thenation--2020-09-15--Trump’s Nevada Rally Is a Mockery to Millions

There are so many Signals this week that it ’ s hard to know where to begin .
Should we pay the most attention to Trump ’ s telling Fox News on Saturday that the fatal shooting by a federal task force of Michael Reinoehl , the left-wing suspect in the murder of a right-wing Trump-supporting paramilitary in Portland last week , was a necessary act of “ retribution ” ?
After all , there ’ s no ambiguity in the word .
It indicates a form of premeditated revenge ; in this context , it means that Trump either @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We apparently need a reminder in this savage age : Democratic leaders do not endorse revenge killings , and democracies die when death squads take over .
Or should we have as the lead the extraordinary statement by Trump ’ s odious henchman and convicted criminal Roger Stone that if Trump loses the election in November he should declare martial law immediately , arrest the Clintons , Mark Zuckerberg , journalists who oppose Trump , and even former defense secretary Jim Mattis on the extraordinary charge of “ sedition ” ?
Stone—who has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and who has long been one of the thugs Trump routinely turns to for outside-the-box advice—went on to explain , presumably for the benefit of those Americans still naive enough to assume that we live in a pluralistic democracy where power is handed over peacefully rather than clung to by force of arms , that this is , after all , “ war , ” and that because it is war , Trump should order federal agents to seize ballots in Nevada rather than tolerate an electoral loss .
Take a deep breath @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fascism for a minute .
Democracy , in the Stone/Trump worldview , is to be put aside the moment it becomes inconvenient and replaced with the barrel of a gun .
If that doesn ’ t scare the daylights out of you , I don ’ t know what will .
Or should we put as lead the fact that nearly 5 million acres have burned so far throughout the American West since mid-August ?
By late last week , USA Today reported , the amount of land destroyed was almost as large @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
By the time you read this , with strong winds forecast to blow all of this week , it will almost certainly be larger than New Jersey .
And yet , continuing their obscene war on the environment , Trump ’ s team chose this week to appoint a climate-change denier to a top position at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration .
Or should we consider the lead story to be the ghastly recent court interventions by Trump-appointed judges against voting rights ?
Regarding Florida , the US Court of Appeals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the re-enfranchisement of hundreds of thousands of ex-felons that Florida ’ s own electorate had approved in a referendum two years ago .
That is , quite simply , electoral vandalism , a vast restriction of the franchise that is hard to interpret as anything other than a judicial thumb on the scales , in a key swing state , on behalf of Trump .
And in Texas , the US Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit reaffirmed restrictions on mail-in voting even amid the pandemic .
All of these are worthy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But none of them to my mind are quite as scandalous as Trump ’ s decision to hold an indoor , maskless—except , notably , for those in the stands directly behind Trump whose faces would appear on TV—non-socially-spaced campaign rally in Henderson , Nev. , on Sunday .
The event drew thousands of people and has been disingenuously justified by No .
45 ’ s enablers on First Amendment grounds .
Of course , it ’ s nothing of the kind , but rather a gross violation of Nevada public health rules @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the CDC ’ s guidelines and makes a mockery of the sacrifices that tens of millions of Americans have made these past months to slow the spread of this deadly disease in the face of Trump ’ s incompetence and ignorance .
Let me personalize this—not because my experience is unique but because it is all too familiar at the moment .
My son , a high school student , is stuck at home learning online , because his school can not safely reopen .
My daughter , a college student , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but only if she is Covid-tested twice a week .
Her classes are online , and the university ’ s lecture halls , libraries , gyms , and other facilities are shuttered .
My wife and I , both of whom teach at a university , are teaching our students online because our campus can not safely open .
I haven ’ t been inside a cinema , a concert hall , a theater , or a museum since March , and I had to ditch plans to fly to New York to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my favorite sporting event , because flying is a public health risk and tournament officials decided it wasn ’ t safe to have fans in attendance .
I ’ m not religious , but if I were , I wouldn ’ t have been able to attend in-person , indoor worship in my city during the spring and summer , and if I attend any such event in the fall , it will be strictly limited in size .
I did watch a live broadcast from London ’ s Royal Opera House recently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engineering that took months to plan : There was no audience , and to keep the musicians safe , the stands had been converted into a giant , socially spaced stage ; the singers sang from the boxes ranged around the auditorium .
I can ’ t eat a meal inside a restaurant because indoor dining is currently banned—and now the smoke haze over California makes it too unpleasant to sit for long outside as well .
When I visited my daughter for the first time since she moved into her dorm , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see her room , because that would violate safety standards .
When we went to get a smoothie , a sign on the door said a maximum of five customers could enter to order at any one time .
When I stop at a rest area on the freeway , everyone entering the toilets is masked , because we ’ re all aware that germs spread fast and furiously in closed , ill-ventilated spaces .
Yet somehow Trump and his personality-cult attendees believe they have the God-given right to ignore science , public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safety precautions .
I listened to one lady explain to CNN that the First Amendment guaranteed her right to attend an indoor event during a pandemic without a mask , and that it was entirely up to her what risks she took with her health .
What she was really saying , of course , was that she had a right to risk not only infecting herself but also spreading the disease in the larger community .
If elderly or immunocompromised citizens die as a result , too bad ; that ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ freedom .
Other attendees told reporters they believed the whole pandemic was a “ fake.
” The ignorance of thousands is something to behold .
But what makes all of this not just peculiar but downright criminal is Trump ’ s outsize role in undermining his own public health team .
In Henderson , Trump deliberately stoked the pandemic by encouraging thousands of his followers to do the exact opposite of what government medical experts such as Anthony Fauci and Deborah Birx are urging .
Which raises the question : How can Fauci @ @ @ @ @ @ @ AWOL preener , rather than resigning out of principle ?
The Faustian bargain they have to make on a daily basis is beyond my comprehension .
Trump rallied his forces in Henderson not for the greater good but out of sociopathic vanity .
In his worldview , the illness and death of thousands is worth it , so long as they die after stroking his ego .
America will soon cross the 200,000 Covid-deaths threshold , a stunning casualty total .
It will now surely increase faster because of Trump ’ s campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after his last indoor event , in Tulsa .
This must surely rank as one of the most shameful acts of any president in US history .
And that ’ s where the Signal meets the Noise this week .
The sound of adulation as thousands of unmasked fans cheered Trump in Nevada was both a signal of moral senescence and the noise of a movement that has lost all grounding in reality .
Those roars from the MAGA crowd were as devastating as the engine whine of dive-bombing Japanese kamikaze pilots in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ soundtrack to a show of needless death , ordered up to suit the needs of a depraved and desperate leader .

There are so many Signals this week that it’s hard to know where to begin.
Should we pay the most attention to Trump’s telling Fox News on Saturday that the fatal shooting by a federal task force of Michael Reinoehl, the left-wing suspect in the murder of a right-wing Trump-supporting paramilitary in Portland last week, was a necessary act of “retribution”? After all, there’s no ambiguity in the word. It indicates a form of premeditated revenge; in this context, it means that Trump either ordered or condoned an extrajudicial killing. We apparently need a reminder in this savage age: Democratic leaders do not endorse revenge killings, and democracies die when death squads take over.
Or should we have as the lead the extraordinary statement by Trump’s odious henchman and convicted criminal Roger Stone that if Trump loses the election in November he should declare martial law immediately, arrest the Clintons, Mark Zuckerberg, journalists who oppose Trump, and even former defense secretary Jim Mattis on the extraordinary charge of “sedition”? Stone—who has long had Trump’s ear, and who has long been one of the thugs Trump routinely turns to for outside-the-box advice—went on to explain, presumably for the benefit of those Americans still naive enough to assume that we live in a pluralistic democracy where power is handed over peacefully rather than clung to by force of arms, that this is, after all, “war,” and that because it is war, Trump should order federal agents to seize ballots in Nevada rather than tolerate an electoral loss.
Take a deep breath and then ponder that overt embrace of fascism for a minute. Democracy, in the Stone/Trump worldview, is to be put aside the moment it becomes inconvenient and replaced with the barrel of a gun. If that doesn’t scare the daylights out of you, I don’t know what will. More Signal:Noise Trump’s Tromperie Plumbs New Depths Sasha Abramsky California Passes Key Criminal Justice Reforms Sasha Abramsky
Or should we put as lead the fact that nearly 5 million acres have burned so far throughout the American West since mid-August? By late last week, USA Today reported, the amount of land destroyed was almost as large as the entire state of New Jersey. By the time you read this, with strong winds forecast to blow all of this week, it will almost certainly be larger than New Jersey. And yet, continuing their obscene war on the environment, Trump’s team chose this week to appoint a climate-change denier to a top position at the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Or should we consider the lead story to be the ghastly recent court interventions by Trump-appointed judges against voting rights? Regarding Florida, the US Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit put on hold the re-enfranchisement of hundreds of thousands of ex-felons that Florida’s own electorate had approved in a referendum two years ago. That is, quite simply, electoral vandalism, a vast restriction of the franchise that is hard to interpret as anything other than a judicial thumb on the scales, in a key swing state, on behalf of Trump. And in Texas, the US Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit reaffirmed restrictions on mail-in voting even amid the pandemic.
All of these are worthy of columns in their own right. But none of them to my mind are quite as scandalous as Trump’s decision to hold an indoor, maskless—except, notably, for those in the stands directly behind Trump whose faces would appear on TV—non-socially-spaced campaign rally in Henderson, Nev., on Sunday. The event drew thousands of people and has been disingenuously justified by No. 45’s enablers on First Amendment grounds. Of course, it’s nothing of the kind, but rather a gross violation of Nevada public health rules. It also flies in the face of the CDC’s guidelines and makes a mockery of the sacrifices that tens of millions of Americans have made these past months to slow the spread of this deadly disease in the face of Trump’s incompetence and ignorance. Current Issue View our current issue
Let me personalize this—not because my experience is unique but because it is all too familiar at the moment. My son, a high school student, is stuck at home learning online, because his school cannot safely reopen. My daughter, a college student, is able to live on campus, but only if she is Covid-tested twice a week. Her classes are online, and the university’s lecture halls, libraries, gyms, and other facilities are shuttered. My wife and I, both of whom teach at a university, are teaching our students online because our campus cannot safely open.
I haven’t been inside a cinema, a concert hall, a theater, or a museum since March, and I had to ditch plans to fly to New York to see the US Open tennis tournament, my favorite sporting event, because flying is a public health risk and tournament officials decided it wasn’t safe to have fans in attendance. I’m not religious, but if I were, I wouldn’t have been able to attend in-person, indoor worship in my city during the spring and summer, and if I attend any such event in the fall, it will be strictly limited in size. I did watch a live broadcast from London’s Royal Opera House recently. It was a miracle of conscientious engineering that took months to plan: There was no audience, and to keep the musicians safe, the stands had been converted into a giant, socially spaced stage; the singers sang from the boxes ranged around the auditorium.
I can’t eat a meal inside a restaurant because indoor dining is currently banned—and now the smoke haze over California makes it too unpleasant to sit for long outside as well.
When I visited my daughter for the first time since she moved into her dorm, I couldn’t go inside to see her room, because that would violate safety standards. When we went to get a smoothie, a sign on the door said a maximum of five customers could enter to order at any one time. When I stop at a rest area on the freeway, everyone entering the toilets is masked, because we’re all aware that germs spread fast and furiously in closed, ill-ventilated spaces.
Yet somehow Trump and his personality-cult attendees believe they have the God-given right to ignore science, public health requirements, and the most basic safety precautions. I listened to one lady explain to CNN that the First Amendment guaranteed her right to attend an indoor event during a pandemic without a mask, and that it was entirely up to her what risks she took with her health. What she was really saying, of course, was that she had a right to risk not only infecting herself but also spreading the disease in the larger community. If elderly or immunocompromised citizens die as a result, too bad; that’s the price of this lady’s freedom. Other attendees told reporters they believed the whole pandemic was a “fake.”
The ignorance of thousands is something to behold. But what makes all of this not just peculiar but downright criminal is Trump’s outsize role in undermining his own public health team. In Henderson, Trump deliberately stoked the pandemic by encouraging thousands of his followers to do the exact opposite of what government medical experts such as Anthony Fauci and Deborah Birx are urging. Which raises the question: How can Fauci and Birx rationalize sticking with this morally AWOL preener, rather than resigning out of principle? The Faustian bargain they have to make on a daily basis is beyond my comprehension.
Trump rallied his forces in Henderson not for the greater good but out of sociopathic vanity. In his worldview, the illness and death of thousands is worth it, so long as they die after stroking his ego.
America will soon cross the 200,000 Covid-deaths threshold, a stunning casualty total. It will now surely increase faster because of Trump’s campaign rally; that’s what happened after his last indoor event, in Tulsa.
This must surely rank as one of the most shameful acts of any president in US history. And that’s where the Signal meets the Noise this week. The sound of adulation as thousands of unmasked fans cheered Trump in Nevada was both a signal of moral senescence and the noise of a movement that has lost all grounding in reality. Those roars from the MAGA crowd were as devastating as the engine whine of dive-bombing Japanese kamikaze pilots in World War II. They were the soundtrack to a show of needless death, ordered up to suit the needs of a depraved and desperate leader.


thenation--2020-09-15--The Police Are Lying in LA and the Media Is Falling for It—Again

Video released over the weekend captures an unknown assailant firing indiscriminately into a police cruiser in an attempt to murder the two Los Angeles County sheriff ’ s deputies sitting inside .
Thankfully , the officers appear to have survived the attempt on their lives .
A manhunt is underway for the suspect , and police have offered a $ 100,000 reward for information leading to his capture .
As I sit down to write this , it is tempting to give in to my complete disgust with how the police usually frame and the media then cover a more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offering some of my own “ just presenting both sides ” coverage .
When a cop fires indiscriminately into a car , killing a man as his girlfriend sits beside him and her baby in the back seat—which is precisely what happened to Philando Castile—the media bends over backward to present the murderer ’ s side of the story .
There ’ s no manhunt ; the killer is allowed to turn himself in peacefully , at his convenience .
Later , he gets cleared of all charges .
The cops who kill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could write that piece , but I ’ m not going to , because , while such a piece would be righteous and justified , it would also be wrong .
I hope they catch the guy seen in the video shooting those cops , I really do .
I hope they take him alive and that he stands trial for his suspected crimes .
I ’ d rather not use the attempted murder of two police officers as a Matthew McConaughey opportunity to say , “ Now imagine the shooter was white.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the media could restrain itself from turning the attempted murder of police officers into an indictment of the protests against the police who murder Black people .
As it is , the police stenographers employed by many mainstream media outlets are falling into that trap .
Reporters are already republishing police narratives about why the shooting happened , without verifying the police stories or calling police speculation about why the shooting took place just that : speculation , in the absence of any evidence .
In the immediate aftermath of the shooting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Department Twitter account tweeted out the following : “ To the protesters blocking the entrance & exit of the HOSPITAL EMERGENCY ROOM yelling ‘ We hope they die ’ referring to 2 LA Sheriff ’ s ambushed today in # Compton : DO NOT BLOCK EMERGENCY ENTRIES & EXITS TO THE HOSPITAL .
People ’ s lives are at stake when ambulances can ’ t get through.
” That tweet gave the impression that some kind of street uprising had sprung up at the hospital , and that the many people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to deny injured police officers medical care .
The narrative that protesters “ blocked ” the hospital entrance was then picked up by the press , so I heard MSNBC ’ s Hallie Jackson repeating it on her show when I turned on the television Monday morning .
After hearing the charge , I went to the Internet to look for the video of this alleged protest .
Here is what the LA County sheriffs were apparently talking about .
As you can see in the video , the “ protest ” appears @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the emergency entrance , shouting invectives .
It wasn ’ t a protest , and they weren ’ t preventing any medical vehicles from entering or exiting the hospital .
It was a few people who gave into the justified-yet-wrong anger I myself overcame this morning through the grace of coffee and the backspace key .
To call this group of individuals “ protesters who blocked the entrance , ” as the police did , is misleading at best .
To repeat the disinformation , as journalists did , simply because it was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bad journalism .
As the police were arresting one of the men shouting at the cops , an NPR radio reporter , Josie Huang , stepped forward to get a better look .
Police tackled and injured her .
Police claimed that Huang didn ’ t identify herself as a reporter and refused to leave the area when asked .
Over the weekend , the media again reflexively reprinted this police narrative .
Then Huang released her own video of the event .
It shows that she immediately “ backed up ” when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a reporter even as police were throwing her to the ground .
Reporters who reprint or rebroadcast the official story for why police tackled a reporter , without first talking to the reporter tackled , deserve to be tackled by other , better reporters .
As nearly every Black person has been trying to tell the media since the invention of “ police ” : Cops lie .
They lie , mislead , or issue untruthful statements all the time .
White journalists must stop repeating police lies , uncritically , without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or even doing a bare-minimum Google search to see if there is video that directly contradicts police statements .
Skepticism of police statements should be a basic requirement of competent journalism , but it is particularly critical in times like this , when police have a reason to lie .
The police are angry at the attempted murder of two officers , and they want other people to be angry , so they are not even trying to provide an accurate account of events .
Instead , they are trying to build a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Angeles County Sheriff Alex Villanueva ( whose office tweeted out the misleading story about “ protesters ” at the hospital ) could barely contain his contempt for BLM protesters in his statement about the shooting .
“ This is just a somber reminder that this is a dangerous job , and actions and words have consequences .
Our job does not get any easier because people do not like law enforcement , ” Villanueva said .
“ It pisses me off .
It dismays me at the same time.
” In this statement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ direct line between the “ actions and words ” of protesters to the attempted murder of police officers .
He seems less interested in drawing a line from police brutality and the murder of Black people to the attempted murder of police officers .
The Authorities Are Still Gunning for Breonna Taylor The US Needs to Be Treated Like the Racist Pariah State It Is America ’ s Racist Police Won ’ t Be Dismantled by 2 Weeks of Protests The reality is that we don ’ t know why the suspect tried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we can see with our own eyes that his actions were wrong and dangerously misguided .
Speculation into his motives is irresponsible absent evidence .
It ’ s wrong for journalists to speculate , and it ’ s wrong for journalists to repeat the unverified , potentially unhinged speculations of the LA County sheriff without any evidence whatsoever .
It ’ s not like the social justice organization ambushed two police officers in a parked car .
It ’ s not like social justice organizations have a history of targeting police officers for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ target and ambush police officers appears to be Black and thus , apparently , it ’ s all our faults .
That ’ s how racial profiling works , don ’ t you know .
So the police already have their villain , and they are enacting their retribution .
On Sunday , LA County sheriff ’ s deputies shut down a “ protest encampment ” across from LA City Hall .
The holdouts had been there for months , living peacefully , but cops cleared it mere hours after the shooting .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of “ deteriorating conditions , ” but nobody is required to be addled enough to believe them .
The inability and unwillingness of the media to accurately report on police lies and sensationalism will have the effect of excusing additional acts of police brutality .
The police will point to the one guy who shot police officers ( for reasons not yet known ) and the one dude who shouted “ I hope y ’ all die ” as justification for cops to go out on the street tonight and violate the constitutional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black people , or kill Black people .
And by refusing to call out police hysteria , the media will make that hysteria seem reasonable .
Given the stakes , it ’ s not too much to ask the media to do its job .
It ’ s not too much to ask journalists to act like journalists instead of stenographers .
If I can restrain myself from being a snarky , irresponsible axe-grinder when it comes to “ blue lives , ” it ’ s not too much to ask mainstream sources @ @ @ @ @ @ @ latest round of blue lies .

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Video released over the weekend captures an unknown assailant firing indiscriminately into a police cruiser in an attempt to murder the two Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputies sitting inside. Thankfully, the officers appear to have survived the attempt on their lives. A manhunt is underway for the suspect, and police have offered a $100,000 reward for information leading to his capture.
As I sit down to write this, it is tempting to give in to my complete disgust with how the police usually frame and the media then cover a more common situation—police shootings of unarmed Black people—by offering some of my own “just presenting both sides” coverage. When a cop fires indiscriminately into a car, killing a man as his girlfriend sits beside him and her baby in the back seat—which is precisely what happened to Philando Castile—the media bends over backward to present the murderer’s side of the story. There’s no manhunt; the killer is allowed to turn himself in peacefully, at his convenience. Later, he gets cleared of all charges. The cops who kill us almost always go free.
I could write that piece, but I’m not going to, because, while such a piece would be righteous and justified, it would also be wrong. I hope they catch the guy seen in the video shooting those cops, I really do. I hope they take him alive and that he stands trial for his suspected crimes. I’d rather not use the attempted murder of two police officers as a Matthew McConaughey opportunity to say, “Now imagine the shooter was white.”
I just wish that the rest of the media could restrain itself from turning the attempted murder of police officers into an indictment of the protests against the police who murder Black people. As it is, the police stenographers employed by many mainstream media outlets are falling into that trap. Reporters are already republishing police narratives about why the shooting happened, without verifying the police stories or calling police speculation about why the shooting took place just that: speculation, in the absence of any evidence.
In the immediate aftermath of the shooting, the official Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department Twitter account tweeted out the following: “To the protesters blocking the entrance & exit of the HOSPITAL EMERGENCY ROOM yelling ‘We hope they die’ referring to 2 LA Sheriff’s ambushed today in #Compton: DO NOT BLOCK EMERGENCY ENTRIES & EXITS TO THE HOSPITAL. People’s lives are at stake when ambulances can’t get through.”
That tweet gave the impression that some kind of street uprising had sprung up at the hospital, and that the many people clearly involved had attempted in some way to deny injured police officers medical care. The narrative that protesters “blocked” the hospital entrance was then picked up by the press, so I heard MSNBC’s Hallie Jackson repeating it on her show when I turned on the television Monday morning. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
After hearing the charge, I went to the Internet to look for the video of this alleged protest. Here is what the LA County sheriffs were apparently talking about. As you can see in the video, the “protest” appears to be about four guys hovering around the emergency entrance, shouting invectives. It wasn’t a protest, and they weren’t preventing any medical vehicles from entering or exiting the hospital. It was a few people who gave into the justified-yet-wrong anger I myself overcame this morning through the grace of coffee and the backspace key. Current Issue View our current issue
To call this group of individuals “protesters who blocked the entrance,” as the police did, is misleading at best. To repeat the disinformation, as journalists did, simply because it was on a police Twitter account, is bad journalism.
As the police were arresting one of the men shouting at the cops, an NPR radio reporter, Josie Huang, stepped forward to get a better look. Police tackled and injured her. Police claimed that Huang didn’t identify herself as a reporter and refused to leave the area when asked. Over the weekend, the media again reflexively reprinted this police narrative.
Then Huang released her own video of the event. It shows that she immediately “backed up” when told to do so and identified herself as a reporter even as police were throwing her to the ground.
Reporters who reprint or rebroadcast the official story for why police tackled a reporter, without first talking to the reporter tackled, deserve to be tackled by other, better reporters.
As nearly every Black person has been trying to tell the media since the invention of “police”: Cops lie. They lie, mislead, or issue untruthful statements all the time. White journalists must stop repeating police lies, uncritically, without demanding evidence to back up police claims or even doing a bare-minimum Google search to see if there is video that directly contradicts police statements.
Skepticism of police statements should be a basic requirement of competent journalism, but it is particularly critical in times like this, when police have a reason to lie. The police are angry at the attempted murder of two officers, and they want other people to be angry, so they are not even trying to provide an accurate account of events. Instead, they are trying to build a case against Black Lives Matter.
Los Angeles County Sheriff Alex Villanueva (whose office tweeted out the misleading story about “protesters” at the hospital) could barely contain his contempt for BLM protesters in his statement about the shooting. “This is just a somber reminder that this is a dangerous job, and actions and words have consequences. Our job does not get any easier because people do not like law enforcement,” Villanueva said. “It pisses me off. It dismays me at the same time.”
In this statement, Villanueva is trying to draw a direct line between the “actions and words” of protesters to the attempted murder of police officers. He seems less interested in drawing a line from police brutality and the murder of Black people to the attempted murder of police officers. More from Mystal The Authorities Are Still Gunning for Breonna Taylor Elie Mystal The US Needs to Be Treated Like the Racist Pariah State It Is Elie Mystal America’s Racist Police Won’t Be Dismantled by 2 Weeks of Protests Elie Mystal
The reality is that we don’t know why the suspect tried to kill those two officers, but we can see with our own eyes that his actions were wrong and dangerously misguided. Speculation into his motives is irresponsible absent evidence. It’s wrong for journalists to speculate, and it’s wrong for journalists to repeat the unverified, potentially unhinged speculations of the LA County sheriff without any evidence whatsoever.
It’s not like the social justice organization ambushed two police officers in a parked car. It’s not like social justice organizations have a history of targeting police officers for murder. But the person who did target and ambush police officers appears to be Black and thus, apparently, it’s all our faults. That’s how racial profiling works, don’t you know.
So the police already have their villain, and they are enacting their retribution. On Sunday, LA County sheriff’s deputies shut down a “protest encampment” across from LA City Hall. The holdouts had been there for months, living peacefully, but cops cleared it mere hours after the shooting. Cops claim it was taken down because of “deteriorating conditions,” but nobody is required to be addled enough to believe them.
The inability and unwillingness of the media to accurately report on police lies and sensationalism will have the effect of excusing additional acts of police brutality. The police will point to the one guy who shot police officers (for reasons not yet known) and the one dude who shouted “I hope y’all die” as justification for cops to go out on the street tonight and violate the constitutional rights of Black people, or beat Black people, or kill Black people. And by refusing to call out police hysteria, the media will make that hysteria seem reasonable.
Given the stakes, it’s not too much to ask the media to do its job. It’s not too much to ask journalists to act like journalists instead of stenographers. If I can restrain myself from being a snarky, irresponsible axe-grinder when it comes to “blue lives,” it’s not too much to ask mainstream sources to think before retweeting or republishing the latest round of blue lies.


thenation--2020-09-15--Refugees Face Fire and Terror in Greece

Refugees Face Fire and Terror in Greece

esbos—For years , the squalor of overcrowded metal container homes and a sprawling tent city of flimsy plastic tarps amid open rivers of sewage made life in the Moria Refugee Camp a grim manifestation of Fortress Europe .
That cruel regime changed abruptly last week , when four nights of fires turned the 12,000-person camp into a scorched-earth wasteland of char and ash .
The spluttering engines of World War I–era single-propeller planes , converted to water bombers , hummed over the hills of torched olive groves and smoldering wreckage as they battled the flames throughout the week .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ desperately fled war and oppression—often from conflicts instigated or exacerbated by the United States and NATO—slept rough under the watchful eye of the riot police who penned them in .
The first fires ripped through Moria last Tuesday , sending the inhabitants of Greece ’ s largest refugee camp—indeed , the largest in Europe , until its destruction—running for their lives and forcing the Greek government and European Union to confront the worsening conditions .
By Thursday afternoon , a series of fires had ravaged every inch of this Greek symbol of migration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ casualties from the flames ; however , a disturbing night of intimidation and violence awaited those who sought assistance in the nearby village .
“ All of a sudden we were surrounded by fire and smoke , ” said Ahmadjamshid Amiri , a refugee from Afghanistan ’ s Wardak province , describing how Tuesday night ’ s blaze forced him to run with only a backpack from his makeshift home in the camp .
The son of an engineer working as a contractor for NATO forces , Amiri escaped his homeland after his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Forced to run for his life again , he described navigating a gauntlet of flames toward the road leading to the village that the camp is named after .
“ When we ran to the village , people hit us with pieces of wood , ” he said , describing the response from a community that has grown increasingly intolerant of refugees in recent years .
“ Someone then pulled a knife on me and we just ran , ” Amiri added .
His account was echoed by those of other asylum seekers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ periphery .
Doctors Without Borders ( commonly known by its French acronym , MSF ) has also recorded cases of village intimidation against migrants fleeing the fires .
The international NGO has provided emergency and essential health services in the camp since Moria ’ s hasty construction at the height of the 2015 migration crisis , when boats from Turkey carried people primarily fleeing the wars in Syria , Iraq , and Afghanistan .
By Thursday afternoon , Amiri had managed to scavenge several bags of clothes and papers from the remains of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under a tree by the road , provides scant protection from the sweltering midday heat .
Leaning against a branch while a new fire smolders in the distance , he waits , wedged between a charred wasteland and the police checkpoint that blocks him from moving any farther away from it .
A dizzying and nauseating stench of smoke , burning plastic , incinerated garbage , and human waste hovers over the charred tents and metal container homes warped by the heat from the flames .
Piling what ’ s left into canvas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have fled conflict and repression in the Middle East , Asia , and Africa have had to flee once again , dragging their meager belongings down a winding road until they reach the police barrier .
Left with no other choice , they bed down on the street ’ s edge .
Others sit in shaded empty lots where aid organizations used to provide services , staring into the blackened wasteland that had been their punishing first home in Europe .
With nowhere to go , they watch as riot cops with tear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ camp gates across the street .
Police say clashes started when returning residents threw rocks and bottles at fire crews , preventing them from extinguishing a new blaze .
Many of these asylum seekers have spent years trapped in Moria ’ s labyrinth of crowded , narrow footpaths .
Originally designed for 3,000 people , it grew into a mess of tents and makeshift dwellings , swelling at times to more than 20,000 .
When the pandemic hit Greece last winter , this camp of last resort became their lockdown prison .
Barred @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dissipated during six months of government-imposed closure , which continued long after post-lockdown normality had returned for Greek citizens and island tourism was being officially encouraged .
Human rights groups and NGOs have long been demanding that Moria ’ s residents be rehoused in better conditions .
Amid the global pandemic , those pleas became urgent warnings of a public health crisis waiting to explode .
Covid-free until September , Moria ’ s first coronavirus outbreak piled on new levels of panic and tension before the fires , according to MSF spokesperson Faris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had become more deplorable and intolerable , and that was topped off with the quarantine .
It has been approaching a breaking point for a long time , ” Al-Jawad says , adding that MSF doesn ’ t know who set the fires .
His sentiments are echoed by the Legal Centre Lesvos , a legal clinic for asylum seekers and advocate for migrant rights based in the island ’ s capital city of Mytilini .
“ Moria itself is used as a tool of deterrence to prevent future arrivals from coming to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a spokesperson for the center , about the intended impact of leaving people in destitution .
“ Deadly risks to migrant lives , including through fires , have been consistently manifest there and tolerated by authorities , ” she continues , pointing to a fire in the camp earlier this year that killed a 6-year-old .
“ The deliberate construction of those conditions caused these fires.
” Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and his right-wing New Democracy party have placed blame for the fires on camp residents , and there have been calls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ found responsible for arson .
At the same time , many who fled the fires believe they were started by local nationalists linked to Greece ’ s neo-fascist party , Golden Dawn .
These sentiments , however , are rooted less in clear evidence than in the experience of becoming the target of an increasingly violent xenophobic campaign .
This Is What Greece ’ s Refugee Crisis Really Looks Like The dueling narratives stem from the centrality the island has come to play in Greek politics .
When masses of people in shaky @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2015 , islanders were often sympathetic , aiding the asylum seekers as they passed through on their desperate quest for freedom and safety .
That started to change in 2016 , when a new EU migration deal with Turkey led to a change in Greek migration policy , stranding refugees in island camps while their claims languished .
As frustration built , the current government came to power in 2019 on a hard-line anti-migrant platform that promised mass deportations .
In Athens , police started breaking up migrant squats and arresting people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government plans to transform the open camps into closed detention prisons stalled .
Losing control of the nationalist sentiments it had stirred up on the campaign trail , Mitsotakis faced an enraged backlash by island residents , who demanded that the asylum seekers be removed .
In February and March , just before the pandemic lockdown , mobs on Lesbos , supported by far-right nationalists from around Europe and encouraged by local right-wing politicians , began attacking refugees , aid workers , and journalists in the streets .
Then Covid-19 changed everything .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Greece ’ s refugees and continue to this day , the overstretched and under-resourced camps shut their gates and became de facto detention centers .
In addition to its swollen refugee camp , Moria also had a smaller sealed and guarded detention center with the primary purpose of holding refugees whose asylum pleas had been denied and who were slated for deportation .
People who say they were beaten by guards and saw detainees cut themselves in protest while incarcerated there describe longing for such harsh prison treatment after being released into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ For months there were no [ coronavirus ] cases in Moria or Mytilini , ” the nearby capital city , says MSF ’ s Covid-19 project coordinator on Lesbos , Caroline Willemen .
“ It was a discriminatory practice to put restriction on residents of Moria , while not having restrictions for the residents of Mytilini , ” she says , referring to the local impact of a nationwide refugee pandemic policy focused on group segregation rather than treatment and prevention .
Yet the government and police response following the fires @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spread of the pandemic .
“ At this very moment , there doesn ’ t seem to be a place where people can be isolated , ” Willemen says .
“ Having [ thousands of ] people on the streets is not great , Covid-wise .
It is the only situation in terms of Covid that could be worse than Moria already was.
” Rights groups suspect that the chaos and misery , now reaching a crescendo , is being treated as a political opportunity by the Mitsotakis government .
As the dramatic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ TV , the nation ’ s leaders are attempting to seize control of the narrative by pushing again for an ICE-like system of closed detention and deportation .
“ The government has long had the agenda of moving people into closed , controlled centers , ” says Cooper of the legal center , using the government ’ s term for immigration detention .
“ They had already started building on the other islands , ” she notes , adding that a closed detention center on the island of Samos is near completion .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ day before the fires , Migration Minister Notis Mitarachi floated the idea that forced detention of asylum seekers was the solution to the overcrowded island camps .
“ It worries us , and that is why we need closed centers that will provide more space for each asylum seeker , ” Mitarachi told Alpha TV .
In the wake of the fires , Mitarachi suggested Moria would be replaced with a “ closed ” institution .
“ This [ is an ] obvious instrumentalization of the fires in Moria to serve the detention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the idea that mass detention is a legitimate solution .
Bing stranded for almost a week on a stretch of coastal highway near Moria ’ s smoldering remnants , without access to food , water , and toilets has frayed people ’ s nerves .
Making camp in a supermarket parking lot off the highway , refugees press themselves against the store ’ s locked glass doors in desperate , futile hope that someone will open them .
They pitch donated tents in the sweltering summer heat , or build them out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scenes of the 2015 migration crisis .
Only this time , there is no promise of freedom in Europe , nor even of getting off the island .
Now refugees have only one certainty—that their cries will be met with tear gas .
Shirtless and in a bathing suit , Jawad Iqbal , a young Afghan from Kunduz province who fled after the Taliban killed his father , stands with friends next to an opened water main in the shadow of the camp ’ s wreckage .
The pile of garbage meters from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the reek of nearby torched toilets .
Even so , there ’ s a line , because it ’ s the only place around to bathe .
“ We just want to leave Lesbos , ” says Iqbal .
Rejecting the idea of being housed in a new camp , trapped refugees began protesting last Thursday .
Chanting “ Freedom , ” dehydrated and hungry people of all ages were met with tear gas and concussion grenades as they demanded transfer to mainland Greece and the rest of Europe .
Elderly people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Saturday , including a 10-day-old baby who was treated for tear-gas inhalation .
The newborn had already spent 40 percent of its life without a roof and been affected by smoke from the fires , according to MSF .
Then , on Sunday , as armored personnel carriers and buses of police arrived on the island , officers in riot gear closed checkpoints to the roadside refugee camp and blocked the press from entering .
By Monday morning , the previous day ’ s policy had loosened , but conditions in the road @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find that the deprivation had only deepened , while rows of tents had appeared on a nearby army base firing range that ’ s being converted into a new camp , a solution rejected by many of those forced onto confined streets .
In the wake of the fires , local anti-refugee residents briefly set up a blockade on the one road toward Moria where police are allowing aid workers and journalists to pass .
They vow to not let any camp rebuilding materials enter .
Meanwhile , anti-fascist islanders have been teargassed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as they march to demand that refugees be immediately resettled and humanely housed .
Wedged between dusty green olive-grove terraces , the road leading to both Moria camp and the village is closed by two flatbed trucks , surrounded by a mix of nationalist islanders and neo-fascist Golden Dawn bikers .
The bikers—whose party idealizes the brutal military junta that ruled Greece between 1967 and 1974 and which has been implicated in a string of racist and political murders in recent years—make clear in menacing terms that they have no comment for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a 49-year-old native of Moria village who returned to Greece from New Jersey because of America ’ s poor handling of the pandemic , is happy to insist emphatically that all the migrants must leave .
Blaming the asylum seekers themselves for the conditions they are forced to live in , as well as for the economic impact of the crisis on tourism , she also blames the government for not deporting them back to the horrors they fled .
“ We got tired ; we don ’ t want them here no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thick Jersey accent .
For Grammatas , this means doing what she can to make sure the Moria camp is not rebuilt .
“ That ’ s ironic , ” Al-Jawad of MSF says wryly , pointing out that neither refugees nor aid organizations want to see the camp rebuilt either .

This article appears in the October 19/26, 2020 issue.
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L esbos—For years, the squalor of overcrowded metal container homes and a sprawling tent city of flimsy plastic tarps amid open rivers of sewage made life in the Moria Refugee Camp a grim manifestation of Fortress Europe. That cruel regime changed abruptly last week, when four nights of fires turned the 12,000-person camp into a scorched-earth wasteland of char and ash.
The spluttering engines of World War I–era single-propeller planes, converted to water bombers, hummed over the hills of torched olive groves and smoldering wreckage as they battled the flames throughout the week. In the streets below, people who had desperately fled war and oppression—often from conflicts instigated or exacerbated by the United States and NATO—slept rough under the watchful eye of the riot police who penned them in.
The first fires ripped through Moria last Tuesday, sending the inhabitants of Greece’s largest refugee camp—indeed, the largest in Europe, until its destruction—running for their lives and forcing the Greek government and European Union to confront the worsening conditions.
By Thursday afternoon, a series of fires had ravaged every inch of this Greek symbol of migration deterrence. Astonishingly, there were no casualties from the flames; however, a disturbing night of intimidation and violence awaited those who sought assistance in the nearby village.
“All of a sudden we were surrounded by fire and smoke,” said Ahmadjamshid Amiri, a refugee from Afghanistan’s Wardak province, describing how Tuesday night’s blaze forced him to run with only a backpack from his makeshift home in the camp. The son of an engineer working as a contractor for NATO forces, Amiri escaped his homeland after his family was threatened by the Taliban. Forced to run for his life again, he described navigating a gauntlet of flames toward the road leading to the village that the camp is named after.
“When we ran to the village, people hit us with pieces of wood,” he said, describing the response from a community that has grown increasingly intolerant of refugees in recent years. “Someone then pulled a knife on me and we just ran,” Amiri added. His account was echoed by those of other asylum seekers now relegated to the camp’s periphery.
Smoke from a fire on September 10 rises behind burned-out and abandoned makeshift tents in the Moria refugee camp. (Jesse Rosenfeld)
Doctors Without Borders (commonly known by its French acronym, MSF) has also recorded cases of village intimidation against migrants fleeing the fires. The international NGO has provided emergency and essential health services in the camp since Moria’s hasty construction at the height of the 2015 migration crisis, when boats from Turkey carried people primarily fleeing the wars in Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Current Issue View our current issue
By Thursday afternoon, Amiri had managed to scavenge several bags of clothes and papers from the remains of his tent. His new dwelling, under a tree by the road, provides scant protection from the sweltering midday heat. Leaning against a branch while a new fire smolders in the distance, he waits, wedged between a charred wasteland and the police checkpoint that blocks him from moving any farther away from it. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
A dizzying and nauseating stench of smoke, burning plastic, incinerated garbage, and human waste hovers over the charred tents and metal container homes warped by the heat from the flames. Piling what’s left into canvas bags and milk crates, people who have fled conflict and repression in the Middle East, Asia, and Africa have had to flee once again, dragging their meager belongings down a winding road until they reach the police barrier. Left with no other choice, they bed down on the street’s edge.
Others sit in shaded empty lots where aid organizations used to provide services, staring into the blackened wasteland that had been their punishing first home in Europe. With nowhere to go, they watch as riot cops with tear gas launchers and shields swagger through the camp gates across the street. Police say clashes started when returning residents threw rocks and bottles at fire crews, preventing them from extinguishing a new blaze.
Many of these asylum seekers have spent years trapped in Moria’s labyrinth of crowded, narrow footpaths. Originally designed for 3,000 people, it grew into a mess of tents and makeshift dwellings, swelling at times to more than 20,000. When the pandemic hit Greece last winter, this camp of last resort became their lockdown prison. Barred from leaving, meager services for residents dissipated during six months of government-imposed closure, which continued long after post-lockdown normality had returned for Greek citizens and island tourism was being officially encouraged.
Human rights groups and NGOs have long been demanding that Moria’s residents be rehoused in better conditions. Amid the global pandemic, those pleas became urgent warnings of a public health crisis waiting to explode. Covid-free until September, Moria’s first coronavirus outbreak piled on new levels of panic and tension before the fires, according to MSF spokesperson Faris Al-Jawad.
“For years the situation had become more deplorable and intolerable, and that was topped off with the quarantine. It has been approaching a breaking point for a long time,” Al-Jawad says, adding that MSF doesn’t know who set the fires.
His sentiments are echoed by the Legal Centre Lesvos, a legal clinic for asylum seekers and advocate for migrant rights based in the island’s capital city of Mytilini.
After returning to the camp on September 10 to save what belongings they could, Moria’s former residents search for a place to sleep on the roadside. (Jesse Rosenfeld)
“Moria itself is used as a tool of deterrence to prevent future arrivals from coming to Europe,” says Amelia Cooper, a spokesperson for the center, about the intended impact of leaving people in destitution. “Deadly risks to migrant lives, including through fires, have been consistently manifest there and tolerated by authorities,” she continues, pointing to a fire in the camp earlier this year that killed a 6-year-old. “The deliberate construction of those conditions caused these fires.”
Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and his right-wing New Democracy party have placed blame for the fires on camp residents, and there have been calls by cabinet ministers to deport asylum seekers found responsible for arson.
At the same time, many who fled the fires believe they were started by local nationalists linked to Greece’s neo-fascist party, Golden Dawn. These sentiments, however, are rooted less in clear evidence than in the experience of becoming the target of an increasingly violent xenophobic campaign. Related Article This Is What Greece’s Refugee Crisis Really Looks Like Jesse Rosenfeld
The dueling narratives stem from the centrality the island has come to play in Greek politics. When masses of people in shaky life rafts began to land here back in 2015, islanders were often sympathetic, aiding the asylum seekers as they passed through on their desperate quest for freedom and safety. That started to change in 2016, when a new EU migration deal with Turkey led to a change in Greek migration policy, stranding refugees in island camps while their claims languished.
As frustration built, the current government came to power in 2019 on a hard-line anti-migrant platform that promised mass deportations. In Athens, police started breaking up migrant squats and arresting people without papers en masse, even as government plans to transform the open camps into closed detention prisons stalled.
Losing control of the nationalist sentiments it had stirred up on the campaign trail, Mitsotakis faced an enraged backlash by island residents, who demanded that the asylum seekers be removed. In February and March, just before the pandemic lockdown, mobs on Lesbos, supported by far-right nationalists from around Europe and encouraged by local right-wing politicians, began attacking refugees, aid workers, and journalists in the streets.
Then Covid-19 changed everything. In a rash of restrictions that targeted Greece’s refugees and continue to this day, the overstretched and under-resourced camps shut their gates and became de facto detention centers. In addition to its swollen refugee camp, Moria also had a smaller sealed and guarded detention center with the primary purpose of holding refugees whose asylum pleas had been denied and who were slated for deportation. People who say they were beaten by guards and saw detainees cut themselves in protest while incarcerated there describe longing for such harsh prison treatment after being released into the fetid and deprived larger camp under lockdown.
“For months there were no [coronavirus] cases in Moria or Mytilini,” the nearby capital city, says MSF’s Covid-19 project coordinator on Lesbos, Caroline Willemen. “It was a discriminatory practice to put restriction on residents of Moria, while not having restrictions for the residents of Mytilini,” she says, referring to the local impact of a nationwide refugee pandemic policy focused on group segregation rather than treatment and prevention.
Yet the government and police response following the fires has her even more worried about the spread of the pandemic. “At this very moment, there doesn’t seem to be a place where people can be isolated,” Willemen says. “Having [thousands of] people on the streets is not great, Covid-wise. It is the only situation in terms of Covid that could be worse than Moria already was.”
Rights groups suspect that the chaos and misery, now reaching a crescendo, is being treated as a political opportunity by the Mitsotakis government. As the dramatic scenes on Lesbos play out on Greek TV, the nation’s leaders are attempting to seize control of the narrative by pushing again for an ICE-like system of closed detention and deportation.
“The government has long had the agenda of moving people into closed, controlled centers,” says Cooper of the legal center, using the government’s term for immigration detention. “They had already started building on the other islands,” she notes, adding that a closed detention center on the island of Samos is near completion.
In an interview on Greek television the day before the fires, Migration Minister Notis Mitarachi floated the idea that forced detention of asylum seekers was the solution to the overcrowded island camps. “It worries us, and that is why we need closed centers that will provide more space for each asylum seeker,” Mitarachi told Alpha TV. In the wake of the fires, Mitarachi suggested Moria would be replaced with a “closed” institution.
“This [is an] obvious instrumentalization of the fires in Moria to serve the detention agenda,” Cooper contends, rejecting the idea that mass detention is a legitimate solution.
Bing stranded for almost a week on a stretch of coastal highway near Moria’s smoldering remnants, without access to food, water, and toilets has frayed people’s nerves. Making camp in a supermarket parking lot off the highway, refugees press themselves against the store’s locked glass doors in desperate, futile hope that someone will open them.
They pitch donated tents in the sweltering summer heat, or build them out of sticks and palms, recreating the harrowing scenes of the 2015 migration crisis. Only this time, there is no promise of freedom in Europe, nor even of getting off the island. Now refugees have only one certainty—that their cries will be met with tear gas.
Shirtless and in a bathing suit, Jawad Iqbal, a young Afghan from Kunduz province who fled after the Taliban killed his father, stands with friends next to an opened water main in the shadow of the camp’s wreckage. The pile of garbage meters from this makeshift shower competes for malodorous dominance with the reek of nearby torched toilets. Even so, there’s a line, because it’s the only place around to bathe.
“We just want to leave Lesbos,” says Iqbal.
Rejecting the idea of being housed in a new camp, trapped refugees began protesting last Thursday. Chanting “Freedom,” dehydrated and hungry people of all ages were met with tear gas and concussion grenades as they demanded transfer to mainland Greece and the rest of Europe. Elderly people and children were injured in clashes on Saturday, including a 10-day-old baby who was treated for tear-gas inhalation. The newborn had already spent 40 percent of its life without a roof and been affected by smoke from the fires, according to MSF. Then, on Sunday, as armored personnel carriers and buses of police arrived on the island, officers in riot gear closed checkpoints to the roadside refugee camp and blocked the press from entering. By Monday morning, the previous day’s policy had loosened, but conditions in the road camp had not. Journalists returned to find that the deprivation had only deepened, while rows of tents had appeared on a nearby army base firing range that’s being converted into a new camp, a solution rejected by many of those forced onto confined streets.
Greek riot police at a checkpoint by the military base that is to house a new camp. On September 13 the police closed off access to the roadside where Moria refugees are living, turning away media a day after firing tear gas at asylum seekers protesting their conditions. (Jesse Rosenfeld)
In the wake of the fires, local anti-refugee residents briefly set up a blockade on the one road toward Moria where police are allowing aid workers and journalists to pass. They vow to not let any camp rebuilding materials enter. Meanwhile, anti-fascist islanders have been teargassed by police in the streets of Mytilini as they march to demand that refugees be immediately resettled and humanely housed.
Wedged between dusty green olive-grove terraces, the road leading to both Moria camp and the village is closed by two flatbed trucks, surrounded by a mix of nationalist islanders and neo-fascist Golden Dawn bikers. The bikers—whose party idealizes the brutal military junta that ruled Greece between 1967 and 1974 and which has been implicated in a string of racist and political murders in recent years—make clear in menacing terms that they have no comment for the press.
However, Anastasia Grammatas, a 49-year-old native of Moria village who returned to Greece from New Jersey because of America’s poor handling of the pandemic, is happy to insist emphatically that all the migrants must leave. Blaming the asylum seekers themselves for the conditions they are forced to live in, as well as for the economic impact of the crisis on tourism, she also blames the government for not deporting them back to the horrors they fled.
“We got tired; we don’t want them here no more,” she says in a thick Jersey accent. For Grammatas, this means doing what she can to make sure the Moria camp is not rebuilt. “That’s ironic,” Al-Jawad of MSF says wryly, pointing out that neither refugees nor aid organizations want to see the camp rebuilt either.


thenation--2020-09-18--Susan Collins Is Donald Trump’s Essential Ally in the Senate

Maine Senator Susan Collins won ’ t say whether she will vote for Donald Trump on November 3 .
But she votes for him when it counts : on the floor of Senate and in the court of public opinion .
For Collins or her champions to suggest otherwise—as the senator seeks a fifth term this fall—is a lie every bit as outrageous as those told by the president she has so loyally and effectively served .
Collins , who has for a quarter-century positioned herself as an independent-minded Republican with a moderate streak , has , since the 45th @ @ @ @ @ @ @ herself his essential ally in the Senate .
To a far greater extent than Senator majority leader Mitch McConnell from Kentucky , or Senate Judiciary Committee chair Lindsey Graham from South Carolina , it is Collins who has risked her reputation and her political position to protect and serve Trump .
While McConnell may be more determined in his manipulation of the chamber on the president ’ s behalf , and while Graham may be more cynical in his defenses of the man he once decried as “ a race-baiting , xenophobic , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who has provided the high-profile support that the president needed at every critical juncture in his presidency .
Before the 2016 election , Collins announced that she had reached “ the inescapable conclusion that Mr. Trump lacks the temperament , self-discipline and judgment required to be president ” because the Republican nominee “ opts to mock the vulnerable and inflame prejudices by attacking ethnic and religious minorities.
” Yet , even before Trump took office in January 20 , 2017 , the senior senator from Maine was leading the charge on behalf of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most controversial cabinet picks ; Collins actually appeared before the Senate Judiciary Committee to assure committee members that attorney general–nominee Jeff Sessions—a xenophobic zealot with a track record of mounting racist attacks on voting rights—wasn ’ t that bad a guy .
When Trump ’ s second Supreme Court nominee , Brett Kavanaugh , faced charges of sexual assault and lying to the Senate , Collins rallied to Kavanaugh ’ s defense and tipped the balance in favor of the president ’ s pick .
And when Trump faced a damning set of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him—declaring that the president had “ learned a ‘ pretty big lesson ’ from the impeachment process and would be “ much more cautious in the future.
” Trump ’ s Strategy to Upend the Election Is Being Implemented in Plain Sight Democrats Have Ignored Cities Like Kenosha for Too Long Collins broke with Trump on some issues .
For instance , she and Alaska Senator Lisa Murkowski opposed the nomination of the president ’ s most woefully unqualified cabinet choice , Betsy DeVos , to serve as secretary of education .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without her—and Collins knew that .
When it has mattered , the Maine senator has voted with her party ’ s president—maintaining a 94 percent record of voting with Trump that is even more consistent than that of Kentucky Senator Rand Paul .
Now , however , Collins won ’ t say whether she will vote for Trump in November .
When the issue came up in last week ’ s Maine Senate debate , Collins dodged it with the glibness of the career politician that she is : “ Let me say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the people of Maine need my advice on whom to support for president.
” In a state that polls suggest will vote for Democrat Joe Biden over Trump , Collins did not want to offend Biden voters .
But she also did not want to do anything to disappoint the president ’ s Republican base .
Her Democratic rival , Sara Gideon , who serves as the speaker of Maine ’ s state House of Representatives , has been open and honest with voters , making it clear that she would have voted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ favor of removing the president—and that she will vote for Biden in November .
But Collins is trying to have it both ways—as she did during the Kavanaugh hearings when she played like she might not vote to confirm Trump ’ s pick .
Collins ’ s obfuscation is , in many senses , more shameful than her voting record .
The senator is a charlatan who thinks she can fool the voters of Maine one more time with a pretend-moderate act that has worn thin .
She ’ s trailing in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for maintaining her sinecure in the Senate is to pretend to be someone she is not .
It ’ s so bad that in August , after Collins appeared at a Republican gathering in Springvale , Me.
, the senator ’ s campaign was accused of posting social media images that slyly left Trump signs out of the picture .
But Collins has a problem when it comes to maintaining her supposedly independent image .
Her own party is off message .
Last month , Maine Republican Party chair Demi Kouzounas was asked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with party loyalists to explain why the embattled senator was not attending the Republican National Convention .
“ They ’ re not mutually exclusive .
I think they both have their jobs to do , ” explained Kouzounas .
“ They both support each other.
” That was damning .
But not as damning as what Collins aide Carol Woodcock said in February , when she addressed Maine Republicans in Washington County .
“ Senator Collins is committed to keeping this seat Republican , ” said Woodcock , who urged the crowd not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ incumbent .
“ As Republicans , we need to ask ourselves : ‘ Why are they spending so much money to defeat her ?
’ The answer is quite simple : They want the Democrats to take control of the Senate .
But they can ’ t take control of the Senate as long as Senator Collins wins .
I can assure you that there ’ s two people who want you to vote for Senator Collins .
One is the Senate majority leader , Mitch McConnell , and two is our president @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no exaggeration .
Trump doesn ’ t care if Collins says she will vote for him in November .
He knows that Susan Collins has given him the votes that he needs .

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Maine Senator Susan Collins won’t say whether she will vote for Donald Trump on November 3. But she votes for him when it counts: on the floor of Senate and in the court of public opinion.
For Collins or her champions to suggest otherwise—as the senator seeks a fifth term this fall—is a lie every bit as outrageous as those told by the president she has so loyally and effectively served.
Collins, who has for a quarter-century positioned herself as an independent-minded Republican with a moderate streak, has, since the 45th president assumed office in 2017, made herself his essential ally in the Senate. To a far greater extent than Senator majority leader Mitch McConnell from Kentucky, or Senate Judiciary Committee chair Lindsey Graham from South Carolina, it is Collins who has risked her reputation and her political position to protect and serve Trump. While McConnell may be more determined in his manipulation of the chamber on the president’s behalf, and while Graham may be more cynical in his defenses of the man he once decried as “a race-baiting, xenophobic, religious bigot,” it is Collins who has provided the high-profile support that the president needed at every critical juncture in his presidency.
Before the 2016 election, Collins announced that she had reached “the inescapable conclusion that Mr. Trump lacks the temperament, self-discipline and judgment required to be president” because the Republican nominee “opts to mock the vulnerable and inflame prejudices by attacking ethnic and religious minorities.” Yet, even before Trump took office in January 20, 2017, the senior senator from Maine was leading the charge on behalf of some of the new president’s most controversial cabinet picks; Collins actually appeared before the Senate Judiciary Committee to assure committee members that attorney general–nominee Jeff Sessions—a xenophobic zealot with a track record of mounting racist attacks on voting rights—wasn’t that bad a guy. When Trump’s second Supreme Court nominee, Brett Kavanaugh, faced charges of sexual assault and lying to the Senate, Collins rallied to Kavanaugh’s defense and tipped the balance in favor of the president’s pick. And when Trump faced a damning set of impeachment charges, Collins voted to acquit him—declaring that the president had “learned a ‘pretty big lesson’ from the impeachment process and would be “much more cautious in the future.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
Collins broke with Trump on some issues. For instance, she and Alaska Senator Lisa Murkowski opposed the nomination of the president’s most woefully unqualified cabinet choice, Betsy DeVos, to serve as secretary of education. But DeVos was going to be confirmed even without her—and Collins knew that.
When it has mattered, the Maine senator has voted with her party’s president—maintaining a 94 percent record of voting with Trump that is even more consistent than that of Kentucky Senator Rand Paul.
Now, however, Collins won’t say whether she will vote for Trump in November. When the issue came up in last week’s Maine Senate debate, Collins dodged it with the glibness of the career politician that she is: “Let me say this: I don’t think the people of Maine need my advice on whom to support for president.” Current Issue View our current issue
In a state that polls suggest will vote for Democrat Joe Biden over Trump, Collins did not want to offend Biden voters. But she also did not want to do anything to disappoint the president’s Republican base. Her Democratic rival, Sara Gideon, who serves as the speaker of Maine’s state House of Representatives, has been open and honest with voters, making it clear that she would have voted against Kavanaugh’s nomination and in favor of removing the president—and that she will vote for Biden in November. But Collins is trying to have it both ways—as she did during the Kavanaugh hearings when she played like she might not vote to confirm Trump’s pick.
Collins’s obfuscation is, in many senses, more shameful than her voting record. The senator is a charlatan who thinks she can fool the voters of Maine one more time with a pretend-moderate act that has worn thin. She’s trailing in the polls and she knows her only hope for maintaining her sinecure in the Senate is to pretend to be someone she is not. It’s so bad that in August, after Collins appeared at a Republican gathering in Springvale, Me., the senator’s campaign was accused of posting social media images that slyly left Trump signs out of the picture.
But Collins has a problem when it comes to maintaining her supposedly independent image. Her own party is off message. Last month, Maine Republican Party chair Demi Kouzounas was asked during a “Trump Victory” call with party loyalists to explain why the embattled senator was not attending the Republican National Convention. “They’re not mutually exclusive. I think they both have their jobs to do,” explained Kouzounas. “They both support each other.”
That was damning. But not as damning as what Collins aide Carol Woodcock said in February, when she addressed Maine Republicans in Washington County.
“Senator Collins is committed to keeping this seat Republican,” said Woodcock, who urged the crowd not to take seriously television ads criticizing the incumbent. “As Republicans, we need to ask ourselves: ‘Why are they spending so much money to defeat her?’ The answer is quite simple: They want the Democrats to take control of the Senate. But they can’t take control of the Senate as long as Senator Collins wins. I can assure you that there’s two people who want you to vote for Senator Collins. One is the Senate majority leader, Mitch McConnell, and two is our president, President Trump.”
That’s no exaggeration. Trump doesn’t care if Collins says she will vote for him in November. He knows that Susan Collins has given him the votes that he needs.


thenation--2020-09-18--Faith and Labor Movements Are Bridging Trump’s Racial Divide With Hope and Love

This election year , America faces interlocking crises—a global health crisis , economic collapse , and systemic racism .
Even as we live in fear of disease and economic ruin , we have had to watch the on-camera murders of unarmed Black people by officers who have sworn to protect and serve us .
So many of us have stood outside nursing homes and hospitals as our loved ones died inside , alone .
In response , we are struggling with despair and asking , Dare we hope for profound change in our public life ?
We are two people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our best in our lives to serve poor and working people .
We come from very different places and experiences , but at this moment we come together to lift up in place of the division and fear that President Trump offers a different vision—of hope and of love .
Americans must refuse to be divided against one another .
Together , Black , white , and brown , Native and Asian , we as a people have in fact responded to the challenge of the coronavirus with sacrifice , solidarity , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Americans knew murder when they saw it this summer and supported tens of millions of our fellow citizens of every color who marched , protested , and went on strike to demand an end to police violence and the politics of death .
Our grief then leads us to ask , Why ?
Why must our nation endure so much unnecessary suffering ?
The answer lies in the dangerous marriage of greed and hate , and in its worst forms , a cult of death .
For that is where President Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that is where Mitch McConnell keeps us by stealth and subterfuge , blocking aid for the unemployed and safety rules for those who are working while he works tirelessly for liability protections and tax cuts for corporations .
In truth , this September our leaders have made our whole nation feel the way Birmingham , Ala. , felt in September of 1963 .
Because as was true then , a better future is within our grasp .
Our youth are casting off the terrible burden of racism and our working people are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economic injustice .
But our nation is burdened today , as Birmingham was then , with powerful people who prefer hatred and death to freedom and justice .
Fifty-seven years ago , Birmingham was about to be desegregated after a massive nonviolent campaign .
In response , members of the Ku Klux Klan who were infected with the soul-killing virus of racism bombed the 16th Street Baptist Church on September 15 , 1963 , killing four girls who were on their way from Sunday School to the sanctuary for morning worship .
When @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Birmingham to preach at the funeral of those four girls , King said every politician whose lips were dripping with racism was responsible for their death .
King offered that the deaths of those girls said to each of us , “ black and white alike , that we must substitute courage for caution .
They say to us that we must be concerned not merely about who murdered them , but about the system , the way of life , the philosophy which produced the murderers.
” Today , just as in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accountable for their part in causing so much grief and pain .
But if we are to heal our country , we need to do more than change leaders .
We need to take on a system of greed and of indifference to the poorest among us that has produced an avalanche of death and despair .
As leaders in the faith , civil rights , and labor movements of today , we know that the politics of division always benefit wealthy elites .
And we know the politics of greed and hate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and his Senate enablers have failed every American community .
They have betrayed poor and working people over and over again , and they have shamefully sought to govern by attacking the most vulnerable among us—our communities that have been criminalized , over-policed , and blamed for their poverty .
No evil is extinguished unless good people act .
We are calling everyone who has marched to challenge systemic racism to come together with poor and working people and the labor movement we have built to push this nation toward a more perfect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demand that Congress pass the Justice in Policing Act to hold police departments accountable .
We must demand that Congress pass the HEROES Act to provide long overdue Covid-19 relief to our families and communities .
And we must demand that Congress fund and protect voting rights for every American .
With the 2020 election season upon us , we must relearn the lesson of Birmingham , and we must vote like our lives depend on it .
Because they do .
Thankfully , we know a force more powerful than hate and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ signs Bull Connor defended in Birmingham are gone , and the local airport is named after Fred Shuttlesworth , one of many local leaders who demonstrated the power of unity over fear and division .
Those who fought for a genuine democracy in the past have left us an example for how we win now .
We must honor their legacy with action .
In this moment , we must come together and bring forth a new day for America .

Rev. Dr. William J. Barber II, Richard Trumka

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Thank you for signing up for The Nation’s weekly newsletter.
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Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
Sign up for our Wine Club today. Did you know you can support The Nation by drinking wine?
This election year, America faces interlocking crises—a global health crisis, economic collapse, and systemic racism. Even as we live in fear of disease and economic ruin, we have had to watch the on-camera murders of unarmed Black people by officers who have sworn to protect and serve us. So many of us have stood outside nursing homes and hospitals as our loved ones died inside, alone. In response, we are struggling with despair and asking, Dare we hope for profound change in our public life?
We are two people of faith, and we have done our best in our lives to serve poor and working people. We come from very different places and experiences, but at this moment we come together to lift up in place of the division and fear that President Trump offers a different vision—of hope and of love.
Americans must refuse to be divided against one another. Together, Black, white, and brown, Native and Asian, we as a people have in fact responded to the challenge of the coronavirus with sacrifice, solidarity, and newfound purpose. And the vast majority of Americans knew murder when they saw it this summer and supported tens of millions of our fellow citizens of every color who marched, protested, and went on strike to demand an end to police violence and the politics of death.
Our grief then leads us to ask, Why? Why must our nation endure so much unnecessary suffering? The answer lies in the dangerous marriage of greed and hate, and in its worst forms, a cult of death.
For that is where President Trump has led us openly and unabashedly, and that is where Mitch McConnell keeps us by stealth and subterfuge, blocking aid for the unemployed and safety rules for those who are working while he works tirelessly for liability protections and tax cuts for corporations.
In truth, this September our leaders have made our whole nation feel the way Birmingham, Ala., felt in September of 1963. Because as was true then, a better future is within our grasp. Our youth are casting off the terrible burden of racism and our working people are in the streets demanding an end to economic injustice. But our nation is burdened today, as Birmingham was then, with powerful people who prefer hatred and death to freedom and justice.
Fifty-seven years ago, Birmingham was about to be desegregated after a massive nonviolent campaign. In response, members of the Ku Klux Klan who were infected with the soul-killing virus of racism bombed the 16th Street Baptist Church on September 15, 1963, killing four girls who were on their way from Sunday School to the sanctuary for morning worship. Current Issue View our current issue
When Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. came to Birmingham to preach at the funeral of those four girls, King said every politician whose lips were dripping with racism was responsible for their death. King offered that the deaths of those girls said to each of us, “black and white alike, that we must substitute courage for caution. They say to us that we must be concerned not merely about who murdered them, but about the system, the way of life, the philosophy which produced the murderers.”
Today, just as in 1963, we need to hold politicians accountable for their part in causing so much grief and pain. But if we are to heal our country, we need to do more than change leaders. We need to take on a system of greed and of indifference to the poorest among us that has produced an avalanche of death and despair.
As leaders in the faith, civil rights, and labor movements of today, we know that the politics of division always benefit wealthy elites. And we know the politics of greed and hate must reach their end. Donald Trump and his Senate enablers have failed every American community. They have betrayed poor and working people over and over again, and they have shamefully sought to govern by attacking the most vulnerable among us—our communities that have been criminalized, over-policed, and blamed for their poverty.
No evil is extinguished unless good people act. We are calling everyone who has marched to challenge systemic racism to come together with poor and working people and the labor movement we have built to push this nation toward a more perfect union.
In this moment we must demand that Congress pass the Justice in Policing Act to hold police departments accountable. We must demand that Congress pass the HEROES Act to provide long overdue Covid-19 relief to our families and communities. And we must demand that Congress fund and protect voting rights for every American.
With the 2020 election season upon us, we must relearn the lesson of Birmingham, and we must vote like our lives depend on it. Because they do.
Thankfully, we know a force more powerful than hate and division. Today, the Jim Crow signs Bull Connor defended in Birmingham are gone, and the local airport is named after Fred Shuttlesworth, one of many local leaders who demonstrated the power of unity over fear and division. Those who fought for a genuine democracy in the past have left us an example for how we win now. We must honor their legacy with action. In this moment, we must come together and bring forth a new day for America.