A Thank You Note

I write , with regret , to tell you that this is my last “ Asking for a Friend ” column .
Having read advice columns all my life , I was honored when The Nation asked me to write one , especially since it was the first one the magazine ever published .
“ Asking for a Friend ” was uniquely of The Nation , reflecting the problems that arise from being on the political left in a capitalist and sometimes right-wing world .
There is plenty of advice available from the mainstream media , especially on romantic relationships @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , depression , and the workplace .
But most of this advice assumes that your problems are entirely of your own making .
“ Asking for a Friend ” was rare in its assumption that issues of the larger society—especially patriarchy , racism , and our economic arrangements—were at fault .
Yet “ Asking for a Friend ” was also uncommon in left-wing media for taking readers ’ problems seriously and trying to help solve them .
Independent media rarely provides readers with advice about how to live our lives .
We tend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cosmopolitans of the world , as if everyday life were so trivial—so dismissibly feminine—that we could outsource its dilemmas to corporate America .
Of course , that ’ s a mistake : We need help !
Sometimes we need to be told how to cope , that perhaps putting an embarrassing political sign in your yard is good parenting , even if your teenagers disagree , and that capitalism , climate change , and Donald Trump are driving us mad .
As we are all so tired of having to have feelings about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to report that no controversy or transgression has occasioned this column ’ s cancellation .
“ Asking for a Friend ” was sometimes controversial , however .
My answers on polyamory , S and M , transphobia , and the ethics of stealing from chain stores provoked the most left-wing ire , while just about anything on sexuality tended to distress conservative readers .
A letter from Marxist-Feminist Slut nearly made Reddit implode—and was written up in the right-wing media—but I suspect it was the very existence of such a person ( # @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that caused such an imbroglio .
Most Nation readers were , of course , thrilled to learn that Marxist-Feminist Slut was a real person .
One of the questions I ’ m most frequently asked about the advice column is “ Are the letters real ?
” The answer is yes .
I have never invented one or smooshed several into a composite .
I once learned that an advocate had made one up to call attention to her problem , and I was annoyed because it seemed unethical to me .
Readers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ letter writers are real people .
Along with the complaints from the peanut gallery , some letter writers would let me know that the column had helped .
A rude houseguest ( presumably a Nation reader ) wrote a gracious note of thanks to his hostess immediately after she complained to “ Asking for a Friend ” of his boorish behavior .
In higher-stakes news , a desperate , unemployed man said he was dissuaded from armed terrorism by my answer to his letter .
Another response helped a woman get her trans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ team .
While I replied to many questions that fell within my lived experience as a white , middle-aged mother and human—questions about aging , sex , sexism , work , marriage , motherhood—there were many more that fell outside my personal ambit .
An advice columnist must violate contemporary dictates to write about what you know and identitarian admonitions to sit down and shut up if you haven ’ t had a specific problem yourself .
“ Asking for a Friend ” frequently addressed racism , suicidal feelings , and many other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I appreciate that , apart from the occasional Twitter snipe , most people were tolerant of my efforts to navigate the unknown .
It helped that I often reached out to experts and friends and could relay their counsel .
While I relied on my instincts a great deal , the column was also deeply reported .
Some alienated intellectuals didn ’ t think a serious political magazine should have an advice column .
A reactionary New York University professor dismissed me as a “ left-wing Dear Abby.
” ( I still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an insult ; Abby was iconic ! )
There ’ s an element of sexism to the dismissal of advice columns , which are almost always written by women and , in our era , sometimes gay men .
Although “ The personal is political ” is an important feminist slogan , there is sometimes a leftist disdain for the personal dilemma because , after all , everything is systemic .
But just saying that over and over again doesn ’ t help you raise your kids or break up with your boyfriend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spanned almost five years and some drastic changes in our world , including the election of Trump ( along with other right-wing leaders abroad ) , Covid-19 , the rise of Bernie Sanders and the socialist movement he represents , the emergence of a massive uprising against racist state violence , and increasing concern about climate meltdown .
Each of these changes caused immense upheaval in our readers ’ lives—some of it good , all of it real—and “ Asking for a Friend ” was lucky to be able to help .
Former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thought the magazine should have an advice column and that I should write it , and I remain grateful to both of them , as well as to Christopher Shay , the column ’ s most recent editor , whose enthusiasm and intelligence informed “ Asking for a Friend ” every month .
The delightful illustrations by Joanna Neborsky were also critical .
Mostly , thank you for writing in .
An advice column is nothing without letters from readers , and yours were well written , vulnerable , and risky .
You @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exploration of problems whose personal and political stakes were of equal interest .
In the acknowledgments of their books , writers often thank people “ without whom this could never have been written.
” Of course , in the case of an advice column and its letter writers , this is uniquely true .
Although “ Asking for a Friend ” is disappearing from these pages , I ’ m not going anywhere .
I ’ ve been writing for The Nation since the early 1990s , and I plan to stay on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want my advice , we ’ ll have to grab a coffee .

This article appears in the September 21/28, 2020 issue.
Dear Readers,
I write, with regret, to tell you that this is my last “Asking for a Friend” column.
Having read advice columns all my life, I was honored when The Nation asked me to write one, especially since it was the first one the magazine ever published. “Asking for a Friend” was uniquely of The Nation, reflecting the problems that arise from being on the political left in a capitalist and sometimes right-wing world.
There is plenty of advice available from the mainstream media, especially on romantic relationships, parenthood, extended families, friendship, depression, and the workplace. But most of this advice assumes that your problems are entirely of your own making. “Asking for a Friend” was rare in its assumption that issues of the larger society—especially patriarchy, racism, and our economic arrangements—were at fault.
Yet “Asking for a Friend” was also uncommon in left-wing media for taking readers’ problems seriously and trying to help solve them. Independent media rarely provides readers with advice about how to live our lives. We tend to leave that to the Os or Cosmopolitans of the world, as if everyday life were so trivial—so dismissibly feminine—that we could outsource its dilemmas to corporate America. Of course, that’s a mistake: We need help! Sometimes we need to be told how to cope, that perhaps putting an embarrassing political sign in your yard is good parenting, even if your teenagers disagree, and that capitalism, climate change, and Donald Trump are driving us mad.
As we are all so tired of having to have feelings about cancel culture, I’m pleased to report that no controversy or transgression has occasioned this column’s cancellation. “Asking for a Friend” was sometimes controversial, however. My answers on polyamory, S and M, transphobia, and the ethics of stealing from chain stores provoked the most left-wing ire, while just about anything on sexuality tended to distress conservative readers. A letter from Marxist-Feminist Slut nearly made Reddit implode—and was written up in the right-wing media—but I suspect it was the very existence of such a person (#goals!) more than my answer that caused such an imbroglio. Most Nation readers were, of course, thrilled to learn that Marxist-Feminist Slut was a real person. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
One of the questions I’m most frequently asked about the advice column is “Are the letters real?” The answer is yes. I have never invented one or smooshed several into a composite. I once learned that an advocate had made one up to call attention to her problem, and I was annoyed because it seemed unethical to me. Readers should be able to trust that the letter writers are real people. Current Issue View our current issue
Along with the complaints from the peanut gallery, some letter writers would let me know that the column had helped. A rude houseguest (presumably a Nation reader) wrote a gracious note of thanks to his hostess immediately after she complained to “Asking for a Friend” of his boorish behavior. In higher-stakes news, a desperate, unemployed man said he was dissuaded from armed terrorism by my answer to his letter. Another response helped a woman get her trans daughter back onto a girls’ soccer team.
While I replied to many questions that fell within my lived experience as a white, middle-aged mother and human—questions about aging, sex, sexism, work, marriage, motherhood—there were many more that fell outside my personal ambit. An advice columnist must violate contemporary dictates to write about what you know and identitarian admonitions to sit down and shut up if you haven’t had a specific problem yourself. “Asking for a Friend” frequently addressed racism, suicidal feelings, and many other issues that I haven’t experienced. I appreciate that, apart from the occasional Twitter snipe, most people were tolerant of my efforts to navigate the unknown. It helped that I often reached out to experts and friends and could relay their counsel. While I relied on my instincts a great deal, the column was also deeply reported.
Some alienated intellectuals didn’t think a serious political magazine should have an advice column. A reactionary New York University professor dismissed me as a “left-wing Dear Abby.” (I still don’t get why that was an insult; Abby was iconic!) There’s an element of sexism to the dismissal of advice columns, which are almost always written by women and, in our era, sometimes gay men.
Although “The personal is political” is an important feminist slogan, there is sometimes a leftist disdain for the personal dilemma because, after all, everything is systemic. But just saying that over and over again doesn’t help you raise your kids or break up with your boyfriend.
“Asking for a Friend” spanned almost five years and some drastic changes in our world, including the election of Trump (along with other right-wing leaders abroad), Covid-19, the rise of Bernie Sanders and the socialist movement he represents, the emergence of a massive uprising against racist state violence, and increasing concern about climate meltdown. Each of these changes caused immense upheaval in our readers’ lives—some of it good, all of it real—and “Asking for a Friend” was lucky to be able to help.
Former Nation editors Richard Kim and Sarah Leonard thought the magazine should have an advice column and that I should write it, and I remain grateful to both of them, as well as to Christopher Shay, the column’s most recent editor, whose enthusiasm and intelligence informed “Asking for a Friend” every month. The delightful illustrations by Joanna Neborsky were also critical.
Mostly, thank you for writing in. An advice column is nothing without letters from readers, and yours were well written, vulnerable, and risky. You understood what the column was: an exploration of problems whose personal and political stakes were of equal interest. In the acknowledgments of their books, writers often thank people “without whom this could never have been written.” Of course, in the case of an advice column and its letter writers, this is uniquely true.
Although “Asking for a Friend” is disappearing from these pages, I’m not going anywhere. I’ve been writing for The Nation since the early 1990s, and I plan to stay on as a contributor. But if you want my advice, we’ll have to grab a coffee.
—Ever Grateful


thenation--2020-09-04--Mark Zuckerberg Has Set Our Democracy On Fire

Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg , seemingly stung by criticism that the social media giant he oversees has fueled right-wing extremism , is working hard to burnish his image as a defender of democracy .
The New York Times reports that on Thursday “ Facebook moved to clamp down on any confusion about the November election on its service , rolling out a sweeping set of changes to try to limit voter misinformation and prevent interference from President Trump and other politicians.
” The changes made include banning political ads one week prior to Election Day and clamping down on posts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that if any politician falsely claimed victory , users of the website would not see the dishonest words but rather be shunted to an accurate report .
The Times acknowledged that some critics saw these moves as “ too little and too late.
” Tara McGowan , head of the tech consulting firm Acronym , observed that the move to ban ads could have the perverse effect of giving greater dominance to right-wing outlets like Breitbart or Fox News , which already enjoy an immense audience on Facebook .
“ By banning new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the 2020 election , ” McGowan points out , “ Facebook has decided to tip the scales of the election to those with the greatest followings on Facebook—and that includes President Trump and the right-wing media that serves him.
” Facebook ’ s policy shift came two days after Zuckerberg and his wife , Priscilla Chan , announced a $ 300 million private donation to charities that would aid election security .
Even this large charitable donation was met with criticism .
As Vox reports , “ The announcement of the gift @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the simmering debate over billionaire philanthropy and whether donations are the best way to enact change .
That ’ s because , to many on the left and to Facebook critics more broadly , it is Zuckerberg ’ s company that has harmed democracy by tolerating hate speech , failing to curtail disinformation , or allowing Russian operatives to mess with the 2016 election.
” Death Was the Theme of Both the RNC and the DNC As social critic Anand Giridharadas has argued , relying on billionaire philanthropists like Zuckerberg is “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of hiring arsonists to be firefighters because they , I guess , know a lot about fire.
” Zuckerberg ’ s hypocrisy is all the more galling because his arson continues unabated .
Over the last week , many Facebook staffers were horrified by reports that strife in Kenosha , Wis. , was being fanned by militia groups organizing on Zuckerberg ’ s website .
“ I fully plan to kill looters and rioters tonight , ” read one post on a Facebook webpage for a militia group called the Kenosha Guard .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ AR [ rifle ] , these fools won ’ t even know what hit them.
” Despite Facebook users ’ reporting this page as objectionable and calling for it to be taken down , it continued to function even as a 17-year-old allegedly shot three protesters , killing two and wounding one .
Fending off employee criticism , Zuckerberg said the militia Facebook pages weren ’ t deleted because of “ an operational mistake.
” According to BuzzFeed News , “ Zuckerberg suggested to employees that the company had removed the event and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ day , ” but “ internal company discussions…show that ’ s not true .
The event was actually deleted the day after the shooting , not by Facebook , but by a page administrator for the Kenosha Guard .
Later that day , Facebook removed the Kenosha Guard page itself.
” One reason to distrust Facebook ’ s claim that it will stamp out election misinformation is that the company has repeatedly violated its own stated rules in order to accommodate right-wing agitators .
As NBC News reported last month , “ Facebook @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to repeatedly spread false information without facing any of the company ’ s stated penalties.… According to internal discussions from the last six months , Facebook has relaxed its rules so that conservative pages , including those run by Breitbart , former Fox News personalities Diamond and Silk , the nonprofit media outlet PragerU and the pundit Charlie Kirk , were not penalized for violations of the company ’ s misinformation policies.
” Diamond and Silk , a performing team of hyper-enthusiastic Trump fans , seem particularly egregious , because they have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spreading Covid-19 misinformation .
As New York Times reporter Kevin Roose notes , “ Diamond and Silk got tagged as a ‘ repeat offender ’ by Facebook earlier this year for sharing misinformation .
They complained , and someone in Facebook leadership intervened and removed the strikes on their account.
” On September 1 , the most shared post on Facebook was by Diamond and Silk .
As Judd Legum and Tesnim Zekeria of the website Popular Information have revealed , Facebook has also turned a blind eye to rules violations used to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pundit Ben Shapiro and his website The Daily Wire .
Popular Information has documented “ a network of large Facebook pages—each built by exploiting racial bias , religious bigotry , and violence—that systematically promote content from The Daily Wire .
These pages , some of which have over 2 million followers , do not disclose a business relationship with The Daily Wire .
But they all post content from The Daily Wire ten or more times each day .
Moreover , these pages post the exact same content from The Daily Wire at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collusion between The Daily Wire and these websites is a violation of Facebook ’ s rules .
There ’ s scant evidence that Facebook has tried to curb the practice .
In donning the costume of a defender of democracy , Zuckerberg is pulling a con .
There ’ s every evidence that Facebook continues to try to profit from promoting extremist voices , even in violation of its own stated rules .
Zuckerberg ’ s recent actions are nothing more than a public relations exercise , likely designed to defuse any efforts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they win the White House and the Senate .
But a radical overhaul of Facebook , one that limits Zuckerberg ’ s powers over democracy , is more urgent than ever .

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Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg, seemingly stung by criticism that the social media giant he oversees has fueled right-wing extremism, is working hard to burnish his image as a defender of democracy. The New York Times reports that on Thursday “Facebook moved to clamp down on any confusion about the November election on its service, rolling out a sweeping set of changes to try to limit voter misinformation and prevent interference from President Trump and other politicians.”
The changes made include banning political ads one week prior to Election Day and clamping down on posts that discourage voting. Facebook also promised that if any politician falsely claimed victory, users of the website would not see the dishonest words but rather be shunted to an accurate report.
The Times acknowledged that some critics saw these moves as “too little and too late.” Tara McGowan, head of the digital media nonprofit Acronym, observed that the move to ban ads could have the perverse effect of giving greater dominance to right-wing outlets like Breitbart or Fox News, which already enjoy an immense audience on Facebook. “By banning new political ads in the final critical days of the 2020 election,” McGowan points out, “Facebook has decided to tip the scales of the election to those with the greatest followings on Facebook—and that includes President Trump and the right-wing media that serves him.”
Facebook’s policy shift came two days after Zuckerberg and his wife, Priscilla Chan, announced a $300 million private donation to charities that would aid election security. Even this large charitable donation was met with criticism. As Vox reports, “The announcement of the gift on Tuesday emerged as an immediate flashpoint in the simmering debate over billionaire philanthropy and whether donations are the best way to enact change. That’s because, to many on the left and to Facebook critics more broadly, it is Zuckerberg’s company that has harmed democracy by tolerating hate speech, failing to curtail disinformation, or allowing Russian operatives to mess with the 2016 election.” More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
As social critic Anand Giridharadas has argued, relying on billionaire philanthropists like Zuckerberg is “as disturbing an idea as the idea of hiring arsonists to be firefighters because they, I guess, know a lot about fire.”
Zuckerberg’s hypocrisy is all the more galling because his arson continues unabated. Over the last week, many Facebook staffers were horrified by reports that strife in Kenosha, Wis., was being fanned by militia groups organizing on Zuckerberg’s website. “I fully plan to kill looters and rioters tonight,” read one post on a Facebook webpage for a militia group called the Kenosha Guard. “I have my suppressor on my AR [rifle], these fools won’t even know what hit them.” Despite Facebook users’ reporting this page as objectionable and calling for it to be taken down, it continued to function even as a 17-year-old allegedly shot three protesters, killing two and wounding one. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Fending off employee criticism, Zuckerberg said the militia Facebook pages weren’t deleted because of “an operational mistake.” According to BuzzFeed News, “Zuckerberg suggested to employees that the company had removed the event and militia page from the platform the next day,” but “internal company discussions…show that’s not true. The event was actually deleted the day after the shooting, not by Facebook, but by a page administrator for the Kenosha Guard. Later that day, Facebook removed the Kenosha Guard page itself.” Current Issue View our current issue
One reason to distrust Facebook’s claim that it will stamp out election misinformation is that the company has repeatedly violated its own stated rules in order to accommodate right-wing agitators. As NBC News reported last month, “Facebook has allowed conservative news outlets and personalities to repeatedly spread false information without facing any of the company’s stated penalties.… According to internal discussions from the last six months, Facebook has relaxed its rules so that conservative pages, including those run by Breitbart, former Fox News personalities Diamond and Silk, the nonprofit media outlet PragerU and the pundit Charlie Kirk, were not penalized for violations of the company’s misinformation policies.”
Diamond and Silk, a performing team of hyper-enthusiastic Trump fans, seem particularly egregious, because they have been exiled since April from Fox News for spreading Covid-19 misinformation.
As New York Times reporter Kevin Roose notes, “Diamond and Silk got tagged as a ‘repeat offender’ by Facebook earlier this year for sharing misinformation. They complained, and someone in Facebook leadership intervened and removed the strikes on their account.” On September 1, the most shared post on Facebook was by Diamond and Silk.
As Judd Legum and Tesnim Zekeria of the website Popular Information have revealed, Facebook has also turned a blind eye to rules violations used to build up a vast audience by right-wing pundit Ben Shapiro and his website The Daily Wire. Popular Information has documented “a network of large Facebook pages—each built by exploiting racial bias, religious bigotry, and violence—that systematically promote content from The Daily Wire. These pages, some of which have over 2 million followers, do not disclose a business relationship with The Daily Wire. But they all post content from The Daily Wire ten or more times each day. Moreover, these pages post the exact same content from The Daily Wire at the exact same time.” The undisclosed collusion between The Daily Wire and these websites is a violation of Facebook’s rules. There’s scant evidence that Facebook has tried to curb the practice.
In donning the costume of a defender of democracy, Zuckerberg is pulling a con. There’s every evidence that Facebook continues to try to profit from promoting extremist voices, even in violation of its own stated rules. Zuckerberg’s recent actions are nothing more than a public relations exercise, likely designed to defuse any efforts by the Democrats to regulate Facebook if they win the White House and the Senate. But a radical overhaul of Facebook, one that limits Zuckerberg’s powers over democracy, is more urgent than ever.


thenation--2020-09-04--California Passes Key Criminal Justice Reforms

On Tuesday Trump took a race-baiting excursion to Kenosha , Wis .
He used the opportunity to wield his demagogic broad brush , labeling racial justice protesters as terrorists and seeking to equate criminal justice reformers and opponents of police violence as soft on crime , as panderers for anarchism , and himself as the only one capable of imposing “ law and order.
” At the GOP convention last week , this doddering old man was ludicrously presented as the “ bodyguard of western civilization.
” Noise , noise , and yet more noise .
Make no mistake , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the stakes .
In defending Kyle Rittenhouse , the 17-year-old vigilante who killed two Kenosha protesters last week , he has begun prepping his supporters to take up weapons to defend him ( under the guise of defending law and order ) and gambling that he can , by positioning himself as a bulwark against anarchy , convince millions of voters in swing states like Pennsylvania and Wisconsin to disregard his record of failure , corruption , and abuse of power .
But you don ’ t even have to scratch the surface @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that cruelty-as-a-governing-principle , still visibly on display .
Take this week ’ s stunning decision to deny US participation in a globally coordinated effort to produce and distribute a Covid-19 vaccine .
Under the guise of “ America First , ” this policy is once again making America isolated .
First , it makes it that much harder for the poorest people and nations to access the vaccines that will be developed in the coming months .
But it also makes it all but impossible for the US health system to access supply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ international strategy .
After all , if America tells the rest of the world to go to hell , the rest of the world will respond in kind .
That ’ s Human Behavior 101 .
In addition to demagoguing his way toward the election and blaming the rest of the world , along with Biden-loving , black-clad , airplane-hopping anarchist agitators , for America ’ s woes under his watch , Trump and his state-level minions are doing everything in their power to disenfranchise voters .
The ACLU ’ s Georgia chapter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in late 2019 , the state wrongly purged some 200,000 voters from its rolls .
In normal times , revelations of an orchestrated campaign of voter suppression in a key swing state would be the headline of the week .
In these debased days , it ’ s barely a blip .
So too would Trump ’ s felonious suggestion that his supporters vote twice , once by mail and then , just to be on the safe side , in person as well—a strategy The New York Times reports he has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Trump also accused Joe Biden of being on “ enhancement ” drugs designed to boost his acumen .
If you ’ re thinking this will be the straw that breaks Attorney General Bill Barr ’ s backbone of support for Trump , think again : In a CNN interview shortly after Trump ’ s comments , Barr repeated Trump ’ s claims that vote-by-mail was “ playing with fire ” and argued that Trump was legitimately pointing out how to stress-test the system .
In that same interview , this odious Führer-sycophant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Justice Department to deliver an October surprise , such as indicting people connected to the initial FBI investigation into the 2016 Trump campaign ’ s Russia connections .
But while Trump and his house-pet attorney general gin up chaos and noise , in California—where in the 1990s then-Governor Pete Wilson ran for reelection on a tough-on-crime and anti-immigrant campaign every bit as demagogic as the one now pushed by Trump—legislators were sending a powerful Signal this week about different , smarter , more mature ways of doing politics .
Monday marked the end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wobbles that saw a number of important police reform bills die on the vine , including one , supported by the ACLU and other civil rights groups , that would have decertified violently abusive cops—became a banner year for criminal justice reformers in the Golden State .
Democrats , using their supermajority in both houses , along with support from a few Republicans , pushed through a raft of reforms that would have been unthinkable only a few years ago .
“ It happened very fast .
In a number of hours we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ houses in a very short time , ” says Democratic Assembly Member Ash Kalra , who represents the San Jose area and whose Racial Justice Act was one of the most ambitious reforms of the session .
The act , which passed with just hours to spare—and with the support of moderate Democrats who have in previous years blocked criminal justice reforms—allows defense attorneys to challenge convictions and sentencing based on patterns of systemic racial discrimination .
If signed by Governor Gavin Newsom , it will empower judges to void enhanced sentences if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could show that a Latino client was likely to have received a gang-sentencing enhancement because of his or her race .
How to Make Defunding the Police a Reality California incarcerates African American men at almost 10 times the rate for white men—a disproportionality even more extreme than in Southern states , according to Sacramento-based criminal justice reform lobbyist Glenn Backes , who refers to the Golden State as “ Mississippi with palm trees ” ( he counts among his clients the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights and the Drug Policy Alliance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pave the way for huge changes .
It passed , the Assembly member says , because , following the killing of George Floyd , a critical number of his colleagues could no longer turn a blind eye to patterns of systemic racism in law enforcement .
“ Everything turned on its head , ” Kalra explains .
“ It was amazing to see that transformation .
Black Live Matter and millions marching in the streets gave new energy ” to the reform momentum in California .
In addition to Kalra ’ s bill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the leading social justice reform politicians in Sacramento , estimates that more than 20 significant pieces of legislation passed this session that will move the needle on prisons and policing .
These include bills that remove investigation of fatal police shootings of civilians from local DAs , instead requiring that state prosecutors take on such cases ; that prohibit police use of choke holds ; that establish county oversight committees for sheriffs ’ departments ; that provide for the closing of two prisons , at a cost saving of several hundred million dollars @ @ @ @ @ @ @ age of 50 who have served at least 20 years behind bars to take their cases before parole boards , even in situations where their original sentence renders them ineligible for parole .
“ I think it ’ s a very successful reform year , ” says Mitchell , whose enthusiasm is only slightly tempered by the fact that the police unions successfully blocked passage of the decertification bill for abusive police officers .
For the past four years , California has been a political and rhetorical foil for Trump .
It ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something in the state ’ s water that renders populace and political leaders alike inherently progressive , but of course that ’ s not the case .
In 1993–94 , when Governor Pete Wilson was pushing draconian “ three strikes ” sentencing and a vast prison-building program , and when the California Correctional Peace Officers Association was one of the most powerful unions in the state , California veered hard-right on criminal justice and other issues .
It took years of grassroots organizing , get-out-the-vote campaigns among the groups most affected by mass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ change that narrative and bend the state ’ s politics in a more progressive direction .
Now , a generation later , all that hard work is bearing fruit .
A state that once prided itself on the unforgiving nature of three strikes and other such laws is now recreating its criminal justice system and , by extension , its broader political culture .
“ There were some policing bills that didn ’ t get to the governor ’ s desk , ” says Anthony DiMartino , government affairs director at Californians for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ things criminal justice reformers passed were tremendous.
” There are better ways of doing politics than Trump ’ s toxic blend of lies and cruelty—as California ’ s legislators showed this week .
In two months , this country will face a choice that will shape it for decades .
It ’ s an all-hands-on-deck moment .
Let ’ s get busy .

On Tuesday Trump took a race-baiting excursion to Kenosha, Wis. He used the opportunity to wield his demagogic broad brush, labeling racial justice protesters as terrorists and seeking to equate criminal justice reformers and opponents of police violence as soft on crime, as panderers for anarchism, and himself as the only one capable of imposing “law and order.” At the GOP convention last week, this doddering old man was ludicrously presented as the “bodyguard of western civilization.” Noise, noise, and yet more noise.
Make no mistake, with stunning rapidity Trump has ratcheted up the stakes. In defending Kyle Rittenhouse, the 17-year-old vigilante who killed two Kenosha protesters last week, he has begun prepping his supporters to take up weapons to defend him (under the guise of defending law and order) and gambling that he can, by positioning himself as a bulwark against anarchy, convince millions of voters in swing states like Pennsylvania and Wisconsin to disregard his record of failure, corruption, and abuse of power.
But you don’t even have to scratch the surface to find that record of failure, that cruelty-as-a-governing-principle, still visibly on display. Take this week’s stunning decision to deny US participation in a globally coordinated effort to produce and distribute a Covid-19 vaccine. Under the guise of “America First,” this policy is once again making America isolated. First, it makes it that much harder for the poorest people and nations to access the vaccines that will be developed in the coming months. But it also makes it all but impossible for the US health system to access supply chains developed as part of that coordinated international strategy. After all, if America tells the rest of the world to go to hell, the rest of the world will respond in kind. That’s Human Behavior 101.
In addition to demagoguing his way toward the election and blaming the rest of the world, along with Biden-loving, black-clad, airplane-hopping anarchist agitators, for America’s woes under his watch, Trump and his state-level minions are doing everything in their power to disenfranchise voters. The ACLU’s Georgia chapter released a report this week detailing how, in late 2019, the state wrongly purged some 200,000 voters from its rolls. In normal times, revelations of an orchestrated campaign of voter suppression in a key swing state would be the headline of the week. In these debased days, it’s barely a blip. More Signal:Noise GOP Convention: George Wallace Meets ‘Duck Dynasty’ Sasha Abramsky The Climate Apocalypse Has Arrived Sasha Abramsky
So too would Trump’s felonious suggestion that his supporters vote twice, once by mail and then, just to be on the safe side, in person as well—a strategy The New York Times reports he has been discussing with aides for several weeks. Trump also accused Joe Biden of being on “enhancement” drugs designed to boost his acumen. Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
If you’re thinking this will be the straw that breaks Attorney General Bill Barr’s backbone of support for Trump, think again: In a CNN interview shortly after Trump’s comments, Barr repeated Trump’s claims that vote-by-mail was “playing with fire” and argued that Trump was legitimately pointing out how to stress-test the system. In that same interview, this odious Führer-sycophant also refused to rule out using the Justice Department to deliver an October surprise, such as indicting people connected to the initial FBI investigation into the 2016 Trump campaign’s Russia connections.
But while Trump and his house-pet attorney general gin up chaos and noise, in California—where in the 1990s then-Governor Pete Wilson ran for reelection on a tough-on-crime and anti-immigrant campaign every bit as demagogic as the one now pushed by Trump—legislators were sending a powerful Signal this week about different, smarter, more mature ways of doing politics. Current Issue View our current issue
Monday marked the end of a legislative session that—despite some last-minute wobbles that saw a number of important police reform bills die on the vine, including one, supported by the ACLU and other civil rights groups, that would have decertified violently abusive cops—became a banner year for criminal justice reformers in the Golden State. Democrats, using their supermajority in both houses, along with support from a few Republicans, pushed through a raft of reforms that would have been unthinkable only a few years ago.
“It happened very fast. In a number of hours we were able to push it through both houses in a very short time,” says Democratic Assembly Member Ash Kalra, who represents the San Jose area and whose Racial Justice Act was one of the most ambitious reforms of the session. The act, which passed with just hours to spare—and with the support of moderate Democrats who have in previous years blocked criminal justice reforms—allows defense attorneys to challenge convictions and sentencing based on patterns of systemic racial discrimination. If signed by Governor Gavin Newsom, it will empower judges to void enhanced sentences if, for example, a defense attorney could show that a Latino client was likely to have received a gang-sentencing enhancement because of his or her race. Related Article How to Make Defunding the Police a Reality Bryce Covert
California incarcerates African American men at almost 10 times the rate for white men—a disproportionality even more extreme than in Southern states, according to Sacramento-based criminal justice reform lobbyist Glenn Backes, who refers to the Golden State as “Mississippi with palm trees” (he counts among his clients the Ella Baker Center for Human Rights and the Drug Policy Alliance). Kalra’s legislation will pave the way for huge changes. It passed, the Assembly member says, because, following the killing of George Floyd, a critical number of his colleagues could no longer turn a blind eye to patterns of systemic racism in law enforcement. “Everything turned on its head,” Kalra explains. “It was amazing to see that transformation. Black Live Matter and millions marching in the streets gave new energy” to the reform momentum in California.
In addition to Kalra’s bill, Senator Holly Mitchell, one of the leading social justice reform politicians in Sacramento, estimates that more than 20 significant pieces of legislation passed this session that will move the needle on prisons and policing. These include bills that remove investigation of fatal police shootings of civilians from local DAs, instead requiring that state prosecutors take on such cases; that prohibit police use of choke holds; that establish county oversight committees for sheriffs’ departments; that provide for the closing of two prisons, at a cost saving of several hundred million dollars; and that allow inmates over the age of 50 who have served at least 20 years behind bars to take their cases before parole boards, even in situations where their original sentence renders them ineligible for parole. “I think it’s a very successful reform year,” says Mitchell, whose enthusiasm is only slightly tempered by the fact that the police unions successfully blocked passage of the decertification bill for abusive police officers.
For the past four years, California has been a political and rhetorical foil for Trump. It’s tempting to think there must be something in the state’s water that renders populace and political leaders alike inherently progressive, but of course that’s not the case. In 1993–94, when Governor Pete Wilson was pushing draconian “three strikes” sentencing and a vast prison-building program, and when the California Correctional Peace Officers Association was one of the most powerful unions in the state, California veered hard-right on criminal justice and other issues. It took years of grassroots organizing, get-out-the-vote campaigns among the groups most affected by mass incarceration, and community engagement work to change that narrative and bend the state’s politics in a more progressive direction.
Now, a generation later, all that hard work is bearing fruit. A state that once prided itself on the unforgiving nature of three strikes and other such laws is now recreating its criminal justice system and, by extension, its broader political culture.
“There were some policing bills that didn’t get to the governor’s desk,” says Anthony DiMartino, government affairs director at Californians for Safety and Justice. “But the things criminal justice reformers passed were tremendous.”
There are better ways of doing politics than Trump’s toxic blend of lies and cruelty—as California’s legislators showed this week. In two months, this country will face a choice that will shape it for decades. It’s an all-hands-on-deck moment. Let’s get busy.


thenation--2020-09-04--Black Labor Leaders Are Needed Now More Than Ever

Labor Day 2020 comes at a time of unprecedented racial , political , and economic upheaval in the United States .
Earlier this summer , tens of thousands of workers nationwide walked off their jobs and took to the streets to strike in support of the growing Black Lives Matter movement .
In August , hundreds of NBA and WNBA players went on strike in protest of the police shooting of Jacob Blake ; about 70 percent of each league ’ s players are Black .
These actions and acts of radical defiance by workers have made it clear that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the growing and perverse economic inequalities that have devastated Black workers and Black America for generations , and made them much more vulnerable to the current global pandemic .
To win the corporate accountability required to rectify this inequality , our labor and worker movement must embrace this racial awakening and elevate and adequately resource Black people in roles of leadership and strategy .
Black workers have long strived to be heard , respected , and paid their worth in the United States .
While they are 12 percent of the overall workforce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all frontline-industry workers .
With poor access to health care , this places Black workers and their families at higher risk in this pandemic .
And with Black and brown workers on track to become the majority of the working class in less than 15 years , the time is now to make sure that this moment solidifies into a movement powerful enough to win transformative victories for Black workers and other workers of color .
In the fall of 2019 , a coalition of Black activists and leaders from the labor movement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ academia gathered in New York for a three-day intensive conversation on the state of Black workers , our power and our unmet concerns .
We gathered specifically to envision a new method , a new project that would elevate both Black voices and Black strategists in our progressive movement as well as promote intentionally a Black , Southern-focused school of thought .
The Sports Strikes Against Racism Have Not Been Coopted The Advancing Black Strategists Initiative was born from those discussions , and is now a joint project of the Jobs With Justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the Institute for Policy Studies , and Morehouse College International Comparative Labor Studies .
Our overarching vision is to create at all levels , from students to seasoned veterans , a cohort of Black economic-justice- and labor-focused strategists committed to leading , developing , and advancing policies and campaigns that support the collective power-building of working people , particularly in the South .
Currently , there are far too few campaigns that truly meet these criteria .
And this holds everyone back .
“ Our national labor movement is strengthened and emboldened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ struggle for fair working conditions , ” says Tanya Wallace-Gobern , executive director of the Raleigh-based National Black Worker Center .
“ Strong Black leader-full activism destroys the systems that keep all workers in chains .
Black workers are more than ready to lead , and everyone benefits when they follow the sound of our call.
” In short , we don ’ t just want to be “ in the room where it happens.
” We want to be architects of the whole damn house .
We know that social and economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opportunities for Black thought leaders and strategists , have often collectively fallen short .
Bias limits our collective growth .
We have seen these glass ceilings before .
Reminiscent of the NFL ’ s welcoming Black running backs and receivers but shunning Black quarterbacks and coaches , many Black organizers have gotten the message that they are great at mobilizing people and building relationships , but they are not ready to run a campaign or lead a program ( unless it is solely about Black communities ) .
We are officially taking a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done in the early 2000s on union organizing showed us that when women of color make up the majority of the workplace and they are being organized by women of color , the union election win rate is 90 percent—the highest for any group .
Nonetheless , Black women strategists are a rare find in many labor and community organizations .
The Advancing Black Strategists Initiative aims to create an ecosystem and pipeline to develop , nurture , train , and support Black organizers and strategists who will command leadership roles in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strategists who are devising major worker organizing campaigns , who are elevating our school of thought in their academic research and discourse work , and who are crafting the next generation of labor policies .
ABSI will help provide an all-Black space for people to develop their skills as strategists and support each other in gaining access to power .
To meet this moment , we have already begun to elevate Black voices from our movement to shape the public discourse on race and labor issues .
ABSI leader Dr. Sheri Davis of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a video series where Black womxn activists , trade unionists , feminists , leaders , and scholars discuss current demands for economic , racial , gender , and LGBTQ+ justice for Black people and others .
The South is our primary region of focus .
The majority of Black Americans still live in this region , where many of their ancestors were once enslaved workers on plantations .
Today , they are building campaigns in a context where they have lost ( or never had ) access to existing 20th century protections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ project of the National Domestic Workers Alliance , is a perfect example of this .
Domestic work is rooted in the legacy of slavery .
Black women historically have done the vast majority of care work in this country .
The New Deal labor protections left these workers out .
We Dream in Black takes all of this reality into account in their present-day strategy of organizing and empowering Black women in places like Georgia and North Carolina .
Key to their strategy is that their staff reflects their membership , they are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work , and their campaigns are resourced adequately to win .
Howard Bryant on the Sports Strikes Against Racism ABSI will help to support the development of a new school of thought anchored in the principle that working people ’ s ability to organize and collectively bargain , alongside voting and other forms of civic participation , is a prerequisite for a healthy society and economy .
Important to this approach is the inclusion of Black Southern perspectives that center race and gender equity .
Long-term investment is also important .
We are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a historically Black college of over 150 years , anchored in the South and producing some of the country ’ s top leaders .
The initiative will strengthen Morehouse ’ s International Comparative Labor Studies program to train generations of Black students to become economic justice leaders .
In addition , the project seeks in the long term to demonstrate why combating systemic white supremacy is critical to the success of all these strategies .
A project such as this will take some time to mature , but in this season of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the seeds of a new and more diverse labor movement leadership that strengthens the collective power of all working people .

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Labor Day 2020 comes at a time of unprecedented racial, political, and economic upheaval in the United States. Earlier this summer, tens of thousands of workers nationwide walked off their jobs and took to the streets to strike in support of the growing Black Lives Matter movement. In August, hundreds of NBA and WNBA players went on strike in protest of the police shooting of Jacob Blake; about 70 percent of each league’s players are Black.
These actions and acts of radical defiance by workers have made it clear that systemic racism cannot be separated from the growing and perverse economic inequalities that have devastated Black workers and Black America for generations, and made them much more vulnerable to the current global pandemic. To win the corporate accountability required to rectify this inequality, our labor and worker movement must embrace this racial awakening and elevate and adequately resource Black people in roles of leadership and strategy.
Black workers have long strived to be heard, respected, and paid their worth in the United States. While they are 12 percent of the overall workforce, Black workers represent 17 percent of all frontline-industry workers. With poor access to health care, this places Black workers and their families at higher risk in this pandemic. And with Black and brown workers on track to become the majority of the working class in less than 15 years, the time is now to make sure that this moment solidifies into a movement powerful enough to win transformative victories for Black workers and other workers of color.
In the fall of 2019, a coalition of Black activists and leaders from the labor movement, the economic justice movement, and academia gathered in New York for a three-day intensive conversation on the state of Black workers, our power and our unmet concerns. We gathered specifically to envision a new method, a new project that would elevate both Black voices and Black strategists in our progressive movement as well as promote intentionally a Black, Southern-focused school of thought. Sports Strikes The Sports Strikes Against Racism Have Not Been Coopted Dave Zirin
The Advancing Black Strategists Initiative was born from those discussions, and is now a joint project of the Jobs With Justice Education Fund, the Black Worker Initiative at the Institute for Policy Studies, and Morehouse College International Comparative Labor Studies. Our overarching vision is to create at all levels, from students to seasoned veterans, a cohort of Black economic-justice- and labor-focused strategists committed to leading, developing, and advancing policies and campaigns that support the collective power-building of working people, particularly in the South.
Currently, there are far too few campaigns that truly meet these criteria. And this holds everyone back. “Our national labor movement is strengthened and emboldened by every Black strategist that enters the struggle for fair working conditions,” says Tanya Wallace-Gobern, executive director of the Raleigh-based National Black Worker Center. “Strong Black leader-full activism destroys the systems that keep all workers in chains. Black workers are more than ready to lead, and everyone benefits when they follow the sound of our call.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
In short, we don’t just want to be “in the room where it happens.” We want to be architects of the whole damn house. Current Issue View our current issue
We know that social and economic justice movements, which should be expanding opportunities for Black thought leaders and strategists, have often collectively fallen short. Bias limits our collective growth. We have seen these glass ceilings before. Reminiscent of the NFL’s welcoming Black running backs and receivers but shunning Black quarterbacks and coaches, many Black organizers have gotten the message that they are great at mobilizing people and building relationships, but they are not ready to run a campaign or lead a program (unless it is solely about Black communities). We are officially taking a knee on all of this!
Research done in the early 2000s on union organizing showed us that when women of color make up the majority of the workplace and they are being organized by women of color, the union election win rate is 90 percent—the highest for any group. Nonetheless, Black women strategists are a rare find in many labor and community organizations.
The Advancing Black Strategists Initiative aims to create an ecosystem and pipeline to develop, nurture, train, and support Black organizers and strategists who will command leadership roles in the movement. We will work with Black strategists who are devising major worker organizing campaigns, who are elevating our school of thought in their academic research and discourse work, and who are crafting the next generation of labor policies. ABSI will help provide an all-Black space for people to develop their skills as strategists and support each other in gaining access to power.
To meet this moment, we have already begun to elevate Black voices from our movement to shape the public discourse on race and labor issues. ABSI leader Dr. Sheri Davis of Rutgers University just launched Black Womxn Demands, a video series where Black womxn activists, trade unionists, feminists, leaders, and scholars discuss current demands for economic, racial, gender, and LGBTQ+ justice for Black people and others.
The South is our primary region of focus. The majority of Black Americans still live in this region, where many of their ancestors were once enslaved workers on plantations. Today, they are building campaigns in a context where they have lost (or never had) access to existing 20th century protections. We Dream in Black, a project of the National Domestic Workers Alliance, is a perfect example of this. Domestic work is rooted in the legacy of slavery. Black women historically have done the vast majority of care work in this country. The New Deal labor protections left these workers out. We Dream in Black takes all of this reality into account in their present-day strategy of organizing and empowering Black women in places like Georgia and North Carolina. Key to their strategy is that their staff reflects their membership, they are grounded in an intersectional approach to their work, and their campaigns are resourced adequately to win. Strikes Against Racism Howard Bryant on the Sports Strikes Against Racism Dave Zirin
ABSI will help to support the development of a new school of thought anchored in the principle that working people’s ability to organize and collectively bargain, alongside voting and other forms of civic participation, is a prerequisite for a healthy society and economy. Important to this approach is the inclusion of Black Southern perspectives that center race and gender equity.
Long-term investment is also important. We are investing in a relationship with Morehouse College, a historically Black college of over 150 years, anchored in the South and producing some of the country’s top leaders. The initiative will strengthen Morehouse’s International Comparative Labor Studies program to train generations of Black students to become economic justice leaders.
In addition, the project seeks in the long term to demonstrate why combating systemic white supremacy is critical to the success of all these strategies. A project such as this will take some time to mature, but in this season of great upheaval, we hope to plant the seeds of a new and more diverse labor movement leadership that strengthens the collective power of all working people.


thenation--2020-09-05--A Militant Union’s Strategic Case for Joe Biden

President Trump says , “ Sleepy Joe Biden is just a Trojan Horse for the Radical Left Agenda .
He will do whatever they want !
” That ’ s laughable .
So laughable that Biden mocked the claim with a question : “ Do I look like a radical socialist with a soft spot for rioters ?
” ’ For all the efforts by Trump and his Republican minions to make voters fear the Democratic nominee for president , Biden remains what he has always been : a predictable centrist who has never gone anywhere near what Michael Harrington @ @ @ @ @ @ @ referred to as “ the left wing of the possible.
” The fear with regard to Biden—as a candidate and as a president—is not that he will be too radical .
It is that he won ’ t be bold enough in addressing the challenges posed by a pandemic , mass unemployment , an eviction crisis , economic inequality , police violence and systemic racism , the climate crisis , and an out-of-control Pentagon .
So if the goal is to persuade skeptical voters to cast a ballot for Biden , does it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senator and vice president who backed Wall Street bailouts and bad trade deals as a transformative figure in our politics ?
Or is it more reasonable to argue that voting for the Democratic nominee is a necessary part of a much bigger struggle to achieve economic and social and racial justice ?
These are particularly challenging questions for labor unions , which want workers to reject Trump—who took two-fifths of the vote from union households in 2016—in the battleground states where the 2020 election will be decided .
The United Electrical , Radio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 84-year-old independent union with a history of prioritizing working-class solidarity over party politics , has come to the conclusion that the best strategy is to level with the 35,000 workers it represents in manufacturing industries and public- and private-sector jobs .
UE is not feigning enthusiasm for Biden .
Instead , in a stark assessment of the race issued just before the traditional Labor Day pivot into the fall campaign , the union ’ s general executive board acknowledged that “ working people deserve a government , and a president , who will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ onslaught of the past several decades .
Under both Republican and Democratic administrations , greedy corporations have destroyed good jobs , attacked our unions and devastated our communities .
We have to be honest that the 2020 elections will not deliver that president.
” Unions often go overboard when it comes to talking up Democratic nominees .
But UE officials are taking a different tack as they communicate with workers in battleground states such as Ohio and Pennsylvania .
“ We are clear that Biden is no savior , and will likely seek @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies as previous Democratic presidents Obama and Clinton , ” admits the union statement .
But , it adds , there is also clarity about something else : “ The working class can not afford four more years of Trump.
” That ’ s not a typical union endorsement .
In fact , says UE general president Carl Rosen , “ We do not consider this to be an endorsement of Joe Biden by UE but instead that it is a strategic recommendation to our members and to working people in general that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump from office.
” He explains that “ for many unions endorsements end up with the union trying to convince their members that the candidate will be really good for them .
Members can see through that and have been disappointed too many times .
Then they stop listening to the union ’ s recommendations .
That ’ s why we think it is better to give an unvarnished statement of the situation and trust our members to make the right decision.
” Rosen ’ s reasoning is sound .
In 2016 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton .
Yet exit polls found Clinton ’ s margin among voters in union households was just 51-42 over Trump .
That was the narrowest Democratic advantage since Walter Mondale lost to Ronald Reagan in 1984 .
“ Clinton ’ s poor performance among union households appeared to especially damage her in crucial Midwestern states , ” noted Politico .
“ Obama won Ohio in 2012 , besting Romney in those households by 23 percentage points .
Clinton actually lost Ohio ’ s union households to Trump by 9 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The state went to Trump.
” The numbers were almost as bad in other swing states that abandoned Democratic voting patterns to back Trump , such as Wisconsin , Michigan , and Pennsylvania .
Rosen sees the 2020 election through the eyes of an organizer .
“ November 3rd must be a beginning , not an end , ” he says .
“ If we are successful in dumping Donald Trump out of office , labor unions and all social justice organizations must immediately get to work at forcing a Biden administration to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the Democratic Party platform , but to go well beyond them to fully meet the needs of working people in this country .
We have to mobilize to force a change in what is considered politically possible and necessary.
” That realistic approach is rooted in UE ’ s tradition as an union that operates outside the AFL-CIO framework .
While many unions are quick to endorse Democratic presidential nominees , UE has sat out a number of presidential elections since its founding in 1936 .
The union has backed some Democrats—such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and George McGovern .
But it has also worked to form an independent Labor Party and supported alternatives to the two major parties .
This year , it endorsed Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders for the Democratic nomination .
But as the executive board ’ s statement on the fall election noted , “ in early 2020 the Democratic Party establishment closed ranks around corporate Democrat Joe Biden , forcing Bernie to end his campaign in April.
” That disappointed many UE activists , as it did millions of others who had embraced Sanders @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revolution.
” Rosen says he has “ no illusions ” about the fights ahead with “ the corporate forces in the Democratic Party.
” Yet UE ’ s president remains optimistic about the prospects for forging a working-class politics that influences not just the Biden administration and the Democratic Party but the future of the country as well .
“ The national conversation over the last decade has already been changed in so many ways due to social justice movements , around income and wealth inequality , around racial and gender justice , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ job , around the preservation and strengthening of public services , and around the need for Medicare for All , among other issues .
Now is the time that we need to force politicians to put the needed changes into law and policy , ” argues Rosen .
“ We have the ability to have those fights on offense under a Biden presidency while we are likely to be almost entirely on defense under a second Trump administration .
”

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Thank you for signing up for The Nation’s weekly newsletter.
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President Trump says, “Sleepy Joe Biden is just a Trojan Horse for the Radical Left Agenda. He will do whatever they want!”
That’s laughable. So laughable that Biden mocked the claim with a question: “Do I look like a radical socialist with a soft spot for rioters?”’
For all the efforts by Trump and his Republican minions to make voters fear the Democratic nominee for president, Biden remains what he has always been: a predictable centrist who has never gone anywhere near what Michael Harrington, the great democratic socialist organizer, referred to as “the left wing of the possible.”
The fear with regard to Biden—as a candidate and as a president—is not that he will be too radical. It is that he won’t be bold enough in addressing the challenges posed by a pandemic, mass unemployment, an eviction crisis, economic inequality, police violence and systemic racism, the climate crisis, and an out-of-control Pentagon.
So if the goal is to persuade skeptical voters to cast a ballot for Biden, does it really make sense to portray a former senator and vice president who backed Wall Street bailouts and bad trade deals as a transformative figure in our politics? Or is it more reasonable to argue that voting for the Democratic nominee is a necessary part of a much bigger struggle to achieve economic and social and racial justice?
These are particularly challenging questions for labor unions, which want workers to reject Trump—who took two-fifths of the vote from union households in 2016—in the battleground states where the 2020 election will be decided.
The United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America, an 84-year-old independent union with a history of prioritizing working-class solidarity over party politics, has come to the conclusion that the best strategy is to level with the 35,000 workers it represents in manufacturing industries and public- and private-sector jobs. Current Issue View our current issue
UE is not feigning enthusiasm for Biden. Instead, in a stark assessment of the race issued just before the traditional Labor Day pivot into the fall campaign, the union’s general executive board acknowledged that “working people deserve a government, and a president, who will stand up for them against the corporate onslaught of the past several decades. Under both Republican and Democratic administrations, greedy corporations have destroyed good jobs, attacked our unions and devastated our communities. We have to be honest that the 2020 elections will not deliver that president.” Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann Popular "swipe left below to view more authors"Swipe → The Evisceration of a Public University The Evisceration of a Public University Lisa M. Corrigan The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks The Patronizing Moralism of David Brooks Chris Lehmann “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash “The Blind Side” Was Always Trash Dave Zirin How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection How the “Brooks Brothers Riot” Set the Stage for Insurrection Chris Lehmann
Unions often go overboard when it comes to talking up Democratic nominees. But UE officials are taking a different tack as they communicate with workers in battleground states such as Ohio and Pennsylvania.
“We are clear that Biden is no savior, and will likely seek to implement the same kind of corporate-friendly policies as previous Democratic presidents Obama and Clinton,” admits the union statement. But, it adds, there is also clarity about something else: “The working class cannot afford four more years of Trump.”
That’s not a typical union endorsement. In fact, says UE general president Carl Rosen, “We do not consider this to be an endorsement of Joe Biden by UE but instead that it is a strategic recommendation to our members and to working people in general that they vote for Biden to remove Donald Trump from office.” He explains that “for many unions endorsements end up with the union trying to convince their members that the candidate will be really good for them. Members can see through that and have been disappointed too many times. Then they stop listening to the union’s recommendations. That’s why we think it is better to give an unvarnished statement of the situation and trust our members to make the right decision.”
Rosen’s reasoning is sound. In 2016, many unions gave early and enthusiastic support to Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton. Yet exit polls found Clinton’s margin among voters in union households was just 51-42 over Trump. That was the narrowest Democratic advantage since Walter Mondale lost to Ronald Reagan in 1984. “Clinton’s poor performance among union households appeared to especially damage her in crucial Midwestern states,” noted Politico. “Obama won Ohio in 2012, besting Romney in those households by 23 percentage points. Clinton actually lost Ohio’s union households to Trump by 9 points, according to exit polls. The state went to Trump.”
The numbers were almost as bad in other swing states that abandoned Democratic voting patterns to back Trump, such as Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania.
Rosen sees the 2020 election through the eyes of an organizer. “November 3rd must be a beginning, not an end,” he says. “If we are successful in dumping Donald Trump out of office, labor unions and all social justice organizations must immediately get to work at forcing a Biden administration to not only live up to commitments made in the Democratic Party platform, but to go well beyond them to fully meet the needs of working people in this country. We have to mobilize to force a change in what is considered politically possible and necessary.”
That realistic approach is rooted in UE’s tradition as an union that operates outside the AFL-CIO framework. While many unions are quick to endorse Democratic presidential nominees, UE has sat out a number of presidential elections since its founding in 1936. The union has backed some Democrats—such as Franklin Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson, and George McGovern. But it has also worked to form an independent Labor Party and supported alternatives to the two major parties. This year, it endorsed Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders for the Democratic nomination. But as the executive board’s statement on the fall election noted, “in early 2020 the Democratic Party establishment closed ranks around corporate Democrat Joe Biden, forcing Bernie to end his campaign in April.”
That disappointed many UE activists, as it did millions of others who had embraced Sanders’s call for a “political revolution.” Rosen says he has “no illusions” about the fights ahead with “the corporate forces in the Democratic Party.” Yet UE’s president remains optimistic about the prospects for forging a working-class politics that influences not just the Biden administration and the Democratic Party but the future of the country as well.
“The national conversation over the last decade has already been changed in so many ways due to social justice movements, around income and wealth inequality, around racial and gender justice, around the exploitation of workers on the job, around the preservation and strengthening of public services, and around the need for Medicare for All, among other issues. Now is the time that we need to force politicians to put the needed changes into law and policy,” argues Rosen. “We have the ability to have those fights on offense under a Biden presidency while we are likely to be almost entirely on defense under a second Trump administration.”


thenation--2020-09-07--Trump’s Vile Military Comments Are a Window Into His Soul

On Thursday , Jeffrey Goldberg , editor of The Atlantic , broke a story about alleged comments Donald Trump made about American soldiers in 2018 after canceling a planned visit to the Aisne-Marne American Cemetery in France—the final resting place of many troops killed in World War I .
“ Why should I go to that cemetery ?
” Trump reportedly asked .
“ It ’ s filled with losers.
” On a separate occasion , he referred to the dead soldiers as “ suckers.
” Goldberg ’ s reporting also adds new details to Trump ’ s well-known disdain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Goldberg ’ s story was based on anonymous sources and was heatedly denied by Trump .
In a string of tweets , Trump wrote , “ I was never a big fan of John McCain , disagreed with him on many things including ridiculous endless wars and the lack of success he had in dealing with the VA and our great Vets , but the lowering of our Nations American Flags , and the first-class funeral he was given by our Country , had to be approved by me , as President , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ complaint .
Quite the contrary , I felt it was well deserved .
I even sent Air Force One to bring his body , in casket , from Arizona to Washington .
It was my honor to do so .
Also , I never called John a loser and swear on whatever , or whoever , I was asked to swear on , that I never called our great fallen soldiers anything other than HEROES .
This is more made up Fake News given by disgusting & jealous failures in a disgraceful attempt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s denial is hard to credit , since the private remarks are perfectly consistent with many public comments he ’ s made .
Campaigning in Iowa in 2015 , Trump notoriously said about McCain , “ I like people who weren ’ t captured.
” He added , referring to McCain ’ s loss in the 2008 election , “ I don ’ t like losers.
” Trump has also made disrespectful comments about the parents of a slain soldier ( Humayun Khan ) and spoke to the widow of another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Johnson ) in a way she found disconcerting .
Trump ’ s history of uncouth words about soldiers reveals an underlying attitude .
Trump worships at the altar of financial success and has little regard for the ethics of sacrifice central to the military vocation .
Soldiers have to be willing to give up their lives for a higher good—a practice that makes little sense to Trump ’ s win-at-all-cost ethos .
Trump ’ s comments are a genuine window into his soul , a glimpse of the bottomless pit of egoistic striving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mark Zuckerberg Has Set Our Democracy On Fire As repulsive as they are , Trump ’ s comments are likely to gain little traction .
The fact that they are based on anonymous sourcing makes them easy to discount for partisans .
But beyond that , Trump ’ s personality is well-known to both supporters and opponents .
Those who like Trump have shown an endless ability to forgive and forget .
After all , if his public comments on McCain and the Khan family didn ’ t stop him from winning the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unlikely that reports of private talk of the same sort would have an impact in 2020 .
Joe Biden , whose late son Beau served in the military , has gone after Trump with real passion on this matter .
“ Quite frankly , if what is written in The Atlantic is true , it is disgusting , ” Biden said .
“ It affirms what most of us believe to be true—that Donald Trump is not fit to be the commander in chief.
” Biden continued by saying , “ President Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service , no loyalty to any cause other than himself .
If I am honored of being the next commander in chief , I will ensure that our American heroes know I will have their backs.
” Biden spoke with real passion .
As Matt Visser of The Washington Post reports , “ Joe Biden is angry , voice rising in disgust over anti-military comments attributed to Trump .
It ’ s the most heated he has been during his campaign .
Even more than rebutting criticism of his son Hunter , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president telling him to investigate Biden.
” As genuine as Biden ’ s emotions no doubt were , he would do well not to make Trump ’ s comment a major campaign theme , or indeed to highlight Trump ’ s personality too much .
Trump ’ s odious character is an established fact and won ’ t move marginal voters .
Trump ’ s polling numbers are unusually stable .
They do sometimes go down , but seemingly only in response to real-world events .
They were low in August 2017 ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Right rally in Charlottesville ) , in November and December 2017 ( after his unpopular tax cut for the rich ) , and in January 2019 ( during the government shutdown ) .
It ’ s worth remembering that the Democrats made enormous gains in the midterms by focusing on health care , rather than Trump ’ s personality .
All of this suggests that the best way to fight Trump is to focus on policy : his alignment with the racist right , his plutocratic economic policies , on health care , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the issues that will peel away marginal Trump voters .

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On Thursday, Jeffrey Goldberg, editor of The Atlantic, broke a story about alleged comments Donald Trump made about American soldiers in 2018 after canceling a planned visit to the Aisne-Marne American Cemetery in France—the final resting place of many troops killed in World War I. “Why should I go to that cemetery?” Trump reportedly asked. “It’s filled with losers.” On a separate occasion, he referred to the dead soldiers as “suckers.” Goldberg’s reporting also adds new details to Trump’s well-known disdain for the late Senator John McCain.
Goldberg’s story was based on anonymous sources and was heatedly denied by Trump. In a string of tweets, Trump wrote, “I was never a big fan of John McCain, disagreed with him on many things including ridiculous endless wars and the lack of success he had in dealing with the VA and our great Vets, but the lowering of our Nations American Flags, and the first-class funeral he was given by our Country, had to be approved by me, as President, & I did so without hesitation or complaint. Quite the contrary, I felt it was well deserved. I even sent Air Force One to bring his body, in casket, from Arizona to Washington. It was my honor to do so. Also, I never called John a loser and swear on whatever, or whoever, I was asked to swear on, that I never called our great fallen soldiers anything other than HEROES. This is more made up Fake News given by disgusting & jealous failures in a disgraceful attempt to influence the 2020 Election!”
Trump’s denial is hard to credit, since the private remarks are perfectly consistent with many public comments he’s made. Campaigning in Iowa in 2015, Trump notoriously said about McCain, “I like people who weren’t captured.” He added, referring to McCain’s loss in the 2008 election, “I don’t like losers.” Trump has also made disrespectful comments about the parents of a slain soldier (Humayun Khan) and spoke to the widow of another soldier killed in action (La David Johnson) in a way she found disconcerting.
Trump’s history of uncouth words about soldiers reveals an underlying attitude. Trump worships at the altar of financial success and has little regard for the ethics of sacrifice central to the military vocation. Soldiers have to be willing to give up their lives for a higher good—a practice that makes little sense to Trump’s win-at-all-cost ethos. Trump’s comments are a genuine window into his soul, a glimpse of the bottomless pit of egoistic striving that makes him who he is. More From Jeet Heer The Indigenous Roots of Robbie Robertson’s Rock and Roll Revolution August 14, 2023 Why Does This Racist Keep Getting Silicon Valley Money? August 11, 2023 When Phallocrats Go Limp August 4, 2023
As repulsive as they are, Trump’s comments are likely to gain little traction. The fact that they are based on anonymous sourcing makes them easy to discount for partisans. But beyond that, Trump’s personality is well-known to both supporters and opponents. Those who like Trump have shown an endless ability to forgive and forget. After all, if his public comments on McCain and the Khan family didn’t stop him from winning the presidency in 2016, it’s unlikely that reports of private talk of the same sort would have an impact in 2020.
Joe Biden, whose late son Beau served in the military, has gone after Trump with real passion on this matter.
“Quite frankly, if what is written in The Atlantic is true, it is disgusting,” Biden said. “It affirms what most of us believe to be true—that Donald Trump is not fit to be the commander in chief.” Biden continued by saying, “President Trump has demonstrated he has no sense of service, no loyalty to any cause other than himself. If I am honored of being the next commander in chief, I will ensure that our American heroes know I will have their backs.” Current Issue View our current issue
Biden spoke with real passion. As Matt Visser of The Washington Post reports, “Joe Biden is angry, voice rising in disgust over anti-military comments attributed to Trump. It’s the most heated he has been during his campaign. Even more than rebutting criticism of his son Hunter, or Trump’s call to the Ukrainian president telling him to investigate Biden.”
As genuine as Biden’s emotions no doubt were, he would do well not to make Trump’s comment a major campaign theme, or indeed to highlight Trump’s personality too much. Trump’s odious character is an established fact and won’t move marginal voters.
Trump’s polling numbers are unusually stable. They do sometimes go down, but seemingly only in response to real-world events. They were low in August 2017 (when Trump praised the racist Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville), in November and December 2017 (after his unpopular tax cut for the rich), and in January 2019 (during the government shutdown).
It’s worth remembering that the Democrats made enormous gains in the midterms by focusing on health care, rather than Trump’s personality.
All of this suggests that the best way to fight Trump is to focus on policy: his alignment with the racist right, his plutocratic economic policies, on health care, and his general incompetence. These are the issues that will peel away marginal Trump voters.