conservativehome--2020-02-12--Ben Roback: Introducing the real winner from the Democrat primaries to date. Trump.

Ben Roback is Head of Trade and International Policy at Cicero Group .
One gets the feeling that Donald JTrump is having fun .
He ’ s having a good few weeks – the apex of which was his acquittal by the Senate on two charges of impeachment .
As if the outcome itself wasn ’ t sufficient political manna from heaven , the lone Republican defector – Mitt Romney – gave the President a new object of focus within his own party .
It gives him grounds to continue to purge the GOP of disbelievers , and further cast @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Then it was the turn of the Democrats to start gifting the president open goals .
Trump ignored Nancy Pelosi ’ s offer of an outstretched hand as he took to the Senate floor to deliver his State of the Union , celebrating the “ great American comeback ” .
Whether planned in advance or merely in response to the president ’ s cold shoulder , Pelosi ’ s riposte was to ceremoniously tear up the president ’ s speech behind his back .
The President has made scoring cheap political points whilst @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forte but , if the Democrats ’ strategy in the 2020 election is to go toe to toe with him , they will lose .
Fact .
The response was a far cry from Michelle Obama ’ s famous motto : “ When they go low , we go high ” .
Throughout the speech , the president kept his potential 2020 Democratic opposite number in sight .
Preparing for the possibility of a Bernie Sanders candidacy , the president invited Juan Guaidó , the opposition leader in Venezuela , as a special @ @ @ @ @ @ @ destroys nations .
But always remember , freedom unifies the soul , ” said the president .
It sounded as though the president was talking to Venezuela , but the real target was the junior Senator from Vermont .
Attention quickly turned to the Iowa caucus , where a technical glitch with the app used to tally votes delayed the announcement of final results .
It meant that both Bernie Sanders and Pete Buttigieg were able to declare victory .
First as tragedy , then as farce .
The final outcome in Iowa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tenth of a percent , with Buttigieg the surprise victor .
Languishing in fourth place on 15.8 per cent , Joe Biden left Iowa the most disappointed of the candidates .
The latest RealClearPolitics polling average makes for sobering reading in the extreme for the Biden campaign , which diverted to New Hampshire entirely in anticipation of another poor return .
Their hunch was correct : Biden ’ s campaign was dealt a crushing blow , with a fifth place finish on under 10 per cent .
The former Vice President then diverted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fourth state to host its primary at the end of the month .
The voter demographics in the Palmetto State favour Biden , where a larger share of African American voters are expected to continue their support for him .
The Biden campaign can not afford another lowly finish , which could spell the end of his candidacy .
New Hampshire voters threw a surprise name into the mix – that of Amy Klobuchar , a Minnesota Senator , who finished third on 20 per cent .
Michael Bloomberg , backed by an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ set to enter the primary race on Super Tuesday .
Moderate Democrats look increasingly split between Buttigieg , Klobuchar and Bloomberg .
With a second-place finish in Iowa and first place in New Hampshire , the progressive wing of the party looks to be coalescing around Bernie Sanders and walking away from Elizabeth Warren .
Can a self-described socialist really win in modern-day America ?
It is by no means lazy to associate Bernie Sanders with Jeremy Corbyn both in style and substance .
Republicans will hope that the two suffer the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s nomination .
Just as Jeremy Corbyn abjectly failed to convince the nation of his vision of a socialist Britain , Sanders ’ attempts to sell socialism to modern America looks a lot like trying to flog radiators to Eskimos .
A new poll by Gallup gives the Sanders campaign serious cause for concern .
A majority of Americans surveyed said they would not vote for a socialist candidate for president , with the most opposition coming from Republican voters .
Asked whether they would vote for their party nominee who was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who happened to be socialist , ” 45 percent said ‘ yes ’ and 53 percent said ‘ no ’ .
Despite some of the most prominent rising stars in the Democratic Party emerging from the left , the acceptance for a socialist nominee is two points lower now than it was in June 2015 .
Trump ’ s campaign team are likely to be rubbing their hands with glee at the prospect of facing off against Sanders – at least in terms of semantics .
But do not discount the head-to-head polls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , give Mr Sanders an average lead of 4.3 points .
Despite that , the personal polling picture looks increasingly healthy for a President who is now fighting on the front foot and not the back .
Trump ’ s job approval rating has risen to 49 per cent , his highest on record with Gallup .
His 92 per cent approval rating among Republicans is up six percentage points from early January and three ahead of George W Bush at the same point in their presidencies .
The road to July ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many hitherto undiscovered twists and turns .
Bloomberg ’ s entrance into the race on Super Tuesday presents a new – and expensive – challenge to the Sanders and Buttigieg camps fighting for frontrunner status .
The Republican primary will be no such blockbuster .
On Tuesday , Trump coasted to victory in the Republican New Hampshire primary .
With Democrats descending into in-fighting and their supporters split , he arguably emerged the clear winner from the Democratic primary in New Hampshire too .

Ben Roback is Head of Trade and International Policy at Cicero Group.
One gets the feeling that Donald JTrump is having fun. He’s having a good few weeks – the apex of which was his acquittal by the Senate on two charges of impeachment.
As if the outcome itself wasn’t sufficient political manna from heaven, the lone Republican defector – Mitt Romney – gave the President a new object of focus within his own party. It gives him grounds to continue to purge the GOP of disbelievers, and further cast the Republicans in his own mould.
Then it was the turn of the Democrats to start gifting the president open goals.
Trump ignored Nancy Pelosi’s offer of an outstretched hand as he took to the Senate floor to deliver his State of the Union, celebrating the “great American comeback”. Whether planned in advance or merely in response to the president’s cold shoulder, Pelosi’s riposte was to ceremoniously tear up the president’s speech behind his back.
The President has made scoring cheap political points whilst simultaneously abandoning bipartisan goodwill and convention his forte but, if the Democrats’ strategy in the 2020 election is to go toe to toe with him, they will lose.
Fact. The response was a far cry from Michelle Obama’s famous motto: “When they go low, we go high”. Throughout the speech, the president kept his potential 2020 Democratic opposite number in sight. Preparing for the possibility of a Bernie Sanders candidacy, the president invited Juan Guaidó, the opposition leader in Venezuela, as a special guest at the address.
“Socialism destroys nations. But always remember, freedom unifies the soul,” said the president. It sounded as though the president was talking to Venezuela, but the real target was the junior Senator from Vermont.
Sanders and Buttigieg rise as Biden falls
Attention quickly turned to the Iowa caucus, where a technical glitch with the app used to tally votes delayed the announcement of final results. It meant that both Bernie Sanders and Pete Buttigieg were able to declare victory. First as tragedy, then as farce.
The final outcome in Iowa split Sanders and Buttigieg by just a tenth of a percent, with Buttigieg the surprise victor.
Languishing in fourth place on 15.8 per cent, Joe Biden left Iowa the most disappointed of the candidates. The latest RealClearPolitics polling average makes for sobering reading in the extreme for the Biden campaign, which diverted to New Hampshire entirely in anticipation of another poor return.
Their hunch was correct: Biden’s campaign was dealt a crushing blow, with a fifth place finish on under 10 per cent. The former Vice President then diverted his attention to South Carolina, the fourth state to host its primary at the end of the month. The voter demographics in the Palmetto State favour Biden, where a larger share of African American voters are expected to continue their support for him.
The Biden campaign cannot afford another lowly finish, which could spell the end of his candidacy. New Hampshire voters threw a surprise name into the mix – that of Amy Klobuchar, a Minnesota Senator, who finished third on 20 per cent.
Michael Bloomberg, backed by an unprecedented level of personal expenditure, is set to enter the primary race on Super Tuesday. Moderate Democrats look increasingly split between Buttigieg, Klobuchar and Bloomberg. With a second-place finish in Iowa and first place in New Hampshire, the progressive wing of the party looks to be coalescing around Bernie Sanders and walking away from Elizabeth Warren.
Can a self-described socialist really win in modern-day America?
It is by no means lazy to associate Bernie Sanders with Jeremy Corbyn both in style and substance. Republicans will hope that the two suffer the same fate, should Sanders win his party’s nomination. Just as Jeremy Corbyn abjectly failed to convince the nation of his vision of a socialist Britain, Sanders’ attempts to sell socialism to modern America looks a lot like trying to flog radiators to Eskimos.
A new poll by Gallup gives the Sanders campaign serious cause for concern. A majority of Americans surveyed said they would not vote for a socialist candidate for president, with the most opposition coming from Republican voters.
Asked whether they would vote for their party nominee who was a “generally well-qualified person for president who happened to be socialist,” 45 percent said ‘yes’ and 53 percent said ‘no’. Despite some of the most prominent rising stars in the Democratic Party emerging from the left, the acceptance for a socialist nominee is two points lower now than it was in June 2015.
Trump’s campaign team are likely to be rubbing their hands with glee at the prospect of facing off against Sanders – at least in terms of semantics. But do not discount the head-to-head polls which, according to the RealClearPolitics average, give Mr Sanders an average lead of 4.3 points.
Despite that, the personal polling picture looks increasingly healthy for a President who is now fighting on the front foot and not the back. Trump’s job approval rating has risen to 49 per cent, his highest on record with Gallup. His 92 per cent approval rating among Republicans is up six percentage points from early January and three ahead of George W Bush at the same point in their presidencies.
The road to July’s Democratic National Convention in Wisconsin has many hitherto undiscovered twists and turns. Bloomberg’s entrance into the race on Super Tuesday presents a new – and expensive – challenge to the Sanders and Buttigieg camps fighting for frontrunner status.
The Republican primary will be no such blockbuster. On Tuesday, Trump coasted to victory in the Republican New Hampshire primary. With Democrats descending into in-fighting and their supporters split, he arguably emerged the clear winner from the Democratic primary in New Hampshire too.


conservativehome--2020-02-12--WATCH: Culture clash. Johnson and Corbyn differ on the deporting of offenders who are foreign nation

WATCH: Culture clash. Johnson and Corbyn differ on the deporting of offenders who are foreign nationals to Jamaica.

`` Is it one rule for young black boys from the Caribbean and another for white boys from the US @ @ @ @ @ Corbyn challenges PM Boris Johnson on the deportation of convicted offenders to Jamaica who were @ @ @ @ @ children # PMQs https : //t.co/UhVVr6xj7r pic.twitter.com/6ZekDZBk1K

"Is it one rule for young black boys from the Caribbean and another for white boys from the US?"
Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn challenges PM Boris Johnson on the deportation of convicted offenders to Jamaica who were brought to the UK as children#PMQs https://t.co/UhVVr6xj7r pic.twitter.com/6ZekDZBk1K
— BBC Politics (@BBCPolitics) February 12, 2020


conservativehome--2020-02-12--Andrew Gimson’s PMQs sketch: We wait for a new Opposition leader to take the fight to the Prime Mini

Andrew Gimson’s PMQs sketch: We wait for a new Opposition leader to take the fight to the Prime Minister

Boris Johnson is doing too well .
The audience for PMQs in the press gallery is in decline because the expectation that he will get into any kind of difficulty is diminishing .
Jeremy Corbyn suggested the Prime Minister is a racist , who has “ learned absolutely nothing from the Windrush scandal ” and is more inclined to deport a black criminal than a white criminal – the latter made to sound like Johnson himself , as traduced at the dinner tables of Islington .
Johnson retorted that Corbyn “ demeans himself and besmirches the reputation of the Windrush @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who worked so hard to rebuild Britain after the war , with the criminals being deported to Jamaica .
Corbyn as usual shifted his ground – he has never mastered the art of sticking to one point – and denounced “ this country ’ s one-sided extradition treaty with the USA ” .
Johnson , with the agility which is one of his distinguishing features , shifted his ground too .
He agreed with Corbyn that “ there are elements of that relationship that are unbalanced ” .
Honesty is often the best @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the indefensible .
The Prime Minister was as ebullient today as on Tuesday , when he delivered his statement on HS2 .
Martin Vickers ( Con , Cleethorpes ) complained at PMQs that HS2 raises “ little enthusiasm ” among his constituents , for it “ does little to improve connectivity to Cleethorpes ” , and proceeded to itemise at excessive length the rail improvements required by Cleethorpes .
Johnson sounded amused rather than wearied by this .
He said “ the voice of Cleethorpes has been heard ” , and had made @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – words that will have delighted Vickers , while also entertaining the House .
Next week the House will not be sitting , but the week after that we can expect to see Corbyn take on Johnson again , and once again fail to make any kind of impact .
The new Labour leader will not be announced until 4th April , soon after the start of the Easter recess , so will not be in action against Johnson at PMQs until 22nd April .
But he or she had better start thinking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to account .

Boris Johnson is doing too well. The audience for PMQs in the press gallery is in decline because the expectation that he will get into any kind of difficulty is diminishing.
Jeremy Corbyn suggested the Prime Minister is a racist, who has “learned absolutely nothing from the Windrush scandal” and is more inclined to deport a black criminal than a white criminal – the latter made to sound like Johnson himself, as traduced at the dinner tables of Islington.
Johnson retorted that Corbyn “demeans himself and besmirches the reputation of the Windrush generation” by conflating its members, who worked so hard to rebuild Britain after the war, with the criminals being deported to Jamaica.
Corbyn as usual shifted his ground – he has never mastered the art of sticking to one point – and denounced “this country’s one-sided extradition treaty with the USA”.
Johnson, with the agility which is one of his distinguishing features, shifted his ground too. He agreed with Corbyn that “there are elements of that relationship that are unbalanced”.
Honesty is often the best policy: otherwise one finds oneself defending the indefensible.
The Prime Minister was as ebullient today as on Tuesday, when he delivered his statement on HS2. Martin Vickers (Con, Cleethorpes) complained at PMQs that HS2 raises “little enthusiasm” among his constituents, for it “does little to improve connectivity to Cleethorpes”, and proceeded to itemise at excessive length the rail improvements required by Cleethorpes.
Johnson sounded amused rather than wearied by this. He said “the voice of Cleethorpes has been heard”, and had made “a vivid and compelling case” – words that will have delighted Vickers, while also entertaining the House.
Next week the House will not be sitting, but the week after that we can expect to see Corbyn take on Johnson again, and once again fail to make any kind of impact.
The new Labour leader will not be announced until 4th April, soon after the start of the Easter recess, so will not be in action against Johnson at PMQs until 22nd April.
But he or she had better start thinking now how to hold this Prime Minister to account.


conservativehome--2020-02-13--RESHUFFLE LIVE BLOG: JAVID HAS RESIGNED OVER SPAD SACKING DEMANDS. SUNAK IS THE NEW CHANCELLOR.

There is not expected to be a reduction in the number of female members of Cabinet ( whether that includes @ @ @ @ @ ” isn ’ t clear ) .
Anne-Marie Trevelyan , Suella Braverman and Gillian Keegan @ @ @ @ @ .
Trevelyan was appointed to Defence as a Minister of State last summer , and @ @ @ @ @ the Armed Forces .
Trevelyan is set to become International Development Secretary according to the @ @ @ @ @ Minister wants this reshuffle to set the foundations for Government now and in the future @ @ @ @ @ a generation of talent that will be promoted further in the coming years .
He @ @ @ @ @ have worked hard to deliver on this Government ’ s priorities to level up the @ @ @ @ @ change people voted for last year .
”

5.30pm
It looks as if the reshuffle has petered out, so we’re going to wrap up this live blog. To conclude, here is the full list of the membership of the new Johnson Cabinet (image by Political Intelligence):
Prime Minister – Boris Johnson
– Boris Johnson Chancellor – Rishi Sunak
– Rishi Sunak Home Secretary – Priti Patel
– Priti Patel Foreign Secretary – Dominic Raab
– Dominic Raab Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster – Michael Gove
– Michael Gove Health Secretary – Matt Hancock
– Matt Hancock Defence Secretary – Ben Wallace
– Ben Wallace International Trade Secretary – Liz Truss
– Liz Truss Environment Secretary – George Eustice
– George Eustice Education Secretary – Gavin Williamson
– Gavin Williamson Culture Secretary – Oliver Dowden
– Oliver Dowden Business Secretary – Alok Sharma
– Alok Sharma MHCLG Secretary – Robert Jenrick
– Robert Jenrick Work & Pensions Secretary – Thérèse Coffey
– Thérèse Coffey Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor – Robert Buckland
– Robert Buckland International Development Secretary – Anne-Marie Trevelyan
– Anne-Marie Trevelyan Transport Secretary – Grant Shapps
– Grant Shapps Welsh Secretary – Simon Hart
– Simon Hart Scottish Secretary – Alister Jack
– Alister Jack Northern Irish Secretary – Brandon Lewis
– Brandon Lewis Attorney General – Suella Braverman
– Suella Braverman Chief Secretary to the Treasury – Stephen Barclay
– Stephen Barclay Party Chairman – Amanda Milling
– Amanda Milling Leader of the House of Commons – Jacob Rees-Mogg
– Jacob Rees-Mogg Chief Whip – Mark Spencer
– Mark Spencer Leader of the House of Lords – Baroness Evans
4.30pm
Lord Callanan is now Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy.
Gillian Keegan has been appointed a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Education.
3.30pm
No more announcements – the Guardian suggests the reshuffle is “running out of steam” – but an interesting observation on the new Cabinet courtesy of the Institute for Government:
“…much of the cabinet already has experience of sitting around the table. Only three full members – Anne-Marie Trevelyan, Amanda Milling and George Eustice – and Suella Braverman, the new attorney general who attends cabinet, have not been around the table before.”
This is a useful counterpoint to the suggestion that the Prime Minister is rewarding loyalty at the expense of experience – and coming from the IfG, it is presented in a very handsome graphic! More on their blog.
2.30pm
After a few hours of radio silence there has been a bumper crop of announcements. These are all continuity posts, including Nick Gibb continuing his extraordinary stint as Schools Minister.
But whilst his staying put will be no surprise, some of the other names might be – Jesse Norman, for example, remains where is is despite having been elevated to the Privy Council on Wednesday.
Commons:
Rt Hon Jesse Norman remains as Financial Secretary to the Treasury
Lucy Frazer QC remains as a Minister of State in the Ministry of Justice
Rt Hon Nick Gibb remains as a Minister of State in the Department for Education
Justin Tomlinson remains as a Minister of State in the Department for Work and Pensions
John Glen remains as Economic Secretary to the Treasury
Nadhim Zahawi remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy
David TC Davies remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Wales Office and as an Assistant Government Whip
Johnny Mercer remains as a joint Parliamentary Secretary in the Cabinet Office and in the Ministry of Defence.
James Heappey remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Ministry of Defence
Rebecca Pow remains a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs
Jo Churchill remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department of Health and Social Care
Nadine Dorries remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department of Health and Social Care
Kevin Foster remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Home Office
Luke Hall remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government
Graham Stuart remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for International Trade
Mims Davies remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Work and Pensions
Guy Opperman remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Work and Pensions
Will Quince remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Work and Pensions
Lords:
Rt Hon Earl Howe CBE remains as a Minister of State (Deputy Leader of the House of Lords)
Lord Ahmad of Wimbledon remains as a joint Minister of State in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and in the Department for International Development
Baroness Goldie DL remains as a Minister of State in the Ministry of Defence
Baroness Barran MBE remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport
Lord Gardiner of Kimble remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs
Baroness Vere of Norbiton remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Transport
Baroness Stedman-Scott OBE remains as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Work and Pensions
2.00pm
Another dimension to the reshuffle, specifically the dismissal of Sajid Javid over his refusal to allow Downing Street to annex his advisers, is to what extent the Prime Minister’s attitude reflects strength versus hinting at a brittle fragility which may become more significant once the Government inevitably leaves its current imperial honeymoon.
Making the former case, Stephen Bush of the New Statesman argues that Boris Johnson is quite possibly the most powerful Prime Minister in history, benefiting from a ‘unipolar moment’ which has seen Labour reduced to impotence whilst simultaneously forcing many of Johnson’s opponents out of the Conservative Party and handing him a huge Commons majority.
In this view, the abolition of the ‘Imperial Treasury’ is a consolidation of that strength, burying the Blair-Brown diarchy and Cameron-Osborne alliance in favour of an operation effectively run directly from Downing Street.
The alternative view, put out by Johnson’s critics, spins this quite differently. In this reading, Johnson is actually mimicking the pattern best set out by Hannah Arendt in her seminal book, The Origins of Totalitarianism:
“Totalitarianism in power invariably replaces all first-rate talents, regardless of their sympathies, with those crackpots and fools whose lack of intelligence and creativity is still the best guarantee of their loyalty.”
Suffice to say there is more than a whiff of #FBPE hysteria about comparisons between the current Government and a dictatorship. But there is a grain of truth in the idea that prioritising loyalty to the extent that Johnson did yesterday is a sign of fragility. A Prime Minister at the height of his powers, the argument runs, ought to feel secure enough to bring “first-rate talents” to the table, even if they aren’t long-standing loyalists.
A third option is that Johnson is gathering his loyalists to him because he intends to try and drive through a programme which will deeply divide the Conservative Party. With the Government being coy about the future of its fiscal rules, and the recent kite-flying over swingeing tax increases, this probably can’t be ruled out.
1.00pm
There has been a slowdown in announcements, leaving commentators to pick through the aftermath of yesterday’s events. One thing the Prime Minister is being criticised for is the increased proportion of privately-educated ministers in his new Cabinet. According to the Independent, “nearly two-thirds of his top team having attended a fee-paying school.”
This follows criticisms that it also sports fewer female and ethnic minority members, also in each case the total has only fallen by one, despite Johnson’s promise to ‘set the foundations‘ for a gender-balanced Cabinet.
12pm
Amanda Solloway MP, who regained her seat at the general election, is now a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy.
Victoria Prentis has been appointed a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs
Lord Agnew, who departs the DfE after having apparently developed a ‘divisive’ reputation, becomes a joint Minister of State in the Cabinet Office and in Her Majesty’s Treasury.
11am
Henry Hill reporting:
Rachel Maclean has been appointed as a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Transport.
Nigel Huddleston is now a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport and an Assistant Government Whip.
Lord True – who led the Government’s attempt to filibuster the anti-no deal legislation in the last Parliament – becomes a Minister of State in the Cabinet Office.
Baroness Berridge becomes Parliamentary Under Secretary of State in the Department for Education and a Baroness in Waiting.
Friday February 14
7am
Paul Goodman reporting:
Jake Berry has turned down a move to the Foreign Office, which would apparently have involved the loss of his present right to attend Cabinet – see above, where he refers to the family commitments that arise from having three young children under three. He is one of the former backbench band of Johnson True Believers.
Paul Scully moves to become an Under-Secretary of State for Business; he keeps responsibility for London as this spring’s Mayoral election approaches.
James Duddridge is back in government, at the same level, at the Foreign Office and International Development. He was at the time of the EU referendum the sole pro-Leave Minister in the former department.
– – –
20.00
Appointments coming thick and fast now.
Stuart Andrew becomes Deputy Chief Whip.
Marcus Jones is back in government as a senior whip.
Brexiteering Simon Clarke promoted to be Minister of State at HCLG.
Michelle Donelan up a rank to Minister of State at Education.
Caroline Dinenage not up but sideways to DCMS (as a Minister of State).
The able and combative Greg Hands is back in government in his old department at Trade.
Chris Philp from Justice to the Home Office as an Under-Secretary.
Kemi Badenoch from Education to the Treasury at the same level.
Kelly Tolhurst from Business to Transport at the same level.
Wendy Morton from Justice to the Foreign Office & Dfid.
19.00
Amanda Milling, the new Party Chairman, is a long-time Johnson backer and a very senior Whip indeed, until today (Deputy). That’s an irresistable combination for promotion under this dispensation. Downing Street now has one Co-Party Chairman who will work seamlessly with the other: Ben Elliott. Her presence also helps it to meet its commitment, made yesterday, of keeping the number of women who sit around the Cabinet table at least constant.
Zac Goldsmith to be a Minister covering three departments in the Lords: Foreign Office, DfID and Defra.
Nigel Adams to cover the first two of those Departments from the Commons (with Cleverly).
18.30
ConHome is told that while Gove won’t be running an enlarged Prime Minister’s Office, he will, with Dowden’s departure from the Cabinet Office, be taking on the latter’s responsibilities. Within that office, Chloe Smith will continue to have responsibilities for the constitution – the Daily Telegraph recently reported that she is now seen within government as an expert on it – but Gove will also hold them at his higher level. We recommended that he do so in the wake of December’s election: “the obvious move is to make him Secretary of State for the Constitution, leading the media fightback against the SNP, forming policy for the UK as a whole and perhaps continuing working out of the Cabinet Office.”
Like Mordaunt, Brokenshire gets another bite at the Ministerial cherry, returning to the Home Office.
Quin is another Whips Office graduate and well suited in due course to a Trade or Treasury role. Whateley is poised to grapple with social care, and looks earmarked for Cabinet in the future. Walker is spoken of as an unflappable Minister with a solid grasp of his brief.
17.30
There is a mass of less senior appointments coming in.
James Cleverly is off to the Foreign Office as a Minister of State with a characteristically stylish tweet. It doesn’t looks as though he will continue to attend Cabinet. He will also be a DfID Minister – but that’s a continuation of present practice, not part of a radical restructuring.
Javid has emerged to make a statement about his departure. “I don’t believe any self-respecting Minister would accept such conditions”
Penny Mordaunt is back but not at full Cabinet level: she becomes Paymaster General.
Amanda Milling, former Deputy Chief Whip, is to be Minister without Portfolio and a Cabinet member.
Mark Spencer remains Chief Whip.
Chris Pincher, a former Deputy Chief Whip, to Housing (yet another change in the post).
Andrew Stephenson, another former senior Whip, to Transport. Never mind who the Prime Minister is: whips flourish like green bay trees.
And please note: Ben Wallace endures at Defence.
16.00
Tory backbenchers and Johnny Mercer have a view on legacy issues and veterans. Sinn Fein and Irish nationalists another. The DUP has its own take. And now we have Ireland’s election result, plus the rumpus over Julian Smith’s sacking.
So no pressure for the genial Lewis – who defies predictions that he would be sacked today, not promoted. His present use as a go-to man for media interviews was always likely be a better indicator of his future than his past clash with Johnson over anti-Muslim hatred.
Steve Barclay slots into the vacant Chief Secretary post. (At one stage, he was a pro-Leave Minister working at the Treasury Minister under Philip Hammond; and before that, the only pro-Brexit MP in the Whip’s Office. So he’s up for a challenge.
And Jacob-Rees Mogg survives that Grenfell quote to stay on as Leader of the House.
15.00
Watch out, Lady Hale – and your like. Braverman is coming for you. Here she is on ConHome less than a month ago : “Our Parliament must retrieve power ceded to another place – the courts. For too long, the Diceyan notion of parliamentary supremacy has come under threat.” Johnson/Cummings is limbering up for major constitutional change: a rebalancing of the relationship between Parliament and the Courts, presumably after the Constitution, Democracy and Rights Commission has reported.
The clear-out of SpAds continues. Peter Cardwell, Robert Buckland’s media SpAd, who formerly did the same job for James Brokenshire, is going. (And unlike the Chancellor, the Justice Secretary is staying.)
And George Eustice goes to Defra. It’s yet another reshuffle story success for the Times but, more importantly, an important signal in the policy balance between environmentalists and farmers. A source tells ConHome: “Zac would have been a full-on green appointment. The Chief Whip a full-on NFU appointment. Eustice strikes a balance.” Our take is that the moderate Eustice, a farmer, a one-time pro-EEA Leaver and yet another Minister who quit over Brexit, signals a tilt towards protection in the overall protection-free trade policy balance.
14.00
Anne-Marie Trevelyan – Defence Minister, one-time resigner over Brexit and former Vote Leaver – becomes International Development Secretary (again as tweeted yesterday by the Times).
Suella Braverman is in Downing Street.
Liz Truss survives at Trade, as foreshadowed by the Prime Minister name-checking her frequently during a speech last week, and Matt Hancock stays at Health.
And in the least surprising promotion of the shuffle, Oliver Dowden joins the other two legs of a pro-Johnson stool (Sunak and Robert Jenrick) as a full member of the Cabinet, becoming Culture Secretary.
13.00
As The Times tweeted yesterday evening , Alok Sharma is appointed Business Secretary. This is a big promotion for the former International Development Secretary, who is rated in Downing Street as a purposeful, non self-promoting and bright loyalist. To him will now fall the responsibility of charting a course for Government business and science policy post-Brexit.
The Javid SpAd row seems to have been linked to plans for an expanded Number Ten operation – i.e: a bigger Prime Minister’s department (with Michael Gove at the wheel). Javid will have seen what this meant for his own team, and recalled the rate of his former SpAd Sonia Khan – fired by Cummings last year, in a precursor to today’s events. He was clearly unwilling to live with the nickname “Chino” – Chancellor in Name Only.
12.00
We warned on Monday morning as follows: “There is a question mark over Javid’s future. Relations between some of his Special Advisers and some in Number Ten are poisonous. The Chancellor has already seen one of his SpAds fired (Sonia Khan). The Prime Minister may push to dismiss at least two more – Mats Person and Sam Coates. Which Javid would resist. This one may not end well.” And it hasn’t.
To say that this development throws the shuffle off course is a statement of the obvious. Rishi Sunak to the Treasury and a new Chief Secretary to replace him?
This is a competence-and-loyalty clash in spades. The relationship in question isn’t so much that between Johnson and Javid as between Downing Street, for which read Cummings, and the Chancellor’s team, for which read his SpAds above (and others). The briefing and sniping were mutually poisonous. The Prime Minister has a comfortable majority and no real Opposition from Labour. And his most strident Tory critics left the Commons in December: Hammond, Gauke, Stewart, Rudd. But now there is a new potential leader of the internal opposition: Javid.
11.30 am
Some of the commentary on Smith’s sacking is over-stressing policy factors (the “legacy issues”) at the expense of personal ones.
The main lesson of his firing is: this is shaping up to be the Loyalty Shuffle. Smith was seen to be briefing against Johnson and his Brexit policy pre-election. Leadsom is a former leadership rival. Cox was felt to be not fully on board. Ghani was a Hunt supporter last year.
Competence is important to Number Ten – which is why Sharma, Dowden and Trevelyan are set to be promoted. But it must come with a personal commitment to the Prime Minister.
And loyalty is not enough on its own. Like Johnson, Villiers is one of the original senior Vote Leavers. But Downing Street sources claim that she “needed to have her hand held” and, while not wanting Ministers to grandstand in the media, say that she took the opposite to an extreme.
There’s no suggestion that Skidmore isn’t competent, but his move suggests that Downing Street wants a new broom to deal with Universities and science policy, which is of special interest to Dominic Cummings.
Javid, Raab, Patel and Gove – the most senior four Ministers – are in Downing Street. None will move.
10.30am
Cox writes a farewell letter that balances i) making it clear that he hasn’t gone willingly with ii) statements of future loyalty and iii) a tribute to Brexit and Johnson’s leadership of the project.
Here’s a surprise. Nus Ghani, tipped for promotion as HS2 Minister, has been sacked. She was a Jeremy Hunt supporter in last year’s leadership election.
Michael Ellis, the Solicitor-General, is taking Commons questions in the absence of an Attorney-General.
George Freeman, with his puppyish energy and passion for ideas, is out from the Transport Department. “On my bike,” he tweets.
A former Minister in that department, currently at the Treasury, was sworn into the Privy Council yesterday. Is a promotion coming today for Jesse Norman?
10am
Leadsom is out – she praises her team, “ looks forwards to focusing on my constituents and on my 20+ year campaign to see every baby get the best start in life” – and takes a parting shot at the Prime Minister over gender equality
So is McVey – who makes no pretence about going willingly: “ I’m very sorry to be relieved of my duties as Housing Minister.”
And so is Chris Skidmore, the Universities Minister, who departs with aplomb.
If the number of women in and attending Cabinet is to remain constant, as Number Ten was briefing yesterday, that means three more will later be promoted to it – if Villiers has indeed gone too.
Cox is out – and questions to the Attorney-General will take place in the Commons Chamber in less than half and hour. Who will be at the despatch box on the Government’s behalf?
The Prime Minister has left the building – the Palace of Westminster, that is. He’s gone by car to Downing Street. The sackings are over and the promotions are set to begin.
Wednesday February 12
9am
Paul Goodman reporting:
The stage is set. The Prime Minister has been meeting Ministers to sack them in his Commons office. He will move to Downing Street mid-morning. He will promote and appoint other Ministers from there: these will walk into Number Ten in front of the cameras. Repeat until close of play late this afternoon.
Julian Smith is sacked.
Geoffrey Cox, Andrea Leadsom and Theresa Villiers are also reported to have gone in to Johnson’s office – which would means that they will all be fired too.
There is a row about whether Smith kept Downing Street informed of his approach to the treatment of Northern Ireland veterans. Sources there claim he didn’t keep them in the loop; he says that he did. But this dismissal is ultimately about loyalty to Johnson: the Cummings group within Number Ten, and not least the Prime Minister himself, believe that Smith worked and briefed against the Brexit policy pre-election.
What does Smith’s sacking mean for the veterans policy itself? Some will see it as a signal that Johnson is prepared to row back from the settlement announced in January on the so-called “legacy” issues. This is always a flammable issue – especially given support for veterans in the Commons, the views of Northern Ireland Unionists and the stance of Sinn Fein, now the biggest party in the Dail following Ireland’s election.
– – –
Wednesday February 12
23.00
Paul Goodman reporting:


conservativehome--2020-02-13--Profile: Rishi Sunak, rising star of the Johnson project

Rishi Sunak is the new holder of British politics ’ most unenviable post , the next Prime Minister .
The role has been played over the years by many talented figures , almost none of whom has actually made it to Number Ten .
But with the ascension of Boris Johnson – a man written off by a larger number of serious commentators than any politician now living – a vacancy has arisen , and the as yet almost totally unknown Sunak has been chosen to fill it .
As George Parker reported a few days ago in The Financial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as anyone of sense would , against elevation to the lonely , envy-inducing , failure-presaging role of the next PM , in which one finds oneself haunted in the small hours by the ghost of Rab Butler , who explains what it was that so unexpectedly allowed Harold Macmillan and then Alec Home to overtake him in the final furlong of the race .
And yet we are witnessing a Sunak boom , in which he rises at astonishing speed to become one of the key figures in the Johnson administration , charged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neglected towns of northern England which have just voted Conservative for the first time .
As Parker reported , Not everyone was impressed by Sunak ’ s performances in the seven-way election debates in which he represented the Conservatives , with Rowena Mason writing in The Guardian after the ITV debate : Sunak is not a star debater , but possesses several other qualities which fit him for a starring role in the Johnson government .
He is extremely bright , extremely energetic and extremely proud to be British .
The Prime Minister @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in his colleagues , and delights to promote people such as Sajid Javid , Priti Patel , Alok Sharma and Sunak himself who demonstrate that Conservative values , including hard work , patriotism , bettering oneself by getting a good education and helping others to do the same , are every bit as appealing to people of immigrant descent as to anyone else .
A generation ago , such ministers would almost certainly have joined the Labour Party .
Now it is the Conservatives , thanks especially to the widening of the parliamentary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , who have given them the chance to shine .
Sunak ’ s grandparents were born in the Punjab and arrived from East Africa in England in the 1960s .
His father worked as a GP in Southampton and his mother ran a pharmacy , with young Rishi , born in 1980 , keeping the books for her .
He took the scholarship exams for Winchester College , did not win a full scholarship , but his parents decided they would send him there anyway .
In a recent conversation with Nick Robinson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ education is everything ” .
In an even more recent podcast recorded by two pupils at a school in Richmond , in his North Yorkshire constituency , he said when they began by asking him where he had been to school , and what type of school it was : Few people in public life speak with such enthusiasm about their schooldays , especially if they are lucky enough to have gone to Eton or Winchester , and to have enjoyed the experience .
Sunak sounds more genuine than the many members of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to deny or downplay the privileges they have enjoyed .
The pupils proceeded to ask what his favourite subjects were , and he told them : He has other enthusiasms too , for the Saints ( Southampton Football Club , where his childhood hero was Matt Le Tissier ) , cricket ( he had the decency not to make the First Eleven at Winchester , but was Senior Commoner Prefect , or head boy ) , Roald Dahl ’ s volumes of autobiography ( Boy and Going Solo ) , the Star Wars @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all five questions about them put by Nick Robinson ) and Coca-Cola ( “ I ’ m a total Coke addict , Coca-Cola addict to be totally clear , I have seven fillings to show for it ” ) .
Politicians often make a mess of these simple questions : one thinks of Gordon Brown ’ s love of the Arctic Monkeys or Theresa May running through fields of wheat .
Sunak displays an almost disconcerting lack of the inhibitions which avert straight answers .
He went to Lincoln College , Oxford , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Politics and Economics , after which he travelled on a Fulbright scholarship to Stanford University , where he did an MBA and met a fellow student , Akshata Murphy , whom in 2009 he married .
They have two daughters .
Sunak is better known in India than in Britain because his wife is the daughter of N.R.Narayana Murthy , billionaire co-founder of Infosys , a tremendously successful IT company .
Since graduating from Stanford , Sunak has worked in California , India and Britain , first for Goldman Sachs and later @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to set up , and as a director of the Murthy family company .
In October 2014 Sunak won selection as William Hague ’ s successor in the safe Conservative seat of Richmond , and was duly elected in 2015 as the MP for this overwhelmingly white part of Yorkshire .
In his maiden speech , he used a joke he has often told in order to describe how he had fitted in there : In an interview with the Indian paper The Business Standard , conducted at the House of Commons soon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He also said of the family into which he married , “ I think I have swung them to a pro-British outlook on life , ” so although they had done a lot of business in the United States , they had shifted to “ a very pro-UK approach ” .
Sunak noted , in some work he did for Policy Exchange , the shared willingness of this country ’ s otherwise very diverse ethnic minorities to identify themselves as British : He himself finds it entirely natural to express his pride in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as he put in in his maiden speech , “ in a compassionate Britain that provides opportunity and values freedom ” .
Not long after entering Parliament , he had to decide which side he would back in the EU referendum .
He told Nick Robinson he came to the question “ with an open mind ” , was not ideological about it but “ went through it analytically…I looked through the numbers ” .
He decided to back Leave , in part because “ having the flexibility and the nimbleness to adapt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be of enormous value to us ” .
So Sunak is at one and the same time profoundly British and profoundly global in outlook .
In 2016 , he supported Michael Gove ’ s unsuccessful bid for the Tory leadership .
In January 2018 , Theresa May made him a junior minister in the Department of Housing , Communities and Local Government , where Sajid Javid was Secretary of State .
A year and a half later , Sunak had to decide who to support in the Tory leadership race , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Oliver Dowden and Robert Jenrick , questioned Johnson for an hour at Jenrick ’ s house in Westminster .
The three of them proceeded to write an article for The Times Red Box which appeared on 5th June 2019 under the headline : “ The Tories are in deep trouble .
Only Boris Johnson can save us ” .
This endorsement came at a valuable moment for Johnson , for it helped show him as a unifying figure who was pulling away from his rivals .
He was hailed by the trio as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ inspire the country and revitalise our party ” .
After Johnson had won , he made Sunak Chief Secretary to the Treasury , Jenrick Secretary of State for Housing , Communities and Local Government , and Dowden Minister for the Cabinet Office and Paymaster General .
Sunak ’ s promotion into the Cabinet , though a striking achievement for an MP who had only entered Parliament in 2015 , has not yet provoked the envy and mockery which come the way of someone like Matt Hancock .
The modesty of Sunak ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is “ not in the least swanky or ostentatious ” as one colleague puts it , his friendliness and undeniable intellectual ability have helped to deflect criticism .
Sunak has won golden opinions at the Treasury .
Officials find “ he gets it ” , and explaining some difficult question to him can be a good way to make progress towards ministerial approval .
Javid is regarded , by contrast , as a weak Chancellor presiding over a weakened department , which has become incapable of standing up to Number Ten .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for setting up a rival economics department , a project which in the past the Treasury has managed to strangle pretty much at birth .
And maybe Sunak has the qualities needed to run such a department .
Johnson certainly seems to think so , and often turns to him first for advice on economic questions , about which the Prime Minister can not be said to know very much .
Sunak has spoken with delight of the “ delivery , outcomes-focussed ” approach taken at the daily meetings of the committee charged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , on which he himself served .
It reminded him of the “ can-do , problem-solving ” mentality found in the private sector .
And those are qualities the Prime Minister now wants to see applied to the regeneration of neglected towns , along with such dynamism-promoting innovations as free ports , for which Sunak expressed enthusiasm in a CPS paper published in 2016 .
So Sunak is ready to play a key role in trying to realise the Johnson project .
Whether he might one day have a project of his own @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say , but for him to return in a couple of years to the Treasury as Chancellor would be a natural and already widely expected progression .

Rishi Sunak is the new holder of British politics’ most unenviable post, the next Prime Minister. The role has been played over the years by many talented figures, almost none of whom has actually made it to Number Ten.
But with the ascension of Boris Johnson – a man written off by a larger number of serious commentators than any politician now living – a vacancy has arisen, and the as yet almost totally unknown Sunak has been chosen to fill it. As George Parker reported a few days ago in The Financial Times:
“Some Tory MPs are convinced the steep upward ascent of Mr Sunak’s political career puts him on a course to one day become prime minister. He declined to be interviewed for this article.”
We see Sunak struggling, as anyone of sense would, against elevation to the lonely, envy-inducing, failure-presaging role of the next PM, in which one finds oneself haunted in the small hours by the ghost of Rab Butler, who explains what it was that so unexpectedly allowed Harold Macmillan and then Alec Home to overtake him in the final furlong of the race.
And yet we are witnessing a Sunak boom, in which he rises at astonishing speed to become one of the key figures in the Johnson administration, charged with making a success of reviving the neglected towns of northern England which have just voted Conservative for the first time. As Parker reported,
“Rishi Sunak, the Treasury chief secretary who stood in for Boris Johnson in television debates during the general election campaign, is being tipped by senior Tories to run a new economic super-ministry after a big cabinet reshuffle due in February. Conservatives close to the prime minister said Mr Sunak’s performance during the election put him in line for promotion to a full cabinet portfolio in the reshuffle. ‘Rishi is a superstar, he keeps to the line and proved himself to be a calm, able debater,’ said one Tory official, adding he would be a ‘perfect fit’ for the economic super-ministry being considered by Mr Johnson. The prime minister is expected to create a beefed-up business ministry — absorbing the international trade department — with a remit to attract inward investment and ‘level up’ Britain’s economy by targeting help at poorer areas including parts of the midlands and northern England.”
Not everyone was impressed by Sunak’s performances in the seven-way election debates in which he represented the Conservatives, with Rowena Mason writing in The Guardian after the ITV debate:
“Cheesy and wooden, Sunak did not make any major slip-ups but he struggled to cut through and his lines all sounded precooked. However, the Conservatives are likely to be relieved that he got through the two hours without incident while delivering the key campaign messages.”
Sunak is not a star debater, but possesses several other qualities which fit him for a starring role in the Johnson government. He is extremely bright, extremely energetic and extremely proud to be British.
The Prime Minister possesses those qualities himself, esteems them in his colleagues, and delights to promote people such as Sajid Javid, Priti Patel, Alok Sharma and Sunak himself who demonstrate that Conservative values, including hard work, patriotism, bettering oneself by getting a good education and helping others to do the same, are every bit as appealing to people of immigrant descent as to anyone else.
A generation ago, such ministers would almost certainly have joined the Labour Party. Now it is the Conservatives, thanks especially to the widening of the parliamentary party under David Cameron’s leadership, who have given them the chance to shine.
Sunak’s grandparents were born in the Punjab and arrived from East Africa in England in the 1960s. His father worked as a GP in Southampton and his mother ran a pharmacy, with young Rishi, born in 1980, keeping the books for her.
He took the scholarship exams for Winchester College, did not win a full scholarship, but his parents decided they would send him there anyway.
In a recent conversation with Nick Robinson, he said his family believe “education is everything”. In an even more recent podcast recorded by two pupils at a school in Richmond, in his North Yorkshire constituency, he said when they began by asking him where he had been to school, and what type of school it was:
“So I was very fortunate to go to this amazing school called Winchester College, and it’s in Hampshire, and it’s a very old boarding school but an absolutely marvellous place.”
Few people in public life speak with such enthusiasm about their schooldays, especially if they are lucky enough to have gone to Eton or Winchester, and to have enjoyed the experience. Sunak sounds more genuine than the many members of the Establishment who go through life trying to deny or downplay the privileges they have enjoyed.
The pupils proceeded to ask what his favourite subjects were, and he told them:
“economics, absolutely my major academic love, I love economics, I still read lots of economics.”
He has other enthusiasms too, for the Saints (Southampton Football Club, where his childhood hero was Matt Le Tissier), cricket (he had the decency not to make the First Eleven at Winchester, but was Senior Commoner Prefect, or head boy), Roald Dahl’s volumes of autobiography (Boy and Going Solo), the Star Wars films (he knew the answers to all five questions about them put by Nick Robinson) and Coca-Cola (“I’m a total Coke addict, Coca-Cola addict to be totally clear, I have seven fillings to show for it”).
Politicians often make a mess of these simple questions: one thinks of Gordon Brown’s love of the Arctic Monkeys or Theresa May running through fields of wheat. Sunak displays an almost disconcerting lack of the inhibitions which avert straight answers.
He went to Lincoln College, Oxford, where he took a First in Philosophy, Politics and Economics, after which he travelled on a Fulbright scholarship to Stanford University, where he did an MBA and met a fellow student, Akshata Murphy, whom in 2009 he married. They have two daughters.
Sunak is better known in India than in Britain because his wife is the daughter of N.R.Narayana Murthy, billionaire co-founder of Infosys, a tremendously successful IT company.
Since graduating from Stanford, Sunak has worked in California, India and Britain, first for Goldman Sachs and later for various investment firms which he helped to set up, and as a director of the Murthy family company.
In October 2014 Sunak won selection as William Hague’s successor in the safe Conservative seat of Richmond, and was duly elected in 2015 as the MP for this overwhelmingly white part of Yorkshire. In his maiden speech, he used a joke he has often told in order to describe how he had fitted in there:
“Wandering through an auction market, I was introduced to a farmer as ‘the new William Hague’. He looked at me, quizzically, then said, ‘Ah yes, Haguey! Good bloke. I like him. Bit pale, though. This one’s got a better tan.’ [Laughter.] “
In an interview with the Indian paper The Business Standard, conducted at the House of Commons soon after his election, he explained:
“British Indian is what I tick on the census, we have a category for it. I am thoroughly British, this is my home and my country, but my religious and cultural heritage is Indian, my wife is Indian. I am open about being a Hindu.”
He also said of the family into which he married, “I think I have swung them to a pro-British outlook on life,” so although they had done a lot of business in the United States, they had shifted to “a very pro-UK approach”.
Sunak noted, in some work he did for Policy Exchange, the shared willingness of this country’s otherwise very diverse ethnic minorities to identify themselves as British:
“Perhaps fittingly, one of the few common traits amongst minorities is their shared sense of ‘British-ness’. Almost all ethnic minorities have a much stronger commitment to the notion of ‘British-ness’ than their white peers and feel it is an important part of their identity. In contrast, the white population prefers to identify itself with the individual home countries and ‘being British’ appears to be much less important to them.”
He himself finds it entirely natural to express his pride in being British, and his belief, as he put in in his maiden speech, “in a compassionate Britain that provides opportunity and values freedom”.
Not long after entering Parliament, he had to decide which side he would back in the EU referendum. He told Nick Robinson he came to the question “with an open mind”, was not ideological about it but “went through it analytically…I looked through the numbers”.
He decided to back Leave, in part because “having the flexibility and the nimbleness to adapt” to a rapidly changing world “would be of enormous value to us”.
So Sunak is at one and the same time profoundly British and profoundly global in outlook. In 2016, he supported Michael Gove’s unsuccessful bid for the Tory leadership.
In January 2018, Theresa May made him a junior minister in the Department of Housing, Communities and Local Government, where Sajid Javid was Secretary of State.
A year and a half later, Sunak had to decide who to support in the Tory leadership race, and together with two other junior ministers, Oliver Dowden and Robert Jenrick, questioned Johnson for an hour at Jenrick’s house in Westminster.
The three of them proceeded to write an article for The Times Red Box which appeared on 5th June 2019 under the headline: “The Tories are in deep trouble. Only Boris Johnson can save us”.
This endorsement came at a valuable moment for Johnson, for it helped show him as a unifying figure who was pulling away from his rivals. He was hailed by the trio as a “proven winner” who can “inspire the country and revitalise our party”.
After Johnson had won, he made Sunak Chief Secretary to the Treasury, Jenrick Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government, and Dowden Minister for the Cabinet Office and Paymaster General.
Sunak’s promotion into the Cabinet, though a striking achievement for an MP who had only entered Parliament in 2015, has not yet provoked the envy and mockery which come the way of someone like Matt Hancock.
The modesty of Sunak’s demeanour, the fact that he is “not in the least swanky or ostentatious” as one colleague puts it, his friendliness and undeniable intellectual ability have helped to deflect criticism.
Sunak has won golden opinions at the Treasury. Officials find “he gets it”, and explaining some difficult question to him can be a good way to make progress towards ministerial approval.
Javid is regarded, by contrast, as a weak Chancellor presiding over a weakened department, which has become incapable of standing up to Number Ten.
So conditions are perhaps more propitious than usual for setting up a rival economics department, a project which in the past the Treasury has managed to strangle pretty much at birth.
And maybe Sunak has the qualities needed to run such a department. Johnson certainly seems to think so, and often turns to him first for advice on economic questions, about which the Prime Minister cannot be said to know very much.
Sunak has spoken with delight of the “delivery, outcomes-focussed” approach taken at the daily meetings of the committee charged with preparing for a no deal Brexit, on which he himself served.
It reminded him of the “can-do, problem-solving” mentality found in the private sector. And those are qualities the Prime Minister now wants to see applied to the regeneration of neglected towns, along with such dynamism-promoting innovations as free ports, for which Sunak expressed enthusiasm in a CPS paper published in 2016.
So Sunak is ready to play a key role in trying to realise the Johnson project. Whether he might one day have a project of his own, it is much too early to say, but for him to return in a couple of years to the Treasury as Chancellor would be a natural and already widely expected progression.


conservativehome--2020-02-13--Smith’s dismissal is Johnson’s second chance to take the Union with Northern Ireland seriously

Julian Smith ’ s sacking has been met with widespread dismay on Twitter , where the Northern Ireland Secretary has been praised in many quarters for his performance during quite a short stint in the role .
It ’ s undoubtedly true that he was in post when Stormont managed to get back on its feet , although given that neither of his predecessors enjoyed a landslide Conservative majority and a Prime Minister who had just jettisoned the Democratic Unionists it is an open question whether his tenure caused this or merely correlated with it .
Regardless , it doesn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has much if anything to do with his job performance .
Even if it isn ’ t true that “ everybody in govt agrees Smith did a good job ” – and it shouldn ’ t be – the reason appears to be based on his previous opposition to Boris Johnson ’ s Brexit strategy .
If true , it would be sadly emblematic of the Government ’ s entire approach to Northern Ireland that it should dismiss a Secretary of State on grounds entirely unrelated to Ulster .
However today ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ felt “ blindsided ” by aspects of the deal Smith struck over Stormont , which undercut the Government ’ s agenda on issues such as veterans and Brexit ( as we warned at the time ) , although this dimension should not be over-stated .
Whatever the truth behind the motivation , the fact remains that this reshuffle represents an opportunity for Johnson to correct a long-standing bad habit of treating the Northern Irish brief as a useful repository for uninspiring loyalists , as May did , or those whom one can ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want to place anywhere ‘ important ’ , such as former Chief Whips .
This contributed towards London being comprehensively outplayed by Dublin during the first stage of the Brexit negotiations , with a hapless Theresa May ending up committed to positions based on an extremely ‘ maximalist ’ interpretation of the Government ’ s obligations under the Belfast Agreement .
This was already contributing to Unionist unease even before Johnson ’ s decision to abandon his purportedly iron-clad commitment to avoiding an internal border in the United Kingdom .
If the Prime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s place in the Union – and that is , at this point , another open question – then he needs to do much more than commission a bit of blue-sky research on an implausible bridge .
He needs a coherent Ulster policy , or at the very least to appoint a capable Secretary of State with the expertise and the ability to produce one .
To at least some extent , the warm words for Smith from the likes of Simon Coveney and other elements of Northern Ireland ’ s devocracy represent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ version of ‘ producer capture ’ are on the Northern Irish brief .
It isn ’ t unreasonable to assume that a Secretary of State who was more effective at articulating and implementing the British interest ( which need neither be selfish nor strategic to be legitimate and real ) would be somewhat less popular in some quarters , just as Leo Varadkar ’ s extremely effective pursuit of Dublin ’ s interests has made him something of a bête noire amongst unionists .
Combine that with perennial unionist complains about the institutional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and it is clear that any Secretary of State installed without a clear mission and strong grounding on the issues will swiftly succumb to these adverse prevailing winds – at a time when the backstop and Sinn Fein ’ s surge in the Republic make Ulster ’ s position more sensitive than it has been in a long time .
Fortunately , Johnson ought not to be without options if he does decide to take this position seriously .
It ’ s easy to have forgotten now but last year there were reports @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the first time in decades , actually hotly contested amongst the now-Prime Minister ’ s supporters .
He also has a relatively strong bench amongst the peers , including the likes of Lords Bew and Caine , who could provide Smith ’ s successor with additional support .
Alternatively he could simply use the position to reward another loyalist ( not that sort ) with no strong interest in Northern Ireland .
But to make up for that he ’ d have to actually build the bridge , and that isn ’ @ @ @ @ @

Julian Smith’s sacking has been met with widespread dismay on Twitter, where the Northern Ireland Secretary has been praised in many quarters for his performance during quite a short stint in the role.
It’s undoubtedly true that he was in post when Stormont managed to get back on its feet, although given that neither of his predecessors enjoyed a landslide Conservative majority and a Prime Minister who had just jettisoned the Democratic Unionists it is an open question whether his tenure caused this or merely correlated with it.
Regardless, it doesn’t look as if his dismissal has much if anything to do with his job performance. Even if it isn’t true that “everybody in govt agrees Smith did a good job” – and it shouldn’t be – the reason appears to be based on his previous opposition to Boris Johnson’s Brexit strategy.
If true, it would be sadly emblematic of the Government’s entire approach to Northern Ireland that it should dismiss a Secretary of State on grounds entirely unrelated to Ulster. However today’s papers also report that the Prime Minister felt “blindsided” by aspects of the deal Smith struck over Stormont, which undercut the Government’s agenda on issues such as veterans and Brexit (as we warned at the time), although this dimension should not be over-stated.
Whatever the truth behind the motivation, the fact remains that this reshuffle represents an opportunity for Johnson to correct a long-standing bad habit of treating the Northern Irish brief as a useful repository for uninspiring loyalists, as May did, or those whom one can’t immediately dismiss but don’t want to place anywhere ‘important’, such as former Chief Whips.
This contributed towards London being comprehensively outplayed by Dublin during the first stage of the Brexit negotiations, with a hapless Theresa May ending up committed to positions based on an extremely ‘maximalist’ interpretation of the Government’s obligations under the Belfast Agreement. This was already contributing to Unionist unease even before Johnson’s decision to abandon his purportedly iron-clad commitment to avoiding an internal border in the United Kingdom.
Fast-tracked legacy proposals aimed at implicating the state. Blamed unionists for derailing a deal after SF stalled Stormont for 3 yrs. Let Coveney dominate presentation of said deal. Expressed support for changing citizenship law in NI in line with nat demands. Bye bye Julian. — Owen Polley (@3000Versts) February 13, 2020
If the Prime Minister is serious about Northern Ireland’s place in the Union – and that is, at this point, another open question – then he needs to do much more than commission a bit of blue-sky research on an implausible bridge. He needs a coherent Ulster policy, or at the very least to appoint a capable Secretary of State with the expertise and the ability to produce one.
To at least some extent, the warm words for Smith from the likes of Simon Coveney and other elements of Northern Ireland’s devocracy represent just how strong the pressures towards a version of ‘producer capture’ are on the Northern Irish brief. It isn’t unreasonable to assume that a Secretary of State who was more effective at articulating and implementing the British interest (which need neither be selfish nor strategic to be legitimate and real) would be somewhat less popular in some quarters, just as Leo Varadkar’s extremely effective pursuit of Dublin’s interests has made him something of a bête noire amongst unionists.
Combine that with perennial unionist complains about the institutional culture of the Northern Irish Office, and it is clear that any Secretary of State installed without a clear mission and strong grounding on the issues will swiftly succumb to these adverse prevailing winds – at a time when the backstop and Sinn Fein’s surge in the Republic make Ulster’s position more sensitive than it has been in a long time.
Fortunately, Johnson ought not to be without options if he does decide to take this position seriously. It’s easy to have forgotten now but last year there were reports that the Northern Irish brief was, for the first time in decades, actually hotly contested amongst the now-Prime Minister’s supporters. He also has a relatively strong bench amongst the peers, including the likes of Lords Bew and Caine, who could provide Smith’s successor with additional support.
Alternatively he could simply use the position to reward another loyalist (not that sort) with no strong interest in Northern Ireland. But to make up for that he’d have to actually build the bridge, and that isn’t likely to happen.


conservativehome--2020-02-13--Garvan Walshe: Sinn Fein say they want to reassure Unionists. Good luck with that.

Garvan Walshe is a former National and International Security Policy Adviser to the Conservative Party .
The Sinn Fein trolls came out in force when I branded them “ exclusionary nationalists ” on Twitter .
We don ’ t exclude anyone , they said…except “ colonialists.
” Colonialists , you may ask , who are they ?
This is , after all , 2020 .
Ireland has been independent since the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 .
The last Governor-General hung up his hat in 1936 , and Sinn Fein at least officially accept the terms of the 1998 Agreement that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if a majority of the people living there want it to .
By Colonialists , they mean the British , and the Unionist population of Northern Ireland ( here I ’ m reminded of a Dublin friend who threw a Sinn Fein member at an anti-racism demo into utter confusion by asking him if “ Brits Out !
” was a racist slogan ) .
It ’ s just one of several examples of the party ’ s dark record that it managed to persuade voters to ignore during an absurdly short three-week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ celebrating his victory , newly elected David Cullinane praised the IRA hunger strikers , and for good measure ended his speech to supporters with the old chant of “ Up the ’ Ra !
” .
Another candidate arrived at her count singing ‘ Come Out Ye Black and Tans ’ .
Confronted on Irish TV on Monday night , Eoin O ’ Broin , a Sinn Fein TD , insisted that they were just emotional speeches and a “ distraction ” from the real issues of housing and healthcare on which the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s undoubtedly true that these social and economic matters are what drove the Sinn Fein surge .
Though it ’ s now a century since what everyone in Ireland except Sinn Fein recognises as independence , Ireland is not a country in the grip of a nationalist commemorative fever .
But what its voters have done is to elect the largest number of nationalists with questionable ( to say the least ) commitment to constitutional democracy , since 1932 , if not 1919 .
This history provides the alternate view of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ways the story of different factions of the IRA giving up violence and transforming themselves into a political parties .
I need only to think of my own grandfather who , in contemporary terms , would have been a young man vulnerable to radicalisation , and having fought to secure an Irish Free State then joined its police force .
The pro-Treaty side of the Irish Civil war turned into the party that is the ancestor to today ’ s Fine Gael .
Fianna Fáil was formed by men who abandoned guerrilla warfare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is descended from the “ Official ” IRA .
Could this not be Sinn Fein making the same journey ?
It ’ s quite clear that they haven ’ t yet .
Law enforcement says that the IRA Army Council still exists , and calls the shots in what was always a unified movement .
And even if those intelligence conclusions were exaggerated , there is a further and vital political difference .
Cumman na nGaedheal ( which would become Fine Gael ) and Fianna Fail never organised politically north of the border @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and real leadership is not only stained by violence , it also operates within another state , and their interest is not building more affordable housing in Dublin but the political reunification of the island .
Such reunification , however , can only happen with the support of the majority of the population of Northern Ireland .
That much is required by the Belfast Agreement .
It is impossible without persuading a significant proportion of the unionist community that their values and interests would be safeguarded in such a state .
That ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been a few years ago .
Recent opinion polls have suggested Brexit shifted opinion among some Unionists towards government from Dublin rather than Westminster , and the Unionist former head of the Ulster Farmers ’ Union has even been elected to the Irish Senate .
But these took place with Leo Varadkar as Taoiseach , whose Fine Gael would be less of a threat to the Unionist community and more of a coalition partner in an all-Ireland parliament .
Sinn Fein is a rougher beast .
The ’ Ra which its candidates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lou McDonald , Sinn Fein ’ s leader , has said she would try to reach out to “ our Unionist brothers and sisters ” and convince them they would be a welcome part of the new Ireland they want to create .
As long as their activists call them “ colonialists ” and candidates glorify the IRA , her words will be as convincing as a Hannukah greeting from Jeremy Corbyn .

Garvan Walshe is a former National and International Security Policy Adviser to the Conservative Party.
The Sinn Fein trolls came out in force when I branded them “exclusionary nationalists” on Twitter. We don’t exclude anyone, they said…except “colonialists.”
Colonialists, you may ask, who are they? This is, after all, 2020. Ireland has been independent since the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921. The last Governor-General hung up his hat in 1936, and Sinn Fein at least officially accept the terms of the 1998 Agreement that a United Ireland can only come about if a majority of the people living there want it to.
By Colonialists, they mean the British, and the Unionist population of Northern Ireland (here I’m reminded of a Dublin friend who threw a Sinn Fein member at an anti-racism demo into utter confusion by asking him if “Brits Out!” was a racist slogan).
It’s just one of several examples of the party’s dark record that it managed to persuade voters to ignore during an absurdly short three-week election campaign. At a party event celebrating his victory, newly elected David Cullinane praised the IRA hunger strikers, and for good measure ended his speech to supporters with the old chant of “Up the ’Ra!”. Another candidate arrived at her count singing ‘Come Out Ye Black and Tans’. Confronted on Irish TV on Monday night, Eoin O’Broin, a Sinn Fein TD, insisted that they were just emotional speeches and a “distraction” from the real issues of housing and healthcare on which the party had chosen to campaign.
It’s undoubtedly true that these social and economic matters are what drove the Sinn Fein surge. Though it’s now a century since what everyone in Ireland except Sinn Fein recognises as independence, Ireland is not a country in the grip of a nationalist commemorative fever. But what its voters have done is to elect the largest number of nationalists with questionable (to say the least) commitment to constitutional democracy, since 1932, if not 1919.
This history provides the alternate view of this election. Irish politics is in many ways the story of different factions of the IRA giving up violence and transforming themselves into a political parties. I need only to think of my own grandfather who, in contemporary terms, would have been a young man vulnerable to radicalisation, and having fought to secure an Irish Free State then joined its police force. The pro-Treaty side of the Irish Civil war turned into the party that is the ancestor to today’s Fine Gael. Fianna Fáil was formed by men who abandoned guerrilla warfare in 1932. The Workers’ Party is descended from the “Official” IRA. Could this not be Sinn Fein making the same journey?
It’s quite clear that they haven’t yet. Law enforcement says that the IRA Army Council still exists, and calls the shots in what was always a unified movement. And even if those intelligence conclusions were exaggerated, there is a further and vital political difference. Cumman na nGaedheal (which would become Fine Gael) and Fianna Fail never organised politically north of the border. Sinn Fein’s core base and real leadership is not only stained by violence, it also operates within another state, and their interest is not building more affordable housing in Dublin but the political reunification of the island.
Such reunification, however, can only happen with the support of the majority of the population of Northern Ireland. That much is required by the Belfast Agreement. It is impossible without persuading a significant proportion of the unionist community that their values and interests would be safeguarded in such a state. That’s not as far-fetched as it might have been a few years ago. Recent opinion polls have suggested Brexit shifted opinion among some Unionists towards government from Dublin rather than Westminster, and the Unionist former head of the Ulster Farmers’ Union has even been elected to the Irish Senate. But these took place with Leo Varadkar as Taoiseach, whose Fine Gael would be less of a threat to the Unionist community and more of a coalition partner in an all-Ireland parliament. Sinn Fein is a rougher beast. The ’Ra which its candidates exalt murdered hundreds of Unionists.
Mary Lou McDonald, Sinn Fein’s leader, has said she would try to reach out to “our Unionist brothers and sisters” and convince them they would be a welcome part of the new Ireland they want to create. As long as their activists call them “colonialists” and candidates glorify the IRA, her words will be as convincing as a Hannukah greeting from Jeremy Corbyn.


conservativehome--2020-02-13--Max Young: Labour’s London Assembly candidates stress their Corbynista credentials

Max Young is the Deputy Editor of Free Market Conservatives .
London will elect a new mayor and London Assembly members on May 7th this year .
The eight candidates for Labour ’ s London-wide list have now released their short manifesto documents , which make it clear that Labour ’ s period of reflection has resulted in absolutely no change .
All eight candidates are hard-left Corbynistas with no care for the real concerns of Londoners .
Let ’ s take a look at what some of the candidates have to offer the hard-working people of London : “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unified anti-fascist and anti-racist movement in London.
” Another proud badge of Ahmad ’ s is her standing in Beckenham for three consecutive elections and failing each time .
Elly Baker is more overtly Corbynista .
She proclaims : “ I am backed by GMB , Unite , Aslef , CWU , TSSA , FBU and the Bakers Union and have more union endorsements than any other candidate .
I will be a strong , socialist voice in City Hall – I am supported by Momentum .
I do not compromise on my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I am committed to the redistribution of wealth and power.
” Compromise and reasonableness , as with almost all radical socialists , are crushed under the heel of egalitarian “ principles ” .
Tom Copley starts off with his record of consistent support for “ socialist solutions ” to inequality in London , including private rent controls and mass council-house building .
What he seems most proud of , however , is his leading role in investigating the Garden Bridge project and its failure – an achievement that is at the forefront of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manifesto with a slew of union endorsements – because more union control is clearly what Labour needs to win .
Morning Star author Murad Qureshi says that “ as Jeremy Corbyn ’ s successor as Chair of the Stop the War Coalition , I have been at the forefront of the anti-Trump marches.
” Murad has been endorsed by groups such as London Labour Left and the Socialist Health Association , as well as John McDonnell and Diane Abbott .
“ I am ready to get back in the ring and fight this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ballot box , on the streets and on the picket lines .
I would stand up to developers and the unaccountable finance industry turning London into a playground for the rich.
” Just the sort of moderate line that Labour now needs… Liam Young states that his “ main message in this election process is that we have to bring an end to the reckless levels of inequality that we see across London.
” He has the support of London Young Labour , Momentum , Len McCluskey , Corbynista economist Grace Blakely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ candidates out of eight even mention knife crime in their manifesto statements , and those that do mention it in passing .
All eight candidates are hard-left Corbynistas whose greatest achievements seem to be gaining the support of Momentum and trade unions .
These London elections were a chance for Labour to emerge into the light of day again with a new , moderate , electable face .
Instead , it ’ s clear that the ideological stranglehold on all levels of the party exercised by Corbyn ’ s disciples is much too @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Londoners beware .

Max Young is the Deputy Editor of Free Market Conservatives.
London will elect a new mayor and London Assembly members on May 7th this year. The eight candidates for Labour’s London-wide list have now released their short manifesto documents, which make it clear that Labour’s period of reflection has resulted in absolutely no change. All eight candidates are hard-left Corbynistas with no care for the real concerns of Londoners.
Let’s take a look at what some of the candidates have to offer the hard-working people of London:
Marina Ahmad stresses:
“I will continue to help build a unified anti-fascist and anti-racist movement in London.”
Another proud badge of Ahmad’s is her standing in Beckenham for three consecutive elections and failing each time.
Elly Baker is more overtly Corbynista. She proclaims:
“I am backed by GMB, Unite, Aslef, CWU, TSSA, FBU and the Bakers Union and have more union endorsements than any other candidate. I will be a strong, socialist voice in City Hall – I am supported by Momentum. I do not compromise on my principles, even under great pressure. I am committed to the redistribution of wealth and power.”
Compromise and reasonableness, as with almost all radical socialists, are crushed under the heel of egalitarian “principles”.
Tom Copley starts off with his record of consistent support for “socialist solutions” to inequality in London, including private rent controls and mass council-house building. What he seems most proud of, however, is his leading role in investigating the Garden Bridge project and its failure – an achievement that is at the forefront of Londoners’ minds. Copley ends his manifesto with a slew of union endorsements – because more union control is clearly what Labour needs to win.
Morning Star author Murad Qureshi says that “as Jeremy Corbyn’s successor as Chair of the Stop the War Coalition, I have been at the forefront of the anti-Trump marches.” Murad has been endorsed by groups such as London Labour Left and the Socialist Health Association, as well as John McDonnell and Diane Abbott.
Sakina Sheikh says:
“I am ready to get back in the ring and fight this Tory government tooth and nail: at the ballot box, on the streets and on the picket lines. I would stand up to developers and the unaccountable finance industry turning London into a playground for the rich.”
Just the sort of moderate line that Labour now needs…
Liam Young states that his “main message in this election process is that we have to bring an end to the reckless levels of inequality that we see across London.”
He has the support of London Young Labour, Momentum, Len McCluskey, Corbynista economist Grace Blakely, and John McDonnell.
Only two candidates out of eight even mention knife crime in their manifesto statements, and those that do mention it in passing.
All eight candidates are hard-left Corbynistas whose greatest achievements seem to be gaining the support of Momentum and trade unions. These London elections were a chance for Labour to emerge into the light of day again with a new, moderate, electable face. Instead, it’s clear that the ideological stranglehold on all levels of the party exercised by Corbyn’s disciples is much too strong to allow change to occur. Londoners beware.


conservativehome--2020-02-13--RESHUFFLE LIVE BLOG: THE NEW PARTY CHAIRMAN CONSOLIDATES DOWNING STREET’S GRIP ON CCHQ


conservativehome--2020-02-13--WATCH: The former Chancellor emerges to make his case. “I don’t believe any self-respecting Minister

WATCH: The former Chancellor emerges to make his case. “I don’t believe any self-respecting Minister would accept such conditions”

“ I don ’ t believe any self-respecting minister would accept such conditions so therefore I felt the best thing @ @ @ @ @ ” Sajid Javid says he resigned as chancellor after he was asked to replace all @ @ @ @ @ https : //t.co/b2Jy0eZx7U pic.twitter.com/qwk4xVbgsb

“I don’t believe any self-respecting minister would accept such conditions so therefore I felt the best thing to do was to go”
Sajid Javid says he resigned as chancellor after he was asked to replace all his political advisers#reshuffle https://t.co/b2Jy0eZx7U pic.twitter.com/qwk4xVbgsb
— BBC Politics (@BBCPolitics) February 13, 2020


conservativehome--2020-02-13--Henry Hill: Sturgeon already illustrating the dangers of devolving EU regulations

The Irish Protocol may be a unionist horror show to which the Government should never have submitted , but don ’ t think that the regulatory challenges posed by Brexit are confined to Northern Ireland .
As I wrote in 2018 , Theresa May ’ s capitulation over “ post-Brexit devolved powers ” has set a series of time bombs under the Union – and Nicola Sturgeon doesn ’ t look like she ’ s going to waste much time trying to set them off .
The First Minister has told an event in Brussels that she intends to propose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Scotland ’ s regulations aligned to the European Union after Brexit , presumably in order to ease a theoretical re-accession in the event of Scottish independence .
Doing so would obviously entail breaking with the United Kingdom ’ s regulations , and thus fracturing the British internal market .
If that happened it would have huge potential to undermine the integrity of the Union .
Ministers can ’ t claim they weren ’ t warned – it ’ s not a coincidence that those warning against passing EU powers to the devolved assemblies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and their opponents mostly stuck to bromides about the “ spirit of devolution ” .
This column has been devosceptic since its launch back in the mists of 2013 .
For most of that time it has been a lonely beat , although we have been joined along the way by sturdy companions such as Stephen Daisley .
But if Brexit demonstrated anything , it ’ s that given sufficient time even the most impregnable and established consensus can start to totter .
There have already been tremors – a couple of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ told pollsters they wanted to abolish Holyrood – but in Wales there really seem to be grounds for a possible lift-off .
In the latest set of polls run by Professor Roger Awan-Scully , support for abolishing the Welsh Assembly took a third of the vote in a straight choice ( once ‘ Don ’ t Knows ’ were excluded ) .
On a broader list of options , independence got its highest share ever ( 14 per cent ) , but was still outpolled by abolition .
This despite there being almost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ academics pushing the integrationist position .
For the moment , that is – as there were some signals this week that the Abolish the Assembly party ( ATA ) might be positioning itself to pick up one or more defectors from the splintered remnants of what was previously UKIP ’ s Assembly group .
All of this has prompted Paul Davies , the current leader of the Conservatives in the Assembly , to start saying things like “ we know it ’ s not devolution that ’ s the problem ” , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if everyone actually knows that .
He is doubtless disconcerted by the election of a new tranche of Tory MPs from devosceptic North Wales – I have written previously about how the Assembly party , by contrast , is locked into a self-defeating devocratic cycle .
Meanwhile at Westminster we find Stephen Crabb , the former Welsh Secretary , complaining that English Votes for English Laws ( EVEL ) has left Welsh MPs feeling “ second class “ .
This echoes complaints by the Scottish National Party , who made a song and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote earlier this week .
As ever , it ’ s important to remember that it was actually devolution , not EVEL , which created two tiers of MPs – those who can vote on issues that don ’ t affect their own constitutents , and ones that can ’ t .
That ’ s what lies at the root of the ‘ West Lothian Question ’ , which EVEL is an attempt to solve .
More than that , EVEL also serves to try to align the interests of MPs from Scotland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those of the Union .
Prior to its introduction , non-separatist MPs from those countries were all too happy to endlessly indulge the devocratic demand for “ more powers ” because their own role , and sense of importance , was undiminished .
It is no coincidence that it was EVEL , rather than much more damaging concessions to the Welsh Assembly , which finally elicited many of these paeans to the inter-connected reality of our United Kingdom .
Ruth Davidson has said that she would give “ serious consideration ” should Boris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peerage , according to the Daily Record .
This would potentially give the former Scottish Conservative leader a pathway to serving in the Government without having to beat a precarious path to a seat in the House of Commons .
Indeed , the Daily Express reports speculation that she might be made Secretary of State for Scotland .
Sinn Fein : what the fuss is about Earlier this week , our editor posed a reasonable question : what grounds are there really for getting het up about the possibility of Sinn Fein taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He wrote : “ After all , it is deemed suitable to share government in Northern Ireland .
Indeed , the British state has only recently made gargantuan efforts to get it back into co-office .
Its efforts to do so receieved a standing ovation from almost everyone apart from this site ’ s very own Henry Hill.
” However , it ’ s being a reasonable question does not preclude it having a reasonable answer .
For the benefit of readers who don ’ t follow the Irish press , I thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this counter-argument from Dan O ’ Brien of the Irish Independent : “ As a thoroughly democratic entity of long-standing , this Republic can not be compared with Northern Ireland .
Giving a party such as Sinn Féin a role in its government would not improve the democratic fabric of this State .
On the contrary , it would put it at risk of degradation .
Anyone minded to vote for Sinn Féin on Saturday should be conscious of that.
“ Both pieces are well worth reading in full .
• Smith ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chance to take the Union with Northern Ireland seriously – ConservativeHome • Scoping work underway for a ‘ Boris bridge ’ between Scotland and Northern Ireland – Daily Telegraph • Sinn Féin to try to form ruling coalition after Irish election success – The Guardian • Powerful MPs vow to end witch hunt of veterans ‘ who defended us ’ during The Troubles – Daily Express • COP 26 must be ‘ value for money ’ , Johnson warns Scotland – The Guardian

Sturgeon signals trouble ahead over regulation
The Irish Protocol may be a unionist horror show to which the Government should never have submitted, but don’t think that the regulatory challenges posed by Brexit are confined to Northern Ireland.
As I wrote in 2018, Theresa May’s capitulation over “post-Brexit devolved powers” has set a series of time bombs under the Union – and Nicola Sturgeon doesn’t look like she’s going to waste much time trying to set them off.
The First Minister has told an event in Brussels that she intends to propose new legislation in Holyrood which will keep Scotland’s regulations aligned to the European Union after Brexit, presumably in order to ease a theoretical re-accession in the event of Scottish independence.
Doing so would obviously entail breaking with the United Kingdom’s regulations, and thus fracturing the British internal market. If that happened it would have huge potential to undermine the integrity of the Union. Ministers can’t claim they weren’t warned – it’s not a coincidence that those warning against passing EU powers to the devolved assemblies posed produced in-depth papers about the dangers, and their opponents mostly stuck to bromides about the “spirit of devolution”.
(Tom Harris, usually sound on this stuff, does write about “the opportunities that will be made available to Scotland’s devolved parliament in the form of new powers previously wielded by Brussels on Scotland’s behalf.” Alas, he is mistaken.)
Davies illustrates the mounting strength of devo-scepticism…
This column has been devosceptic since its launch back in the mists of 2013. For most of that time it has been a lonely beat, although we have been joined along the way by sturdy companions such as Stephen Daisley.
But if Brexit demonstrated anything, it’s that given sufficient time even the most impregnable and established consensus can start to totter. There have already been tremors – a couple of years ago almost one in five Scots told pollsters they wanted to abolish Holyrood – but in Wales there really seem to be grounds for a possible lift-off.
In the latest set of polls run by Professor Roger Awan-Scully, support for abolishing the Welsh Assembly took a third of the vote in a straight choice (once ‘Don’t Knows’ were excluded). On a broader list of options, independence got its highest share ever (14 per cent), but was still outpolled by abolition. This despite there being almost no Welsh politicians, journalists, or academics pushing the integrationist position.
For the moment, that is – as there were some signals this week that the Abolish the Assembly party (ATA) might be positioning itself to pick up one or more defectors from the splintered remnants of what was previously UKIP’s Assembly group.
All of this has prompted Paul Davies, the current leader of the Conservatives in the Assembly, to start saying things like “we know it’s not devolution that’s the problem”, which is not the sort of statement required if everyone actually knows that. He is doubtless disconcerted by the election of a new tranche of Tory MPs from devosceptic North Wales – I have written previously about how the Assembly party, by contrast, is locked into a self-defeating devocratic cycle.
…as Crabb wakes up to Welsh MPs’ diminished role
Meanwhile at Westminster we find Stephen Crabb, the former Welsh Secretary, complaining that English Votes for English Laws (EVEL) has left Welsh MPs feeling “second class“. This echoes complaints by the Scottish National Party, who made a song and dance of being excluded from an NHS vote earlier this week.
As ever, it’s important to remember that it was actually devolution, not EVEL, which created two tiers of MPs – those who can vote on issues that don’t affect their own constitutents, and ones that can’t. That’s what lies at the root of the ‘West Lothian Question’, which EVEL is an attempt to solve.
More than that, EVEL also serves to try to align the interests of MPs from Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland with those of the Union. Prior to its introduction, non-separatist MPs from those countries were all too happy to endlessly indulge the devocratic demand for “more powers” because their own role, and sense of importance, was undiminished. It is no coincidence that it was EVEL, rather than much more damaging concessions to the Welsh Assembly, which finally elicited many of these paeans to the inter-connected reality of our United Kingdom.
Davidson would give ‘serious consideration’ if offered peerage
Ruth Davidson has said that she would give “serious consideration” should Boris Johnson offer to elevate her to the peerage, according to the Daily Record.
This would potentially give the former Scottish Conservative leader a pathway to serving in the Government without having to beat a precarious path to a seat in the House of Commons. Indeed, the Daily Express reports speculation that she might be made Secretary of State for Scotland.
Sinn Fein: what the fuss is about
Earlier this week, our editor posed a reasonable question: what grounds are there really for getting het up about the possibility of Sinn Fein taking office in the Republic of Ireland? He wrote:
“After all, it is deemed suitable to share government in Northern Ireland. Indeed, the British state has only recently made gargantuan efforts to get it back into co-office. Its efforts to do so receieved a standing ovation from almost everyone apart from this site’s very own Henry Hill.”
However, it’s being a reasonable question does not preclude it having a reasonable answer. For the benefit of readers who don’t follow the Irish press, I thought it might be interesting to offer up this counter-argument from Dan O’Brien of the Irish Independent:
“As a thoroughly democratic entity of long-standing, this Republic cannot be compared with Northern Ireland. Giving a party such as Sinn Féin a role in its government would not improve the democratic fabric of this State. On the contrary, it would put it at risk of degradation. Anyone minded to vote for Sinn Féin on Saturday should be conscious of that.“
Both pieces are well worth reading in full.
News in Brief:


conservativehome--2020-02-14--Reshuffle Live Blog – Solloway, who re-entered Parliament at the general election, joins the BEIS te

Reshuffle Live Blog – Solloway, who re-entered Parliament at the general election, joins the BEIS team