thenation--2020-03-30--How to Win in Wisconsin

How to Win in Wisconsin

Democrats had a moment of panic in February , when a Quinnipiac University poll showed Donald Trump beating the party ’ s various presidential contenders by wide margins—seven to 11 points—in Wisconsin .
The panic was understandable .
Political seers have identified Wisconsin as a must-win , with The Washington Post explaining , “ Many pundits and pollsters have declared that the state could be the tippiest of tipping points ” in the fight for an Electoral College majority in 2020 .
If Wisconsin had , indeed , tipped to Trump , it wasn ’ t simply an embarrassment for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who are still trying to explain how historically Democratic loyalties were abandoned in the last presidential election .
It was a nightmare for national Democratic officials as well , because , as New York Times election guru Nate Cohn observed in his 2020 Electoral College breakdowns , “ One reason that [ even ] such a small swing in Wisconsin could be so important is that the Democrats do not have an obviously promising alternative if Wisconsin drifts to the right.
” So if the Quinnipiac poll was right , all hope @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with predictions of impending doom .
Then Representative Mark Pocan , a Wisconsin Democrat and cochair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus , pulled out his cell phone and advised calm .
“ Outlier poll , folks .
Breath [ e ] , ” tweeted Pocan , who has won 15 elections at the local , state , and federal level over the past 30 years .
“ Doesn ’ t look like [ the ] others at all.
” He turned out to be right .
Wisconsin hasn ’ t been lost .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ it has been for most of the past four years : too close to call .
As of mid-March , the RealClearPolitics survey of recent polls had Trump tied with Joe Biden at 45 percent and a point behind Bernie Sanders , 45.2 to 46.2 percent .
Trump won ’ t run away with Wisconsin .
The question is whether any Democrat will turn out enough new voters and win back enough swing voters to beat him .
That question is now complicated by the coronavirus outbreak and the vast economic upheaval associated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ apply .
“ If this is a close election , whoever wins Wisconsin will be the next president , ” says Democratic Party of Wisconsin chair Ben Wikler .
A top national organizer for MoveOn who returned to his home state and was elected to lead the party there , Wikler has spent the past year explaining the calculus that has Wisconsin and national Democrats obsessing .
“ All the states where Trump is more popular than he is in Wisconsin don ’ t add up to enough Electoral College votes to win @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states where Trump is less popular than he is in Wisconsin .
So if the Electoral College vote is close , Wisconsin is the most likely state to tip the balance.
” On the Need for Dissent and Debate in These Urgent Times This Is What an Opposition Party Is Supposed to Sound Like ‘ Just Keep Up the Faith ’ : Workers Are Stepping Up to Beat the Coronavirus This isn ’ t just a party chair talking big about the turf he works .
The Democratic National Committee is so serious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the party ’ s highest-profile event of 2020 there : the national convention that Democrats still hope will happen in Milwaukee this summer .
But it will take more than a convention to swing Wisconsin .
For Democrats to win in November , they have to get everything right—as they did in the 2018 midterm elections , when the party won every statewide race on the ballot , throwing out right-wing Republican Governor Scott Walker and his attorney general and reelecting liberal Democratic Senator Tammy Baldwin .
The Democrats have to build a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mobilizes voters in Milwaukee and other cities with substantial nonwhite voting blocs , such as Racine and Beloit ; renew the party ’ s appeal in rural counties , where its support collapsed four years ago ; overcome voter suppression strategies put in place by the Republicans ; and develop a platform that speaks to the issues that concern Wisconsinites—especially women , whose support for Democratic challenger Tony Evers , at 54 to 45 percent , ousted Walker two years ago .
And the party has to field candidates for president and vice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its importance , and pay it the time and attention required to pull those threads together .
“ Pretty much , you have to do it all , ” says Peter Rickman , a Milwaukee union organizer and activist who has been intimately involved in every major progressive Wisconsin campaign over the past decade .
“ And if you lose a piece , if it doesn ’ t come together , sure , we could lose.
” Plenty of pundits have their one-size-fits-all theories for what ails the Democratic Party , both nationally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of those theories , especially the ones advanced by never-Trump conservatives in the studios of MSNBC and the op-ed pages of The New York Times , are so off base that one of Wisconsin ’ s new generation of elected officials , state Treasurer Sarah Godlewski , says , “ Sometimes I just shake my head .
I mean , have they ever even been to Eau Claire ?
” Don ’ t get Godlewski wrong .
She ’ s worked for the State Department and traveled the world , and she was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ready for Hillary super PAC .
But like all of the Wisconsinites I asked about what it will take to win in 2020 , Godlewski warned against imagining that a simplistic focus on gut instincts or even sophisticated data-driven schemes will be enough to close the deal in a state with a political history so complicated that it has , over the past century , put fiery left-wing populist Robert M. La Follette and fearmongering red-baiter Joe McCarthy on the national stage .
There is no easy way around the fact that Wisconsin—a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Michael Dukakis in 1988 to Barack Obama in 2012—joined two other historically Democratic states ( Michigan and Pennsylvania ) to reject Hillary Clinton in 2016 and tip the Electoral College to Trump .
Every serious search for a winning formula in Wisconsin begins with a forensic examination of what went wrong in 2016 .
People have plenty of answers , all of them grounded in the bitter reality of a Democratic campaign that missed its mark .
Clinton did not make even a single appearance in Wisconsin throughout the fall—an absence that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerns about her past support for free-trade deals in a state where cities like Milwaukee and Janesville have been battered by deindustrialization .
At the same time , her campaign failed to recognize that Trump was selling a narrative that would win over some traditionally Democratic voters and cause many others to stay home .
Generic Democratic campaign ads focusing on Trump ’ s crude sexism may have shored up support among the state ’ s confirmed Clinton voters , but they failed to move the conservative suburban women she was seeking to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ backers says , “ We would call Brooklyn [ where the national campaign was headquartered ] and say , ‘ This doesn ’ t feel right .
This isn ’ t working.
’ And they would say , ‘ Relax , we ’ ve got data that says we ’ re going to win big.
’ ” Instead , Clinton lost small , falling short by just 0.77 percent of the vote .
Compared with Obama ’ s substantial victories in the state—he garnered 56 percent of the vote in 2008 and 53 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dismal .
But the fact is that his robust margins were outliers ; Democrats have often had to claw their way to victory in Wisconsin .
Bill Clinton won there in 1992 and 1996 , but he never got 50 percent of the vote .
Al Gore ’ s advantage over George W. Bush in 2000 was a mere 5,708 votes .
John Kerry won against Bush in 2004 by 11,384 votes .
“ We ’ ve long been balanced on a knife ’ s edge , ” Wikler observes .
“ Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2016 was a return to form.
” That may be somewhat comforting to Democrats who thought everything went to hell the last time around .
But it shouldn ’ t be , because the party that was always able to eke out a win couldn ’ t beat Trump in 2016 .
Since taking office , he and Vice President Mike Pence have made the state a regular stop , with Trump postponing a planned March rally only after an outcry about a mass event being scheduled as the coronavirus outbreak spread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ behind him .
Just because it ’ s rooted in xenophobia and white supremacy doesn ’ t make it any less of a mass movement , ” says Jennifer Epps-Addison , a longtime Milwaukee organizer who now serves as the president and a co–executive director of the Center for Popular Democracy .
“ We have to have a candidate and a campaign with a movement behind it to beat Donald Trump.
” The president , who admitted that he was surprised to win Wisconsin , is full of confidence now .
His campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which socialist emerges from this bruising primary , ” Trump ’ s Wisconsin campaign spokesperson , Anna Kelly , said in a statement , “ they stand no chance against our top-notch permanent ground game , unparalleled data program , and vast fundraising war chest that will once again propel President Trump to victory in November.
” Walker ’ s backers peddled that sort of spin before his defeat in 2018 , and Democrats certainly stand a chance in 2020 .
But , Pocan says , they have to run an “ all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with “ a Milwaukee strategy , a rural strategy , a midsize-city strategy .
It ’ s got to be all about turning out the vote in all the places where Democrats can get votes .
And that ’ s just the start .
It has to be about how the message is framed and who frames it.
” Pocan , a Sanders backer , argued that the Vermont senator could renew the state ’ s Democratic coalition—especially in places like Pocan ’ s hometown of Kenosha , historically a manufacturing center that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ county that gave Trump a 255-vote win ( out of more than 75,000 cast ) in 2016 .
The concern that many Wisconsin Democrats expressed regarding Biden has to do with the issue of trade policy .
It ’ s a problem he has to address aggressively .
“ Our best shot at winning Wisconsin was always to nominate a progressive who understands not just how disastrous Trump ’ s trade wars have been but also why the neoliberal trade policies of the Clinton administration are still haunting the politics of the Midwest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to understand that nominating supporters of NAFTA really can depress votes and make it significantly harder to win in November.
” Because Trump certainly understands this .
If Biden is his opponent , Trump will weaponize every pro-free-trade statement Biden ever made .
Biden can mitigate his vulnerability by detailing Trump ’ s broken promises on trade policy and pointing out the ways the president has used Wisconsin workers and farmers as pawns in his wrangling with China and Mexico .
The presumptive Democratic nominee can also pick a running mate with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ love the idea of his choosing Baldwin , a progressive who has sided with Sanders on many key issues .
But the deeper point they make is that his vice presidential pick should be a woman as well as someone who gets economic populism .
No matter who ’ s on the ticket , however , Wisconsin activists , strategists , and officials say there are some basic focuses necessary to win the state and the presidency .
§ Economic populism : Wisconsin ’ s identity remains wrapped up in its factories and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from them .
It ’ s a place where progressive populist messages work—Sanders won 71 of 72 counties in his 2016 primary fight with Clinton—and where even Republicans frame their policy agendas , however cynically , as attacks on elite privilege .
Now , however , with the coronavirus outbreak upending every economic calculation , the Democrats ’ populism must be focused and forward-looking .
“ It ’ s not enough to say , ‘ Bad trade deals have hurt workers and farmers.
’ It ’ s got to get beyond slogans , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Democratic nominee must acknowledge not just Republicans but also many Democrats who were too deferential to Wall Street .
Yet while frankness is critical , realism is , too .
“ You can ’ t just hearken back to the past and say , ‘ We ’ re bringing all the manufacturing jobs back , ’ ” he adds .
“ That ’ s what Trump does , and people understand now that he ’ s lying .
Candidates have to recognize that people don ’ t necessarily miss manufacturing jobs .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ good benefits that went with manufacturing jobs .
The Democratic nominee has to talk about how a Democratic administration would transform the jobs of today and tomorrow—service jobs , warehouse jobs , call-center jobs—into the high-paying jobs of the future .
And it can ’ t just be feel-good talk .
It has to focus on balancing the power in the economy between the boss class and the working class.
” § Organize the hell out of Milwaukee : While the voter suppression schemes implemented by Walker and his allies have done damage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ close elections .
The balance is often tipped in the Milwaukee area , with a multiracial , multiethnic city that is heavily Democratic and overwhelmingly white suburbs that are heavily Republican .
Dating back to Walker ’ s 2010 election and the fight over his anti-labor agenda , which sparked an unsuccessful recall election in 2012 , Wisconsin Republicans and national groups like Americans for Prosperity have poured resources into organizing the so-called WOW counties ( Waukesha , Ozaukee , and Washington ) that surround Milwaukee .
Meanwhile , the Democrats and their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Walker ’ s assaults on the right to organize , have focused on the city—and for good reason .
When Milwaukee turnout is off , as it was in 2016 , Democrats have a hard time making up the difference even when they get huge margins in the vote-rich and very progressive state capital of Madison and surrounding Dane County .
Epps-Addison , who ’ s been organizing for decades , points out that groups already on the ground—BLOC ( Black Leaders Organizing for Communities ) , LIT ( Leaders Igniting Transformation ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ de la Frontera among them— “ have done a lot of the work already .
So invest in those grassroots organizations early to allow them to launch their field programs now .
Don ’ t wait until after the convention .
Don ’ t wait until the fall.
” The Democratic Party ’ s Wikler and other Wisconsin activists recognize that the coronavirus outbreak could seriously complicate traditional organizing strategies .
As a result , they ’ ve developed sophisticated plans to go virtual .
“ The key is to keep connecting with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can , ” he says .
“ We can ’ t stop organizing , because we know how close the election could still be.
” The 2018 midterms were close as well , and it looked as if Republicans would win most of the statewide contests .
Then the Milwaukee results came in , and Democrats took the races for governor and attorney general by under 30,000 votes .
Something like that could happen again in 2020 .
§ Organize the hell out of Eau Claire : Wisconsin ’ s smaller cities , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the west , Janesville and Beloit in the south , Racine and Kenosha in the southeast , and Oshkosh , Appleton , and Green Bay in the northeast , all send Democrats to the state legislature .
Most are historically industrial centers ; several have established African American communities and growing Latino populations .
Many of the organizing strategies that apply in Milwaukee will apply in smaller cities as well .
And these places are 2020 battlegrounds .
Trump ’ s campaign rallies , in 2016 and since , have targeted many of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ places where his promises have not been kept .
Last fall , Wikler notes , the Democrats launched “ a wave of organizing unprecedented in scope this far from an election.
” He says this ambitious organizing at the neighborhood level in Milwaukee and other communities statewide—framing agendas at the grass roots and empowering “ messengers with local credibility ” to deliver them—will give the Democratic nominee a head start .
If organizing can go door to door in the fall , it will .
If it has to be virtual , so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , once the ticket is chosen , he promises , it will be time to “ hit the turbo button.
” If the candidates complement this strategy by focusing on Wisconsin in their messaging and , where possible , in their campaigning , the pieces , he says , will come together .
§ Reconnect with rural Wisconsin : As veteran Democratic activist Charlie Uphoff points out , “ Trump didn ’ t win Wisconsin because of who showed up in 2016 .
He won because of who didn ’ t show up.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ drop-off came in rural Wisconsin .
This Is What an Opposition Party Is Supposed to Sound Like Medical Bills Are Their Own Trauma More in this series Consider Walworth County , a Republican-leaning bastion of small towns and farms where Trump won 56.1 percent of the ballots and a 10,153-vote majority in 2016—almost half of the Republicans ’ statewide margin of 22,748 votes .
But the Democrats didn ’ t always perform so miserably in the county .
In 2008 , Obama received 48 percent of the vote there .
In 2012 he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2016 ?
In the last presidential election , the overall turnout in Walworth County was down a bit from 2012 , but the decline was not evenly shared : Trump received 143 fewer votes than Mitt Romney did in 2012 , while Clinton got 3,802 fewer votes than Obama .
The Democrats don ’ t have to carry every rural county .
They don ’ t even have to flip Trump voters .
They just have to get their traditional voters to the polls and attract some new ones , especially young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highlighting Trump ’ s whipsawing of farmers as part of his trade negotiations and more generally by discussing farm issues , says Jim Goodman , who farmed for 40 years in western Wisconsin and is now president of the National Family Farm Coalition .
He argues that Biden must talk a lot more about farm issues in his campaign and the party has to write a platform that devotes more than just a few dozen words to rural and small-town concerns , as was the case in 2016 .
This is about paying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ underinsured rural voters have pressing needs that too frequently go unaddressed .
“ The right wing spends a lot of time trying to sow disunity between communities that don ’ t see much of each other , ” Epps-Addison says .
“ The way to counter that is to have a campaign that seeks to unite folks on what we have in common—the fact that more and more folks are struggling in this economy , the fact that more and more folks are worried about how they can afford health care .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to think about how to speak to them in ways that connect with people where they live.
” That is going to require candidates who get it and a program that speaks in compelling terms to Wisconsin .
It is also going to require the resources to deliver that message at the doors of the disengaged , disenfranchised , and disappointed people whose votes can expand the electorate and create a winning coalition .
Where will the money come from ?
Pocan has what is perhaps the best suggestion .
“ Don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so that consultants get rich , ” he says .
“ It can ’ t be about ads .
This isn ’ t a 30-second discussion .
This is about reconnecting with people who may not have voted last time and connecting with people who may be voting for the first time .
That ’ s how you win Wisconsin .
”

This article appears in the April 13, 2020 issue.
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Democrats had a moment of panic in February, when a Quinnipiac University poll showed Donald Trump beating the party’s various presidential contenders by wide margins—seven to 11 points—in Wisconsin.
The panic was understandable. Political seers have identified Wisconsin as a must-win, with The Washington Post explaining, “Many pundits and pollsters have declared that the state could be the tippiest of tipping points” in the fight for an Electoral College majority in 2020.
If Wisconsin had, indeed, tipped to Trump, it wasn’t simply an embarrassment for the swing state’s Democratic cadres, who are still trying to explain how historically Democratic loyalties were abandoned in the last presidential election. It was a nightmare for national Democratic officials as well, because, as New York Times election guru Nate Cohn observed in his 2020 Electoral College breakdowns, “One reason that [even] such a small swing in Wisconsin could be so important is that the Democrats do not have an obviously promising alternative if Wisconsin drifts to the right.”
So if the Quinnipiac poll was right, all hope was lost. Social media clogged up with predictions of impending doom. Then Representative Mark Pocan, a Wisconsin Democrat and cochair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, pulled out his cell phone and advised calm. “Outlier poll, folks. Breath[e],” tweeted Pocan, who has won 15 elections at the local, state, and federal level over the past 30 years. “Doesn’t look like [the] others at all.”
He turned out to be right. Wisconsin hasn’t been lost. Ensuing polls put the state right where it has been for most of the past four years: too close to call. As of mid-March, the RealClearPolitics survey of recent polls had Trump tied with Joe Biden at 45 percent and a point behind Bernie Sanders, 45.2 to 46.2 percent. Trump won’t run away with Wisconsin. The question is whether any Democrat will turn out enough new voters and win back enough swing voters to beat him. That question is now complicated by the coronavirus outbreak and the vast economic upheaval associated with it. But basic premises still apply.
“If this is a close election, whoever wins Wisconsin will be the next president,” says Democratic Party of Wisconsin chair Ben Wikler. A top national organizer for MoveOn who returned to his home state and was elected to lead the party there, Wikler has spent the past year explaining the calculus that has Wisconsin and national Democrats obsessing. “All the states where Trump is more popular than he is in Wisconsin don’t add up to enough Electoral College votes to win the presidency. Neither do all the states where Trump is less popular than he is in Wisconsin. So if the Electoral College vote is close, Wisconsin is the most likely state to tip the balance.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
This isn’t just a party chair talking big about the turf he works. The Democratic National Committee is so serious about Wisconsin that it decided to hold the party’s highest-profile event of 2020 there: the national convention that Democrats still hope will happen in Milwaukee this summer.
But it will take more than a convention to swing Wisconsin. For Democrats to win in November, they have to get everything right—as they did in the 2018 midterm elections, when the party won every statewide race on the ballot, throwing out right-wing Republican Governor Scott Walker and his attorney general and reelecting liberal Democratic Senator Tammy Baldwin.
The Democrats have to build a multiracial, multiethnic campaign that excites and mobilizes voters in Milwaukee and other cities with substantial nonwhite voting blocs, such as Racine and Beloit; renew the party’s appeal in rural counties, where its support collapsed four years ago; overcome voter suppression strategies put in place by the Republicans; and develop a platform that speaks to the issues that concern Wisconsinites—especially women, whose support for Democratic challenger Tony Evers, at 54 to 45 percent, ousted Walker two years ago. And the party has to field candidates for president and vice president who know the state, recognize its importance, and pay it the time and attention required to pull those threads together.
“Pretty much, you have to do it all,” says Peter Rickman, a Milwaukee union organizer and activist who has been intimately involved in every major progressive Wisconsin campaign over the past decade. “And if you lose a piece, if it doesn’t come together, sure, we could lose.”
Plenty of pundits have their one-size-fits-all theories for what ails the Democratic Party, both nationally and in places like Wisconsin. Some of those theories, especially the ones advanced by never-Trump conservatives in the studios of MSNBC and the op-ed pages of The New York Times, are so off base that one of Wisconsin’s new generation of elected officials, state Treasurer Sarah Godlewski, says, “Sometimes I just shake my head. I mean, have they ever even been to Eau Claire?”
Bosom buddies: President Donald Trump and Scott Walker at an October 2018 rally in Mosinee, Wisconsin. (Mike Roemer / AP)
Don’t get Godlewski wrong. She’s worked for the State Department and traveled the world, and she was a national finance council cochair for the Ready for Hillary super PAC. But like all of the Wisconsinites I asked about what it will take to win in 2020, Godlewski warned against imagining that a simplistic focus on gut instincts or even sophisticated data-driven schemes will be enough to close the deal in a state with a political history so complicated that it has, over the past century, put fiery left-wing populist Robert M. La Follette and fearmongering red-baiter Joe McCarthy on the national stage. There is no easy way around the fact that Wisconsin—a state that backed every Democratic presidential nominee from Michael Dukakis in 1988 to Barack Obama in 2012—joined two other historically Democratic states (Michigan and Pennsylvania) to reject Hillary Clinton in 2016 and tip the Electoral College to Trump.
Every serious search for a winning formula in Wisconsin begins with a forensic examination of what went wrong in 2016. People have plenty of answers, all of them grounded in the bitter reality of a Democratic campaign that missed its mark. Clinton did not make even a single appearance in Wisconsin throughout the fall—an absence that made it harder for her to address concerns about her past support for free-trade deals in a state where cities like Milwaukee and Janesville have been battered by deindustrialization. At the same time, her campaign failed to recognize that Trump was selling a narrative that would win over some traditionally Democratic voters and cause many others to stay home. Current Issue View our current issue
Generic Democratic campaign ads focusing on Trump’s crude sexism may have shored up support among the state’s confirmed Clinton voters, but they failed to move the conservative suburban women she was seeking to attract. One of her key 2016 backers says, “We would call Brooklyn [where the national campaign was headquartered] and say, ‘This doesn’t feel right. This isn’t working.’ And they would say, ‘Relax, we’ve got data that says we’re going to win big.’”
Instead, Clinton lost small, falling short by just 0.77 percent of the vote. Compared with Obama’s substantial victories in the state—he garnered 56 percent of the vote in 2008 and 53 percent in 2012—her 46.5 percent finish seems dismal. But the fact is that his robust margins were outliers; Democrats have often had to claw their way to victory in Wisconsin. Bill Clinton won there in 1992 and 1996, but he never got 50 percent of the vote. Al Gore’s advantage over George W. Bush in 2000 was a mere 5,708 votes. John Kerry won against Bush in 2004 by 11,384 votes. “We’ve long been balanced on a knife’s edge,” Wikler observes. “Trump’s under–1 percent margin of victory in 2016 was a return to form.”
That may be somewhat comforting to Democrats who thought everything went to hell the last time around. But it shouldn’t be, because the party that was always able to eke out a win couldn’t beat Trump in 2016. Since taking office, he and Vice President Mike Pence have made the state a regular stop, with Trump postponing a planned March rally only after an outcry about a mass event being scheduled as the coronavirus outbreak spread.
“Donald Trump has a movement behind him. Just because it’s rooted in xenophobia and white supremacy doesn’t make it any less of a mass movement,” says Jennifer Epps-Addison, a longtime Milwaukee organizer who now serves as the president and a co–executive director of the Center for Popular Democracy. “We have to have a candidate and a campaign with a movement behind it to beat Donald Trump.” Rural Wisconsin How Democrats Can Win Back Rural Wisconsin John Nichols
The president, who admitted that he was surprised to win Wisconsin, is full of confidence now. His campaign mirrors that bravado. “No matter which socialist emerges from this bruising primary,” Trump’s Wisconsin campaign spokesperson, Anna Kelly, said in a statement, “they stand no chance against our top-notch permanent ground game, unparalleled data program, and vast fundraising war chest that will once again propel President Trump to victory in November.”
Walker’s backers peddled that sort of spin before his defeat in 2018, and Democrats certainly stand a chance in 2020. But, Pocan says, they have to run an “all of the above” campaign, one with “a Milwaukee strategy, a rural strategy, a midsize-city strategy. It’s got to be all about turning out the vote in all the places where Democrats can get votes. And that’s just the start. It has to be about how the message is framed and who frames it.”
Pocan, a Sanders backer, argued that the Vermont senator could renew the state’s Democratic coalition—especially in places like Pocan’s hometown of Kenosha, historically a manufacturing center that has seen major factories close in a county that gave Trump a 255-vote win (out of more than 75,000 cast) in 2016.
The concern that many Wisconsin Democrats expressed regarding Biden has to do with the issue of trade policy. It’s a problem he has to address aggressively.
“Our best shot at winning Wisconsin was always to nominate a progressive who understands not just how disastrous Trump’s trade wars have been but also why the neoliberal trade policies of the Clinton administration are still haunting the politics of the Midwest,” Epps-Addison says. “Democrats have to understand that nominating supporters of NAFTA really can depress votes and make it significantly harder to win in November.” Because Trump certainly understands this. If Biden is his opponent, Trump will weaponize every pro-free-trade statement Biden ever made.
Progressive champion: Senator Tammy Baldwin celebrates her 2018 reelection victory in Madison, Wisconsin. (Steve Apps / Wisconsin State Journal via AP)
Biden can mitigate his vulnerability by detailing Trump’s broken promises on trade policy and pointing out the ways the president has used Wisconsin workers and farmers as pawns in his wrangling with China and Mexico. The presumptive Democratic nominee can also pick a running mate with a better record than his. Wisconsinites love the idea of his choosing Baldwin, a progressive who has sided with Sanders on many key issues. But the deeper point they make is that his vice presidential pick should be a woman as well as someone who gets economic populism. No matter who’s on the ticket, however, Wisconsin activists, strategists, and officials say there are some basic focuses necessary to win the state and the presidency.
§ Economic populism: Wisconsin’s identity remains wrapped up in its factories and farms and the political traditions that extend from them. It’s a place where progressive populist messages work—Sanders won 71 of 72 counties in his 2016 primary fight with Clinton—and where even Republicans frame their policy agendas, however cynically, as attacks on elite privilege. Now, however, with the coronavirus outbreak upending every economic calculation, the Democrats’ populism must be focused and forward-looking. “It’s not enough to say, ‘Bad trade deals have hurt workers and farmers.’ It’s got to get beyond slogans,” argues Rickman, who maintains that the Democratic nominee must acknowledge not just Republicans but also many Democrats who were too deferential to Wall Street.
Yet while frankness is critical, realism is, too. “You can’t just hearken back to the past and say, ‘We’re bringing all the manufacturing jobs back,’” he adds. “That’s what Trump does, and people understand now that he’s lying. Candidates have to recognize that people don’t necessarily miss manufacturing jobs. They miss the good pay and the good benefits that went with manufacturing jobs. The Democratic nominee has to talk about how a Democratic administration would transform the jobs of today and tomorrow—service jobs, warehouse jobs, call-center jobs—into the high-paying jobs of the future. And it can’t just be feel-good talk. It has to focus on balancing the power in the economy between the boss class and the working class.”
§ Organize the hell out of Milwaukee: While the voter suppression schemes implemented by Walker and his allies have done damage, Wisconsin remains a high-turnout state with close elections. The balance is often tipped in the Milwaukee area, with a multiracial, multiethnic city that is heavily Democratic and overwhelmingly white suburbs that are heavily Republican. Trump Attacks Workers Trump’s Attack on Working People Demands a Bold, Progressive Response Katrina vanden Heuvel
Dating back to Walker’s 2010 election and the fight over his anti-labor agenda, which sparked an unsuccessful recall election in 2012, Wisconsin Republicans and national groups like Americans for Prosperity have poured resources into organizing the so-called WOW counties (Waukesha, Ozaukee, and Washington) that surround Milwaukee. Meanwhile, the Democrats and their allies, including the unions weakened by Walker’s assaults on the right to organize, have focused on the city—and for good reason. When Milwaukee turnout is off, as it was in 2016, Democrats have a hard time making up the difference even when they get huge margins in the vote-rich and very progressive state capital of Madison and surrounding Dane County.
Epps-Addison, who’s been organizing for decades, points out that groups already on the ground—BLOC (Black Leaders Organizing for Communities), LIT (Leaders Igniting Transformation), the African-American Roundtable, and Voces de la Frontera among them—“have done a lot of the work already. So invest in those grassroots organizations early to allow them to launch their field programs now. Don’t wait until after the convention. Don’t wait until the fall.”
The Democratic Party’s Wikler and other Wisconsin activists recognize that the coronavirus outbreak could seriously complicate traditional organizing strategies. As a result, they’ve developed sophisticated plans to go virtual. “The key is to keep connecting with people in the most direct ways we can,” he says. “We can’t stop organizing, because we know how close the election could still be.” The 2018 midterms were close as well, and it looked as if Republicans would win most of the statewide contests. Then the Milwaukee results came in, and Democrats took the races for governor and attorney general by under 30,000 votes. Something like that could happen again in 2020.
§ Organize the hell out of Eau Claire: Wisconsin’s smaller cities, like Eau Claire and La Crosse in the west, Janesville and Beloit in the south, Racine and Kenosha in the southeast, and Oshkosh, Appleton, and Green Bay in the northeast, all send Democrats to the state legislature. Most are historically industrial centers; several have established African American communities and growing Latino populations. Many of the organizing strategies that apply in Milwaukee will apply in smaller cities as well. And these places are 2020 battlegrounds. Trump’s campaign rallies, in 2016 and since, have targeted many of these cities. But they are also places where his promises have not been kept.
Last fall, Wikler notes, the Democrats launched “a wave of organizing unprecedented in scope this far from an election.” He says this ambitious organizing at the neighborhood level in Milwaukee and other communities statewide—framing agendas at the grass roots and empowering “messengers with local credibility” to deliver them—will give the Democratic nominee a head start. If organizing can go door to door in the fall, it will. If it has to be virtual, so be it. No matter the challenges, once the ticket is chosen, he promises, it will be time to “hit the turbo button.” If the candidates complement this strategy by focusing on Wisconsin in their messaging and, where possible, in their campaigning, the pieces, he says, will come together.
§ Reconnect with rural Wisconsin: As veteran Democratic activist Charlie Uphoff points out, “Trump didn’t win Wisconsin because of who showed up in 2016. He won because of who didn’t show up.” A huge portion of the Democratic drop-off came in rural Wisconsin. Election 2020 The Promise of Justice in Fani Willis’s Indictment Joan Walsh Please, Please Stop Blaming “Progressives” for Donald Trump’s Fascism Joan Walsh Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? Jeet Heer
Consider Walworth County, a Republican-leaning bastion of small towns and farms where Trump won 56.1 percent of the ballots and a 10,153-vote majority in 2016—almost half of the Republicans’ statewide margin of 22,748 votes. But the Democrats didn’t always perform so miserably in the county. In 2008, Obama received 48 percent of the vote there. In 2012 he still attracted 43 percent. What happened in 2016?
In the last presidential election, the overall turnout in Walworth County was down a bit from 2012, but the decline was not evenly shared: Trump received 143 fewer votes than Mitt Romney did in 2012, while Clinton got 3,802 fewer votes than Obama. The Democrats don’t have to carry every rural county. They don’t even have to flip Trump voters. They just have to get their traditional voters to the polls and attract some new ones, especially young people.
They can do that by highlighting Trump’s whipsawing of farmers as part of his trade negotiations and more generally by discussing farm issues, says Jim Goodman, who farmed for 40 years in western Wisconsin and is now president of the National Family Farm Coalition. He argues that Biden must talk a lot more about farm issues in his campaign and the party has to write a platform that devotes more than just a few dozen words to rural and small-town concerns, as was the case in 2016.
This is about paying attention to the reality that underemployed and underinsured rural voters have pressing needs that too frequently go unaddressed. “The right wing spends a lot of time trying to sow disunity between communities that don’t see much of each other,” Epps-Addison says. “The way to counter that is to have a campaign that seeks to unite folks on what we have in common—the fact that more and more folks are struggling in this economy, the fact that more and more folks are worried about how they can afford health care. We know the issues. We just have to think about how to speak to them in ways that connect with people where they live.”
That is going to require candidates who get it and a program that speaks in compelling terms to Wisconsin. It is also going to require the resources to deliver that message at the doors of the disengaged, disenfranchised, and disappointed people whose votes can expand the electorate and create a winning coalition. Where will the money come from? Pocan has what is perhaps the best suggestion. “Don’t just throw money up on TV so that consultants get rich,” he says. “It can’t be about ads. This isn’t a 30-second discussion. This is about reconnecting with people who may not have voted last time and connecting with people who may be voting for the first time. That’s how you win Wisconsin.”


thenation--2020-03-30--Working Behind the Scenes in the Pandemic

EDITOR ’ S NOTE : The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service .
For that reason , this article , and all of our coronavirus coverage , is now free .
Please subscribe to support our writers and staff , and stay healthy .
The foundations of the economy are generally invisible , made up of workers who , though omnipresent , remain largely unsung .
At this moment of lockdown and fear , when everyone who is able to is working from home or self-isolating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sanitation workers , distribution and grocery store workers—ensure that supply chains , manufacturing capacity , and public hygiene remain functional for all of us .
Though what they do is absolutely essential , they are also among the most vulnerable members of society in the best of times—and even more so during this pandemic .
The Nation and Magnum Foundation are partnering on a visual chronicle of their untold stories as the coronavirus continues to spread across the United States and the world .
Each week , we ’ ll focus on , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers and communities who are disproportionately affected by the upheaval—all through the independent lens of image makers whose role in recording , collecting , and communicating stories is especially crucial in a time of collective isolation .
This week , photographer Peter van Agtmael begins the series with the scenes he captured on the streets of New York City the past few days .
“ Ordinarily , trying to tell [ people ’ s ] story through photography would demand physical closeness and emotional intimacy , ” van Agtmael says .
But “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most responsible choice .
I hope these images convey respect while celebrating their essential and courageous role in our lives .
”

Peter van Agtmael, The Nation, The Magnum Foundation

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Get The Nation’s Weekly Newsletter Fridays. The best of the week. Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Fridays. The best of the week.
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The foundations of the economy are generally invisible, made up of workers who, though omnipresent, remain largely unsung. At this moment of lockdown and fear, when everyone who is able to is working from home or self-isolating, these essential workers—health care workers, sanitation workers, distribution and grocery store workers—ensure that supply chains, manufacturing capacity, and public hygiene remain functional for all of us. Though what they do is absolutely essential, they are also among the most vulnerable members of society in the best of times—and even more so during this pandemic.
The Nation and Magnum Foundation are partnering on a visual chronicle of their untold stories as the coronavirus continues to spread across the United States and the world. Each week, we’ll focus on, and amplify, the experiences of frontline workers and communities who are disproportionately affected by the upheaval—all through the independent lens of image makers whose role in recording, collecting, and communicating stories is especially crucial in a time of collective isolation.
This week, photographer Peter van Agtmael begins the series with the scenes he captured on the streets of New York City the past few days. “Ordinarily, trying to tell [people’s] story through photography would demand physical closeness and emotional intimacy,” van Agtmael says. But “in these times, distance is the most responsible choice. I hope these images convey respect while celebrating their essential and courageous role in our lives.”


thenation--2020-03-27--Athlete Activists Respond to the Coronavirus Pandemic

I often use this space to write about the “ activist athlete ” —jocks who use their hyper-exalted , brought-to-you-by-Nike platforms to try and say or do something about the problems plaguing our world .
Of course , right now the dominant , all-encompassing problem plaguing our world is , well , a plague .
Our games have shut down .
Twenty-four-hour sports networks are contorting themselves into pretzels trying to fill the hours .
Using home studios and without the help of makeup artists , these mottled souls are just days away from having to turn to debates about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Fame .
As for the athletes , they—like so many of us—have cocooned with their families to wait Covid-19 out , hoping against hope that they will be able to go back to work .
In this utterly unprecedented context , it raises the question of what a socially conscious athlete can do .
Thank the heavens , we have some quite inspiring , and at times heartbreaking , examples from just this past week .
One action is the most basic and human of all : that of transparency .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Doris Burke has contracted the virus .
Burke wants to be open about what she is going through as a way to speak to others about the importance of health , safety , and social distancing .
Karl Anthony-Towns , the all-star center for the Minnesota Timberwolves has taken to Instagram to speak about how both his parents are now suffering through the virus .
His mother , Jacqueline Cruz , is in a medically induced coma and has been put on a respirator .
Through tears , he is trying to warn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ possible .
Rudy Gobert , called the “ patient zero ” of the NBA , has been open about his symptoms and recovery .
These are difficult stories , but they serve the mighty purpose of letting people know that anyone can contract the virus and when we forego social distancing , the risk is real .
Another way to raise awareness was seen on Thursday and pulled off by the Golden State Warriors MVP guard Steph Curry .
He held an instagram live chat with Dr. Anthony Fauci and actually was able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that never seem to be answered in Trump ’ s daily media rallies because the Orange One takes up so much space with his blithering ignorance .
Curry asked about comparing the flu to the novel coronavirus , whether warm weather would help mitigate its affects , and more .
Over 50,000 people tuned in to see it live .
It was an admirable use of Curry ’ s cultural capital to raise not only awareness but also intelligence .
Perhaps the most significant way an athlete can make a difference in people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they leverage their fame to shame , as in shame the billionaire class to do the right thing and support their workers through these hardships .
We saw this earlier in the week when Philadelphia 76ers star center Joel Embiid pledged $ 500,000 for Covid-19 relief in local communities , as well as helping those Sixers employees who would have been hurt .
This pushed , within only an hour , the 76ers ’ ownership group to backtrack on their intention to reduce at-will employees ’ pay by 20 percent from April 15 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ literally stopped a pay cut for hundreds of people through using fame to shame .
We have seen other players like 19-year-old Zion Williamson leverage their fame to shame by donating their own money to pay stadium workers and then force ownership to scurry up and pledge to do the same .
Outside the world of sports , one would be hard-pressed to find any members of the billionaire class stepping up to fight this virus .
Far from giving , they are taking , in the form of a $ 500 billion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But in sports , they have actually ponied up some money , and without players pushing them to do so , it is difficult to imagine that they would have done anything other than cut back .
The examples above should give folks a sense of hope about what athletes can do amid the coronavirus crisis .
They can raise awareness , be open with their struggles , use social media , or push their billionaire bosses to actually do something .
It might not seem like much , but at a moment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the dominant and guiding emotions , there is definitely a sense of hope that comes with seeing players with a conscience exercise that conscience in the most difficult of circumstances .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Get The Nation’s Weekly Newsletter Fridays. The best of the week. Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Fridays. The best of the week.
Thank you for signing up for The Nation’s weekly newsletter.
Repro Nation A monthly newsletter on the global fight for reproductive freedom. Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here.
Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
Subscribe to The Nation Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month! Subscribe now for as little as $2 a month!
Support Progressive Journalism The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter. The Nation is reader supported: Chip in $10 or more to help us continue to write about the issues that matter.
Sign up for our Wine Club today. Did you know you can support The Nation by drinking wine?
I often use this space to write about the “activist athlete”—jocks who use their hyper-exalted, brought-to-you-by-Nike platforms to try and say or do something about the problems plaguing our world. Of course, right now the dominant, all-encompassing problem plaguing our world is, well, a plague.
Our games have shut down. Twenty-four-hour sports networks are contorting themselves into pretzels trying to fill the hours. Using home studios and without the help of makeup artists, these mottled souls are just days away from having to turn to debates about whether Pete Rose belongs in the Hall of Fame. As for the athletes, they—like so many of us—have cocooned with their families to wait Covid-19 out, hoping against hope that they will be able to go back to work.
In this utterly unprecedented context, it raises the question of what a socially conscious athlete can do. Thank the heavens, we have some quite inspiring, and at times heartbreaking, examples from just this past week.
One action is the most basic and human of all: that of transparency. We learned on Friday that ESPN basketball announcer Doris Burke has contracted the virus. Burke wants to be open about what she is going through as a way to speak to others about the importance of health, safety, and social distancing. Karl Anthony-Towns, the all-star center for the Minnesota Timberwolves has taken to Instagram to speak about how both his parents are now suffering through the virus. His mother, Jacqueline Cruz, is in a medically induced coma and has been put on a respirator. Through tears, he is trying to warn people to take this as seriously as possible. Rudy Gobert, called the “patient zero” of the NBA, has been open about his symptoms and recovery. These are difficult stories, but they serve the mighty purpose of letting people know that anyone can contract the virus and when we forego social distancing, the risk is real.
Another way to raise awareness was seen on Thursday and pulled off by the Golden State Warriors MVP guard Steph Curry. He held an instagram live chat with Dr. Anthony Fauci and actually was able to ask many of the commonsense questions that never seem to be answered in Trump’s daily media rallies because the Orange One takes up so much space with his blithering ignorance. Curry asked about comparing the flu to the novel coronavirus, whether warm weather would help mitigate its affects, and more. Over 50,000 people tuned in to see it live. It was an admirable use of Curry’s cultural capital to raise not only awareness but also intelligence.
Perhaps the most significant way an athlete can make a difference in people’s lives right now is if they leverage their fame to shame, as in shame the billionaire class to do the right thing and support their workers through these hardships. We saw this earlier in the week when Philadelphia 76ers star center Joel Embiid pledged $500,000 for Covid-19 relief in local communities, as well as helping those Sixers employees who would have been hurt. This pushed, within only an hour, the 76ers’ ownership group to backtrack on their intention to reduce at-will employees’ pay by 20 percent from April 15 through the end of June. Embiid literally stopped a pay cut for hundreds of people through using fame to shame. We have seen other players like 19-year-old Zion Williamson leverage their fame to shame by donating their own money to pay stadium workers and then force ownership to scurry up and pledge to do the same. Outside the world of sports, one would be hard-pressed to find any members of the billionaire class stepping up to fight this virus. Far from giving, they are taking, in the form of a $500 billion slush fund courtesy of Mitch McConnell. But in sports, they have actually ponied up some money, and without players pushing them to do so, it is difficult to imagine that they would have done anything other than cut back.
The examples above should give folks a sense of hope about what athletes can do amid the coronavirus crisis. They can raise awareness, be open with their struggles, use social media, or push their billionaire bosses to actually do something. It might not seem like much, but at a moment where helplessness and fear seem to be the dominant and guiding emotions, there is definitely a sense of hope that comes with seeing players with a conscience exercise that conscience in the most difficult of circumstances.


thenation--2020-03-27--12 Coronavirus Funds That Will Help the Most Vulnerable

As the coronavirus pandemic intensifies in the United States , a staggering number of workers have seen their wages severely reduced or cut off completely .
Small businesses are shutting down around the country , and last week more than 3 million Americans lost their jobs .
The $ 2 trillion Covid-19 relief bill that the US Senate passed Wednesday—and which the House of Representatives also approved today—includes a one-time , $ 1,200 payment to tax payers who reported less than $ 75,000 in income .
It also expands unemployment insurance and includes grants for small businesses , among other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ airlines will still be one of the package ’ s biggest beneficiaries , with some restrictions .
It ’ s unclear how much this will help those who had been living paycheck to paycheck before this .
Without fundamental changes , the most marginalized folks in our society will disproportionately experience the ripple effects of the coronavirus economy .
This is especially true for those who are already experiencing homelessness , or are undocumented and unlikely to benefit from the bill .
Many activists and community groups have already learned that they can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help protect their communities in disastrous times .
Organizations around the country have established their own funds , with the aim of covering those who would otherwise fall through the cracks .
Below is just a sampling of high-impact collectives that need your contributions to help vulnerable people—including service workers , undocumented folks , people of color , and LGBTQ communities—survive this crisis .
The organization One Fair Wage has created an emergency fund specifically to help service workers—including restaurant workers , delivery workers , car share drivers , and more—whose wages and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Many of these folks depend on tips to support themselves ; some work in states where they can be paid as little as $ 2.13 per hour .
States and municipalities are increasingly limiting restaurant business to delivery and takeout , and employees who can not work are unlikely to get paid time off .
One Fair Wage grants go directly to workers , who can request assistance online ; grantees are chosen based on availability of funds and a follow-up interview .
The Restaurant Workers Community Foundation focuses on increasing the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country , with a three-pronged mission of advocacy , grant creation , and restaurant industry investment .
Half of their coronavirus-specific funds will go directly to restaurant workers further marginalized by the pandemic , while 25 percent will go to nonprofits that serve restaurant workers .
The remaining 25 percent will fund zero-interest loans to restaurants seeking a jump-start once the outbreak is contained .
Folks can apply for funds through a self-nomination process ; the highest priority will be given to those struggling with medical issues .
The National Domestic Workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fund for folks who work as nannies , house cleaners , and home care workers .
These workers are likely to be uninsured , lack paid leave , and experience job insecurity—largely because of a lack of legal protections and job benefits .
The NDWA fights to undo the damage of the National Labor Relations Act , which has excluded domestic workers from unionizing and collective-bargaining privileges since the 1930s .
Its Coronavirus Care Fund was created to provide a financial safety net for many unprotected domestic workers , so they don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the health and safety of themselves , their families , and their clients ; each individual grant is $ 400 .
The first round of qualifying applicants are those who have had previous affiliation with NDWA and its sister organizations ; after more money is raised , all unaffiliated domestic workers can apply .
Make the Road New York understands that immigrant and low-income communities—to which it offers adult literacy programs , legal advocacy , civic and youth programming , health care access , and other services—were already struggling before the pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reason—that they will be detained if they try to seek medical care .
The organization ’ s Covid-19 Emergency Response Fund will provide direct financial support to low-income and immigrant families , as well as ongoing advocacy efforts .
Queer communities are made up of folks who exist at multiple intersections of marginalization and are therefore especially vulnerable right now : Those who are trans or intersex ; black , Indigenous , and people of color ( BIPOC ) ; or a combination of identities are disproportionately susceptible to workplace and housing discrimination @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A group of activists and educators based in New York City and the Los Angeles area started this fund , which prioritizes those who work in the gig economy or service industry , are immunocompromised , have disabilities , or are living with chronic illness .
According to the group ’ s philosophy—which avoids labeling any person in need as more deserving than another person—there are no qualifying measures for grant recipients besides self-nomination .
“ We are choosing to trust the people , ” they write .
“ We are not social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ position and dynamic.
” The Brave Space Alliance , a black- and trans-led LGBTQ center , is running a Covid-19 food pantry on the South Side of Chicago .
They are accepting donations of both money and food ( either dropped off at the office , or purchased through their online wish list ) for the duration of the pandemic , and will be prioritizing recipients who are sick , have disabilities , are losing income or do not have paid leave , are elderly , undocumented , or are black , brown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sign up to help run the food pantry , picking up donations and delivering food to those in need .
Brave Space Alliance is also offering a few of their previously in-person services online , including trans support groups and financial and government consultations .
Movie theaters have been deemed a nonessential business by state governors and mayors of various cities who have ordered residents to “ shelter in place.
” This fund was created by film programmers , filmmakers , and the online publication Screen Slate to support furloughed or laid-off workers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ received paid leave in the aftermath of theater closures .
According to the fund ’ s gofundme page , every $ 3,000 raised will support five grant recipients for a week , at the rate of $ 15 per hour for 40 hours .
Migrant communities live in precarity , exacerbated by the Trump administration ’ s “ Remain in Mexico ” policy and the so-called Safe Third Country agreement .
Al Otro Lado , a legal services nonprofit working in Southern California and Tijuana , Mexico , started the Humanitarian Migrant Fund @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seekers , deportees , and other migrants in cities along the US-Mexico border .
The money raised will provide these communities with emergency housing , food , medications , baby formula and diapers , toiletries , and other basic needs—all of which are even more desperately needed during this pandemic .
The representatives behind emergency funds know that many folks were struggling long before the crisis , and will be struggling long after—unless we can make permanent structural change .
Stay-at-home mandates have forced organizers to find creative ways to engage the communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and workshops , gatherings , and other outreach events are gradually becoming virtual .
The Social Justice Fund , based in Seattle , set up a Covid-19 Crisis Fund to serve grassroots community organizing in Idaho , Montana , Wyoming , Oregon , and Washington state , helping them to provide income assistance , help cover medical costs , offer emergency food and shelter , and fund ongoing anti-racist and antidiscrimination campaigns during the pandemic .
The Disability Justice Culture Club is a collective based in Oakland , California , run by disabled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who support members of their community and others in need .
They regularly help set up care networks of able-bodied volunteers to assist folks with unique needs by delivering food , running errands , or picking up medication , and have now started a Covid-19 fund to provide extra assistance to the people they serve on a regular basis .
The group also organized volunteers to create and distribute “ care kits ” for those experiencing homelessness , with each kit containing homemade hand sanitizer , disinfectant , a vitamin mix , an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contributions will go toward supporting queer BIPOC folks in the East Bay who may be out of work , immunocompromised , and unable to risk exposure to acquire food and other essentials , as well as supporting those who have difficulty seeking or can not seek medical attention .
The Latino Community Foundation , based in San Francisco , established the Love Not Fear Fund to support Latino-led organizations that primarily support elderly undocumented immigrants and other residents living in the Central Valley and Inland Empire regions of California—many of whom would otherwise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ funded relief efforts .
One grantee provides grocery shopping services , while another provides food directly to elderly folks .
The fund will also support educational development for immigrants and their families , and help them weather downsizing and layoffs brought on by shelter-in-place orders .
The number of new coronavirus cases may be growing faster in Louisiana than anywhere else on earth .
The crisis is especially acute in New Orleans .
To counter that , a collective of organizers in that city has created an emergency fund to support local working-class @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help of financial contributions and a network of volunteers , New Orleans residents who are elderly , immunocompromised , or work in hospitality can self-nominate to receive grocery and prescription deliveries .
The collective believes—as many of us do—that the current crisis has further surfaced the inequities of capitalism , profit , property , health care , and white supremacy .
Countering these disparities will require us to redistribute resources and help carry each other past this crisis .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
As the coronavirus pandemic intensifies in the United States, a staggering number of workers have seen their wages severely reduced or cut off completely. Small businesses are shutting down around the country, and last week more than 3 million Americans lost their jobs. The $2 trillion Covid-19 relief bill that the US Senate passed Wednesday—and which the House of Representatives also approved today—includes a one-time, $1,200 payment to tax payers who reported less than $75,000 in income. It also expands unemployment insurance and includes grants for small businesses, among other funding. Notably, corporations such as airlines will still be one of the package’s biggest beneficiaries, with some restrictions.
It’s unclear how much this will help those who had been living paycheck to paycheck before this. Without fundamental changes, the most marginalized folks in our society will disproportionately experience the ripple effects of the coronavirus economy. This is especially true for those who are already experiencing homelessness, or are undocumented and unlikely to benefit from the bill.
Many activists and community groups have already learned that they cannot depend solely on their governments to help protect their communities in disastrous times. Organizations around the country have established their own funds, with the aim of covering those who would otherwise fall through the cracks. Below is just a sampling of high-impact collectives that need your contributions to help vulnerable people—including service workers, undocumented folks, people of color, and LGBTQ communities—survive this crisis.
The organization One Fair Wage has created an emergency fund specifically to help service workers—including restaurant workers, delivery workers, car share drivers, and more—whose wages and employment have been decimated by the pandemic. Many of these folks depend on tips to support themselves; some work in states where they can be paid as little as $2.13 per hour. States and municipalities are increasingly limiting restaurant business to delivery and takeout, and employees who cannot work are unlikely to get paid time off. One Fair Wage grants go directly to workers, who can request assistance online; grantees are chosen based on availability of funds and a follow-up interview.
The Restaurant Workers Community Foundation focuses on increasing the quality of life for restaurant workers across the country, with a three-pronged mission of advocacy, grant creation, and restaurant industry investment. Half of their coronavirus-specific funds will go directly to restaurant workers further marginalized by the pandemic, while 25 percent will go to nonprofits that serve restaurant workers. The remaining 25 percent will fund zero-interest loans to restaurants seeking a jump-start once the outbreak is contained. Folks can apply for funds through a self-nomination process; the highest priority will be given to those struggling with medical issues. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
The National Domestic Workers Alliance has set up a Coronavirus Care Fund for folks who work as nannies, house cleaners, and home care workers. These workers are likely to be uninsured, lack paid leave, and experience job insecurity—largely because of a lack of legal protections and job benefits. The NDWA fights to undo the damage of the National Labor Relations Act, which has excluded domestic workers from unionizing and collective-bargaining privileges since the 1930s. Its Coronavirus Care Fund was created to provide a financial safety net for many unprotected domestic workers, so they don’t have to choose between a paycheck and the health and safety of themselves, their families, and their clients; each individual grant is $400. The first round of qualifying applicants are those who have had previous affiliation with NDWA and its sister organizations; after more money is raised, all unaffiliated domestic workers can apply.
Make the Road New York understands that immigrant and low-income communities—to which it offers adult literacy programs, legal advocacy, civic and youth programming, health care access, and other services—were already struggling before the pandemic. Undocumented people may also fear—with good reason—that they will be detained if they try to seek medical care. The organization’s Covid-19 Emergency Response Fund will provide direct financial support to low-income and immigrant families, as well as ongoing advocacy efforts. Current Issue View our current issue
Queer communities are made up of folks who exist at multiple intersections of marginalization and are therefore especially vulnerable right now: Those who are trans or intersex; black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC); or a combination of identities are disproportionately susceptible to workplace and housing discrimination, and therefore poverty and homelessness. A group of activists and educators based in New York City and the Los Angeles area started this fund, which prioritizes those who work in the gig economy or service industry, are immunocompromised, have disabilities, or are living with chronic illness. According to the group’s philosophy—which avoids labeling any person in need as more deserving than another person—there are no qualifying measures for grant recipients besides self-nomination. “We are choosing to trust the people,” they write. “We are not social workers and we refuse to replicate that position and dynamic.”
The Brave Space Alliance, a black- and trans-led LGBTQ center, is running a Covid-19 food pantry on the South Side of Chicago. They are accepting donations of both money and food (either dropped off at the office, or purchased through their online wish list) for the duration of the pandemic, and will be prioritizing recipients who are sick, have disabilities, are losing income or do not have paid leave, are elderly, undocumented, or are black, brown, or Indigenous. Volunteers can also sign up to help run the food pantry, picking up donations and delivering food to those in need. Brave Space Alliance is also offering a few of their previously in-person services online, including trans support groups and financial and government consultations.
Movie theaters have been deemed a nonessential business by state governors and mayors of various cities who have ordered residents to “shelter in place.” This fund was created by film programmers, filmmakers, and the online publication Screen Slate to support furloughed or laid-off workers in New York City who have not received paid leave in the aftermath of theater closures. According to the fund’s gofundme page, every $3,000 raised will support five grant recipients for a week, at the rate of $15 per hour for 40 hours.
Migrant communities live in precarity, exacerbated by the Trump administration’s “Remain in Mexico” policy and the so-called Safe Third Country agreement. Al Otro Lado, a legal services nonprofit working in Southern California and Tijuana, Mexico, started the Humanitarian Migrant Fund to support frontline grassroots organizations serving asylum seekers, deportees, and other migrants in cities along the US-Mexico border. The money raised will provide these communities with emergency housing, food, medications, baby formula and diapers, toiletries, and other basic needs—all of which are even more desperately needed during this pandemic. Related Article To Stop Anti-Trans Legislation, Abolish the Settler State Tal Milovina
The representatives behind emergency funds know that many folks were struggling long before the crisis, and will be struggling long after—unless we can make permanent structural change. Stay-at-home mandates have forced organizers to find creative ways to engage the communities they usually serve face to face, and workshops, gatherings, and other outreach events are gradually becoming virtual. The Social Justice Fund, based in Seattle, set up a Covid-19 Crisis Fund to serve grassroots community organizing in Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Oregon, and Washington state, helping them to provide income assistance, help cover medical costs, offer emergency food and shelter, and fund ongoing anti-racist and antidiscrimination campaigns during the pandemic.
The Disability Justice Culture Club is a collective based in Oakland, California, run by disabled and/or self-described “neurodivergent” queer people who support members of their community and others in need. They regularly help set up care networks of able-bodied volunteers to assist folks with unique needs by delivering food, running errands, or picking up medication, and have now started a Covid-19 fund to provide extra assistance to the people they serve on a regular basis. The group also organized volunteers to create and distribute “care kits” for those experiencing homelessness, with each kit containing homemade hand sanitizer, disinfectant, a vitamin mix, an N95 mask, and gloves. Financial contributions will go toward supporting queer BIPOC folks in the East Bay who may be out of work, immunocompromised, and unable to risk exposure to acquire food and other essentials, as well as supporting those who have difficulty seeking or cannot seek medical attention.
The Latino Community Foundation, based in San Francisco, established the Love Not Fear Fund to support Latino-led organizations that primarily support elderly undocumented immigrants and other residents living in the Central Valley and Inland Empire regions of California—many of whom would otherwise be left out of state- and federally funded relief efforts. One grantee provides grocery shopping services, while another provides food directly to elderly folks. The fund will also support educational development for immigrants and their families, and help them weather downsizing and layoffs brought on by shelter-in-place orders.
The number of new coronavirus cases may be growing faster in Louisiana than anywhere else on earth. The crisis is especially acute in New Orleans. To counter that, a collective of organizers in that city has created an emergency fund to support local working-class residents during the pandemic. With the help of financial contributions and a network of volunteers, New Orleans residents who are elderly, immunocompromised, or work in hospitality can self-nominate to receive grocery and prescription deliveries.
The collective believes—as many of us do—that the current crisis has further surfaced the inequities of capitalism, profit, property, health care, and white supremacy. Countering these disparities will require us to redistribute resources and help carry each other past this crisis.


thenation--2020-03-27--Workers Are Warriors in the Fight Against the Coronavirus

During a briefing on March 19 , Donald Trump likened the fight against the coronavirus pandemic to a military conflict .
“ It ’ s a war , ” Trump said .
He went on to describe himself as a “ wartime president.
” The analogy is a familiar one .
Both Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders also talk about the current crisis as the equivalent of war .
The metaphor is worth pursuing .
If we are at war with the coronavirus , then the front-line soldiers are the workers who are putting their lives on the line by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are hospital staff , led by doctors and nurses , but including everyone needed to keep the full infrastructure of the medical system functioning .
Beyond hospitals , even communities under lockdown require an army of workers : the staff of grocery stores and pharmacies , the staff needed to keep supply chains functioning ( warehouse workers , truckers , delivery people ) , sanitation workers , and innumerable other blue-color positions .
As my colleague John Nichols notes , “ The battle to get ahead of the coronavirus curve is so serious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ list of working-class heroes grows with each passing day.
” The war on the coronavirus is already taking casualties .
The New York Post reports that staff at Mount Sinai West were blaming the coronavirus death of assistant nursing manager Kious Kelly , age 48 , on the poor equipment at the hospital .
Photos have circulated on social media of nurses at the hospital using black plastic bags as homemade protective gear .
“ Kious didn ’ t deserve this , ” a nurse told the newspaper .
“ The hospital should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ him.
” The Coronavirus Class War Has Already Started Trump Toys With a Let-Them-Die Response to the Pandemic According to The New York Times , “ Early research shows that health care workers are more likely to contract the coronavirus than the average person and , when they get it , to suffer more severe symptoms .
Many doctors are already rationing the protective gowns , gloves and masks that are necessary to keep them safe.
” As a result , many doctors are taking extraordinary measures like drawing up wills and naming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children in the event of death .
“ There are a good number of people who are going to die here , ” Dr. John Marshall , the chairman of emergency medicine at Maimonides Medical Center in Brooklyn , told the newspaper .
He added , “ Health care workers will be part of that number.
” It ’ s not just doctors and nurses who are putting their lives at risk .
There have been a string of cases of Amazon warehouse workers contracting Covid-19 .
This issue is causing strains in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t get paid sick leave .
They can take unpaid days off and keep their job .
This is a policy that obviously endangers workers by creating an incentive for those who are possibly sick to stay at work .
Amazon tech workers , who are encouraged to work from home , circulated a letter on Wednesday complaining about the policy .
“ Even as office workers are asked to work from home , Amazon ’ s measures to protect FC [ fulfillment center ] and DC [ data center ] workers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Whole Foods , have ranged from inadequate to openly negligent , ” the letter noted .
The rising tide of protests reinforces the idea that we are in a war .
While patriotic mythology portrays the sacrifice of soldiers as purely idealistic , the simple reality is that heroic suffering allows ordinary people to make greater demands on society .
The sacrifice of African American soldiers in the Civil War strengthened the case for abolition , a pattern that recurred in subsequent wars when black veterans often cited their service when fighting for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was shaped by widely shared sentiments about the debt society owes to soldiers , evident in the pioneering pensions given to Union soldiers of the Civil War , the GI Bill after World War II , and the health care provided by the Veterans Administration .
During the First World War , British Prime Minister Lloyd George promised “ a habitation fit for heroes ” ( which the press shortened to “ a home fit for heroes ” ) .
He was referring to providing housing for returning soldiers , but “ a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resonance .
It ’ s a demand for social change to justify the sacrifices of war .
In the current fight against the pandemic , the fault lines of class conflict are already evident .
Conservatives are very well aware that the working class is in a position to make larger demands .
A counterrevolution against these demands is already coalescing .
Four Republican senators tried to resist the provisions in the coronavirus bill that expanded unemployment insurance .
Amazingly , South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham even made the argument that some nurses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , saying , “ If you are a nurse ’ s aide making $ 15 or $ 16 an hour , you are on the front lines here .
A lot of doctors ’ offices are going to have to roll back because elective surgery is not a source of income for a bunch of doctors .
So you are going to have all these well-trained nurses , they are going to make $ 24 an hour on unemployment .
You are literally incentivizing taking people out of the workforce at a time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers.
” Graham didn ’ t consider the possibility of paying more money to nurses , who even he admits are essential .
The impulse to thwart the empowerment of workers can be seen not just in Graham ’ s words but also in the larger structure of the Senate bailout .
While it did provide a one-time payment to ordinary Americans as well as a decent increase in unemployment insurance , the bulk of the bailout followed the traditional pattern of providing easy money to large corporations while not binding them in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this bailout , then , was to preserve the social status quo , with the existing bosses still having domination over the economy .
The open question is how long this status quo can last .
American workers are putting their lives on the line every day .
An army can make heroic sacrifices , but if it feels badly treated badly , an army can also mutiny .

EDITOR’S NOTE: The Nation believes that helping readers stay informed about the impact of the coronavirus crisis is a form of public service. For that reason, this article, and all of our coronavirus coverage, is now free. Please subscribe to support our writers and staff, and stay healthy.
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During a briefing on March 19, Donald Trump likened the fight against the coronavirus pandemic to a military conflict. “It’s a war,” Trump said. He went on to describe himself as a “wartime president.” The analogy is a familiar one. Both Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders also talk about the current crisis as the equivalent of war.
The metaphor is worth pursuing. If we are at war with the coronavirus, then the front-line soldiers are the workers who are putting their lives on the line by providing essential services. First and foremost are hospital staff, led by doctors and nurses, but including everyone needed to keep the full infrastructure of the medical system functioning.
Beyond hospitals, even communities under lockdown require an army of workers: the staff of grocery stores and pharmacies, the staff needed to keep supply chains functioning (warehouse workers, truckers, delivery people), sanitation workers, and innumerable other blue-color positions. As my colleague John Nichols notes, “The battle to get ahead of the coronavirus curve is so serious, and so demanding, that the list of working-class heroes grows with each passing day.”
The war on the coronavirus is already taking casualties. The New York Post reports that staff at Mount Sinai West were blaming the coronavirus death of assistant nursing manager Kious Kelly, age 48, on the poor equipment at the hospital. Photos have circulated on social media of nurses at the hospital using black plastic bags as homemade protective gear. “Kious didn’t deserve this,” a nurse told the newspaper. “The hospital should be held responsible. The hospital killed him.” More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
According to The New York Times, “Early research shows that health care workers are more likely to contract the coronavirus than the average person and, when they get it, to suffer more severe symptoms. Many doctors are already rationing the protective gowns, gloves and masks that are necessary to keep them safe.”
As a result, many doctors are taking extraordinary measures like drawing up wills and naming those who should take care of their children in the event of death. “There are a good number of people who are going to die here,” Dr. John Marshall, the chairman of emergency medicine at Maimonides Medical Center in Brooklyn, told the newspaper. He added, “Health care workers will be part of that number.”
It’s not just doctors and nurses who are putting their lives at risk. There have been a string of cases of Amazon warehouse workers contracting Covid-19. This issue is causing strains in the company because these workers don’t get paid sick leave. They can take unpaid days off and keep their job. This is a policy that obviously endangers workers by creating an incentive for those who are possibly sick to stay at work. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Current Issue View our current issue
Amazon tech workers, who are encouraged to work from home, circulated a letter on Wednesday complaining about the policy. “Even as office workers are asked to work from home, Amazon’s measures to protect FC [fulfillment center] and DC [data center] workers, as well as shop floor workers at Whole Foods, have ranged from inadequate to openly negligent,” the letter noted.
The rising tide of protests reinforces the idea that we are in a war. While patriotic mythology portrays the sacrifice of soldiers as purely idealistic, the simple reality is that heroic suffering allows ordinary people to make greater demands on society.
The sacrifice of African American soldiers in the Civil War strengthened the case for abolition, a pattern that recurred in subsequent wars when black veterans often cited their service when fighting for civil rights.
The American welfare state was shaped by widely shared sentiments about the debt society owes to soldiers, evident in the pioneering pensions given to Union soldiers of the Civil War, the GI Bill after World War II, and the health care provided by the Veterans Administration.
During the First World War, British Prime Minister Lloyd George promised “a habitation fit for heroes” (which the press shortened to “a home fit for heroes”). He was referring to providing housing for returning soldiers, but “a home fit for heroes” has wider resonance. It’s a demand for social change to justify the sacrifices of war.
In the current fight against the pandemic, the fault lines of class conflict are already evident. Conservatives are very well aware that the working class is in a position to make larger demands.
A counterrevolution against these demands is already coalescing. Four Republican senators tried to resist the provisions in the coronavirus bill that expanded unemployment insurance.
Amazingly, South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham even made the argument that some nurses would take the opportunity to avoid work, saying, “If you are a nurse’s aide making $15 or $16 an hour, you are on the front lines here. A lot of doctors’ offices are going to have to roll back because elective surgery is not a source of income for a bunch of doctors. So you are going to have all these well-trained nurses, they are going to make $24 an hour on unemployment. You are literally incentivizing taking people out of the workforce at a time when we need critical infrastructure supplied with workers.” Graham didn’t consider the possibility of paying more money to nurses, who even he admits are essential.
The impulse to thwart the empowerment of workers can be seen not just in Graham’s words but also in the larger structure of the Senate bailout. While it did provide a one-time payment to ordinary Americans as well as a decent increase in unemployment insurance, the bulk of the bailout followed the traditional pattern of providing easy money to large corporations while not binding them in any meaningful way. The impact of this bailout, then, was to preserve the social status quo, with the existing bosses still having domination over the economy.
The open question is how long this status quo can last. American workers are putting their lives on the line every day. An army can make heroic sacrifices, but if it feels badly treated badly, an army can also mutiny.