thenation--2020-03-31--Slapping Travel Bans on New Yorkers Is Bad Law—and Bad Policy

We are trying to stop the spread of a virus .
We ’ re not trying to stop the spread of “ Chinese people ” or “ Italian people ” or “ New York people , ” but a virus that infects people regardless of race , color , creed , or state of permanent residence .
Unfortunately , it seems an increasing number of state government officials can no longer tell the difference .
In Texas , Governor Greg Abbott signed an executive order telling people to self-quarantine if they are returning to Texas from a hot spot like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Governor Rick DeSantis is apparently setting up checkpoints on I-95 to prevent New Yorkers from traveling to the state .
And , after proposing that state police stop and check everybody traveling into Rhode Island with a New York State license plate , Rhode Island Governor Gina Raimondo has now ordered state police to direct all out-of-state vehicles to a checkpoint where visitors intending to stay in Rhode Island will be asked to hand over their contact information and then quarantine for 14 days .
I ’ d say these state travel restrictions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ horse has left the barn , but that ’ s too modest .
To really understand how absurd these bans are , you have to imagine that the horse is actually a flying reindeer which can poop coronavirus down everybody ’ s chimneys in a single night—and then do it a second time for good measure—all by the time the governors wake up in the morning .
Some of these restrictions are likely unconstitutional , should anybody feel like suing .
The Privileges and Immunities Clause of the Constitution says that you can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what state they live in .
Here ’ s the text : “ The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states.
” This should mean , at a minimum , that you can ’ t instruct your state police to harass people based on their license plate .
If you were looking for something that was even more unconstitutional than racial profiling—if not quite more immoral—license plate profiling might do the trick .
Intrastate travel restrictions and quarantines can be constitutional , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order to avoid a violation of Privileges and Immunities .
The Texas law is the best example of a travel ban that can work under the Constitution ’ s framework .
Abbott ’ s restriction applies to everybody , including Texas residents , who are traveling back from a hot spot .
Thus , citizens of Louisiana are being treated just the same as citizens from Texas .
That scheme works , constitutionally speaking ( for a more detailed examination of why the Texas restriction is constitutional yet illustrative of a greater governmental @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Vox ) .
But the likely constitutionality of the Texas order highlights the constitutional defects with the plans in Florida and Rhode Island .
There , the governors are not treating every citizen the same based on where they ’ ve been ; they ’ re treating citizens differently based on where they live .
Under Raimondo ’ s plan , for instance , a resident of Rhode Island ( as indicated by their license plate ) can drive to New York , lick a couple of subway poles , then drive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , harassed , and told to self-quarantine by state police .
But a New York resident can not visit Rhode Island without quarantine .
In fact , a New York resident traveling to Boston can not drive through Rhode Island ( which is kind of in the way ) , without potentially being pulled over by the state police .
But a Rhode Island resident could ferry an SUV full of coughing New Yorkers through Rhode Island , without worrying about police intervention .
Apparently , the governor thinks an Ocean State license @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s not how the Constitution is supposed to work .
The whole point of that document is to make us citizens of the same country , as opposed to a loosely affiliated “ confederation of states.
” Once you get the state police involved—armed men and women who can make you follow their rules at the point of a gun—then the Privileges and Immunities Clause must kick in to prevent states from trying to erect a moat between themselves and the rest of the union .
None of that should be taken @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around the country right now .
People should be sheltering in place .
Travel should be limited to essential workers performing essential functions .
I like lobsters , too , but not so much as to risk my health and the health of everybody I interact with that I would consider driving to Rhode Island to get one .
For a lot of people , the constitutional problems with state travel restrictions are a marginal concern : If it keeps people safe , why not temporarily ignore the Constitution ?
Shouldn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she can to keep people in her own state safe ?
Why not DeSantis ?
But those willing to throw out the Constitution in the name of public health need to remember that these travel restrictions are also a distraction from the real problem : the lack of Covid-19 testing .
Travel bans create a false sense of security based on the illusion that the virus is only “ really bad ” in New York and some other known hot spots .
In reality , we don ’ t know the extent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compares with the extent in Queens , because widespread testing is still not available .
New York is , finally , at the point where it can conduct a large number of tests in a day ( though we still need many , many more ) .
In Rhode Island , even prominent local personalities who may have been exposed to Covid-19 are still having trouble getting tested .
Cuomo Helped Get New York Into This Mess The Coronavirus Is Trump ’ s Latest Excuse to Militarize the Border Think Exotic Animals Are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Again .
More in this series In fairness to the governors , we are in this situation because the federal government has not provided the tests we need to make smart public health decisions about tracking and containing the spread of the virus .
At the same time , law school graduates like Raimondo and DeSantis ( Yale and Harvard , respectively ) should know better .
They should know that their travel restrictions not only run right into the Privileges and Immunities Clause , which renders them potentially unconstitutional , but also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which makes them useless .
That provision is the Interstate Commerce Clause .
It gives the federal government , and not states , the right to regulate commercial travel—something the federal government has thus far chosen not to do .
What that means , as both Rhode Island and Florida have acknowledged , is that their travel restrictions do not apply to commercial traffic .
I ’ m no infectious disease expert , but I ’ m pretty sure that truck drivers are not immune to Covid-19 .
If you are allowing drivers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state , stop , unload cargo , sneeze , and then trundle onto their next pickup or drop off , then you are not stopping the spread of anything .
The virus does not care if it is riding in an 18-wheeler instead of a family Hyundai .
As citizens , most of us can agree that we should limit our nonessential travel .
We should practice social distancing .
We should be working from home .
And the government should be testing everybody it can in order to slow the spread of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out-of-state license plates accomplish none of those critical safety precautions .
They don ’ t protect anybody .
They just give people the false sense that the virus is somebody else ’ s problem .
We don ’ t need state troopers armed with guns patrolling the roads violating people ’ s constitutional rights .
We need state troopers armed with nasal swabs protecting the public health .
If Rhode Island had any of those , I might be inclined to drive up there and risk catching a ticket—and a test—myself .

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We are trying to stop the spread of a virus. We’re not trying to stop the spread of “Chinese people” or “Italian people” or “New York people,” but a virus that infects people regardless of race, color, creed, or state of permanent residence.
Unfortunately, it seems an increasing number of state government officials can no longer tell the difference.
In Texas, Governor Greg Abbott signed an executive order telling people to self-quarantine if they are returning to Texas from a hot spot like New York or New Orleans. Florida Governor Rick DeSantis is apparently setting up checkpoints on I-95 to prevent New Yorkers from traveling to the state. And, after proposing that state police stop and check everybody traveling into Rhode Island with a New York State license plate, Rhode Island Governor Gina Raimondo has now ordered state police to direct all out-of-state vehicles to a checkpoint where visitors intending to stay in Rhode Island will be asked to hand over their contact information and then quarantine for 14 days.
I’d say these state travel restrictions are like closing the door after the horse has left the barn, but that’s too modest. To really understand how absurd these bans are, you have to imagine that the horse is actually a flying reindeer which can poop coronavirus down everybody’s chimneys in a single night—and then do it a second time for good measure—all by the time the governors wake up in the morning.
Some of these restrictions are likely unconstitutional, should anybody feel like suing. The Privileges and Immunities Clause of the Constitution says that you can’t treat people differently based on what state they live in. Here’s the text: “The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states.” This should mean, at a minimum, that you can’t instruct your state police to harass people based on their license plate. If you were looking for something that was even more unconstitutional than racial profiling—if not quite more immoral—license plate profiling might do the trick. Current Issue View our current issue
Intrastate travel restrictions and quarantines can be constitutional, but they must be carefully written in order to avoid a violation of Privileges and Immunities. The Texas law is the best example of a travel ban that can work under the Constitution’s framework. Abbott’s restriction applies to everybody, including Texas residents, who are traveling back from a hot spot. Thus, citizens of Louisiana are being treated just the same as citizens from Texas. That scheme works, constitutionally speaking (for a more detailed examination of why the Texas restriction is constitutional yet illustrative of a greater governmental failure, check out this excellent post from Vox). Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
But the likely constitutionality of the Texas order highlights the constitutional defects with the plans in Florida and Rhode Island. There, the governors are not treating every citizen the same based on where they’ve been; they’re treating citizens differently based on where they live. Under Raimondo’s plan, for instance, a resident of Rhode Island (as indicated by their license plate) can drive to New York, lick a couple of subway poles, then drive back to Rhode Island without being stopped, harassed, and told to self-quarantine by state police. But a New York resident cannot visit Rhode Island without quarantine. In fact, a New York resident traveling to Boston cannot drive through Rhode Island (which is kind of in the way), without potentially being pulled over by the state police. But a Rhode Island resident could ferry an SUV full of coughing New Yorkers through Rhode Island, without worrying about police intervention. Apparently, the governor thinks an Ocean State license plate is a coronavirus vaccine.
That’s not how the Constitution is supposed to work. The whole point of that document is to make us citizens of the same country, as opposed to a loosely affiliated “confederation of states.” Once you get the state police involved—armed men and women who can make you follow their rules at the point of a gun—then the Privileges and Immunities Clause must kick in to prevent states from trying to erect a moat between themselves and the rest of the union.
None of that should be taken as an encouragement to go road tripping around the country right now. People should be sheltering in place. Travel should be limited to essential workers performing essential functions. I like lobsters, too, but not so much as to risk my health and the health of everybody I interact with that I would consider driving to Rhode Island to get one.
For a lot of people, the constitutional problems with state travel restrictions are a marginal concern: If it keeps people safe, why not temporarily ignore the Constitution? Shouldn’t the Rhode Island governor be doing everything she can to keep people in her own state safe? Why not DeSantis?
But those willing to throw out the Constitution in the name of public health need to remember that these travel restrictions are also a distraction from the real problem: the lack of Covid-19 testing. Travel bans create a false sense of security based on the illusion that the virus is only “really bad” in New York and some other known hot spots. In reality, we don’t know the extent of the outbreak in Providence and how it compares with the extent in Queens, because widespread testing is still not available. New York is, finally, at the point where it can conduct a large number of tests in a day (though we still need many, many more). In Rhode Island, even prominent local personalities who may have been exposed to Covid-19 are still having trouble getting tested. COVID-19 Cuomo Helped Get New York Into This Mess Ross Barkan The Coronavirus Is Trump’s Latest Excuse to Militarize the Border Ken Klippenstein Think Exotic Animals Are to Blame for the Coronavirus? Think Again. Sonia Shah
In fairness to the governors, we are in this situation because the federal government has not provided the tests we need to make smart public health decisions about tracking and containing the spread of the virus. At the same time, law school graduates like Raimondo and DeSantis (Yale and Harvard, respectively) should know better. They should know that their travel restrictions not only run right into the Privileges and Immunities Clause, which renders them potentially unconstitutional, but also slam smack into another constitutional provision, which makes them useless.
That provision is the Interstate Commerce Clause. It gives the federal government, and not states, the right to regulate commercial travel—something the federal government has thus far chosen not to do. What that means, as both Rhode Island and Florida have acknowledged, is that their travel restrictions do not apply to commercial traffic.
I’m no infectious disease expert, but I’m pretty sure that truck drivers are not immune to Covid-19. If you are allowing drivers of commercial vehicles to travel into your state, stop, unload cargo, sneeze, and then trundle onto their next pickup or drop off, then you are not stopping the spread of anything. The virus does not care if it is riding in an 18-wheeler instead of a family Hyundai.
As citizens, most of us can agree that we should limit our nonessential travel. We should practice social distancing. We should be working from home. And the government should be testing everybody it can in order to slow the spread of the disease.
Roadside checkpoints based on out-of-state license plates accomplish none of those critical safety precautions. They don’t protect anybody. They just give people the false sense that the virus is somebody else’s problem.
We don’t need state troopers armed with guns patrolling the roads violating people’s constitutional rights. We need state troopers armed with nasal swabs protecting the public health. If Rhode Island had any of those, I might be inclined to drive up there and risk catching a ticket—and a test—myself.


thenation--2020-03-31--On the Need for Dissent and Debate in These Urgent Times

When Representative Tom Massie signaled last week that he would ask for a vote on the $ 2 trillion plan to respond to the coronavirus outbreak , all hell broke loose .
The congressman , whose libertarian streak has often made him an outlier in the House , was accused of making a petty demand that endangered the lives of colleagues who would be called back from their districts—in many cases an airplane flight away—to approve the measure .
President Trump tweeted , “ Looks like a third rate Grandstander named @ RepThomasMassie , a Congressman from , unfortunately , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wants to vote against the new Save Our Workers Bill in Congress .
He just wants the publicity .
He can ’ t stop it , only delay , which is both dangerous & costly.
” Former secretary of state John Kerry , the 2004 Democratic nominee for president , let rip : “ Breaking news : Congressman Massie has tested positive for being an asshole .
He must be quarantined to prevent the spread of his massive stupidity .
He ’ s given new meaning to the term # Masshole .
( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can agree on ! )
” How to Win in Wisconsin This Is What an Opposition Party Is Supposed to Sound Like ‘ Just Keep Up the Faith ’ : Workers Are Stepping Up to Beat the Coronavirus Massie had his defenders , even among those who did not side with him when the House rejected his roll-call request and approved the $ 2 trillion package in a voice vote .
That ’ s important , because what ’ s at stake involves more than a single representative ’ s objection that “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ republic doesn ’ t die by unanimous consent in an empty chamber.
” This is about the need to keep Congress fully functional , as a distinct and meaningful branch of government in this moment of national uncertainty and need .
The House , in particular , can not stand down and leave governing to President Trump .
Maintaining a congressional check and balance requires both technical and constitutional clarity .
The technical side is relatively easy .
The House and Senate need to rapidly reconstruct congressional rules and procedures so that members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around the country are already conducting meetings electronically .
“ How can we insist that members should fly in to DC that is sheltering in place to push a button to vote ?
” asks Representative Ro Khanna .
His answer : “ Congress can work remotely in emergencies.
” Khanna ’ s right .
For reasons of public health and representative democracy , Congress must “ get into the 21st century.
” The constitutional clarity involves a deeper recognition that in a time so consequential as this , when fundamental decisions about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we need more congressional debate , and action—not less .
Members of Congress left Washington at the end of last week and are not scheduled to return until April 20 at the earliest , with expectations that the absence could extend to the end of April , or even longer .
That ’ s too long .
There has to be an electronic fix that allows Congress to serve as a fully realized branch of government in this critical moment .
There is a crying need for another stimulus bill to address @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already been passed .
Congress must keep wrestling with the coronavirus outbreak .
A sense of urgency should guide its work—whether members are physically present or working remotely .
There will , of course , be moments when it is necessary to balance immediate demands—like those for aid to hospitals , local governments , and unemployed workers that were , to some extent , addressed in the Senate bill—against respect for the rules and practices of the House .
Sometimes that balance will err on the side of speed rather than precise adherence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ errs against honest debate and the accountability that comes with roll-call votes , we run the risk of losing our say regarding decisions that could save our lives—and that will shape the rest of our lives .
Just as we must defend our own First Amendment right to dissent and debate in the public square , so we must demand that our congressional representatives respect the value of dissent and debate on the actual floor of the House—and on the virtual floor of a remotely connected House .
In a representative democracy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most difficult of times—as must committee hearings , oversight work , and roll-call votes .
This is not a new concept .
More than a century ago , during World War I , Wisconsin Senator Robert M. La Follette was vilified for demanding that Congress consider the human , economic , and social costs of war .
His answer came in the form of one of the greatest addresses ever delivered in the US Capitol , “ Free Speech in Wartime.
” In it , he said : I think all men recognize @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must surrender some rights for the common good which he is entitled to enjoy in time of peace .
But sir , the right to control their own Government according to constitutional forms is not one of the rights that the citizens of this country are called upon to surrender in time of war .
Rather in time of war the citizen must be more alert to the preservation of his right to control his Government .
He must be most watchful of the encroachment of the military upon the civil power .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ support of arbitrary action by administrative officials , which excused on the plea of necessity in war time , become the fixed rule when the necessity has passed and normal conditions have been restored .
The fight to contain Covid-19 is not a war in any conventional sense .
But it has raised many of the challenges of wartime .
We may update La Follette modestly to : “ Beware of those precedents in support of arbitrary action by administrative officials , which excused on the plea of necessity in a pandemic time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ necessity has passed and normal conditions have been restored.
” Why GE Workers Walked Out in Lynn Exclusive : The Military Knew Years Ago That a Coronavirus Was Coming More in this series There should be better ways for the Congress to consider $ 2 trillion spending packages that are laden with corporate welfare schemes than unanimous consent—or a hurried voice vote by members who make it to Washington in time .
This was the point that Representative Massie was making , and it can be respected without deferring to him on matters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in his own party and in the Congress .
He ’ s been right before on civil liberties and war and peace—joining frequently with Representative Barbara Lee to demand that presidents consult Congress before launching military assaults—just as he ’ s been wrong on spending for human needs .
It ’ s not necessary to try to make him a hero .
But it appropriate to note that when the House was preparing to take up the Senate bill , the Kentuckian was not alone in expressing frustration with reports that Speaker @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would not debate or vote on it .
As the Senate was finishing its deliberations , Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said she had not ruled out calling for a recorded vote in the House .
Expressing concern about the stimulus bill ’ s bias in favor of corporate bailouts , she said , “ With the health risks of travel [ for representatives who would have to fly back for the vote ] , there is no easy choice here .
But essential workers are showing up and putting their health at risk every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a bill is set up to hurt them , it may be something we have to do.
” Ultimately , Ocasio-Cortez did not demand a roll-call vote .
But , she did deliver a blistering statement on the House floor , as part of the short discussion that preceded Friday ’ s voice vote .
She recognized the urgency of congressional action .
“ I represent one of the hardest-hit communities in the hardest-hit city in this country , Queens , New York , ” she explained .
“ Thirteen dead in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Our community ’ s reality is this country ’ s future if we don ’ t do anything .
Hospital workers do not have protective equipment .
We don ’ t have the necessary ventilators.
” “ But , ” she said of deliberations on the stimulus bill , “ we have to go into this vote eyes wide open .
What did the Senate majority fight for ?
One of the largest corporate bailouts with as few strings as possible in American history .
Shameful !
The greed of that fight is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And the option that we have is to either let them suffer with nothing or to allow this greed and billions of dollars which will be leveraged into trillions of dollars to contribute to the largest income inequality gap in our future.
” Ocasio-Cortez concluded , “ There should be shame about what was fought for in this bill and the choices that we have to make.
” The choice was an awful one .
It merited deliberations that might have expanded those options .
At the least , it merited debate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Follette said of World War I : “ A minor duty may be evaded by Congress , a minor responsibility avoided without disaster resulting , but on this momentous question there can be no evasion , no shirking of duty of the Congress , without subverting our form of government.
” When trillions of dollars are being spent , when fundamental questions about the nation ’ s economy and its future are decided , Congress should be fully engaged .
In an emergency , that engagement may be virtual .
But the debate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be heard , and the roll-call votes should be conducted .

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When Representative Tom Massie signaled last week that he would ask for a vote on the $2 trillion plan to respond to the coronavirus outbreak, all hell broke loose.
The congressman, whose libertarian streak has often made him an outlier in the House, was accused of making a petty demand that endangered the lives of colleagues who would be called back from their districts—in many cases an airplane flight away—to approve the measure. President Trump tweeted, “Looks like a third rate Grandstander named @RepThomasMassie, a Congressman from, unfortunately, a truly GREAT State, Kentucky, wants to vote against the new Save Our Workers Bill in Congress. He just wants the publicity. He can’t stop it, only delay, which is both dangerous & costly.”
Trump’s solution? “Throw Massie out of Republican Party!”
Former secretary of state John Kerry, the 2004 Democratic nominee for president, let rip: “Breaking news: Congressman Massie has tested positive for being an asshole. He must be quarantined to prevent the spread of his massive stupidity. He’s given new meaning to the term #Masshole. (Finally, something the president and I can agree on!)” More From John Nichols A GOP Debate Without Trump Is the Definition of Pointlessness August 11, 2023 A Win for Abortion Rights, a Win for Democracy: Ohio Voters Reject Issue 1 August 9, 2023 The Biggest Threat to Donald Trump Could Be the Constitution Itself August 4, 2023
Massie had his defenders, even among those who did not side with him when the House rejected his roll-call request and approved the $2 trillion package in a voice vote. That’s important, because what’s at stake involves more than a single representative’s objection that “I came here to make sure our republic doesn’t die by unanimous consent in an empty chamber.”
This is about the need to keep Congress fully functional, as a distinct and meaningful branch of government in this moment of national uncertainty and need. The House, in particular, cannot stand down and leave governing to President Trump. Maintaining a congressional check and balance requires both technical and constitutional clarity.
The technical side is relatively easy. The House and Senate need to rapidly reconstruct congressional rules and procedures so that members can vote from home. Local governments around the country are already conducting meetings electronically. “How can we insist that members should fly in to DC that is sheltering in place to push a button to vote?” asks Representative Ro Khanna. His answer: “Congress can work remotely in emergencies.” Current Issue View our current issue
Khanna’s right. For reasons of public health and representative democracy, Congress must “get into the 21st century.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
The constitutional clarity involves a deeper recognition that in a time so consequential as this, when fundamental decisions about our safety and economy are being made, we need more congressional debate, and action—not less.
Members of Congress left Washington at the end of last week and are not scheduled to return until April 20 at the earliest, with expectations that the absence could extend to the end of April, or even longer.
That’s too long. There has to be an electronic fix that allows Congress to serve as a fully realized branch of government in this critical moment. There is a crying need for another stimulus bill to address the failures of the measures that have already been passed. Congress must keep wrestling with the coronavirus outbreak. A sense of urgency should guide its work—whether members are physically present or working remotely.
There will, of course, be moments when it is necessary to balance immediate demands—like those for aid to hospitals, local governments, and unemployed workers that were, to some extent, addressed in the Senate bill—against respect for the rules and practices of the House. Sometimes that balance will err on the side of speed rather than precise adherence to tradition.
But if the balance errs against honest debate and the accountability that comes with roll-call votes, we run the risk of losing our say regarding decisions that could save our lives—and that will shape the rest of our lives. Just as we must defend our own First Amendment right to dissent and debate in the public square, so we must demand that our congressional representatives respect the value of dissent and debate on the actual floor of the House—and on the virtual floor of a remotely connected House.
In a representative democracy, congressional debate must continue even in the most difficult of times—as must committee hearings, oversight work, and roll-call votes. This is not a new concept. More than a century ago, during World War I, Wisconsin Senator Robert M. La Follette was vilified for demanding that Congress consider the human, economic, and social costs of war. His answer came in the form of one of the greatest addresses ever delivered in the US Capitol, “Free Speech in Wartime.” In it, he said:
I think all men recognize that in time of war the citizen must surrender some rights for the common good which he is entitled to enjoy in time of peace. But sir, the right to control their own Government according to constitutional forms is not one of the rights that the citizens of this country are called upon to surrender in time of war. Rather in time of war the citizen must be more alert to the preservation of his right to control his Government. He must be most watchful of the encroachment of the military upon the civil power. He must beware of those precedents in support of arbitrary action by administrative officials, which excused on the plea of necessity in war time, become the fixed rule when the necessity has passed and normal conditions have been restored.
The fight to contain Covid-19 is not a war in any conventional sense. But it has raised many of the challenges of wartime. We may update La Follette modestly to: “Beware of those precedents in support of arbitrary action by administrative officials, which excused on the plea of necessity in a pandemic time, become the fixed rule when the necessity has passed and normal conditions have been restored.” Coronavirus Amid Partisan Politicking, Revelations on a Covid Origins Article Jimmy Tobias It’s Not “Unreasonable” to Want to Change Our Rotten Health Care System Gregg Gonsalves Covid Has Left Deep Wounds in America’s Rural Communities Anne N. Sosin
There should be better ways for the Congress to consider $2 trillion spending packages that are laden with corporate welfare schemes than unanimous consent—or a hurried voice vote by members who make it to Washington in time.
This was the point that Representative Massie was making, and it can be respected without deferring to him on matters of policy.
Massie is a contrarian, in his own party and in the Congress. He’s been right before on civil liberties and war and peace—joining frequently with Representative Barbara Lee to demand that presidents consult Congress before launching military assaults—just as he’s been wrong on spending for human needs. It’s not necessary to try to make him a hero. But it appropriate to note that when the House was preparing to take up the Senate bill, the Kentuckian was not alone in expressing frustration with reports that Speaker Nancy Pelosi wanted unanimous consent—meaning that members would not debate or vote on it.
As the Senate was finishing its deliberations, Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said she had not ruled out calling for a recorded vote in the House. Expressing concern about the stimulus bill’s bias in favor of corporate bailouts, she said, “With the health risks of travel [for representatives who would have to fly back for the vote], there is no easy choice here. But essential workers are showing up and putting their health at risk every day, and if the final text of a bill is set up to hurt them, it may be something we have to do.”
Ultimately, Ocasio-Cortez did not demand a roll-call vote. But, she did deliver a blistering statement on the House floor, as part of the short discussion that preceded Friday’s voice vote.
She recognized the urgency of congressional action. “I represent one of the hardest-hit communities in the hardest-hit city in this country, Queens, New York,” she explained. “Thirteen dead in a night in Elmhurst Hospital alone. Our community’s reality is this country’s future if we don’t do anything. Hospital workers do not have protective equipment. We don’t have the necessary ventilators.”
“But,” she said of deliberations on the stimulus bill, “we have to go into this vote eyes wide open. What did the Senate majority fight for? One of the largest corporate bailouts with as few strings as possible in American history. Shameful! The greed of that fight is wrong. For crumbs for our families. And the option that we have is to either let them suffer with nothing or to allow this greed and billions of dollars which will be leveraged into trillions of dollars to contribute to the largest income inequality gap in our future.”
Ocasio-Cortez concluded, “There should be shame about what was fought for in this bill and the choices that we have to make.”
The choice was an awful one. It merited deliberations that might have expanded those options. At the least, it merited debate and a roll-call vote. As La Follette said of World War I: “A minor duty may be evaded by Congress, a minor responsibility avoided without disaster resulting, but on this momentous question there can be no evasion, no shirking of duty of the Congress, without subverting our form of government.”
When trillions of dollars are being spent, when fundamental questions about the nation’s economy and its future are decided, Congress should be fully engaged. In an emergency, that engagement may be virtual. But the debate should be real, the dissent should be heard, and the roll-call votes should be conducted.


thenation--2020-03-31--Can Andrew Cuomo Become FDR?

Can Andrew Cuomo Become FDR?

Andrew M. Cuomo is having quite a moment .
Using the bully pulpit that the first Governor Roosevelt , Theodore , made famous , the current governor of the Empire State hopes to emerge as our era ’ s equivalent to the second Governor Roosevelt , Franklin .
It ’ s an astounding , complex transformation brought on by the coronavirus crucible , and the nation is transfixed .
The pandemic is Cuomo ’ s Great Depression .
Unlike our juvenile president , Cuomo has been clear , compassionate and inspiring these past weeks .
He has taken the words @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Twitter ) : “ The news is going to get worse and worse before it gets better and better , and the American people deserve to have it straight from the shoulder.
” In his daily news conferences , Cuomo doesn ’ t deflect responsibility , but rather accepts it : “ If someone is unhappy , blame me.
” Instead of making sweeping , silly statements , he ’ s hyper-specific on everything from the number of ventilators the state needs to the number of tests administered .
And instead of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fundamentalists who argue that stabilizing the economy should be prioritized over saving lives , he is eloquent in his plain-spokenness .
“ My mother is not expendable and your mother is not expendable and our brothers and sisters are not expendable… .
we ’ re not going to put a dollar figure on human life .
”

EDITOR’S NOTE: Each week we cross-post an excerpt from Katrina vanden Heuvel’s column at the WashingtonPost.com. Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.
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Andrew M. Cuomo is having quite a moment. Using the bully pulpit that the first Governor Roosevelt, Theodore, made famous, the current governor of the Empire State hopes to emerge as our era’s equivalent to the second Governor Roosevelt, Franklin. It’s an astounding, complex transformation brought on by the coronavirus crucible, and the nation is transfixed.
The pandemic is Cuomo’s Great Depression. Unlike our juvenile president, Cuomo has been clear, compassionate and inspiring these past weeks. He has taken the words of Franklin Roosevelt to heart (and to Twitter): “The news is going to get worse and worse before it gets better and better, and the American people deserve to have it straight from the shoulder.”
In his daily news conferences, Cuomo doesn’t deflect responsibility, but rather accepts it: “If someone is unhappy, blame me.” Instead of making sweeping, silly statements, he’s hyper-specific on everything from the number of ventilators the state needs to the number of tests administered. And instead of scoring political points, or humoring free-market fundamentalists who argue that stabilizing the economy should be prioritized over saving lives, he is eloquent in his plain-spokenness. “My mother is not expendable and your mother is not expendable and our brothers and sisters are not expendable…. we’re not going to put a dollar figure on human life.”
Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.


Lyric

Every terror is an angle through which waiting for the universal proves vain is the new fruitful you said .
@ @ @ @ @ lyric prevent us from saying what needs no meaning .
I said I am looking @ @ @ @ @ .
You said here let me gift you .
This endlessness is on me .

This article appears in the April 13, 2020 issue.
Every terror is an angle
through which
waiting for the universal
proves vain
is the new fruitful
you said.
I said how long
must lyric prevent us
from saying
what needs
no meaning.
I said I am looking
for an ending
without words.
You said here
let me gift you.
This endlessness is on me.


thenation--2020-03-31--Take Action Now: Fight for Justice During the Pandemic

The toll of the coronavirus crisis continues to mount , pushing hospitals to capacity , putting ever more people out of work , and infecting inmates in jails and detention centers .
The challenges confronting us can feel overwhelming , but there are lots of small actions that go a long way in supporting people at greatest risk during the crisis .
This week ’ s Take Action Now gives you ways to support workers , detained immigrants , and your neighbors during the pandemic .
Take Action Now gives you three meaningful actions you can take each week whatever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here to get these actions and more in your inbox every Tuesday .
Workers at Amazon and Instacart are demanding better protection and pay as they continue to go to work while much of the country is asked to self-isolate .
Join Jobs With Justice ’ s Unified Action Team for info about actions you can take to protect working people during the pandemic .
As Covid-19 sweeps the country , thousands of families are still being held in immigration detention centers .
Check out Detention Watch Network ’ s report to learn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ detention .
Participate in DWN ’ s # FreeThemAll campaign actions , from calling ICE field office directors , to tweeting at your representatives .
Keep checking the document as it ’ s updated with more actions for this week .
Then , if you ’ re able , donate to One Fair Wage ’ s emergency coronavirus workers support fund .
There are plenty of ways to support your neighbors , even while social distancing .
Check this list of mutual aid groups and food banks to see how you can help @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to deliver meals through Meals on Wheels .
Then , if you ’ re able , sign up to donate blood to help address the rapidly growing blood shortage .

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Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Sign up for Take Action Now and get three actions in your inbox every Tuesday.
Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Sign up for Take Action Now and get three actions in your inbox every Tuesday.
Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Sign up for Take Action Now and get three actions in your inbox every Tuesday.
Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
Email By signing up, you confirm that you are over the age of 16 and agree to receive occasional promotional offers for programs that support The Nation’s journalism. You can read our Privacy Policy here. Sign up for Take Action Now and get three actions in your inbox every Tuesday.
Thank you for signing up. For more from The Nation, check out our latest issue
The toll of the coronavirus crisis continues to mount, pushing hospitals to capacity, putting ever more people out of work, and infecting inmates in jails and detention centers. The challenges confronting us can feel overwhelming, but there are lots of small actions that go a long way in supporting people at greatest risk during the crisis.
This week’s Take Action Now gives you ways to support workers, detained immigrants, and your neighbors during the pandemic.
Take Action Now gives you three meaningful actions you can take each week whatever your schedule. You can sign up here to get these actions and more in your inbox every Tuesday.
NO TIME TO SPARE?
Workers at Amazon and Instacart are demanding better protection and pay as they continue to go to work while much of the country is asked to self-isolate. Join Jobs With Justice’s Unified Action Team for info about actions you can take to protect working people during the pandemic.
GOT SOME TIME?
As Covid-19 sweeps the country, thousands of families are still being held in immigration detention centers. Check out Detention Watch Network’s report to learn more about the risks facing people in detention. Participate in DWN’s #FreeThemAll campaign actions, from calling ICE field office directors, to tweeting at your representatives. Keep checking the document as it’s updated with more actions for this week. Then, if you’re able, donate to One Fair Wage’s emergency coronavirus workers support fund.
READY TO DIG IN?
There are plenty of ways to support your neighbors, even while social distancing. Check this list of mutual aid groups and food banks to see how you can help out in your community, or volunteer to deliver meals through Meals on Wheels. Then, if you’re able, sign up to donate blood to help address the rapidly growing blood shortage.


Mixed Message

Not finding White House briefings edifying , Some citizens are simply not complying With steps to keep a lot more @ @ @ @ @ it might help if Donald Trump quit lying .
Fat chance .

This article appears in the April 13, 2020 issue.
Trump’s contradictions of experts create confusion.
—News reports
Not finding White House briefings edifying,
Some citizens are simply not complying
With steps to keep a lot more folks from dying.
So it might help if Donald Trump quit lying.
Fat chance.


thenation--2020-03-31--love poem (you’re a little too good at speaking on my behalf)

you ’ re a little too good at speaking on my behalf at the holiday dinner I sit between you @ @ @ @ @ , reproduction everywhere and wonder why we pass or do we pass ?
for what @ @ @ @ @ know when they ask now tell us what ’ s been going on at work @ @ @ @ @ .
only men have jobs .
why do I care .
even though we agreed @ @ @ @ @ car on the way there or after we fucked in the bed my sister grew @ @ @ @ @ a brass headboard I leaned against as a child and had bad dreams about touching @ @ @ @ @ I came , it still feels horrible .
I love to talk I really love @ @ @ @ @ appear as a person

This article appears in the April 13, 2020 issue.
you’re a little too good at speaking on my behalf
at the holiday dinner I sit between you
my mother, her husband, reproduction
everywhere and wonder why we pass
or do we pass? for what? lumpen, wifeish
I know when they ask now tell us
what’s been going on at work they can’t listen.
only men have jobs. why do I care. even though
we agreed on this tactic in the car on the way there
or after we fucked in the bed my sister grew up in
next door to a brass headboard I leaned against
as a child and had bad dreams about touching myself
or being touched as I came, it still feels horrible.
I love to talk
I really love to talk
I like to appear as a person


thenation--2020-03-31--Letters From the April 13, 2020, Issue

Letters From the April 13, 2020, Issue

I agree with Elie Mystal on the capture of the Supreme Court by conservatives , a “ full-scale heist…in broad daylight , ” but I have a different perspective on the path to reform [ “ Re-Forming the Court , ” March 16/23 ] .
As a lawyer , I ’ m hesitant to ask for a big remedy until I ’ ve made my case , and we haven ’ t yet effectively made our case about the court ’ s capture to the American people .
Step one , educate people about the 80 ( yes , 80 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Five have rendered that gave victories to big Republican donor interests .
They may know the big four cases—Citizens United , Shelby County , Friedrichs/Janus , and Heller—but they don ’ t know the pattern .
Five to four decisions should happen rarely , partisan 5-4 decisions more rarely still ; 80 of them is a lot , and a score of 80-0 is hardly calling balls and strikes .
Step two , following Mystal ’ s observation about the need for ethics reform , start with a slate of reforms everyone can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should have a code of ethics .
Justices should disclose hospitality and travel as transparently as executive and legislative officials do .
Advocacy groups litigating in the court or providing amicus briefs should disclose who ’ s funding them .
Groups involved in selecting judges or spending money to campaign for their confirmation should disclose their donors .
These obvious transparency reforms will clean up the mess and also demonstrate the extent of the problem and the need , perhaps , for more structural reform .
Right now , dark-money groups help select @ @ @ @ @ @ @ present cases to them , flood the court as amici , and may well fund significant travel and hospitality—all without disclosing their own big donors .
That is a recipe for scandal and disgrace , and no court should be so mired in secret influence .
Though I am totally blind and have not been sleeping well , thanks to the news about the coronavirus , I listened to The Nation ’ s March 16/23 issue .
I downloaded it from the National Library Service ’ s website for blind people .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fix the Supreme Court .
Yes , the idea of 19 justices , who sit in panels rarely needing to resort to the en banc process and who are held to some kind of ethics , is lovely .
An 18-year term limit might be good , too .
If term limits are good enough for the president , they should be good enough for anyone else .
David Faucheux lafayette , la .
Thank you for Mystal ’ s article addressing a critical issue that has often been overlooked .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who are trying to address this problem .
Each of the proposed solutions has drawbacks , but perhaps this will at least stimulate new ideas .
It has certainly got me thinking .
CR Lawn Because of an editing error , Sasha Abramsky ’ s article “ California Fights Trump for Clean Air ” [ March 30 ] incorrectly stated the date of a judge ’ s decision ruling that litigation was premature against proposed EPA vehicle emission standards .
The judge ruled in October 2019 , not September 2019 .
The article @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump administration announced it was revoking a California waiver allowing the state to set stricter standards for vehicle emissions .
It was in September 2019 , not October 2019 .

This article appears in the April 13, 2020 issue.
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Making the Case
I agree with Elie Mystal on the capture of the Supreme Court by conservatives, a “full-scale heist…in broad daylight,” but I have a different perspective on the path to reform [“Re-Forming the Court,” March 16/23]. As a lawyer, I’m hesitant to ask for a big remedy until I’ve made my case, and we haven’t yet effectively made our case about the court’s capture to the American people.
Step one, educate people about the 80 (yes, 80) 5-4 partisan decisions that the Roberts Five have rendered that gave victories to big Republican donor interests. They may know the big four cases—Citizens United, Shelby County, Friedrichs/Janus, and Heller—but they don’t know the pattern. Five to four decisions should happen rarely, partisan 5-4 decisions more rarely still; 80 of them is a lot, and a score of 80-0 is hardly calling balls and strikes.
Step two, following Mystal’s observation about the need for ethics reform, start with a slate of reforms everyone can readily understand and accept. The court should have a code of ethics. Justices should disclose hospitality and travel as transparently as executive and legislative officials do. Advocacy groups litigating in the court or providing amicus briefs should disclose who’s funding them. Groups involved in selecting judges or spending money to campaign for their confirmation should disclose their donors. These obvious transparency reforms will clean up the mess and also demonstrate the extent of the problem and the need, perhaps, for more structural reform.
Right now, dark-money groups help select justices, campaign for their confirmation, present cases to them, flood the court as amici, and may well fund significant travel and hospitality—all without disclosing their own big donors. That is a recipe for scandal and disgrace, and no court should be so mired in secret influence.
Senator Sheldon Whitehouse
washington, d.c.
Though I am totally blind and have not been sleeping well, thanks to the news about the coronavirus, I listened to The Nation’s March 16/23 issue. I downloaded it from the National Library Service’s website for blind people. I liked Mystal’s article exploring ways to fix the Supreme Court. Yes, the idea of 19 justices, who sit in panels rarely needing to resort to the en banc process and who are held to some kind of ethics, is lovely. An 18-year term limit might be good, too. If term limits are good enough for the president, they should be good enough for anyone else.
David Faucheux
lafayette, la. Current Issue View our current issue
Thank you for Mystal’s article addressing a critical issue that has often been overlooked. I appreciate the ideas expressed by thoughtful folks who are trying to address this problem. Each of the proposed solutions has drawbacks, but perhaps this will at least stimulate new ideas. It has certainly got me thinking.
CR Lawn
Corrections
Because of an editing error, Sasha Abramsky’s article “California Fights Trump for Clean Air” [March 30] incorrectly stated the date of a judge’s decision ruling that litigation was premature against proposed EPA vehicle emission standards. The judge ruled in October 2019, not September 2019. The article also incorrectly stated the date that the Trump administration announced it was revoking a California waiver allowing the state to set stricter standards for vehicle emissions. It was in September 2019, not October 2019.


thenation--2020-03-31--Let the Killing Stop

Let the Killing Stop

On October 23 , 1969—one week after the historic Moratorium March on Washington to end the Vietnam War—46-year-old Kurt Vonnegut took the stage in his small Cape Cod hometown of Barnstable , Massachusetts , to bring the news of the fight against the war home to his neighbors and their children .
His breakout novel , Slaughterhouse Five , had come out in March of that year to near-instant , near-universal acclaim .
As someone who had witnessed the firebombing of Dresden as a captured soldier , he could speak to the perils of war with authority and humanity , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Barnstable came out to hear him—800 people filled the high school gymnasium that night .
“ Let the Killing Stop ” is Vonnegut ’ s earliest recorded speech , and is reprinted for the first time here and in the paperback edition of Vonnegut ’ s If This Isn ’ t Nice , What Is ?
The Graduation Speeches and Other Words to Live By , selected and introduced by Dan Wakefield , released today by Seven Stories Press .
“ We are here because our leaders have made mistakes which have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the audience .
And , “ Let the killing stop.
” 1 This is no time for a long and glorious speech.2 Our message is in the fact of our being here.3 Our presence says all there is to say : “ Let the killing stop.
” 4 There will be no cheering.5 We have nothing to celebrate.6 We are here because our leaders have made mistakes which have had ghastly consequences—cripplings and death and corruption .
We are here to help our leaders make sure that the tragedy will not go on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the final solution will not be genocide or a hydrogen bomb.7 We are here to help.8 Our President has had the best advice of the honorable military men , who are brave.9 Let him hear from honorable civilians , as well .
We ’ re brave , too.10 No speaker can lift your hearts tonight , for no speaker can say the only word you want to hear : “ There is peace in Vietnam.
” 11 It might be possible to thrill some of you with a speech full of hatred for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who are making big money out of this war.12 But hatred has no place here tonight.13 Millions of Americans are gathered in meetings like this all over the country—and the mood of this night is love.15 The loving thing we are saying by being here is this : “ Let the killing stop.
” 16 Those who scorn us for our eminently Christian words say this : “ Let the killing go on .
You don ’ t know what the military knows , ” they say .
Well—we know as much about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t have to go to West Point or Fort Benning to learn about death .
We ’ re against it , not for it.17 What about the South Vietnamese who will be murdered by the North Vietnamese , if we withdraw ?
19 We ’ ll help them get out , too.20 They can come over here , and have their first taste of freedom.21 I do not propose to retell the shabby history of this war .
It was a civil war .
We weren ’ t attacked there .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and we attacked .
It was a horrible mistake—resulting in thousands and thousands of deaths for nothing.22 Advice , From One Giant of 20th Century Literature to Another We are here to tell our President that we will not be ashamed if he admits it was a mistake .
We can stand the resulting embarrassment .
What is intolerable to us is that the mistake should go on and on and on .
We are here to save lives .
We are here to save our honor , too .
We are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Every country makes mistakes .
Only profoundly free and honorable nations can admit they make them .
Dictatorships never do .
In Vietnam we have made a lulu of a mistake .
Tonight we are telling the world : “ We have made a lulu.
” 24 This will make the communists everywhere gloat .
All sorts of things make them gloat .
We have a few gloaters on our side , too .
Well—tonight let all the gloaters gloat .
They can have a perfect orgy of gloating tonight , and I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : Hanoi certainly made one when they officially praised this moratorium .
Thanks a lot , Hanoi .
Well—they ’ re people too .
Everybody makes lulus.26 Hanoi .
There ’ s a sinister word .
Hanoi does this .
Hanoi does that .
Hanoi .
At other times there have been other sinister words like that : Rome , Berlin , Tokyo .
And it wasn ’ t silly of Americans in other times to speak of these cities with dread .
There were many people in them who were turned into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t maniacs anymore .
We didn ’ t teach them how to act nice .
It was simply that the killing stopped .
We have a right to shudder now when we speak the word : Hanoi .
Ghoulish things have happened to innocent persons in Vietnam—at the instigation of Hanoi .
I don ’ t believe a lot of things our Government says about the war .
I do believe that thousands of civilians were massacred at Hue—in keeping with orders from Hanoi .
I believe , too , that we bomb @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a citizen of another country in cold blood .
I believe that we torture prisoners , and so does Hanoi.27 And on and on.28 In other parts of the world , “ Washington ” is a sinister word , and properly so .
So let the killing stop , in order that the maniacs on both sides can become nice human beings again.30 I would like to say something about the body counts.31 This is how we measure victory , since we have no other way of doing so .
We announce each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communists killed.
” Perhaps the other side counts the bodies of our young men and announces , so and so many capitalists killed.32 The dead soldiers were barely out of childhood.33 Let the killing stop .
We live in rural communities , and are consequently privileged to see acts of unselfishness and bravery almost every day .
I am speaking of our volunteer firemen and our rescue squads .
The moment the siren blows , they come !
They live in the tradition of the American minute men , and God bless them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans have proudly responded almost as quickly to calls of war .
This is properly called patriotism .
Some Americans believe that this is the ONLY form of patriotism .
What does the patriot do ?
He goes to war.36 There are all kinds of things a patriot can do .
We ’ re here with the patriotic purpose of saving lives .
If this is treason , make the most of it.38 I hope nobody believes that we are supporting a democratic regime in Vietnam .
We are supporting dictators who are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t call themselves communists , but everything that is vile about communist leaders is vile about them , too .
Some team we ’ ve got.39 Well—whatever team you belong to , you fight for , right ?
We want our team to win .
That ’ s great thinking for high school , particularly if you ’ re a football coach .
At Nauset , at Barnstable , at Provincetown , at Bourne .
.
.
And so much of the fighting talk I hear about Vietnam sounds exactly the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .40 My God—Vietnam is no football game .
It ’ s a slaughterhouse !
43 It ’ s turning us all into maniacs !
45 Word of honor , it ’ s O.K .
if the killing stops !
47 I now go over the head of every super patriot and ruler on Earth .
I quote God Almighty , who said this : Thou shalt not kill.49

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On October 23, 1969—one week after the historic Moratorium March on Washington to end the Vietnam War—46-year-old Kurt Vonnegut took the stage in his small Cape Cod hometown of Barnstable, Massachusetts, to bring the news of the fight against the war home to his neighbors and their children. His breakout novel, Slaughterhouse Five, had come out in March of that year to near-instant, near-universal acclaim. As someone who had witnessed the firebombing of Dresden as a captured soldier, he could speak to the perils of war with authority and humanity, and it seemed like the entire population of Barnstable came out to hear him—800 people filled the high school gymnasium that night. “Let the Killing Stop” is Vonnegut’s earliest recorded speech, and is reprinted for the first time here and in the paperback edition of Vonnegut’s If This Isn’t Nice, What Is? The Graduation Speeches and Other Words to Live By, selected and introduced by Dan Wakefield, released today by Seven Stories Press. “We are here because our leaders have made mistakes which have had ghastly consequences,” he told the audience. And, “Let the killing stop.”1
This is no time for a long and glorious speech.2
Our message is in the fact of our being here.3
Our presence says all there is to say: “Let the killing stop.”4
There will be no cheering.5
We have nothing to celebrate.6
We are here because our leaders have made mistakes which have had ghastly consequences—cripplings and death and corruption. We are here to help our leaders make sure that the tragedy will not go on and on and on and on—and that the final solution will not be genocide or a hydrogen bomb.7 Current Issue View our current issue
We are here to help.8
Our President has had the best advice of the honorable military men, who are brave.9
Let him hear from honorable civilians, as well. We’re brave, too.10
No speaker can lift your hearts tonight, for no speaker can say the only word you want to hear: “There is peace in Vietnam.”11
It might be possible to thrill some of you with a speech full of hatred for the brass hats and for the corporations who are making big money out of this war.12
But hatred has no place here tonight.13
This is a magic night.14
Millions of Americans are gathered in meetings like this all over the country—and the mood of this night is love.15
The loving thing we are saying by being here is this: “Let the killing stop.”16
Those who scorn us for our eminently Christian words say this: “Let the killing go on. You don’t know what the military knows,” they say. Well—we know as much about death as the military does. You don’t have to go to West Point or Fort Benning to learn about death. We’re against it, not for it.17
Let the killing stop.18
What about the South Vietnamese who will be murdered by the North Vietnamese, if we withdraw?19
We’ll help them get out, too.20 Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. My Homeland Is Being Ruled by Terror. The World Must Pay Attention. Manny Maung
They can come over here, and have their first taste of freedom.21
I do not propose to retell the shabby history of this war. It was a civil war. We weren’t attacked there. We chose sides in the civil war, and we attacked. It was a horrible mistake—resulting in thousands and thousands of deaths for nothing.22 Related Article Advice, From One Giant of 20th Century Literature to Another Kurt Vonnegut
We are here to tell our President that we will not be ashamed if he admits it was a mistake. We can stand the resulting embarrassment. What is intolerable to us is that the mistake should go on and on and on. We are here to save lives. We are here to save our honor, too. We are here to prevent a victory through genocide.23
Every country makes mistakes. Only profoundly free and honorable nations can admit they make them. Dictatorships never do. In Vietnam we have made a lulu of a mistake. Tonight we are telling the world: “We have made a lulu.”24
This will make the communists everywhere gloat. All sorts of things make them gloat. We have a few gloaters on our side, too. Well—tonight let all the gloaters gloat. They can have a perfect orgy of gloating tonight, and I won’t care.25
Speaking of Lulus: Hanoi certainly made one when they officially praised this moratorium. Thanks a lot, Hanoi. Well—they’re people too. Everybody makes lulus.26
Hanoi. There’s a sinister word. Hanoi does this. Hanoi does that. Hanoi. At other times there have been other sinister words like that: Rome, Berlin, Tokyo. And it wasn’t silly of Americans in other times to speak of these cities with dread. There were many people in them who were turned into maniacs by war. They aren’t maniacs anymore. We didn’t teach them how to act nice. It was simply that the killing stopped. We have a right to shudder now when we speak the word: Hanoi. Ghoulish things have happened to innocent persons in Vietnam—at the instigation of Hanoi. I don’t believe a lot of things our Government says about the war. I do believe that thousands of civilians were massacred at Hue—in keeping with orders from Hanoi. I believe, too, that we bomb blindly, that our Green Berets murdered a citizen of another country in cold blood. I believe that we torture prisoners, and so does Hanoi.27
And on and on.28
War turns everybody into maniacs.29
In other parts of the world, “Washington” is a sinister word, and properly so. So let the killing stop, in order that the maniacs on both sides can become nice human beings again.30 Related Article Kurt Vonnegut on Making a Living as a Writer Kurt Vonnegut and Suzanne McConnell
I would like to say something about the body counts.31
This is how we measure victory, since we have no other way of doing so. We announce each day: “So and so many communists killed.” Perhaps the other side counts the bodies of our young men and announces, so and so many capitalists killed.32
The dead soldiers were barely out of childhood.33
They’re dead capitalists or communists now.34
How ridiculous and untrue—and gruesome.35
Let the killing stop. We live in rural communities, and are consequently privileged to see acts of unselfishness and bravery almost every day. I am speaking of our volunteer firemen and our rescue squads. The moment the siren blows, they come! They live in the tradition of the American minute men, and God bless them for that. In the past, Americans have proudly responded almost as quickly to calls of war. This is properly called patriotism. Some Americans believe that this is the ONLY form of patriotism. What does the patriot do? He goes to war.36
This is nuts.37
There are all kinds of things a patriot can do. We’re here with the patriotic purpose of saving lives. If this is treason, make the most of it.38
I hope nobody believes that we are supporting a democratic regime in Vietnam. We are supporting dictators who are supposedly on our team. They don’t call themselves communists, but everything that is vile about communist leaders is vile about them, too. Some team we’ve got.39
Well—whatever team you belong to, you fight for, right? We want our team to win. That’s great thinking for high school, particularly if you’re a football coach. At Nauset, at Barnstable, at Provincetown, at Bourne . . . And so much of the fighting talk I hear about Vietnam sounds exactly the way people talk about football games . . .40
You fight!41
You win!42
My God—Vietnam is no football game. It’s a slaughterhouse!43
They’re keeping the score with bodies!44
It’s turning us all into maniacs!45
Mr. President! Let the killing stop!46
Word of honor, it’s O.K. if the killing stops!47
Let the killing stop.48
I now go over the head of every super patriot and ruler on Earth. I quote God Almighty, who said this: Thou shalt not kill.49