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is strident opposition to government .
White Supremacists Are a Threat to Elections , Says the DHS While skepticism of government is undoubtedly a common sentiment , the Boogaloos have distinguished themselves by carrying out significant acts of violence in furtherance of this belief .
For example , this summer , one Boogaloo , Steven Carrillo , is alleged to have killed two law enforcement officers in Northern California .
True to the group ’ s desire to hasten the next civil war , Carrilllo is alleged to have killed the law enforcement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a silenced machine gun , in hopes of provoking retaliation from the police against the demonstrators .
Later in September , two other Boogaloo members were arrested and charged with providing material support to Hamas .
The two men are alleged to have told an FBI informant posing as a Hamas member that they shared a common ideology in opposing the US government , and offered to act as mercenaries .
Two human sources are identified as being central to the judgments in the intelligence assessment .
One of the sources has reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the information reported has since been corroborated .
The report mentions one source , claiming to have “ direct access ” to the Boogaloos , quoting a heavily armed member ’ s intentions to “ hunt ” anti-fascist anarchists and shoot any looters .
The language echoes that of President Trump , who , following this summer ’ s civil unrest , tweeted , “ When the looting starts , the shooting starts.
” As The Nation reported in June , the same day that Trump announced his intention to designate “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ FBI ’ s Washington Field Office was unable to find any evidence of antifa involvement in the violence .
However , in July , The Nation reported that the US intelligence community was tracking a “ potential threat to law enforcement ” from the Boogaloos .
While antifa groups have engaged in acts of property destruction and sometimes violence , a recent study published by the Center for Strategic and International Studies found that anti-fascist groups have not been involved in a single murder in the United States in the past 25 years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerns of the Boogaloos ’ “ increased ‘ patrolling ’ or attendance at events ” amenable to their cause .
You might say those orders are coming from the top—at the presidential debate last night , President Trump called for his supporters to patrol polling places .
“ I ’ m urging my supporters to go into the polls and watch very carefully because that ’ s what has to happen , ” Trump said .

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Asked at yesterday’s presidential debate if he would condemn white supremacist violence by groups like the Proud Boys, President Trump was defiant, remarking: “Almost everything I see is from the left-wing, not the right-wing.” But that very same day, the FBI issued an intelligence report warning of an imminent “violent extremist threat” posed by a far-right militia that includes white supremacists—identifying the current election period up to the 2021 inauguration as a “potential flashpoint.”
The report, obtained exclusively by The Nation and titled “Boogaloo Adherents Likely Increasing Anti-Government Violent Rhetoric and Activities, Increasing Domestic Violent Extremist Threat in the FBI Dallas Area of Responsibility,” warns of the threat posed by the far-right militia group known as the “Boogaloos.” Marked for official use only and law enforcement sensitive, the document was prepared by the FBI’s Dallas Field Office and is dated September 29, 2020. It draws on a wide array of intelligence sources, making specific mention of human sources—suggesting that the Bureau may have confidential informants within the group. The document points to several catalysts for the rise in the group’s membership, including resentment over perceived government overreach embodied by the Covid-19 shutdown and the presidential election.
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The document states,
FBI Dallas Field Office judges in the next three months, continuing up to the January 2021 inauguration with the presidential elections acting as a potential flashpoint, boogaloo adherents likely will expand influence within the FBI Dallas AOR [Area of Responsibility] due to the presence of existing anti-government or anti-authority violent extremists, the sentiment of perceived government overreach, heightened tensions due to COVID-19-related state and local restrictions, and violence or criminal activity at lawful protests as a result of the death of an African American USPER [US person] in Minneapolis, factors that led to violence at otherwise peaceful and lawful protests in the FBI Dallas AOR.
The word “Boogaloo” refers to a second American Civil War, which the loosely organized, fiercely anti-government group has declared its intention to bring about. Its members often wear an outfit of military fatigues and a Hawaiian shirt. While the Boogaloos clearly contain white supremacist elements—many members believe the coming civil war will be a race war—their main focus is strident opposition to government. Under attack White Supremacists Are a Threat to Elections, Says the DHS Ken Klippenstein
While skepticism of government is undoubtedly a common sentiment, the Boogaloos have distinguished themselves by carrying out significant acts of violence in furtherance of this belief. For example, this summer, one Boogaloo, Steven Carrillo, is alleged to have killed two law enforcement officers in Northern California. True to the group’s desire to hasten the next civil war, Carrilllo is alleged to have killed the law enforcement officers at an otherwise peaceful demonstration with a silenced machine gun, in hopes of provoking retaliation from the police against the demonstrators. Later in September, two other Boogaloo members were arrested and charged with providing material support to Hamas. The two men are alleged to have told an FBI informant posing as a Hamas member that they shared a common ideology in opposing the US government, and offered to act as mercenaries. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Two human sources are identified as being central to the judgments in the intelligence assessment. One of the sources has reported various threats since 2017, and some of the information reported has since been corroborated. The report mentions one source, claiming to have “direct access” to the Boogaloos, quoting a heavily armed member’s intentions to “hunt” anti-fascist anarchists and shoot any looters. The language echoes that of President Trump, who, following this summer’s civil unrest, tweeted, “When the looting starts, the shooting starts.” As The Nation reported in June, the same day that Trump announced his intention to designate “Antifa” a terrorist group, the FBI’s Washington Field Office was unable to find any evidence of antifa involvement in the violence. However, in July, The Nation reported that the US intelligence community was tracking a “potential threat to law enforcement” from the Boogaloos. While antifa groups have engaged in acts of property destruction and sometimes violence, a recent study published by the Center for Strategic and International Studies found that anti-fascist groups have not been involved in a single murder in the United States in the past 25 years.
The intelligence report concludes by citing concerns of the Boogaloos’ “increased ‘patrolling’ or attendance at events” amenable to their cause. You might say those orders are coming from the top—at the presidential debate last night, President Trump called for his supporters to patrol polling places. “I’m urging my supporters to go into the polls and watch very carefully because that’s what has to happen,” Trump said.
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thenation--2020-09-30--Making Black Lives Matter On and Off the Diamond

The election of Donald Trump and the upsurge of protest against police violence has catalyzed a new wave of activism among professional athletes .
Colin Kaepernick , Megan Rapinoe , LeBron James , and Sean Doolittle are among the growing number of athletes who have been using their celebrity platforms to speak out .
Players on championship baseball , football , basketball , and soccer teams have refused to attend White House ceremonies with Trump .
Entire leagues were shut down last month when players went on a political strike for Black lives following the police shooting of Jacob Blake @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most conservative and tradition-bound of the major team sports .
Moreover , the number of Black athletes on major league rosters has declined precipitously—from 18.7 percent in 1981 to 7.8 percent this season .
So it shocked the sports world when baseball teams joined the strikes for racial justice .
Baseball has struck out in promoting Black Americans at the management level .
Only three of 30 MLB managers are Black—the Astro ’ s Dusty Baker , the Dodgers ’ Dave Roberts , and Tigers ’ interim manager Lloyd Glenn McClendon .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ only Black general manager .
There are no Black people among the 30 principal owners of MLB teams .
One Black Lives Matter Protest in Rural New York Opens the Door to Change More in this series Perhaps it is no accident that MLB is Black Lives Matters ( BLM ) backwards .
Despite the legacy of social justice icons like Jackie Robinson , Roberto Clemente , and Curt Flood , MLB has typically chosen to symbolically bathe in that history rather than confront the present .
That is why it was welcome @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conjunction with the Major League Baseball Players Association ( MLBPA ) , announced a $ 10 million donation to the Players Alliance , a new organization of more than 100 current and former Black players who want baseball to take action for racial justice within and outside the sport .
Because the announcement was somewhat vague about how MLB and MLBPA will partner with the Players Alliance , we propose 10 initiatives ( not all of which require money ) to translate these good intentions into action .
• Following LeBron James ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and help fund voter registration and get-out-the-vote drives , particularly in Black and brown communities that face ongoing voter suppression efforts .
• The baseball establishment should do the right thing and elect Curt Flood into the Hall of Fame .
Flood , one of the greatest defensive outfielders in history , hit .293 with 1,861 hits in just 12 full seasons .
He would have posted Hall of Fame eligible numbers had he not been banished from baseball at age 32 , at the height of his career , because he sued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lost his case in the U.S. Supreme Court , but he laid the groundwork for ending the system of indentured servitude and ushering in free agency .
All pro athletes owe Flood a debt of gratitude .
• MLB should remove the name of ardent racist Kennesaw Mountain Landis from the annual MVP award .
Landis , baseball commissioner from 1920 to 1944 , consistently opposed racial integration .
The sport didn ’ t field its first Black player until three years after he died .
• Baseball should eliminate the shameful sweatshop @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Costa Rican factory , jointly owned by MLB and Rawlings , where all MLB baseballs have been manufactured for years .
• To rebuild Black support for baseball , MLB should do more to help financially-strapped cities and inner-city schools restore and expand baseball fields , pay for baseball coaches in public middle schools and high schools , and fund Little League and other youth programs in communities of color .
They should also encourage the training of Black and brown minor and major leaguers to become Little League coaches and middle-school and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Major league teams , whose billionaire owners laid off over 30,000 stadium workers when the coronavirus cancelled the season , should provide health insurance during the pandemic to these low-wage stadium employees—who take the tickets , serve the food , sell the merch , park the cars , and clean the stadiums—most of whom are people of color .
• Players and their union should support efforts by workers to unionize—which improves pay and working conditions ( including unnecessary dangers due to Covid-19 ) among the nation ’ s most vulnerable people , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Let ’ s see players , who owe their high salaries and benefits to the union , expressing their solidarity with other workers on social media and even on picket lines .
• MLBPA should insist ( in their next contract negotiations ) that teams stay only in union hotels .
But they shouldn ’ t be asked to stay in hotels where workers are on strike to avoid the embarrassment of having players cross a union picket line , as the Dodgers and Yankees did during the 2018 playoffs and World Series @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help minor league players unionize .
Still subject to major league teams ’ absolute control , they endure pay and working conditions that ’ s a far cry from how the public perceives the lives of professional athletes .
Last year ’ s starting monthly salary was $ 1,100 and the average player earned about $ 7,500 a year because they are only paid during the playing season .
Players often lack the money to eat three square meals a day .
• Baseball should train and hire more Black and brown managers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the minor leagues to create a pipeline into the major leagues .
If Major League Baseball wants to live up to the memory of Jackie Robinson , who was an activist as well as an athlete , it needs to do more than offer rhetoric that Black Lives Matter ; it must match its words with deeds .

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Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
Sign up for our Wine Club today. Did you know you can support The Nation by drinking wine?
The election of Donald Trump and the upsurge of protest against police violence has catalyzed a new wave of activism among professional athletes. Colin Kaepernick, Megan Rapinoe, LeBron James, and Sean Doolittle are among the growing number of athletes who have been using their celebrity platforms to speak out. Players on championship baseball, football, basketball, and soccer teams have refused to attend White House ceremonies with Trump. Entire leagues were shut down last month when players went on a political strike for Black lives following the police shooting of Jacob Blake in Kenosha, Wis.
Baseball is the most conservative and tradition-bound of the major team sports. Moreover, the number of Black athletes on major league rosters has declined precipitously—from 18.7 percent in 1981 to 7.8 percent this season.
So it shocked the sports world when baseball teams joined the strikes for racial justice.
Baseball has struck out in promoting Black Americans at the management level. Only three of 30 MLB managers are Black—the Astro’s Dusty Baker, the Dodgers’ Dave Roberts, and Tigers’ interim manager Lloyd Glenn McClendon. The Miami Marlins Michael Hill is the only Black general manager. There are no Black people among the 30 principal owners of MLB teams. Black Lives Matter Sinead O'Connor Began Singing Her Black Lives Matter Anthem in 1990 John Nichols This New Magazine Aims to Be a Home for the Black Left Dani McClain It’s Time to End the Outrageous Militarization of America’s Police Force Katrina vanden Heuvel
Perhaps it is no accident that MLB is Black Lives Matters (BLM) backwards.
Despite the legacy of social justice icons like Jackie Robinson, Roberto Clemente, and Curt Flood, MLB has typically chosen to symbolically bathe in that history rather than confront the present. That is why it was welcome news last week when MLB, in conjunction with the Major League Baseball Players Association (MLBPA), announced a $10 million donation to the Players Alliance, a new organization of more than 100 current and former Black players who want baseball to take action for racial justice within and outside the sport.
Because the announcement was somewhat vague about how MLB and MLBPA will partner with the Players Alliance, we propose 10 initiatives (not all of which require money) to translate these good intentions into action.
Following LeBron James’s lead, players should participate in and help fund voter registration and get-out-the-vote drives, particularly in Black and brown communities that face ongoing voter suppression efforts.
The baseball establishment should do the right thing and elect Curt Flood into the Hall of Fame. Flood, one of the greatest defensive outfielders in history, hit .293 with 1,861 hits in just 12 full seasons. He would have posted Hall of Fame eligible numbers had he not been banished from baseball at age 32, at the height of his career, because he sued MLB over the reserve clause. He lost his case in the U.S. Supreme Court, but he laid the groundwork for ending the system of indentured servitude and ushering in free agency. All pro athletes owe Flood a debt of gratitude.
MLB should remove the name of ardent racist Kennesaw Mountain Landis from the annual MVP award. Landis, baseball commissioner from 1920 to 1944, consistently opposed racial integration. The sport didn’t field its first Black player until three years after he died.
Baseball should eliminate the shameful sweatshop conditions—low pay and chronic workplace injuries—in the Costa Rican factory, jointly owned by MLB and Rawlings, where all MLB baseballs have been manufactured for years.
To rebuild Black support for baseball, MLB should do more to help financially-strapped cities and inner-city schools restore and expand baseball fields, pay for baseball coaches in public middle schools and high schools, and fund Little League and other youth programs in communities of color. They should also encourage the training of Black and brown minor and major leaguers to become Little League coaches and middle-school and high-school coaches after they retire.
Major league teams, whose billionaire owners laid off over 30,000 stadium workers when the coronavirus cancelled the season, should provide health insurance during the pandemic to these low-wage stadium employees—who take the tickets, serve the food, sell the merch, park the cars, and clean the stadiums—most of whom are people of color.
Players and their union should support efforts by workers to unionize—which improves pay and working conditions (including unnecessary dangers due to Covid-19) among the nation’s most vulnerable people, who are disproportionately Black and brown. Let’s see players, who owe their high salaries and benefits to the union, expressing their solidarity with other workers on social media and even on picket lines.
MLBPA should insist (in their next contract negotiations) that teams stay only in union hotels. But they shouldn’t be asked to stay in hotels where workers are on strike to avoid the embarrassment of having players cross a union picket line, as the Dodgers and Yankees did during the 2018 playoffs and World Series in Boston.
The MLBPA should help minor league players unionize. Still subject to major league teams’ absolute control, they endure pay and working conditions that’s a far cry from how the public perceives the lives of professional athletes. Last year’s starting monthly salary was $1,100 and the average player earned about $7,500 a year because they are only paid during the playing season. Players often lack the money to eat three square meals a day.
Baseball should train and hire more Black and brown managers, coaches, and general managers in the minor leagues to create a pipeline into the major leagues.
If Major League Baseball wants to live up to the memory of Jackie Robinson, who was an activist as well as an athlete, it needs to do more than offer rhetoric that Black Lives Matter; it must match its words with deeds.