conservativehome--2020-09-17--Plan A for schools is in danger of breaking down.  So we need a Plan B for schools – online.

There ’ s a moment in Moonraker – the book not the film – when a lover says to Bond : “ I ’ m in the Special Branch ” .
Then a bomb goes off .
When his consciousness returns , Bond finds himself saying to himself : “ the Special Branch .
What was it she had said about the Special Branch ?
” We have a way of trying to cling to normality when the abnormal happens .
The point applies to real pandemics as well as fictional explosions .
And to the tos and fros of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thrills and spills of Bond ’ s sex life .
Many of us can ’ t help thinking that the pre-Coronavirus world will return soon .
Of which a part will be children going to school as normal .
But this may not happen – especially if Government policy insists on trying to minimise Covid-19 , for better or worse , and fear of it continues to haunt the public .
In which case , what ’ s happening in schools now will carry on happening until or unless a vaccine becomes available @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or the disease is proved to have become less fatal , or mass testing works as effectively in Britain as it has in parts of the Far East .
And what ’ s happening is roughly as follows : most schools have re-opened .
But some are reacting to the prospect of Coronavirus , real or imagined , in the following ways .
A pupil falls ill .
He or she is discovered to have the virus .
The school then demands that all pupils are tested , whether they ’ ve been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
No tests are available .
That has knock-on effects on the willingness of parents to send their children to school , regardless of the fact that Covid-19 is not usually a danger to the very young .
They also rush to try and have those children tested , thus putting further strain on a system that already isn ’ t coping .
But it ’ s not just pupils who may stay away from schools .
It ’ s also teachers – to whom Covid , after all , is more of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ adults .
Or else , to pick another example of what can happen , a teacher rather than a pupil gets the virus .
Other teachers in the schools want to get tests , and can ’ t .
They then stay away , or do so anyway .
And have to self-isolate in any event if they have been in close contact with the teacher concerned .
Then see above : the school then wants all pupils tested .
Some parents stop sending their children to the school .
The consquence is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those who do turn up , because the school has been compelled to merge groups and classes .
So there is now talk of rotas , which are inevitable in the absence of more teachers or more premises or both , at least if the availability of testing stays as it is .
Even if it improves , children will be at the back of the queue .
That ’ s as it should be , but it will do nothing to improve the likelihood of parents sending them to school .
Ministers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ queue to just behind NHS and care home workers .
But prioritising teachers for tests will be of little use if these are not quickly available .
Meanwhile , those pupils sent home , or kept away by their parents , can ’ t look after themselves if they ’ re under secondary school age .
And childcare often won ’ t be available .
So parents will have to stay at home instead .
Which will slow economic recovery , if not reverse it .
Which threatens to bust the Government ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workplaces open while severely resticting leisure – hence the six-person rule , curfews and marshalls .
Stand back for a moment , and ponder this unravelling tapestry .
Some of its features aren ’ t the Government ’ s fault .
They are the consequence of people acting unreasonably , or at least taking action that may do no harm to them but will to others .
Get the precautionary principle out of all proportion and the result is stasis .
None the less , there has been an institutional failure of imagination @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always return to normal .
Vaccines don ’ t invariably turn up on time , as Robert Sutton pointed out on this site earlier this week .
It ’ s no use shooting for the moon if you don ’ t keep your feet on the ground .
Schools have not been at the top of Boris Johnson ’ s in-tray during Coronavirus .
That ’ s partly because the health service originally had to be , partly because of the wider debate about lives and livelihoods…and partly because they have less of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hospitals .
The NHS is Britain ’ s national religion , not better schools .
That helps to shape politicians ’ priorities , Whitehall ’ s , the media ’ s – and the Prime Minister ’ s .
We are collectively underfocused on the life chances of the next generation .
Last spring ’ s lockdown has already done these inestimable damage .
As our columnist Robert Halfon never tires of pointing out , it is being felt especially among the disadvantaged : the very reverse of levelling-up is taking place .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ an Education Secretary in place who has been damaged by the results fiasco .
ConservativeHome believes that , even if death rates rise , the Government should be opening up the economy – and letting testing and tracking take the strain .
If it can ’ t , then the need for a Plan B for schools is urgent .
That has to mean a mix of teaching in schools and online .
That would require a guarantee of online provision , backed up by inspections , and computers for children whose parents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ private schools are already streaming lessons from classrooms into homes .
Expectations for the state sector should be just as high .
Bond may only live twice , but we ’ re only schooled once .

There’s a moment in Moonraker – the book not the film – when a lover says to Bond: “I’m in the Special Branch”. Then a bomb goes off. When his consciousness returns, Bond finds himself saying to himself: “the Special Branch. What was it she had said about the Special Branch?”
We have a way of trying to cling to normality when the abnormal happens. The point applies to real pandemics as well as fictional explosions. And to the tos and fros of education in Britain as well as the thrills and spills of Bond’s sex life.
Many of us can’t help thinking that the pre-Coronavirus world will return soon. Of which a part will be children going to school as normal. But this may not happen – especially if Government policy insists on trying to minimise Covid-19, for better or worse, and fear of it continues to haunt the public.
In which case, what’s happening in schools now will carry on happening until or unless a vaccine becomes available, or herd immunity is achieved, or the disease is proved to have become less fatal, or mass testing works as effectively in Britain as it has in parts of the Far East.
And what’s happening is roughly as follows: most schools have re-opened. But some are reacting to the prospect of Coronavirus, real or imagined, in the following ways. A pupil falls ill. He or she is discovered to have the virus. The school then demands that all pupils are tested, whether they’ve been in contact with that student or not.
No tests are available. That has knock-on effects on the willingness of parents to send their children to school, regardless of the fact that Covid-19 is not usually a danger to the very young. They also rush to try and have those children tested, thus putting further strain on a system that already isn’t coping.
But it’s not just pupils who may stay away from schools. It’s also teachers – to whom Covid, after all, is more of a threat, since they’re adults. Or else, to pick another example of what can happen, a teacher rather than a pupil gets the virus.
Other teachers in the schools want to get tests, and can’t. They then stay away, or do so anyway. And have to self-isolate in any event if they have been in close contact with the teacher concerned. Then see above: the school then wants all pupils tested. Some parents stop sending their children to the school.
The consquence is that education as usual becomes impossible for those who do turn up, because the school has been compelled to merge groups and classes. So there is now talk of rotas, which are inevitable in the absence of more teachers or more premises or both, at least if the availability of testing stays as it is.
Even if it improves, children will be at the back of the queue. That’s as it should be, but it will do nothing to improve the likelihood of parents sending them to school. Ministers are floating pushing teachers up the testing queue to just behind NHS and care home workers.
But prioritising teachers for tests will be of little use if these are not quickly available. Meanwhile, those pupils sent home, or kept away by their parents, can’t look after themselves if they’re under secondary school age. And childcare often won’t be available.
So parents will have to stay at home instead. Which will slow economic recovery, if not reverse it. Which threatens to bust the Government’s new plan of trying to keep workplaces open while severely resticting leisure – hence the six-person rule, curfews and marshalls.
Stand back for a moment, and ponder this unravelling tapestry. Some of its features aren’t the Government’s fault. They are the consequence of people acting unreasonably, or at least taking action that may do no harm to them but will to others. Get the precautionary principle out of all proportion and the result is stasis.
None the less, there has been an institutional failure of imagination in Downing Street. Life does not always return to normal. Vaccines don’t invariably turn up on time, as Robert Sutton pointed out on this site earlier this week. It’s no use shooting for the moon if you don’t keep your feet on the ground.
Schools have not been at the top of Boris Johnson’s in-tray during Coronavirus. That’s partly because the health service originally had to be, partly because of the wider debate about lives and livelihoods…and partly because they have less of a grip on voters’ imagination than hospitals.
The NHS is Britain’s national religion, not better schools. That helps to shape politicians’ priorities, Whitehall’s, the media’s – and the Prime Minister’s. We are collectively underfocused on the life chances of the next generation. Last spring’s lockdown has already done these inestimable damage.
As our columnist Robert Halfon never tires of pointing out, it is being felt especially among the disadvantaged: the very reverse of levelling-up is taking place. It doesn’t help to have an Education Secretary in place who has been damaged by the results fiasco.
ConservativeHome believes that, even if death rates rise, the Government should be opening up the economy – and letting testing and tracking take the strain. If it can’t, then the need for a Plan B for schools is urgent. That has to mean a mix of teaching in schools and online.
That would require a guarantee of online provision, backed up by inspections, and computers for children whose parents can’t afford them. Some private schools are already streaming lessons from classrooms into homes. Expectations for the state sector should be just as high. Bond may only live twice, but we’re only schooled once.


conservativehome--2020-09-17--Stephen Booth: Why the row about the Northern Ireland Protocol suggests that the EU’s position isn’t

Stephen Booth: Why the row about the Northern Ireland Protocol suggests that the EU’s position isn’t quite as strong as it likes to think

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange .
It is often said that Brexit is low on the list of the EU ’ s priorities .
That national capitals have not been fully engaged in a process which they have delegated to Michel Barnier and the European Commission .
The introduction of the Government ’ s Internal Market Bill has certainly got the EU ’ s attention .
The events of the last two weeks have upped the ante , but the two sides continue to talk and a deal between the UK @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if the political appetite is there .
As I noted in my previous column , the negotiations over a new UK-EU free trade agreement have been locked in a stalemate over fishing and state aid for weeks , and a compromise can only be unlocked by high-level political intervention .
At the same time , a parallel , and up to now seemingly boring , process has been underway to implement the Withdrawal Agreement and the Northern Ireland Protocol .
It has long been clear that the UK and the EU have significant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the forum established under the Withdrawal Agreement empowered to iron out the practical details of the Protocol ’ s implementation .
In its May 2020 Command Paper on the subject , the UK identified its practical concerns .
For example , under the Protocol , Northern Ireland is subject to the Union ’ s Customs Code , which requires exit summary declarations for goods leaving the area to which the rules apply .
However , the UK ’ s view is that export or exit summary declarations should not be required for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 6 of the Protocol states that nothing in the Protocol should prevent NI businesses from having “ unfettered access ” to the rest of the UK ) .
Removing this requirement should not be particularly controversial , since Northern Ireland will remain in the UK ’ s customs territory ( as stipulated in Article 4 of the Protocol ) and therefore any risk of complaints about the arrangements in terms of international obligations should rest with the UK , rather than the EU .
Another , more significant issue is the status of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be “ at risk ” of entering the EU ( and therefore subject to EU tariffs ) .
The Joint Committee is tasked with defining which goods are “ at risk ” and therefore broadening the scope of goods that would not be subject to tariffs .
However , the default is that goods are “ at risk ” , unless the Joint Committee agrees otherwise .
The powers taken in the Internal Market Bill are advertised as an “ insurance policy ” to be used in the event of failure to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Protocol ( which include the state aid provisions as well as exit summary declarations ) via agreement within the Joint Committee and/or via a free trade agreement .
There are reports that the Government plans to use the forthcoming Finance Bill to give itself similar powers with regard to tariffs .
Leaving aside the legalities and the domestic politics for a moment , why might the UK have decided to initiate a row with Brussels now and pre-empt the Joint Committee process ?
Of course , we can not divine the precise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen as an inevitable , or at least probable , outcome by some in Government ?
But the logic of the negotiations offers another plausible rationale .
Implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol and the wider free trade negotiations are theoretically on distinct tracks .
While the Withdrawal Agreement committed both parties to seek to negotiate a free trade agreement in good faith , the Protocol comes into effect at the end of the transition period irrespective of any UK-EU trade agreement .
However , it is clear from the way the negotiations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ insistence of Brussels ) that the trade negotiation and the practical functioning of the Protocol are linked , and this gives the EU leverage over the trade negotiations .
Since EU negotiators are not obliged to reach compromises in the Joint Committee on the issues causing the UK concern , they are able to hold the process up in order to apply pressure to the UK in the wider trade negotiation .
Just because the EU is within its rights to do so , does not mean it should .
What the Government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is to suggest to the EU that its leverage is not quite as strong as it would like to think .
Ultimately , under the Protocol it is UK officials and agencies who will be tasked with enforcing EU rules .
Realistically speaking , how plausible is it that the UK would do so zealously in a scenario where not only have the UK and the EU failed to reach a trade agreement , but the EU is also insisting on its maximalist interpretation of the Protocol ?
The UK might have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had made clear that any measures it takes in the future would be strictly consistent with Article 16 of the Protocol , which allows either party to take unilaterally “ appropriate safeguards ” if the application of the Protocol leads to “ serious economic , societal or environmental difficulties ” , and its pre-existing commitments under the Good Friday Agreement .
Equally , it should also be noted that the UK is not declining to implement other important aspects of the Protocol .
Indeed , as Michael Gove noted in closing Monday ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ committee evidence yesterday morning , the UK is erecting border-inspection posts for sanitary and phytosanitary ( SPS ) checks on goods entering Northern Ireland , which in an ideal world it would not have to and despite the opposition of the DUP .
Ultimately , what this row demonstrates is that a negotiated settlement on the Protocol and the wider trade issues should be preferable for both sides compared to an acrimonious breakdown in the UK-EU relationship .
Indeed , the UK legislation introduced this week would be redundant if compromises can be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sustainable is in the EU ’ s interests .
Equally , a UK-EU trade agreement would not remove all of the irritations thrown up by the Protocol but it could certainly help to smooth over some of the important issues .
If there are no tariffs between the UK and the EU , there is less risk to the EU of goods entering the Single Market at a lower tariff .
If the EU and UK reach agreements on SPS , like the EU has with New Zealand , then paperwork could be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ domestic subsidy regime , recognised by the EU in a free trade agreement , would help prevent the “ reach back ” of the state aid provisions in the Protocol that are also of concern to the UK .
Only time will tell if this episode is the beginning of the path to a deal or the point when things turned sour .

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange.
It is often said that Brexit is low on the list of the EU’s priorities. That national capitals have not been fully engaged in a process which they have delegated to Michel Barnier and the European Commission. The introduction of the Government’s Internal Market Bill has certainly got the EU’s attention.
The events of the last two weeks have upped the ante, but the two sides continue to talk and a deal between the UK and the EU is still possible, if the political appetite is there.
As I noted in my previous column, the negotiations over a new UK-EU free trade agreement have been locked in a stalemate over fishing and state aid for weeks, and a compromise can only be unlocked by high-level political intervention.
At the same time, a parallel, and up to now seemingly boring, process has been underway to implement the Withdrawal Agreement and the Northern Ireland Protocol. It has long been clear that the UK and the EU have significant disagreements to resolve in the Joint Committee, the forum established under the Withdrawal Agreement empowered to iron out the practical details of the Protocol’s implementation.
In its May 2020 Command Paper on the subject, the UK identified its practical concerns. For example, under the Protocol, Northern Ireland is subject to the Union’s Customs Code, which requires exit summary declarations for goods leaving the area to which the rules apply.
However, the UK’s view is that export or exit summary declarations should not be required for NI to GB trade (since Article 6 of the Protocol states that nothing in the Protocol should prevent NI businesses from having “unfettered access” to the rest of the UK).
Removing this requirement should not be particularly controversial, since Northern Ireland will remain in the UK’s customs territory (as stipulated in Article 4 of the Protocol) and therefore any risk of complaints about the arrangements in terms of international obligations should rest with the UK, rather than the EU.
Another, more significant issue is the status of goods travelling from GB to NI deemed to be “at risk” of entering the EU (and therefore subject to EU tariffs). The Joint Committee is tasked with defining which goods are “at risk” and therefore broadening the scope of goods that would not be subject to tariffs. However, the default is that goods are “at risk”, unless the Joint Committee agrees otherwise.
The powers taken in the Internal Market Bill are advertised as an “insurance policy” to be used in the event of failure to address the UK’s concerns about the Protocol (which include the state aid provisions as well as exit summary declarations) via agreement within the Joint Committee and/or via a free trade agreement. There are reports that the Government plans to use the forthcoming Finance Bill to give itself similar powers with regard to tariffs.
Leaving aside the legalities and the domestic politics for a moment, why might the UK have decided to initiate a row with Brussels now and pre-empt the Joint Committee process? Of course, we cannot divine the precise motivation. Perhaps no deal is now seen as an inevitable, or at least probable, outcome by some in Government? But the logic of the negotiations offers another plausible rationale.
Implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol and the wider free trade negotiations are theoretically on distinct tracks. While the Withdrawal Agreement committed both parties to seek to negotiate a free trade agreement in good faith, the Protocol comes into effect at the end of the transition period irrespective of any UK-EU trade agreement.
However, it is clear from the way the negotiations have been structured (at the strong insistence of Brussels) that the trade negotiation and the practical functioning of the Protocol are linked, and this gives the EU leverage over the trade negotiations. Since EU negotiators are not obliged to reach compromises in the Joint Committee on the issues causing the UK concern, they are able to hold the process up in order to apply pressure to the UK in the wider trade negotiation. Just because the EU is within its rights to do so, does not mean it should.
What the Government is doing, for better or worse, is to suggest to the EU that its leverage is not quite as strong as it would like to think. Ultimately, under the Protocol it is UK officials and agencies who will be tasked with enforcing EU rules. Realistically speaking, how plausible is it that the UK would do so zealously in a scenario where not only have the UK and the EU failed to reach a trade agreement, but the EU is also insisting on its maximalist interpretation of the Protocol?
The UK might have made this point more subtly if it had made clear that any measures it takes in the future would be strictly consistent with Article 16 of the Protocol, which allows either party to take unilaterally “appropriate safeguards” if the application of the Protocol leads to “serious economic, societal or environmental difficulties”, and its pre-existing commitments under the Good Friday Agreement.
Equally, it should also be noted that the UK is not declining to implement other important aspects of the Protocol. Indeed, as Michael Gove noted in closing Monday’s debate and Brandon Lewis repeated in committee evidence yesterday morning, the UK is erecting border-inspection posts for sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) checks on goods entering Northern Ireland, which in an ideal world it would not have to and despite the opposition of the DUP.
Ultimately, what this row demonstrates is that a negotiated settlement on the Protocol and the wider trade issues should be preferable for both sides compared to an acrimonious breakdown in the UK-EU relationship. Indeed, the UK legislation introduced this week would be redundant if compromises can be reached.
A Protocol that is politically sustainable is in the EU’s interests. Equally, a UK-EU trade agreement would not remove all of the irritations thrown up by the Protocol but it could certainly help to smooth over some of the important issues. If there are no tariffs between the UK and the EU, there is less risk to the EU of goods entering the Single Market at a lower tariff. If the EU and UK reach agreements on SPS, like the EU has with New Zealand, then paperwork could be simplified. Equally, establishing a UK domestic subsidy regime, recognised by the EU in a free trade agreement, would help prevent the “reach back” of the state aid provisions in the Protocol that are also of concern to the UK.
Only time will tell if this episode is the beginning of the path to a deal or the point when things turned sour.


conservativehome--2020-09-17--Keith Prince: Londoners will not return to their previous travel arrangements. Whatever the Mayor mi

Keith Prince: Londoners will not return to their previous travel arrangements. Whatever the Mayor might want.

Keith Prince is the London Assembly Member for Havering and Redbridge and former Leader of Redbridge Council .
It may come as no surprise to ConservativeHome readers that Sadiq Khan has made a mess of London ’ s transport over the last six months .
Indeed , given that he had made a mess of London ’ s transport over the last four years , it would be surprising if he had not .
However , the current Mayor ’ s mistakes over lockdown have been particularly damaging , both because of the immediate consequences and because of the extent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wrong path as we move forward .
In my new report , Derailed : Getting London ’ s Transport Back on Track , I assess the decisions the Mayor has made since March – and make plenty of recommendations for how the Mayor and the Government ought to proceed .
To help inform the report , the London Assembly Conservatives commissioned YouGov to poll Londoners on how their use of , and attitude towards , different transport modes has changed during the Covid-19 pandemic and whether they expect those changes to stick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expect to see Londoners walking a lot more , with just over half ( 51 per cent ) of those polled walking more during lockdown and 56 per cent expecting that to be permanent .
YouGov also found that just under a quarter of Londoners do not expect to use public transport after lockdown and social distancing are over .
If true , it ’ s clear that will have a huge impact on London , how Londoners get around London , and Transport for London ’ s finances .
Khan seems convinced @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cycling revolution , but our polling did not support that theory .
In fact , it was notable that 21 per cent of respondents gave up cycling completely during lockdown , in comparison to just 13 per cent who cycled more .
Overall , we can expect to see more Londoners cycling in the future , but we found little evidence of a step change .
Perhaps many people who might have cycled more , instead plan to work from home .
There is now ample evidence that lockdown has put rocket boosters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to work from home , increasingly often .
Many businesses that have resisted home working were left with no choice and have found that , within the right structure , it can work well for them and for their employees .
In the longer term , the decision over where people work will ultimately be one for employers and employees .
In the report , I argue that “ instead of trying to somehow return London to the way it was before lockdown – an effort that would inevitably prove impossible – the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ core mission of keeping London moving .
This means making it as easy , as quick , and as safe as possible , for Londoners and those visiting London to travel wherever they need to go.
” The Mayor ’ s duty is not to try and corral people into travelling in the way he wants .
Instead , he should be finding ways to offer transport options that facilitate people ’ s choices , rather than seeking to stop them .
For example , the Mayor should introduce a Carnet Travelcard .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ have bought a monthly or annual season ticket , but now work from home for two or three days a week , to buy , perhaps , 50 Travelcards to be used over the course of six months .
The daily and weekly Oyster Pay As You Go caps were introduced in response to two reports by Roger Evans , my predecessor as Assembly Member for Havering and Redbridge .
They were a great step forward for both home and part-time workers and a Carnet Travelcard would go several steps further , by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ previously have bought monthly or annual season tickets .
The Mayor desperately needs to both cut the cost of TfL , and raise more money , but it ’ s vital that he does this by maximising revenue from TfL ’ s capital assets – such as building houses on TfL land – rather than desperately trying to squeeze as much money as possible from motorists .
He should reverse his damaging expansion of the Congestion Charge and cancel plans to expand the Ultra-Low Emission Zone to the North and South Circulars in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , particularly under Khan , has a “ not invented here ” mindset .
There is a strong suspicion of ideas from outside the organisation and far too much of a view that if TfL ’ s not in control of a transport scheme , then it doesn ’ t really count .
In fact , there are multiple ways for the Mayor and TfL to act as transport facilitators , helping to ensure those travelling in London have useful options without actually providing those options itself .
Instead of closing off roads @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accept the principle that black cabs should be able to go anywhere that buses go .
He should welcome e-bikes and e-scooters onto London ’ s roads , allowing the private sector to provide transport options at little or no cost to the taxpayer .
There is far more that a decent Mayor could do to increase car clubs in London .
Every additional car club car on the road helps take 13.4 privately-owned cars off it – not by force or coercion or by pricing people off the road , but by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ d be happy not to own a car but need to have the option to drive sometimes to make that choice .
Working with the grain of the choices people want to make would be far more effective – and would not penalise those who need to drive more often .
If only we had a Mayor who recognised that .

Keith Prince is the London Assembly Member for Havering and Redbridge and former Leader of Redbridge Council.
It may come as no surprise to ConservativeHome readers that Sadiq Khan has made a mess of London’s transport over the last six months. Indeed, given that he had made a mess of London’s transport over the last four years, it would be surprising if he had not. However, the current Mayor’s mistakes over lockdown have been particularly damaging, both because of the immediate consequences and because of the extent to which they have set London on the wrong path as we move forward. In my new report, Derailed: Getting London’s Transport Back on Track, I assess the decisions the Mayor has made since March – and make plenty of recommendations for how the Mayor and the Government ought to proceed.
To help inform the report, the London Assembly Conservatives commissioned YouGov to poll Londoners on how their use of, and attitude towards, different transport modes has changed during the Covid-19 pandemic and whether they expect those changes to stick once social distancing ends. We can expect to see Londoners walking a lot more, with just over half (51 per cent) of those polled walking more during lockdown and 56 per cent expecting that to be permanent.
YouGov also found that just under a quarter of Londoners do not expect to use public transport after lockdown and social distancing are over. If true, it’s clear that will have a huge impact on London, how Londoners get around London, and Transport for London’s finances.
Khan seems convinced that there is going to be a cycling revolution, but our polling did not support that theory. In fact, it was notable that 21 per cent of respondents gave up cycling completely during lockdown, in comparison to just 13 per cent who cycled more. Overall, we can expect to see more Londoners cycling in the future, but we found little evidence of a step change.
Perhaps many people who might have cycled more, instead plan to work from home. There is now ample evidence that lockdown has put rocket boosters under the trend for many more people to work from home, increasingly often. Many businesses that have resisted home working were left with no choice and have found that, within the right structure, it can work well for them and for their employees. In the longer term, the decision over where people work will ultimately be one for employers and employees.
In the report, I argue that “instead of trying to somehow return London to the way it was before lockdown – an effort that would inevitably prove impossible – the Mayor and TfL should focus on the core mission of keeping London moving. This means making it as easy, as quick, and as safe as possible, for Londoners and those visiting London to travel wherever they need to go.”
The Mayor’s duty is not to try and corral people into travelling in the way he wants. Instead, he should be finding ways to offer transport options that facilitate people’s choices, rather than seeking to stop them. For example, the Mayor should introduce a Carnet Travelcard. This would enable those who would previously have bought a monthly or annual season ticket, but now work from home for two or three days a week, to buy, perhaps, 50 Travelcards to be used over the course of six months. The daily and weekly Oyster Pay As You Go caps were introduced in response to two reports by Roger Evans, my predecessor as Assembly Member for Havering and Redbridge. They were a great step forward for both home and part-time workers and a Carnet Travelcard would go several steps further, by catering for the many people who would previously have bought monthly or annual season tickets.
The Mayor desperately needs to both cut the cost of TfL, and raise more money, but it’s vital that he does this by maximising revenue from TfL’s capital assets – such as building houses on TfL land – rather than desperately trying to squeeze as much money as possible from motorists. He should reverse his damaging expansion of the Congestion Charge and cancel plans to expand the Ultra-Low Emission Zone to the North and South Circulars in October next year.
TfL too often, particularly under Khan, has a “not invented here” mindset. There is a strong suspicion of ideas from outside the organisation and far too much of a view that if TfL’s not in control of a transport scheme, then it doesn’t really count. In fact, there are multiple ways for the Mayor and TfL to act as transport facilitators, helping to ensure those travelling in London have useful options without actually providing those options itself. Instead of closing off roads to black cabs, the Mayor should accept the principle that black cabs should be able to go anywhere that buses go. He should welcome e-bikes and e-scooters onto London’s roads, allowing the private sector to provide transport options at little or no cost to the taxpayer.
There is far more that a decent Mayor could do to increase car clubs in London. Every additional car club car on the road helps take 13.4 privately-owned cars off it – not by force or coercion or by pricing people off the road, but by making it easier for people who’d be happy not to own a car but need to have the option to drive sometimes to make that choice. Working with the grain of the choices people want to make would be far more effective – and would not penalise those who need to drive more often. If only we had a Mayor who recognised that.


conservativehome--2020-09-16--More testing woes for the Government – as laboratories are stretched to capacity

Over the last few days the Government has been attacked yet again over its Coronavirus testing regime .
There have been repeated reports of doctors , nurses and others unable to access tests in parts of the UK .
Indeed , The Times found that 85 per cent of the population couldn ’ t get one at some point yesterday ; BirminghamLive discovered “ hundreds ” being sent to a mobile site for testing in Edgbaston , only to find an abandoned carpark , and The Sunday Times uncovered a backlog of 185,000 swabs – some of which had been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Given that Boris Johnson has previously called the country ’ s programme “ world beating ” , the Government is under huge pressure to explain what ’ s gone wrong .
The main problem seems to be that laboratory testing can ’ t keep up with current demand , thus testing centres have cut back on appointments to catch up .
In the meantime , members of the public have been baffled by messages saying that the “ service is currently very busy ” when they try to use the online booking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the latest development is yet more evidence of testing being a “ shambles ” .
Jonathan Ashworth , Shadow Health Secretary , has suggested that the system has struggled because of an over-reliance on post-graduate science students to analyse lab results – who were only there over the summer .
He said that this showed a failure of the Government to expand NHS capacity .
John Bell , regius professor of medicine at the University of Oxford and a senior government adviser , was equally scathing .
He said that tests had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prepared enough for a second wave of infections , and “ underestimated ” how quickly cases would rise .
Matt Hancock , on the other hand , has blamed some of the shortages on a “ sharp rise in people coming forward for a test , including those who are not eligible ” .
A Government source says that some of the groups that have asked for one include people with no symptoms who want a test before going on holiday , as well as schools who have a student with symptoms wanting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is doing all it can to fix the issue .
First of all , Hancock promised to not “ shirk from decisions about prioritisation ” , with NHS patients and staff given tests first , followed by care homes .
The Government has also pleaded with people who don ’ t have symptoms not to use up the current tests .
This is important not only so that those who need them can get them , but also because it could distort epidemiological figures – if scientists can not detect real Covid-19 cases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Robert Buckland said that the Government was seeking to open 100 more test centres , and there is also said to be a “ mega lab ” on the way to enhance capacity .
Although the testing has had difficulties , should be pointed out that the UK is still performing more tests than most countries .
Our World in Data , a research team based at the University of Oxford , estimates that the UK carries out 2.8 tests per 1,000 people ( a seven-day average until 10 September ) , putting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Spain and Germany ( 1.8 both ) .
Of course , over the next few weeks the Government will have even more challenges in regards to testing , with NHS Test and Trace ’ s ( England ) increasingly expected to deliver its contact tracing app , which is critical to avoiding nationwide lockdowns .
Much of the focus has been on technical faults in the system , but the Government will also have to tackle the issue of compliance rates .
How easy will it be to get the British public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s before we get to the roll out of vaccines , and what compliance looks like for them .
All in all , this latest testing setback is a sign of several other big ones down the road .

Over the last few days the Government has been attacked yet again over its Coronavirus testing regime. There have been repeated reports of doctors, nurses and others unable to access tests in parts of the UK.
Indeed,The Times found that 85 per cent of the population couldn’t get one at some point yesterday; BirminghamLive discovered “hundreds” being sent to a mobile site for testing in Edgbaston, only to find an abandoned carpark, and The Sunday Times uncovered a backlog of 185,000 swabs – some of which had been sent to Germany and Italy for processing.
Given that Boris Johnson has previously called the country’s programme “world beating”, the Government is under huge pressure to explain what’s gone wrong.
The main problem seems to be that laboratory testing can’t keep up with current demand, thus testing centres have cut back on appointments to catch up. In the meantime, members of the public have been baffled by messages saying that the “service is currently very busy” when they try to use the online booking system.
From Labour’s perspective, the latest development is yet more evidence of testing being a “shambles”. Jonathan Ashworth, Shadow Health Secretary, has suggested that the system has struggled because of an over-reliance on post-graduate science students to analyse lab results – who were only there over the summer. He said that this showed a failure of the Government to expand NHS capacity.
John Bell, regius professor of medicine at the University of Oxford and a senior government adviser, was equally scathing. He said that tests had run out because ministers had not been prepared enough for a second wave of infections, and “underestimated” how quickly cases would rise.
Matt Hancock, on the other hand, has blamed some of the shortages on a “sharp rise in people coming forward for a test, including those who are not eligible”. A Government source says that some of the groups that have asked for one include people with no symptoms who want a test before going on holiday, as well as schools who have a student with symptoms wanting tests for everyone else.
The Government is doing all it can to fix the issue. First of all, Hancock promised to not “shirk from decisions about prioritisation”, with NHS patients and staff given tests first, followed by care homes. The Government has also pleaded with people who don’t have symptoms not to use up the current tests. This is important not only so that those who need them can get them, but also because it could distort epidemiological figures – if scientists cannot detect real Covid-19 cases.
On Sky News, too, Robert Buckland said that the Government was seeking to open 100 more test centres, and there is also said to be a “mega lab” on the way to enhance capacity.
Although the testing has had difficulties, should be pointed out that the UK is still performing more tests than most countries.
Our World in Data, a research team based at the University of Oxford, estimates that the UK carries out 2.8 tests per 1,000 people (a seven-day average until 10 September), putting it above France (2.1), and Spain and Germany (1.8 both).
Of course, over the next few weeks the Government will have even more challenges in regards to testing, with NHS Test and Trace’s (England) increasingly expected to deliver its contact tracing app, which is critical to avoiding nationwide lockdowns.
Much of the focus has been on technical faults in the system, but the Government will also have to tackle the issue of compliance rates. How easy will it be to get the British public to download the thing? And that’s before we get to the roll out of vaccines, and what compliance looks like for them.
All in all, this latest testing setback is a sign of several other big ones down the road.


conservativehome--2020-09-16--WATCH: The Prime Minister versus the Opposition Leader’s understudy at PMQs

PM Boris Johnson urges people to `` follow the guidance about when they should be getting a test '' '' @ @ @ @ @ with Covid symptoms drives from London to Durham , it 'll probably be for the @ @ @ @ @ says Labour 's Angela Rayner # PMQS https : //t.co/SpraU8oMMu pic.twitter.com/mgzrhNQ1ov

PM Boris Johnson urges people to "follow the guidance about when they should be getting a test"
"The next time a man with Covid symptoms drives from London to Durham, it'll probably be for the nearest Covid test," says Labour's Angela Rayner #PMQS https://t.co/SpraU8oMMu pic.twitter.com/mgzrhNQ1ov
— BBC Politics (@BBCPolitics) September 16, 2020


conservativehome--2020-09-16--Andrew Gimson’s PMQs sketch: A better day for Johnson, who refuses to go grouse shooting

Boris Johnson had an easier time than at his last two PMQs .
He adopted a more magnanimous tone , which suits him better .
This was a compliment to Sir Keir Starmer , who by absenting himself for a Covid test , enabled the Prime Minister to feel under no real pressure , and therefore to sound kinder and gentler .
Angela Rayner stood in for the Leader of the Opposition .
She was rather good , but did not constitute a threat .
Johnson felt no compulsion to strike low blows in order to neutralise her , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Keir .
The Prime Minister knew there was no profit in roughing up a woman .
He instead insisted that he shared her pain , and her love of care workers .
He said she was “ right to express the frustration of people across the country ” at delays to testing .
Soon he was telling her she was “ absolutely right ” to raise some other issue .
The PM was daring to be dull : not a manner to which he cares to resort , but everyone obliged to defend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the end that dullness has its uses .
Rayner sought to provoke him : “ Next time a man with Covid symptoms drives from London to Durham it ’ ll probably be for a Covid test.
” Johnson remained amiable , so she accused him of treating the restoration of grouse shooting as the Government ’ s top priority , in order to curry favour with his friends and benefactors who own grouse moors .
At last , we thought , we could sit back and enjoy a bit of old-fashioned class @ @ @ @ @ @ @ toff hunting was alive and well .
Surely Johnson would strike back with a word in praise of Harold Macmillan , Prime Minister from 1957-63 , whose reputation as a moderniser was latterly somewhat obscured by photographs of him on grouse moors .
Johnson was too disciplined to take the bait .
What a professional .
He remarked that Labour was “ carping from the sidelines ” and “ raising issues that are tangential ” .
He himself preferred to believe that “ with the common sense of the British people ” the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a sad day for those of us who cherish outdated stereotypes to do with grouse moors .
But it was quite a good day for Johnson .

Boris Johnson had an easier time than at his last two PMQs. He adopted a more magnanimous tone, which suits him better.
This was a compliment to Sir Keir Starmer, who by absenting himself for a Covid test, enabled the Prime Minister to feel under no real pressure, and therefore to sound kinder and gentler.
Angela Rayner stood in for the Leader of the Opposition. She was rather good, but did not constitute a threat. Johnson felt no compulsion to strike low blows in order to neutralise her, as he sometimes attempts under cross-examination from Sir Keir.
The Prime Minister knew there was no profit in roughing up a woman. He instead insisted that he shared her pain, and her love of care workers. He said she was “right to express the frustration of people across the country” at delays to testing.
Soon he was telling her she was “absolutely right” to raise some other issue. The PM was daring to be dull: not a manner to which he cares to resort, but everyone obliged to defend the performance of the British state finds in the end that dullness has its uses.
Rayner sought to provoke him: “Next time a man with Covid symptoms drives from London to Durham it’ll probably be for a Covid test.”
Johnson remained amiable, so she accused him of treating the restoration of grouse shooting as the Government’s top priority, in order to curry favour with his friends and benefactors who own grouse moors.
At last, we thought, we could sit back and enjoy a bit of old-fashioned class war. The ancient Labour sport of toff hunting was alive and well.
Surely Johnson would strike back with a word in praise of Harold Macmillan, Prime Minister from 1957-63, whose reputation as a moderniser was latterly somewhat obscured by photographs of him on grouse moors.
Johnson was too disciplined to take the bait. What a professional. He remarked that Labour was “carping from the sidelines” and “raising issues that are tangential”. He himself preferred to believe that “with the common sense of the British people” the crisis could be surmounted.
So this was a sad day for those of us who cherish outdated stereotypes to do with grouse moors. But it was quite a good day for Johnson.


conservativehome--2020-09-18--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Small Business Commissioner – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
“ Her Majesty ’ s Chief Inspector of the Crown Prosecution Service is supported by an inspectorate : Her Majesty ’ s Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate ( HMCPSI ) .
The inspectorate provides independently assessed evidence about the operation , efficiency , and effectiveness of the public prosecutors ( the Crown Prosecution Service ( CPS ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) ) .
The purpose of this is to provide the evidence needed to allow the public prosecutors to be held to account and to improve , thereby strengthening the public ’ s trust in the prosecution process .
Her Majesty ’ s Chief Inspector and the inspectorate may inspect other prosecuting authorities by invitation.
” “ The Forensic Science Regulator ensures that the provision of forensic science services across the criminal justice system is subject to an appropriate regime of scientific quality standards .
They are responsible for : identifying the requirement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leading on the development of new standards ; and where necessary , providing advice and guidance so that providers of forensic science services can demonstrate compliance with common standards .
The successful candidate will ideally have a substantial background in operating at a senior level in a relevant field , encompassing at least one of the following : leadership in a forensic , or related , scientific discipline ; the development and application of quality standards in a scientific or technical environment ; the regulatory process involving scientific standards ; or the criminal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has a clear purpose : to ensure charity can thrive and inspire trust so that people can improve lives and strengthen society .
To help us meet that purpose , fulfil our proud commitment to represent the public interest in charity , and meet the challenges we face , in the autumn of 2018 the Board set an ambitious five-year strategic plan… The Secretary of State for the Department of Digital , Culture , Media and Sport , the Rt Hon Oliver Dowden MP , wishes to appoint a Board member to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A vacancy for a Non-Executive Director will be created when one member completes their term in October 2020 .
This is a senior role requiring someone with the necessary experience and non-executive skills to support the Chair in providing strategic leadership and oversight of the Charity Commission .
” “ The Commissioner operates as a corporation sole , sponsored by the Department for Education and is appointed by the Secretary of State for Education .
The Commissioner ’ s primary function is promoting and protecting the rights of children in England .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s Commissioner is in Part 1 and Schedule 1 of the Children Act 2004 .
This establishes the independence of the office and the six year tenure of the post holder .
The legislation relating to the Children ’ s Commissioner is permissive , allowing significant flexibility for the Commissioner to determine how best to carry out his or her primary function of promoting and protecting children ’ s rights .
The Commissioner is not an Ombudsman and , in general , can not conduct investigations into the case of an individual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inspirational leader with extensive business experience , international standing and a proven track record to lead Innovate UK as its Executive Chair .
The central priority of Innovate UK , under a new Executive Chair , will be to transition from a grant funding body to an agency focused on transforming the UK ’ s innovation capacity and capability , taking full advantage of its considerable growth in budget .
The new Executive Chair will be expected to actively strengthen the organisation ’ s position within key markets , providing impactful thought leadership @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As the pivotal funding body for business R & D , especially for start-ups and SMEs across the country , the Executive Chair will be expected to develop and implement system wide strategies for investment that promote the UK as a global leader in R & D and technologies of the future.
” Remuneration : £180,000 per annum base , up to £37,500 performance-related .
“ The PABEW was established as a non-departmental public body under section 46 of the Police Act 1964 , now section 63 of the Police Act 1996 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , sits the Police Pensions Scheme Advisory Board and the Discipline Sub-Committee .
In addition to this , the Chair has responsibility of chairing the Police Consultative Forum ( PCF ) , a voluntary forum for employer and staff representative bodies that sits outside the statutory functions of the PABEW .
We are seeking a new Chair to lead the organisation forward in a time of considerable change for policing .
The Government has committed to considerable investment in the police workforce over the coming three years as part of the Police Uplift @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 20,000 , the biggest police recruitment drive in decades.
” “ ACOBA provides independent advice on applications submitted under the Business Appointment Rules from former ministers , senior civil servants and other Crown servants .
In doing so it advises on the conditions that should apply to new appointments or employment after individuals have left Crown service .
It plays a vital role in ensuring that the Business Appointment Rules are implemented fairly , sensibly and transparently… Members will : play a full and active part in ACOBA ’ s work , engaging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ usually by email ) ; taking account of the relevant factors and information ; and challenge where necessary the information or recommendations presented ; support the wider aims of the Chair in relation to policy and procedure ; attend and contribute to between 3 and 5 ACOBA meetings per year ( in London or virtually ) , and occasional attendance at casework related meetings arranged where necessary ; ensure the confidentiality of individual applications and associated discussions , whilst operating within the provisions of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 and Data Protection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an Annual Report.
” “ ACOBA provides independent advice on applications submitted under the Business Appointment Rules from former ministers , senior civil servants and other Crown servants .
In doing so it advises on the conditions that should apply to new appointments or employment after individuals have left Crown service .
It plays a vital role in ensuring that the Business Appointment Rules are implemented fairly , sensibly and transparently… Members will : play a full and active part in ACOBA ’ s work , engaging in the collective consideration of applications @ @ @ @ @ @ @ account of the relevant factors and information ; and challenge where necessary the information or recommendations presented ; support the wider aims of the Chair in relation to policy and procedure ; attend and contribute to between 3 and 5 ACOBA meetings per year ( in London or virtually ) , and occasional attendance at casework related meetings arranged where necessary ; ensure the confidentiality of individual applications and associated discussions , whilst operating within the provisions of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 and Data Protection Act 2018 ; [ and ] @ @ @ @ @ @ @ role has six broad elements : setting the strategic direction of the organisation and delivering against a robust business plan ; raising the awareness and profile of the Commissioner and the Office of the SBC ; providing strong leadership to your staff ; overseeing investigations into complaints and publishing outcomes ; leading the Prompt Payment Code compliance and supporting Code reforms to ensure it plays a more significant role in driving improved payment practices ; and performing the role of Accounting Officer for the organisation… The successful candidate will demonstrate in their application @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leadership and delivery ; targeted partner engagement to raise the profile of organisation ; outstanding communication , interpersonal and influencing skills ; encouraging staff to excel in the delivery of corporate objectives ; driving a culture of innovation and continuous improvement ; and evidence-based decision making.
” “ Help us make a better future for people and the environment in mining areas .
The Chair has the following leadership responsibilities : effective , cooperative and inclusive leadership of the Board that will provide sound strategic direction .
This includes enabling a high standard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coal Authority by collaborative working across Government ; and ensuring that systems are in place to provide Board members and the Executive team with the support they need to carry out their roles ; Working with the Board to ensure that they and the Executive team have an appropriate and diverse range of skills , experience and outlook ; offering support and counsel to the Executive team while holding them to account and providing constructive challenge on the delivery of the Coal Authority Business Plan ; and maintaining clear and effective channels of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ acting as an ambassador for the Coal Authority .
”

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
Her Majesty’s Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate – Chief Inspector
“Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of the Crown Prosecution Service is supported by an inspectorate: Her Majesty’s Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate (HMCPSI). The inspectorate provides independently assessed evidence about the operation, efficiency, and effectiveness of the public prosecutors (the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) and the Serious Fraud Office (SFO)). The purpose of this is to provide the evidence needed to allow the public prosecutors to be held to account and to improve, thereby strengthening the public’s trust in the prosecution process. Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector and the inspectorate may inspect other prosecuting authorities by invitation.”
Time: Full time.
Remuneration: £125,000 per annum.
Closes: 14 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Home Office – Forensic Science Regulator
“The Forensic Science Regulator ensures that the provision of forensic science services across the criminal justice system is subject to an appropriate regime of scientific quality standards. They are responsible for: identifying the requirement for new or improved quality standards; leading on the development of new standards; and where necessary, providing advice and guidance so that providers of forensic science services can demonstrate compliance with common standards. The successful candidate will ideally have a substantial background in operating at a senior level in a relevant field, encompassing at least one of the following: leadership in a forensic, or related, scientific discipline; the development and application of quality standards in a scientific or technical environment; the regulatory process involving scientific standards; or the criminal justice system.”
Time: 3-4 days per week.
Remuneration: £96,000 per annum FTE.
Closes: 14 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Charity Commission – Board Member
“The Charity Commission has a clear purpose: to ensure charity can thrive and inspire trust so that people can improve lives and strengthen society. To help us meet that purpose, fulfil our proud commitment to represent the public interest in charity, and meet the challenges we face, in the autumn of 2018 the Board set an ambitious five-year strategic plan… The Secretary of State for the Department of Digital, Culture, Media and Sport, the Rt Hon Oliver Dowden MP, wishes to appoint a Board member to the Charity Commission for England and Wales. A vacancy for a Non-Executive Director will be created when one member completes their term in October 2020. This is a senior role requiring someone with the necessary experience and non-executive skills to support the Chair in providing strategic leadership and oversight of the Charity Commission. ”
Time: Approx. 24 days per year.
Remuneration: £350 per diem plus expenses.
Closes: 20 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Department for Education – Children’s Commissioner for England
“The Commissioner operates as a corporation sole, sponsored by the Department for Education and is appointed by the Secretary of State for Education. The Commissioner’s primary function is promoting and protecting the rights of children in England. The legislative basis for the office of Children’s Commissioner is in Part 1 and Schedule 1 of the Children Act 2004. This establishes the independence of the office and the six year tenure of the post holder. The legislation relating to the Children’s Commissioner is permissive, allowing significant flexibility for the Commissioner to determine how best to carry out his or her primary function of promoting and protecting children’s rights. The Commissioner is not an Ombudsman and, in general, cannot conduct investigations into the case of an individual child.”
Time: Full time.
Remuneration: £120-130,000 per annum.
Closes: 18 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Innovate UK – Chair
“We are seeking an inspirational leader with extensive business experience, international standing and a proven track record to lead Innovate UK as its Executive Chair. The central priority of Innovate UK, under a new Executive Chair, will be to transition from a grant funding body to an agency focused on transforming the UK’s innovation capacity and capability, taking full advantage of its considerable growth in budget. The new Executive Chair will be expected to actively strengthen the organisation’s position within key markets, providing impactful thought leadership to the UK’s innovation system. As the pivotal funding body for business R&D, especially for start-ups and SMEs across the country, the Executive Chair will be expected to develop and implement system wide strategies for investment that promote the UK as a global leader in R&D and technologies of the future.”
Time: Full time, ‘other arrangements considered’.
Remuneration: £180,000 per annum base, up to £37,500 performance-related.
Closes: 28 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Police Advisory Board for England and Wales – Chair
“The PABEW was established as a non-departmental public body under section 46 of the Police Act 1964, now section 63 of the Police Act 1996. Under the remit of the Board, sits the Police Pensions Scheme Advisory Board and the Discipline Sub-Committee. In addition to this, the Chair has responsibility of chairing the Police Consultative Forum (PCF), a voluntary forum for employer and staff representative bodies that sits outside the statutory functions of the PABEW. We are seeking a new Chair to lead the organisation forward in a time of considerable change for policing. The Government has committed to considerable investment in the police workforce over the coming three years as part of the Police Uplift Programme which will increase officer numbers by 20,000, the biggest police recruitment drive in decades.”
Time: Approx. 21 days per annum.
Remuneration: £437 per diem, plus expenses.
Closes: 28 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Independent Committee on Police Conduct – Members
“ACOBA provides independent advice on applications submitted under the Business Appointment Rules from former ministers, senior civil servants and other Crown servants. In doing so it advises on the conditions that should apply to new appointments or employment after individuals have left Crown service. It plays a vital role in ensuring that the Business Appointment Rules are implemented fairly, sensibly and transparently… Members will: play a full and active part in ACOBA’s work, engaging in the collective consideration of applications (usually by email); taking account of the relevant factors and information; and challenge where necessary the information or recommendations presented; support the wider aims of the Chair in relation to policy and procedure; attend and contribute to between 3 and 5 ACOBA meetings per year (in London or virtually), and occasional attendance at casework related meetings arranged where necessary; ensure the confidentiality of individual applications and associated discussions, whilst operating within the provisions of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 and Data Protection Act 2018; [and] agree an Annual Report.”
Time: 18-24 days per annum.
Remuneration: £350 per diem.
Closes: 05 October
– – – – – – – – – –
Advisory Committee on Business Appointments – Members
“ACOBA provides independent advice on applications submitted under the Business Appointment Rules from former ministers, senior civil servants and other Crown servants. In doing so it advises on the conditions that should apply to new appointments or employment after individuals have left Crown service. It plays a vital role in ensuring that the Business Appointment Rules are implemented fairly, sensibly and transparently… Members will: play a full and active part in ACOBA’s work, engaging in the collective consideration of applications (usually by email); taking account of the relevant factors and information; and challenge where necessary the information or recommendations presented; support the wider aims of the Chair in relation to policy and procedure; attend and contribute to between 3 and 5 ACOBA meetings per year (in London or virtually), and occasional attendance at casework related meetings arranged where necessary; ensure the confidentiality of individual applications and associated discussions, whilst operating within the provisions of the Freedom of Information Act 2000 and Data Protection Act 2018; [and] agree an Annual Report.”
Time: 1-2 days per month.
Remuneration: £3,000 per annum, plus expenses.
Closes: 09 October
– – – – – – – – – –
Department of Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy – Small Business Commissioner
“The role has six broad elements: setting the strategic direction of the organisation and delivering against a robust business plan; raising the awareness and profile of the Commissioner and the Office of the SBC; providing strong leadership to your staff; overseeing investigations into complaints and publishing outcomes; leading the Prompt Payment Code compliance and supporting Code reforms to ensure it plays a more significant role in driving improved payment practices; and performing the role of Accounting Officer for the organisation… The successful candidate will demonstrate in their application all of the following: strategic outcome-focussed leadership and delivery; targeted partner engagement to raise the profile of organisation; outstanding communication, interpersonal and influencing skills; encouraging staff to excel in the delivery of corporate objectives; driving a culture of innovation and continuous improvement; and evidence-based decision making.”
Time: Full-time.
Remuneration: £120,000 per annum.
Closes: 25 October
– – – – – – – – – –
Coal Authority – Chair
“Help us make a better future for people and the environment in mining areas. The Chair has the following leadership responsibilities: effective, cooperative and inclusive leadership of the Board that will provide sound strategic direction. This includes enabling a high standard of discussion; helping to steer the Coal Authority by collaborative working across Government; and ensuring that systems are in place to provide Board members and the Executive team with the support they need to carry out their roles;
Working with the Board to ensure that they and the Executive team have an appropriate and diverse range of skills, experience and outlook; offering support and counsel to the Executive team while holding them to account and providing constructive challenge on the delivery of the Coal Authority Business Plan; and maintaining clear and effective channels of communication with internal and external stakeholders and acting as an ambassador for the Coal Authority.”
Time: Five days per month.
Remuneration: £27,050 per annum, plus expenses.
Closes: 25 October


conservativehome--2020-09-18--What could give the Government a sense of purpose – and chances to achieve? Making Gove Deputy Prime

What could give the Government a sense of purpose – and chances to achieve? Making Gove Deputy Prime Minister.

Boris Johnson has a majority of 80 , the Conservatives are still above 40 per cent in the polls , there is no leadership challenge pending , and there are still over four years to go until the next election .
But the Tory press this week is behaving as though none of that applies .
It hasn ’ t given up on the possibility of the Prime Minister winning in 2024 .
However , it seems close to abandoning hope of him achieving anything substantial before then .
The joint catalyst of this development has been the Government ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which many voters are indifferent .
And its handling of the Coronavirus , to which they are not .
The common theme is that the country is all at sea , and that the captain has no sense of direction – or grip .
It may be that the media , some Tory MPs and Party donors are getting everything out of proportion .
The hysterical anti-Johnson hyperbole from the Remainer residue certainly muddies the waters .
To give an example almost at random , one prominent pro-Remain journalist once implied that Johnson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ None the less , ConservativeHome thinks that the critics have a point – and then some – for two solid reasons .
The first is all to do with the unique circumstances of last December ’ s election .
Johnson was elected to Get Brexit Done and spend a lot of money : at least , that ’ s what the hostage-free Tory manifesto suggested .
He has delivered Brexit as most voters see it ( even if there is no trade deal ) , and his spending plans have been absorbed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ everything else .
“ Levelling up ” is on hold .
So is the economy .
The manifesto had no programme for public service reform in any event .
If it had , the virus would make its delivery all but impossible .
Covid means all hands to the pump , unless the Prime Minister is prepared to let the disease which put him in intensive care let rip .
That isn ’ t going to happen .
Global Britain may not either , at least if one means by it a coherent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Islamism .
The second reason is all bound up with Johnson himself .
We endorsed him last summer as “ not the Prime Minister we deserve , but the Prime Minister we need right now ” .
By which we meant that his character , gifts and personality are best shaped for campaigning rather than government .
Just before he made up his mind to declare for Brexit , he told friends that he was “ veering all over the place like a shopping trolley ” .
That captures the essence of how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ends , as one must in office , rather than single one , as is the case in elections .
A shopping trolley can ’ t move on its own .
It needs someone to direct it .
That person is thought by those demented Remainers to be Dominic Cummings .
Certainly , parts of the Government ’ s programme are Cummings-driven : upending the civil service , challenging judicial power , overhauling procurement , “ investing in science ” .
But Cummings ’ hands are only some of those on the trolley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Case , colleagues from his London mayoralty days , Carrie Symonds : all these and others push and pull at Johnson , who has no enduring ideology of his own to steer by , and can be as indecisive in private as he is bombastic in public .
We don ’ t mean to suggest that the Prime Minister has no beliefs .
He does , and his experience in City Hall has shaped them .
He wants to build more houses ( good for him ) , invest in infrastructure , spend @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liberal instincts on immigration , as Government policy confirms .
But these are not so much convictions as impulses .
This is not the man to throw himself into the culture wars , as his response to the Black Lives Matter eruption confirms .
Rather , he is Lord Stanley , pitching in to the Bosworths of the conflict only when they ’ ve already been decided .
So it was with Churchill ’ s statue and the Proms .
The big point is that his response to Covid-19 is in deep trouble @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taking the strain this winter .
Instead , regional lockdowns have already kicked in , and it ’ s only September .
The Government wants life at work to be as close to the old normal as possible , but life at home to be a new normal – under compulsion .
Hence marshalls , curfews and the rule of six .
Last spring , voters swung behind the Prime Minister as they ’ ve sometimes swung behind others when wars break out .
Now , there is war-weariness .
The winter is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is skittish .
At this stage in editorials , the usual course is to reiterate advice .
Appoint better Cabinet Ministers – not just people who voted for you .
Find an Andrew Mackay-type figure to take the backbench temperature .
Get a single , strong Party Chairman .
We add : forget trying to carry out , in current cirumstances , a spending review that looks more than a year ahead .
Concentrate on sorting testing , keeping schools open – and saving the Union ; concede that turning the civil service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a pro-EU Biden presidency .
But there is a fundamental problem .
Johnson just isn ’ t the man to exercise self-discipline outside an election campaign .
This is integral to what makes him so interesting : As Sasha Swire puts it , he has a “ greatness of soul…and best of all a wonderful comic vision of the human condition .
He is not like any politician I have ever encountered before , and I have met many.
” He will carry on boostering about moonshots , world-beating systems and ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s a form of manic defence .
A David Cameron would think tactically ; a Margaret Thatcher strategically .
But the Prime Minister doesn ’ t think so much as intuit .
And will carry on doing so because that ’ s how he is .
Perhaps memory can reach where advice can ’ t .
Johnson has worked at his best when he lurches noisily forwards and someone follows quietly behind , carrying a dustpan and brush : Simon Milton in London ( then Eddie Lister ) , Stuart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it more neutrally , he performs and someone else administers .
The safe , secure choice to do this now would be Oliver Dowden .
The one that would cause a sensation , explode a mass of leadership speculation and conspiracy theory , and drag up horrible memories of commitment and betrayal would be the psycho-dramatic appointment of Michael Gove .
The media ’ s field day could last for the rest of this Parliament .
But in the meantime , Gove would get on with what he does better than any Minister @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thinking – and messaging – government with a purpose , and zeal for reform .
The planned New Year reshuffle would be the right time for the change , though we admit that it almost certainly won ’ t happen .
All the same , the Government ’ s shaping up to be in its own bleak midwinter by then .
Sure , the next election is there to be won .
And never underestimate Johnson ’ s strange bond with a big slice of the British people .
But getting the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Covid , let alone achieving much before 2024 , depends on him doing what all of us find it hardest to do : changing what he does ; almost who he is .

Boris Johnson has a majority of 80, the Conservatives are still above 40 per cent in the polls, there is no leadership challenge pending, and there are still over four years to go until the next election.
But the Tory press this week is behaving as though none of that applies. It hasn’t given up on the possibility of the Prime Minister winning in 2024. However, it seems close to abandoning hope of him achieving anything substantial before then.
The joint catalyst of this development has been the Government’s adventures with international law, to which many voters are indifferent. And its handling of the Coronavirus, to which they are not. The common theme is that the country is all at sea, and that the captain has no sense of direction – or grip.
It may be that the media, some Tory MPs and Party donors are getting everything out of proportion. The hysterical anti-Johnson hyperbole from the Remainer residue certainly muddies the waters. To give an example almost at random, one prominent pro-Remain journalist once implied that Johnson’s Covid illness was faked.
None the less, ConservativeHome thinks that the critics have a point – and then some – for two solid reasons. The first is all to do with the unique circumstances of last December’s election. Johnson was elected to Get Brexit Done and spend a lot of money: at least, that’s what the hostage-free Tory manifesto suggested.
He has delivered Brexit as most voters see it (even if there is no trade deal), and his spending plans have been absorbed by the Coronavirus crisis, along with nearly everything else. “Levelling up” is on hold. So is the economy. The manifesto had no programme for public service reform in any event.
If it had, the virus would make its delivery all but impossible. Covid means all hands to the pump, unless the Prime Minister is prepared to let the disease which put him in intensive care let rip. That isn’t going to happen. Global Britain may not either, at least if one means by it a coherent approach to China, Russia and radical Islamism.
The second reason is all bound up with Johnson himself. We endorsed him last summer as “not the Prime Minister we deserve, but the Prime Minister we need right now”. By which we meant that his character, gifts and personality are best shaped for campaigning rather than government.
Just before he made up his mind to declare for Brexit, he told friends that he was “veering all over the place like a shopping trolley”. That captures the essence of how he works when trying to deliver many ends, as one must in office, rather than single one, as is the case in elections.
A shopping trolley can’t move on its own. It needs someone to direct it. That person is thought by those demented Remainers to be Dominic Cummings. Certainly, parts of the Government’s programme are Cummings-driven: upending the civil service, challenging judicial power, overhauling procurement, “investing in science”.
But Cummings’ hands are only some of those on the trolley. His old Parliamentary supporters, Simon Case, colleagues from his London mayoralty days, Carrie Symonds: all these and others push and pull at Johnson, who has no enduring ideology of his own to steer by, and can be as indecisive in private as he is bombastic in public.
We don’t mean to suggest that the Prime Minister has no beliefs. He does, and his experience in City Hall has shaped them. He wants to build more houses (good for him), invest in infrastructure, spend money on policing – and he has liberal instincts on immigration, as Government policy confirms.
But these are not so much convictions as impulses. This is not the man to throw himself into the culture wars, as his response to the Black Lives Matter eruption confirms. Rather, he is Lord Stanley, pitching in to the Bosworths of the conflict only when they’ve already been decided. So it was with Churchill’s statue and the Proms.
The big point is that his response to Covid-19 is in deep trouble. Success would see test and track taking the strain this winter. Instead, regional lockdowns have already kicked in, and it’s only September. The Government wants life at work to be as close to the old normal as possible, but life at home to be a new normal – under compulsion.
Hence marshalls, curfews and the rule of six. Last spring, voters swung behind the Prime Minister as they’ve sometimes swung behind others when wars break out. Now, there is war-weariness. The winter is shaping up ominously and the Parliamentary Party is skittish.
At this stage in editorials, the usual course is to reiterate advice. Appoint better Cabinet Ministers – not just people who voted for you. Find an Andrew Mackay-type figure to take the backbench temperature. Get a single, strong Party Chairman.
We add: forget trying to carry out, in current cirumstances, a spending review that looks more than a year ahead. Concentrate on sorting testing, keeping schools open – and saving the Union; concede that turning the civil service upside-down will have to wait; prepare for a pro-EU Biden presidency. But there is a fundamental problem.
Johnson just isn’t the man to exercise self-discipline outside an election campaign. This is integral to what makes him so interesting: As Sasha Swire puts it, he has a “greatness of soul…and best of all a wonderful comic vision of the human condition. He is not like any politician I have ever encountered before, and I have met many.”
He will carry on boostering about moonshots, world-beating systems and (James Forsyth writes this morning) hydrogen. It’s a form of manic defence. A David Cameron would think tactically; a Margaret Thatcher strategically. But the Prime Minister doesn’t think so much as intuit. And will carry on doing so because that’s how he is.
Perhaps memory can reach where advice can’t. Johnson has worked at his best when he lurches noisily forwards and someone follows quietly behind, carrying a dustpan and brush: Simon Milton in London (then Eddie Lister), Stuart Reid at the Spectator. To put it more neutrally, he performs and someone else administers.
The safe, secure choice to do this now would be Oliver Dowden. The one that would cause a sensation, explode a mass of leadership speculation and conspiracy theory, and drag up horrible memories of commitment and betrayal would be the psycho-dramatic appointment of Michael Gove.
The media’s field day could last for the rest of this Parliament. But in the meantime, Gove would get on with what he does better than any Minister other than perhaps Rishi Sunak: strategic thinking – and messaging – government with a purpose, and zeal for reform.
The planned New Year reshuffle would be the right time for the change, though we admit that it almost certainly won’t happen. All the same, the Government’s shaping up to be in its own bleak midwinter by then. Sure, the next election is there to be won. And never underestimate Johnson’s strange bond with a big slice of the British people.
But getting the state’s creaking machinery up to responding to Covid, let alone achieving much before 2024, depends on him doing what all of us find it hardest to do: changing what he does; almost who he is.


conservativehome--2020-09-18--Iain Dale: Cameron – blamed by Remainers, scorned by Leavers. But in many ways, he changed the count

Iain Dale: Cameron – blamed by Remainers, scorned by Leavers. But in many ways, he changed the country for good.

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith .
On Monday , I announced on my Twitter feed that I would be interviewing David Cameron later in the week .
The paperback of his memoirs , For the Record , was published yesterday , so the interview was timed to coincide with that .
Never for a moment did I think an announcement that I would be interviewing a former Prime Minister would be met with such abuse .
“ What ’ s the point ?
” “ He was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a failure ?
” And there was plenty that was much worse .
It illustrates the debasing of public discourse when people can be quite so insulting about someone who served his country as Prime Minister for six years .
And he got it with both barrels from both sides .
To the more extreme Remainers , he is a traitor to his country for allowing the referendum to take place , and to hard Brexiteers he ’ s , well , just a traitor .
“ Why would you interview someone who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ referendum ?
” they brayed in unison .
Well , I ’ ll tell you why .
Cameron changed the Conservative Party .
In many ways he changed the country for good .
Yes , he had political and policy failings , but all Prime Ministers do .
He may well go down in history as the man who allowed Brexit to happen .
We don ’ t know yet whether that will turn out well or not .
He may go down in history as the Prime Minister who started the process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rest of the UK – although if it happens , there will have been many other factors at play .
I interviewed Cameron because he presided over this country at a time of unique economic and political turmoil .
All Prime Ministers are fascinating to one degree or another , and if anyone thinks I ’ d turn down the opportunity of interviewing him , Gordon Brown , John Major – or Lord Palmerston – well , they live in a delusional world of their own making .
If you missed the interview @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Book Club podcast right now .
This lunchtime , I ’ m in Appledore in North Devon speaking at their book festival .
Also on the programme are Labour ’ s Rachel Reeves and Jeremy Vine .
Most literary festivals this autumn have been cancelled , but Appledore have taken a brave decision to go ahead – and reformat it as a ‘ Drive-in ’ event .
So I ’ ll be on stage .
Being interviewed about my book by a local journalist , and the audience will be in their cars @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to my words of wisdom via their car radios .
What could possibly go wrong… ?
The Government is planning to double the maximum prison sentence for people who launch physical attacks on emergency workers .
Great news , you ’ d think .
But it ’ s only from one to two years .
Given we have the most right-wing Home Secretary in our lifetimes , you ’ d have thought she might have been willing to go to five or even ten years – but it seems not .
I just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who would deliberately attack a paramedic or a firefighter or an ambulance driver .
Of course , some will no doubt have mental health issues , but most will not .
I ’ m not sure that when the red mists descends you worry about a one or two year prison sentence , but it might cross your mind that discretion may be the better part of valour , were the sentence ten years .
Sasha Swire ’ s diaries look as if they are going to be unputdownable when they are published @ @ @ @ @ @ @ missed the serialisation in The Times , she is the wife of the former Conservative MP , Hugo Swire .
And she has written a potboiler of a book , which , if rumour is to be believed , threatens to despatch them into the realms of social pariahdom .
The diaries are so indiscreet that it ’ s difficult to see how some of the couple ’ s long-term friendships can survive some of the revelations .
I ’ ve published and edited a fair few political diaries in my time , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ act between keeping juicy bits in to attract readers and editing the more salacious bits to avoid upsetting too many people .
I published Michael Spicer ’ s diaries some years ago and , as the publishing process wore on , he proceeded to take every single juicy anecdote out , including the identity of a Liberal Democrat MP who nearly defected to the Conservatives .
He wouldn ’ t even say he was a LibDem .
It was John Burnett , by the way .
Nope , me neither .

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith.
On Monday, I announced on my Twitter feed that I would be interviewing David Cameron later in the week. The paperback of his memoirs, For the Record, was published yesterday, so the interview was timed to coincide with that.
Never for a moment did I think an announcement that I would be interviewing a former Prime Minister would be met with such abuse. “What’s the point?” “He was a failure, why would you interview a failure?” And there was plenty that was much worse.
It illustrates the debasing of public discourse when people can be quite so insulting about someone who served his country as Prime Minister for six years. And he got it with both barrels from both sides.
To the more extreme Remainers, he is a traitor to his country for allowing the referendum to take place, and to hard Brexiteers he’s, well, just a traitor. “Why would you interview someone who walked away, the day after the referendum?” they brayed in unison.
Well, I’ll tell you why. Cameron changed the Conservative Party. In many ways he changed the country for good. Yes, he had political and policy failings, but all Prime Ministers do.
He may well go down in history as the man who allowed Brexit to happen. We don’t know yet whether that will turn out well or not. He may go down in history as the Prime Minister who started the process by which Scotland parted company from the rest of the UK – although if it happens, there will have been many other factors at play.
I interviewed Cameron because he presided over this country at a time of unique economic and political turmoil. All Prime Ministers are fascinating to one degree or another, and if anyone thinks I’d turn down the opportunity of interviewing him, Gordon Brown, John Major – or Lord Palmerston – well, they live in a delusional world of their own making. If you missed the interview it’s on the Iain Dale Book Club podcast right now.
– – – – – – – – – –
This lunchtime, I’m in Appledore in North Devon speaking at their book festival. Also on the programme are Labour’s Rachel Reeves and Jeremy Vine.
Most literary festivals this autumn have been cancelled, but Appledore have taken a brave decision to go ahead – and reformat it as a ‘Drive-in’ event.
So I’ll be on stage. Being interviewed about my book by a local journalist, and the audience will be in their cars, watching a big screen and listening to my words of wisdom via their car radios. What could possibly go wrong…?
– – – – – – – – – –
The Government is planning to double the maximum prison sentence for people who launch physical attacks on emergency workers.
Great news, you’d think. But it’s only from one to two years. Given we have the most right-wing Home Secretary in our lifetimes, you’d have thought she might have been willing to go to five or even ten years – but it seems not.
I just do not understand the mentality of anyone who would deliberately attack a paramedic or a firefighter or an ambulance driver. Of course, some will no doubt have mental health issues, but most will not.
I’m not sure that when the red mists descends you worry about a one or two year prison sentence, but it might cross your mind that discretion may be the better part of valour, were the sentence ten years.
– – – – – – – – – –
Sasha Swire’s diaries look as if they are going to be unputdownable when they are published next Thursday. If you’ve missed the serialisation in The Times, she is the wife of the former Conservative MP, Hugo Swire. And she has written a potboiler of a book, which, if rumour is to be believed, threatens to despatch them into the realms of social pariahdom.
The diaries are so indiscreet that it’s difficult to see how some of the couple’s long-term friendships can survive some of the revelations. I’ve published and edited a fair few political diaries in my time, and it’s always a balancing act between keeping juicy bits in to attract readers and editing the more salacious bits to avoid upsetting too many people.
I published Michael Spicer’s diaries some years ago and, as the publishing process wore on, he proceeded to take every single juicy anecdote out, including the identity of a Liberal Democrat MP who nearly defected to the Conservatives. He wouldn’t even say he was a LibDem. It was John Burnett, by the way. Nope, me neither.