conservativehome--2020-05-28--Henry Hill: Why the Scottish Conservatives are leading the charge against Cummings

In deciding to try and tough out demands for Dominic Cummings ’ resignation , the Prime Minister has turned his Chief of Staff ’ s fate into a trial of strength between himself and his administration ’ s various foes .
But criticism is not confined to the Government ’ s opponents .
Polls show majorities of both Conservative and Leave voters back his dismissal .
A growing number of Tory MPs have called for Cummings to go .
Douglas Ross , the MP for Moray , has gone further , resigning from the Government rather than defend Boris Johnson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as he would have been obliged to do as a junior minister .
This ought to worry the Government more than it does .
Whilst Downing Street sources are dismissing Ross as a ‘ Mr Nobody ’ , many Scottish Tories are seriously concerned that whether Cummings stays or goes is a test not just of the Prime Minister ’ s strength , but of his commitment to the Union – and the consequences of failure could be catastrophic .
Anyone who remembers ‘ Operation Arse ’ , their ill-fated effort to bar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know that relations between the Prime Minister and the Scottish wing of the Party have never been stellar .
But that hasn ’ t stopped them working with him over the past year .
Those I spoke too were keen to stress that the current row is not simply about re-fighting old battles .
Perhaps this is why Ruth Davidson , whose antagonistic relationship with Johnson was well known before she resigned as Scottish leader , has broadly kept her counsel – to prevent serious strategic concerns being written up as a soap @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pushing the Scottish Conservatives over the trenches on Cummings are much more acute .
First , there is a quite reasonable fear of looking like hypocrites .
The Party was extremely vocal in pressing Nicola Sturgeon to dismiss Catherine Calderwood , her Chief Medical Officer , after the latter was caught breaking lockdown to visit her second home .
The First Minister was eventually forced to do so , after an ill-judged attempt to keep her on , and MSPs felt they could not apply another standard to Cummings .
But the much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the UK Government ’ s response , especially with regards to messaging , is making it extremely difficult for the Tories to hold the SNP to account for their mishandling of Covid-19 in Scotland .
The Scottish Government ’ s record ought to be a target-rich environment for the leading opposition party .
Scotland ’ s care home deaths are an emerging national scandal ; the SNP has not once hit its testing targets ; it has lagged behind England recruiting trackers and setting up supermarket deliveries for vulnerable citizens ; and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , meanwhile , it has broadly followed the same approach as London .
Yet as Johnson ’ s ratings dive , Sturgeon has so far managed to maintain the rally-round-the-flag poll bounce .
Both she and her administration are extraordinarily popular , a fact the Scottish Tories attribute to the First Minister ’ s comprehensive victory in the messaging game .
Contrast Sturgeon ’ s press conferences with comparable performances by Johnson or Matt Hancock , and remember that many voters only really engage with stories on that level , and the problem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Conservative strategists fear , may be a moment that ‘ crystallises ’ a growing sense , across a broad swath of the Scottish electorate , that Edinburgh is outperforming London .
A sense that will be no less damaging to the Party or the Union for its being , in policy terms at least , false .
It ’ s true that the Tories don ’ t have the luxury of four years ’ breathing space , facing as they do Holyrood elections scheduled for 2021 .
But some see the challenge as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ SNP/Green majority next year creates a strong ( if not insurmountable ) mandate for another referendum on independence , one in which popular perceptions of Westminster ’ s poor handling of the Covid-19 crisis could play a pivotal part .
The pandemic ought to be an opportunity to demonstrate the utility of the Union , not least via the awesome firepower of the Treasury .
It would be extraordinary if , having navigated Brexit without handing the Nationalists the opening they anticipated , the Government were to hand them another .
But do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ border , there is a growing sense that the current administration do not take the Union especially seriously – and that Cummings is part of the problem .
Brexiteer MPs who recently learned they have voted to introduce a trade border between Great Britain and Northern Ireland , on the basis of blithe promises from Downing Street that it could be scrapped later , may share their suspicions .

In deciding to try and tough out demands for Dominic Cummings’ resignation, the Prime Minister has turned his Chief of Staff’s fate into a trial of strength between himself and his administration’s various foes.
But criticism is not confined to the Government’s opponents. Polls show majorities of both Conservative and Leave voters back his dismissal. A growing number of Tory MPs have called for Cummings to go.
Douglas Ross, the MP for Moray, has gone further, resigning from the Government rather than defend Boris Johnson’s decision to his constituents, as he would have been obliged to do as a junior minister. This ought to worry the Government more than it does.
Whilst Downing Street sources are dismissing Ross as a ‘Mr Nobody’, many Scottish Tories are seriously concerned that whether Cummings stays or goes is a test not just of the Prime Minister’s strength, but of his commitment to the Union – and the consequences of failure could be catastrophic.
Anyone who remembers ‘Operation Arse’, their ill-fated effort to bar his path to Number Ten, will know that relations between the Prime Minister and the Scottish wing of the Party have never been stellar.
But that hasn’t stopped them working with him over the past year. Those I spoke too were keen to stress that the current row is not simply about re-fighting old battles. Perhaps this is why Ruth Davidson, whose antagonistic relationship with Johnson was well known before she resigned as Scottish leader, has broadly kept her counsel – to prevent serious strategic concerns being written up as a soap opera.
In fact, the reasons pushing the Scottish Conservatives over the trenches on Cummings are much more acute.
First, there is a quite reasonable fear of looking like hypocrites. The Party was extremely vocal in pressing Nicola Sturgeon to dismiss Catherine Calderwood, her Chief Medical Officer, after the latter was caught breaking lockdown to visit her second home. The First Minister was eventually forced to do so, after an ill-judged attempt to keep her on, and MSPs felt they could not apply another standard to Cummings.
But the much bigger problem is that the perceived problems with the UK Government’s response, especially with regards to messaging, is making it extremely difficult for the Tories to hold the SNP to account for their mishandling of Covid-19 in Scotland.
The Scottish Government’s record ought to be a target-rich environment for the leading opposition party. Scotland’s care home deaths are an emerging national scandal; the SNP has not once hit its testing targets; it has lagged behind England recruiting trackers and setting up supermarket deliveries for vulnerable citizens; and much more. On the big-picture stuff, meanwhile, it has broadly followed the same approach as London.
Yet as Johnson’s ratings dive, Sturgeon has so far managed to maintain the rally-round-the-flag poll bounce. Both she and her administration are extraordinarily popular, a fact the Scottish Tories attribute to the First Minister’s comprehensive victory in the messaging game. Contrast Sturgeon’s press conferences with comparable performances by Johnson or Matt Hancock, and remember that many voters only really engage with stories on that level, and the problem is obvious.
The Cummings story, Conservative strategists fear, may be a moment that ‘crystallises’ a growing sense, across a broad swath of the Scottish electorate, that Edinburgh is outperforming London. A sense that will be no less damaging to the Party or the Union for its being, in policy terms at least, false.
It’s true that the Tories don’t have the luxury of four years’ breathing space, facing as they do Holyrood elections scheduled for 2021. But some see the challenge as much more existential than that. An SNP/Green majority next year creates a strong (if not insurmountable) mandate for another referendum on independence, one in which popular perceptions of Westminster’s poor handling of the Covid-19 crisis could play a pivotal part.
The pandemic ought to be an opportunity to demonstrate the utility of the Union, not least via the awesome firepower of the Treasury. It would be extraordinary if, having navigated Brexit without handing the Nationalists the opening they anticipated, the Government were to hand them another.
But do they really care? North of the border, there is a growing sense that the current administration do not take the Union especially seriously – and that Cummings is part of the problem. Brexiteer MPs who recently learned they have voted to introduce a trade border between Great Britain and Northern Ireland, on the basis of blithe promises from Downing Street that it could be scrapped later, may share their suspicions.


conservativehome--2020-05-29--Why the Cabinet Office will be in the dock for Covid failures when the inquiry comes. As will Sedwil

Why the Cabinet Office will be in the dock for Covid failures when the inquiry comes. As will Sedwill.

Earlier this month , four new non-executive directors were appointed to the board of the Cabinet Office , at the head of which sits Michael Gove .
He will have no difficulty recognising them when it next meets – three of the quartet , anyway .
The first is Henry de Zoute , formerly a special adviser to Gove at Education , working alongside Dominic Cummings .
The second is Gisela Stuart , another old Gove hand : the one-time Labour Minister served alongside him as Vote Leave ’ s co-convenor .
The third is Simone Finn , who served @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maude ’ s SpAds when the latter was Cabinet Office Minister .
He is now working in the same capacity for Gove .
Evidence , some claim , that Gove is building up his own power base to rival Boris Johnson ’ s .
Given the two men ’ s tangled history , and former ’ s shimmering footwork as a Whitehall player , it ’ s indeed tempting to see him as a black-uniformed Richard III to Boris Johnson ’ s merry , fading Edward IV – awaiting his moment .
Certainly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will lose no opportunity to consolidate his position .
However , the implications of the appointments are at both more prosaic and more compelling .
The fourth appointment offers a way into understanding them .
The final name on that new non-exec list is Bernard Hogan-Howe – an old Theresa May rather than a Gove hand .
What ’ s he doing there ?
The answer takes us on a journey from Britain ’ s national security to the coming Coronavirus inquiry , and a power struggle at the heart of government .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cabinet Office .
“ In one respect at least , it ’ s like the British constitution , ” one old hand told ConservativeHome .
“ No-one would have designed it .
It is very largely an accident.
” Quite so .
Have a look at what makes it up .
Government property , the digital service , Veterans ’ affairs , the GeoSpatial Commission : all of these pile up higgledy-piggledy in a department “ supported by 22 agencies and public bodies ” .
Now turn to its Ministers .
Gove heads @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doesn ’ t .
Boris Johnson is first in line and Minister for the civil service .
Jacob Rees-Mogg is in there , because the First Parliamentary Counsel , in charge of Government legislation , is there too .
So is Chloe Smith , Minister for the constitution .
So is Amanda Milling , the Party Chairman .
So is Johnny Mercer , in government to deliver for veterans .
The Prime Minister is in charge , then ?
Well , only in the sense that he ’ s First Lord of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doesn ’ t really run the blessed thing .
Gove , then ?
Not necessarily .
Have a look at the management team .
On it sit the Cabinet Secretary , the Civil Service ’ s Chief Operating Officer , and the Chair of the Joint Intelligence Committee .
Gove has no real executive authority over the last , and much else .
Some of our readers will already have given up trying to wade though this alphabet soup .
And no wonder .
A worrying thought pops up : perhaps no-one is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no slouch at his paperwork , ” one source said .
“ But he recently stumbled across an entire secretariat that , for some reason , no-one had bothered to tell him about.
” Another insider speaks of battling for weeks to get hold of an organogram of the Office .
After studying it closely , he was none the wiser ( nor necessarily , as the old legal saw has it , better informed ) .
Now comes even more troubling thought : perhaps this is the way that the civil service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less conspiratorial explanation .
“ This is a house that Jeremy Heywood built , ” he said .
“ And no-one else can seem to make it work.
” Actually , the core function of the Cabinet Office is clear enough , once one has battled through the labels and titles .
It ’ s there to join up the work of the Government and make sure that its agenda is implemented – particularly when it comes to anything that cross-cuts , such as digital services .
Much depends on the people involved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of State , for example he grabbed social care and took it into the Cabinet Office .
But if the Office really is like the British constitution , a question follows : is it still up to the job ?
As ever , there are two potential answers – one revolutionary , one evolutionary .
The revolutionary option would hive off some functions and send them spinning away elsewhere .
For example , the Constitution should arguably have its own department , given the challenges of forming a new post-Brexit order , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evolutionary option would fire up the engines of intervention , concentrating the Office on ensuring that the departments deliver the Government ’ s agenda .
One old hand said that the civil service is now so geared to announcements and social media , plus arbitrary and changing demands from the centre , that it has lost the capacity to research , think about and master policy .
Nick Timothy used to make the same point about the Home Office when he served there .
( As coincidence would have it , he has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Education ; and ConHome is told that Rachel Wolf , another old Education hand , is set to become one at Work and Pensions . )
He , the new Cabinet Office non-execs , and others will strive to crank the departments up to deliver the Government ’ s priorities .
So far , so dry .
But real politics is buried in this arcane story .
This site has no animus against Mark Sedwill – who has neither the time nor , doubtless , the inclination to respond to the anonymous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you will read here you will also see elsewhere : a drip-feed of claims that the Cabinet Secretary has too many jobs , lacks Heywood ’ s administrative dexterity , and hasn ’ t gripped the Coronavirus crisis .
Evidently , the inquiry , when it comes , will see politicians , scientists and civil servants passing the parcel of blame – each hoping that the music doesn ’ t stop when they are holding it .
“ Two big parts of the state have failed to deliver on Covid , ” one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Public Health England .
The second is the Cabinet Office.
” Andrew Murrison ’ s article on this site earlier this week was an early roll of the tumbrils for the first .
Some in government would like the guillotine to lop the head off the second .
This seems already to be happening : Number Ten is preparing to absorb the implementation function in the Cabinet Office .
The Vote Leave faction preference would be to carry on where this leaves off , mirroring the post-Sajid Javid absorption of the top of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think that moving functions to Number Ten is merely a Titanic deckchair shuffle .
“ There are three main centres of power in Government , ” another source told ConHome .
“ The Prime Minister , the Treasury and , sitting between them , the Cabinet Office .
Why disturb the balance ?
” The last word is that ex-Minister ’ s .
“ The key to Cabinet Office reform is letting the Minister in charge get on with it .
Either Johnson trusts Gove , in which case he should back him @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t – and should get in someone else .
”

Earlier this month, four new non-executive directors were appointed to the board of the Cabinet Office, at the head of which sits Michael Gove. He will have no difficulty recognising them when it next meets – three of the quartet, anyway.
The first is Henry de Zoete, formerly a special adviser to Gove at Education, working alongside Dominic Cummings. The second is Gisela Stuart, another old Gove hand: the one-time Labour Minister served alongside him as Vote Leave’s co-convenor. The third is Simone Finn, who served with Henry Newman as one of Francis Maude’s SpAds when the latter was Cabinet Office Minister. He is now working in the same capacity for Gove.
Evidence, some claim, that Gove is building up his own power base to rival Boris Johnson’s. Given the two men’s tangled history, and former’s shimmering footwork as a Whitehall player, it’s indeed tempting to see him as a black-uniformed Richard III to Boris Johnson’s merry, fading Edward IV – awaiting his moment. Certainly, Gove, like other politicians, will lose no opportunity to consolidate his position.
However, the implications of the appointments are at both more prosaic and more compelling. The fourth appointment offers a way into understanding them. The final name on that new non-exec list is Bernard Hogan-Howe – an old Theresa May rather than a Gove hand. What’s he doing there? The answer takes us on a journey from Britain’s national security to the coming Coronavirus inquiry, and a power struggle at the heart of government.
Welcome to the wonderful world of the Cabinet Office. “In one respect at least, it’s like the British constitution,” one old hand told ConservativeHome. “No-one would have designed it. It is very largely an accident.” Quite so. Have a look at what makes it up. Government property, the digital service, Veterans’ affairs, the GeoSpatial Commission: all of these pile up higgledy-piggledy in a department “supported by 22 agencies and public bodies”.
Now turn to its Ministers. Gove heads it up – or rather, he doesn’t. Boris Johnson is first in line and Minister for the civil service. Jacob Rees-Mogg is in there, because the First Parliamentary Counsel, in charge of Government legislation, is there too. So is Chloe Smith, Minister for the constitution. So is Amanda Milling, the Party Chairman. So is Johnny Mercer, in government to deliver for veterans.
The Prime Minister is in charge, then? Well, only in the sense that he’s First Lord of the Treasury. In other words, he doesn’t really run the blessed thing. Gove, then? Not necessarily. Have a look at the management team. On it sit the Cabinet Secretary, the Civil Service’s Chief Operating Officer, and the Chair of the Joint Intelligence Committee. Gove has no real executive authority over the last, and much else.
Some of our readers will already have given up trying to wade though this alphabet soup. And no wonder. A worrying thought pops up: perhaps no-one is really in charge. “Michael is no slouch at his paperwork,” one source said. “But he recently stumbled across an entire secretariat that, for some reason, no-one had bothered to tell him about.”
Another insider speaks of battling for weeks to get hold of an organogram of the Office. After studying it closely, he was none the wiser (nor necessarily, as the old legal saw has it, better informed). Now comes even more troubling thought: perhaps this is the way that the civil service wants it. An ex-Minister has a less conspiratorial explanation. “This is a house that Jeremy Heywood built,” he said. “And no-one else can seem to make it work.”
Actually, the core function of the Cabinet Office is clear enough, once one has battled through the labels and titles. It’s there to join up the work of the Government and make sure that its agenda is implemented – particularly when it comes to anything that cross-cuts, such as digital services. Much depends on the people involved. When Damian Green was First Secretary of State, for example he grabbed social care and took it into the Cabinet Office.
But if the Office really is like the British constitution, a question follows: is it still up to the job? As ever, there are two potential answers – one revolutionary, one evolutionary. The revolutionary option would hive off some functions and send them spinning away elsewhere. For example, the Constitution should arguably have its own department, given the challenges of forming a new post-Brexit order, and a possible second Scottish referendum.
The evolutionary option would fire up the engines of intervention, concentrating the Office on ensuring that the departments deliver the Government’s agenda. One old hand said that the civil service is now so geared to announcements and social media, plus arbitrary and changing demands from the centre, that it has lost the capacity to research, think about and master policy.
Nick Timothy used to make the same point about the Home Office when he served there. (As coincidence would have it, he has just been appointed as a non-executive director at Education; and ConHome is told that Rachel Wolf, another old Education hand, is set to become one at Work and Pensions.) He, the new Cabinet Office non-execs, and others will strive to crank the departments up to deliver the Government’s priorities.
So far, so dry. But real politics is buried in this arcane story. This site has no animus against Mark Sedwill – who has neither the time nor, doubtless, the inclination to respond to the anonymous briefings aimed at him. But what you will read here you will also see elsewhere: a drip-feed of claims that the Cabinet Secretary has too many jobs, lacks Heywood’s administrative dexterity, and hasn’t gripped the Coronavirus crisis.
Evidently, the inquiry, when it comes, will see politicians, scientists and civil servants passing the parcel of blame – each hoping that the music doesn’t stop when they are holding it. “Two big parts of the state have failed to deliver on Covid,” one source said. “The first is Public Health England. The second is the Cabinet Office.” Andrew Murrison’s article on this site earlier this week was an early roll of the tumbrils for the first.
Some in government would like the guillotine to lop the head off the second. This seems already to be happening: Number Ten is preparing to absorb the implementation function in the Cabinet Office. The Vote Leave faction preference would be to carry on where this leaves off, mirroring the post-Sajid Javid absorption of the top of the Treasury into Number Ten. Others think that moving functions to Number Ten is merely a Titanic deckchair shuffle.
“There are three main centres of power in Government,” another source told ConHome. “The Prime Minister, the Treasury and, sitting between them, the Cabinet Office. Why disturb the balance?” The last word is that ex-Minister’s. “The key to Cabinet Office reform is letting the Minister in charge get on with it. Either Johnson trusts Gove, in which case he should back him to the hilt. Or he doesn’t – and should get in someone else.”


Coronavirus Count

Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 269,127 ( Up from 265,227 ) .
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 37,837 ( Up from 37,460 ) .
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 1,887 ( Down from 2,013 ) .
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 377 ( Up from 412 ) .
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk to the UK has been raised to high ” – From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD : THE UK GOVERNMENT ’ S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY See here .
New as of Monday May 11 .
GUIDANCE : FURTHER BUSINESSES AND PREMISES TO CLOSE See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
HOW EVERYONE CAN HELP STOP THE CORONAVIRUS ( SOCIAL DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
STAY AT HOME @ @ @ @ @ @ @ SELF-DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR WORKERS ON WHAT AND HOW THEY CAN CLAIM See here .
Published on Friday March 20 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS , TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW See here .
Published on Saturday March 28 .
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS • Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
• Always wash your hands when you get home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
• Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve ( not your hands ) when you cough or sneeze .
• Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
• Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell .
The symptoms of coronavirus are : However , these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness .
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do .
Use this service if : • You think you might have coronavirus .
• In the last 14 days you ’ ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers .
• You ’ ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus .
• In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours .
• In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your area ) or 0845 46 47 .
• Do not go to a GP surgery , pharmacy or hospital .
• What the coronavirus is , how it ’ s spread and how to avoid catching it – Government NHS website overview .
• Stay at home advice and how to manage self-isolation .
( All information taken from Government sources .
Updated as of 7.00 on Friday May 29th . )

HEADLINE FACTS
Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 292,950 (Up from 291,409).
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 41,481 (Up from 41,279).
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 1,541 (Up from 1,266).
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 202 (Up from 151).
England total cases: 156,410 (Up from 156,018 ).
England total deaths: 37,069 (Up from 36,883).
England death rate: 279.4 (Was 278.7).
Scotland total cases: 15,709 (Up from 15,682).
Scotland total deaths: 2,439 (Up from 2,434).
Scotland death rate: 288.9 (Was 288.4).
Wales total cases: 14,658 (Up from 14,581).
Wales total deaths: 1,435 (Up from 1,425).
Wales death rate: 467.0 (Was 464.6)
Northern Ireland total cases: 4,838 (Up from 4,822)
Northern Ireland total deaths: 538 (Up from 537).
Northern Ireland death rate: 257.1 (Was 256.3).
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED
DAILY NUMBER OF LAB-CONFIRMED ENGLAND CASES
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
RISK
“The risk to the UK has been raised to high” –
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
NHS VOLUNTEER RESPONDER FORM
See here
(The Government’s scheme to recruit 250,000 volunteers.)
– – –
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD: THE UK GOVERNMENT’S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY
See here. New as of Monday May 11.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON THE LOCKDOWN.
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SHIELDING AND PROTECTING PEOPLE WHO ARE CLINICALLY EXTREMELY VULNERABLE FROM COVID-19
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SOCIAL DISTANCING
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: GENERAL ADVICE
See here.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS. WHAT YOU CAN DO AND CAN’T DO
See here.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS, TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW
See here. Published on Saturday March 28.
– – –
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS
Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
Always wash your hands when you get home or into work .
Use hand sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve (not your hands) when you cough or sneeze .
Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell.
SYMPTOMS
The symptoms of coronavirus are:
A cough.
A high temperature.
Shortness of breath.
However, these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness.
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common, such as cold and flu.
USING 111
NHS 111 has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do.
Use this service if:
You think you might have coronavirus.
In the last 14 days you’ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers.
You’ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus.
In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours.
In Wales call 111 (if available in your area) or 0845 46 47.
In Northern Ireland call 111.
Do not go to a GP surgery, pharmacy or hospital.
FURTHER LINKS TO GOVERNMENT ADVICE
– – –
(All information taken from Government sources.
Updated as of 19.00 on Friday June 12.)


conservativehome--2020-05-29--Iain Dale: The arrogance of Cummings, the failures of the Guardian – and why we all need to keep a s

Iain Dale: The arrogance of Cummings, the failures of the Guardian – and why we all need to keep a sense of proportion.

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith .
Everyone has an opinion on Dominic Cummings .
And each one of all those opinions is perfectly valid .
I happen to believe that he was wrong to travel to Durham , and even more wrong to test out his eyesight with his family in the car .
No matter : I am very happy to accept there are other views .
What has been totally unacceptable since Saturday is for one side to the other to decry the motives of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I suppose we ’ ve all come to expect it on social media , but it ’ s unedifying at best .
So apparently , for expressing doubts about his story I have proved my “ animus ” towards Cummings and Boris Johnson .
Furthermore , I have no right to an opinion since I don ’ t have a four year old child .
And , furthermore , I am a lefty who wants rid of Cummings to scupper Brexit .
Yup , just like Julia Hartley-Brewer , Tim Montgomerie , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suppose .
That really stacks up , doesn ’ t it ?
Unlike the others , I have never actually called for Dominic Cummings to resign or be sacked , but that little detail seems to have escaped everyone , and it ’ s assumed that I have .
What I said on Saturday night was that there were a lot of unanswered questions , and I could perfectly see why people were calling into question what appeared to have happened .
I never thought that Cummings would give a press conference to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what happened on Monday .
I thought a sit-down interview with someone might have been better because , as is usual with these things , his explanation provoked yet more questions .
To top it all , he said he had never considered offering his resignation .
I think that ’ s a fairly mind-blowing thing to have said .
An advisor who is a distraction and gets himself into the headlines can not possibly have his mind on the job .
It also displayed a certain arrogance – as if he isn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to have people they trust around them but , in Cummings ’ case , it ’ s almost as if he ’ s more powerful than the man he is supposed to serve .
Johnson wants to throw a protective cloak around him , and in many ways that ’ s a laudable character trait .
But when you expend so much political capital on what might still turn out to be a hopeless case , it makes you weaker .
You can dismiss the 44 Conservative MPs who have come out against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ .
But they ’ re not all the usual troublemakers , are they ?
When you have the Guardian and the Daily Mail on the same side , you ’ d be a fool not to realise that you ’ re in deep doo-doo .
As I write this on Thursday morning , there are certainly signs that the story is slipping from top of the headlines .
But the damage is done .
And for someone who is a political strategist , surely Cummings realises that .
One thing in this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lot of things do , but one question no one has ever asked is why it took the Guardian and the Daily Mirror six weeks to publish the story .
They only published when they thought they had evidence he ’ d made a second trip to Durham , a front page headline which turned out to have no foundation whatsoever .
Indeed , quite a few of their other allegations have turned out to be completely false too .
The police , contrary to The Guardian splash , did not warn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The only conversation with the family was one with Cummings ’ father about security .
But no hint of an apology from either newspaper about this .
I fully admit that the fact they got both of these things wrong doesn ’ t detract from the central allegation – that he broke lockdown – but even so , it ’ s pretty shoddy journalism .
And talking about shoddy journalism , this week we ’ ve seen the advent of the hasthtag # scummedia .
It ’ s an awful expression , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slightly recoil .
I am the first to admit some parts of the media haven ’ t covered themselves in glory in recent years , especially over Brexit and the current crisis .
But does anyone think that if they tweet the hashtag # scummedia to a journalist they don ’ t approve of , it will actually persuade them to indulge in some self-reflection about how they have conducted themselves ?
I doubt it very much .
If anyone accuses me of being part of a # scummedia they ’ re likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t mean I can ’ t brook criticism ; I absolutely can , and if it ’ s constructive , I welcome and embrace it and hopefully learn from it .
But if you come from the point of view that you think I ’ m scum , don ’ t expect me to engage in any way apart from pressing a block button .

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith.
Everyone has an opinion on Dominic Cummings. And each one of all those opinions is perfectly valid.
I happen to believe that he was wrong to travel to Durham, and even more wrong to test out his eyesight with his family in the car. No matter: I am very happy to accept there are other views.
What has been totally unacceptable since Saturday is for one side to the other to decry the motives of the other, and just hurl insults. I suppose we’ve all come to expect it on social media, but it’s unedifying at best.
So apparently, for expressing doubts about his story I have proved my “animus” towards Cummings and Boris Johnson. Furthermore, I have no right to an opinion since I don’t have a four year old child.
And, furthermore, I am a lefty who wants rid of Cummings to scupper Brexit. Yup, just like Julia Hartley-Brewer, Tim Montgomerie, Iain Martin and many others, I suppose. That really stacks up, doesn’t it?
Unlike the others, I have never actually called for Dominic Cummings to resign or be sacked, but that little detail seems to have escaped everyone, and it’s assumed that I have.
What I said on Saturday night was that there were a lot of unanswered questions, and I could perfectly see why people were calling into question what appeared to have happened. I never thought that Cummings would give a press conference to explain himself, but that’s what happened on Monday.
I thought a sit-down interview with someone might have been better because, as is usual with these things, his explanation provoked yet more questions.
To top it all, he said he had never considered offering his resignation. I think that’s a fairly mind-blowing thing to have said.
An advisor who is a distraction and gets himself into the headlines cannot possibly have his mind on the job. It also displayed a certain arrogance – as if he isn’t touchable.
All politicians need to have people they trust around them but, in Cummings’ case, it’s almost as if he’s more powerful than the man he is supposed to serve. Johnson wants to throw a protective cloak around him, and in many ways that’s a laudable character trait. But when you expend so much political capital on what might still turn out to be a hopeless case, it makes you weaker.
You can dismiss the 44 Conservative MPs who have come out against Cummings as being ‘the usual suspects’. But they’re not all the usual troublemakers, are they? When you have the Guardian and the Daily Mail on the same side, you’d be a fool not to realise that you’re in deep doo-doo.
As I write this on Thursday morning, there are certainly signs that the story is slipping from top of the headlines. But the damage is done. And for someone who is a political strategist, surely Cummings realises that.
– – – – – – – – – –
One thing in this story puzzles me.
Well, quite a lot of things do, but one question no one has ever asked is why it took the Guardian and the Daily Mirror six weeks to publish the story. They only published when they thought they had evidence he’d made a second trip to Durham, a front page headline which turned out to have no foundation whatsoever.
Indeed, quite a few of their other allegations have turned out to be completely false too. The police, contrary to The Guardian splash, did not warn Cummings or his family about breaching lockdown. The only conversation with the family was one with Cummings’ father about security.
But no hint of an apology from either newspaper about this. I fully admit that the fact they got both of these things wrong doesn’t detract from the central allegation – that he broke lockdown – but even so, it’s pretty shoddy journalism.
– – – – – – – – – –
And talking about shoddy journalism, this week we’ve seen the advent of the hasthtag #scummedia.
It’s an awful expression, and every time I see it I slightly recoil. I am the first to admit some parts of the media haven’t covered themselves in glory in recent years, especially over Brexit and the current crisis.
But does anyone think that if they tweet the hashtag #scummedia to a journalist they don’t approve of, it will actually persuade them to indulge in some self-reflection about how they have conducted themselves? I doubt it very much.
If anyone accuses me of being part of a #scummedia they’re likely to get blocked PDQ. That doesn’t mean I can’t brook criticism; I absolutely can, and if it’s constructive, I welcome and embrace it and hopefully learn from it.
But if you come from the point of view that you think I’m scum, don’t expect me to engage in any way apart from pressing a block button.


conservativehome--2020-05-29--Izzi Seccombe: During this crisis, I’m proud of how Conservative councils are delivering the help ne

Izzi Seccombe: During this crisis, I’m proud of how Conservative councils are delivering the help needed

Cllr Izzi Seccombe is the Leader of Warwickshire County Council and the Leader of the Conservative Group of the Local Government Association .
Further to my recent article for Conservative Home on how our councils and councillors are playing a critical role in the national effort against Coronavirus pandemic , I am grateful to have been given another opportunity to showcase some more of the excellent work that is taking place across the country .
However , before doing so , I would like to acknowledge a number of recent announcements from central government that will support councils as we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with , for example , the forthcoming re-opening of schools and an anticipated further relaxation of lockdown restrictions .
These announcements include £283 million from Grant Shapps , the Transport Secretary , to protect and increase transport services ; £300 million , announced by Matt Hancock , the Health Secretary , to help councils expand their local test and tracing work ; and £50 million , announced by Simon Clarke , Local Government Minister , to support local high streets to get safely back to business .
I strongly welcome all of these @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I do not have the space to acknowledge here , and would like to thank Robert Jenrick , our Secretary of State , with whom we continue to work closely , HM Treasury , and the other relevant Departments involved .
Of course , as well as being a health emergency , Coronavirus presents a severe threat to our economy and the Chancellor has rightly won plaudits for his unprecedented packages of support to both businesses and employees .
Local government has been absolutely critical to the delivery of many of the measures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ am delighted that Conservative councils have risen to the challenge .
In the limited space available here I would like to highlight just a few of the many examples of best practice from across the country that I am aware of .
In recognition of the perilous situation which many local businesses found themselves in , South Kesteven District Council paid more than more than 900 support grants within 24 hours of receiving the money from the Government , thus ensuring that desperately needed funding was received almost immediately .
Meanwhile , Staffordshire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ services across the authority to make individual calls to business owners encouraging them to apply for the various grants that are available .
The council has received some very positive feedback to this proactive approach , including from a number of businesses that did not realise that they were actually eligible for the support .
In another example of proactive support , the Leader of Medway Council , Cllr Alan Jarrett , has used his urgency powers to defer rent collections from the authority ’ s commercial portfolio in order to provide businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ councils across the country have also played an absolutely central role in meeting the Government ’ s target of getting homeless people off the streets and into secure accommodation .
For example , within a 48 hour period , Stafford Borough Council ensured that every rough sleeper was given emergency accommodation and 26 ‘ homeless households ’ have been given permanent accommodation during the lockdown .
Similarly , East Suffolk council have placed 26 homeless people in emergency accommodation consisting of the council ’ s own housing stock , hotel rooms , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , isolation is a real problem during this period of lockdown and councils have been at the forefront of efforts to support their most vulnerable residents in any way they can .
For example , Medway Council has offered a personal shopper service for older residents and those who are at high risk and self-isolating .
Furthermore , in a proactive move which has been much appreciated by those contacted , council staff have called the most vulnerable residents to check that they are well and have all they need .
In Suffolk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comprised of the county and district councils , health services , the police and voluntary and community groups , was established at the start of the pandemic to support the most vulnerable residents .
This collaborative working has helped more than 6000 people through the Home But Not Alone emergency hotline ; supported over 1500 community groups who are directly helping vulnerable people ; had more than 1800 people sign up to a volunteer app ; delivered 4,100kgs of food to foodbanks across the county , and distributed 500 emergency food parcels to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Meanwhile , in Lichfield the district council has been involved in a joint venture with the Co-Op to proactively contact those considered to be vulnerable and , if necessary , take their shopping order and arrange a priority delivery through volunteers .
Finally , whilst the work of councils as corporate entities has been a critically important part of the national response to the pandemic , it is important to recognise that Conservative councillors have also played a crucially important role as individuals in supporting their own local communities .
To highlight some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Conservative councillors in Plymouth , where we are in opposition , have helped the vulnerable in a variety of ways , including collecting shopping for homebound residents who have not received booked deliveries ; delivering prescriptions to those who can not collect them personally , and assisting the setting up of a food bank and book swap club .
These are just some examples of the excellent work that Conservative councils and Conservative councilors have done to support their communities and residents during these unprecedented times .
If you have a particular example @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like to highlight please do email me at lgaconservatives @ local.gov.uk I look forward to continuing to provide further updates via Conservative Home in the coming weeks , when hopefully we will have moved even further into the recovery stage .

Cllr Izzi Seccombe is the Leader of Warwickshire County Council and the Leader of the Conservative Group of the Local Government Association.
Further to my recent article for Conservative Home on how our councils and councillors are playing a critical role in the national effort against Coronavirus pandemic, I am grateful to have been given another opportunity to showcase some more of the excellent work that is taking place across the country.
However, before doing so, I would like to acknowledge a number of recent announcements from central government that will support councils as we begin to move to the recovery stage with, for example, the forthcoming re-opening of schools and an anticipated further relaxation of lockdown restrictions.
These announcements include £283 million from Grant Shapps, the Transport Secretary, to protect and increase transport services; £300 million, announced by Matt Hancock, the Health Secretary, to help councils expand their local test and tracing work; and £50 million, announced by Simon Clarke, Local Government Minister, to support local high streets to get safely back to business.
I strongly welcome all of these announcements, and indeed the others which I do not have the space to acknowledge here, and would like to thank Robert Jenrick, our Secretary of State, with whom we continue to work closely, HM Treasury, and the other relevant Departments involved.
Of course, as well as being a health emergency, Coronavirus presents a severe threat to our economy and the Chancellor has rightly won plaudits for his unprecedented packages of support to both businesses and employees.
Local government has been absolutely critical to the delivery of many of the measures that he has announced, and I am delighted that Conservative councils have risen to the challenge. In the limited space available here I would like to highlight just a few of the many examples of best practice from across the country that I am aware of.
In recognition of the perilous situation which many local businesses found themselves in, South Kesteven District Council paid more than more than 900 support grants within 24 hours of receiving the money from the Government, thus ensuring that desperately needed funding was received almost immediately.
Meanwhile, Staffordshire Moorlands District Council redeployed 40 staff from services across the authority to make individual calls to business owners encouraging them to apply for the various grants that are available.
The council has received some very positive feedback to this proactive approach, including from a number of businesses that did not realise that they were actually eligible for the support.
In another example of proactive support, the Leader of Medway Council, Cllr Alan Jarrett, has used his urgency powers to defer rent collections from the authority’s commercial portfolio in order to provide businesses with some much needed respite.
Conservative councils across the country have also played an absolutely central role in meeting the Government’s target of getting homeless people off the streets and into secure accommodation.
For example, within a 48 hour period, Stafford Borough Council ensured that every rough sleeper was given emergency accommodation and 26 ‘homeless households’ have been given permanent accommodation during the lockdown.
Similarly, East Suffolk council have placed 26 homeless people in emergency accommodation consisting of the council’s own housing stock, hotel rooms, and private housing.
As we all know, isolation is a real problem during this period of lockdown and councils have been at the forefront of efforts to support their most vulnerable residents in any way they can.
For example, Medway Council has offered a personal shopper service for older residents and those who are at high risk and self-isolating. Furthermore, in a proactive move which has been much appreciated by those contacted, council staff have called the most vulnerable residents to check that they are well and have all they need.
In Suffolk, a Communities Board, which is comprised of the county and district councils, health services, the police and voluntary and community groups, was established at the start of the pandemic to support the most vulnerable residents. This collaborative working has helped more than 6000 people through the Home But Not Alone emergency hotline; supported over 1500 community groups who are directly helping vulnerable people; had more than 1800 people sign up to a volunteer app; delivered 4,100kgs of food to foodbanks across the county, and distributed 500 emergency food parcels to those in urgent need of supplies.
Meanwhile, in Lichfield the district council has been involved in a joint venture with the Co-Op to proactively contact those considered to be vulnerable and, if necessary, take their shopping order and arrange a priority delivery through volunteers.
Finally, whilst the work of councils as corporate entities has been a critically important part of the national response to the pandemic, it is important to recognise that Conservative councillors have also played a crucially important role as individuals in supporting their own local communities.
To highlight some examples from just one group, our Conservative councillors in Plymouth, where we are in opposition, have helped the vulnerable in a variety of ways, including collecting shopping for homebound residents who have not received booked deliveries; delivering prescriptions to those who cannot collect them personally, and assisting the setting up of a food bank and book swap club.
These are just some examples of the excellent work that Conservative councils and Conservative councilors have done to support their communities and residents during these unprecedented times. If you have a particular example from your own area that you would like to highlight please do email me at lgaconservatives@local.gov.uk
I look forward to continuing to provide further updates via Conservative Home in the coming weeks, when hopefully we will have moved even further into the recovery stage.


conservativehome--2020-05-29--Nissan and Sunderland: Another blow for Project Fear

In the run up to , and indeed beyond , the 2016 referendum , Brexiteers were subjected to all sorts of apocalyptic predictions about Britain ’ s future without the EU .
From warnings around economic collapse , to being told the country would be weakened at an international level , pessimism was all the rage .
By far one of Remainers ’ most hysterical claims was that the car industry , one of Britain ’ s most successful sectors , would not survive in a Brexit world .
The Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders proclaimed that leaving without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ damage ” , and The Guardian cautioned of “ existential terror ” among automotive executives .
Yesterday , however , was something of a wake-up call for Project Fear .
Japanese carmaker Nissan has announced that it ’ s shutting down its Barcelona site while keeping its Sunderland plant open ( thereby protecting 6,000 jobs ) .
Although this is sad , of course , for those affected in Spain , it indicates how favourable the UK market is seen – contrary to Remainer forecasts .
The news follows reports earlier this month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the production of two of its Renault models , Kadjar and Captur , from Spain to the site in the North East .
The French government is desperately trying to block this , through a €5bn loan guarantee for Renault , but ultimately it doesn ’ t look good .
The developments at Nissan are extraordinary for two reasons .
For one , they signal high confidence in the British market , even in the midst of a pandemic .
Coronavirus has badly hit the car industry , with Nissan suffering a £5 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year – its worst result for more than a decade .
And yet , in the process of slimming down its operations , the company clearly sees the UK as a safe bet .
The other surprise is that Nissan has previously been critical about Brexit , warning that its entire business “ both in the UK and in Europe is not sustainable in the event of WTO ” tariffs .
These words convinced people that Britain would lose out if the manufacturer had to pick a side – a suspicion that wasn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Europe .
On the contrary , Nissan has invested over £4 billion in its Sunderland site since the referendum result , including a £52 million new production line , and even planned for a No Deal Brexit .
Its long-term commitment to Britain is indisputable .
There are multiple reasons Nissan has gone in this direction .
As Ross Clark points out in The Spectator , “ Britain is not just a producer of cars , it is a very large market for them , too ” .
Elsewhere it is suggested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to staying in the country , if rival carmakers face tariffs and it does not .
The move could see its UK market share boosted from four to 20 per cent .
But overall it makes sense for it to change its focus from Europe , where its sales have dropped 17 per cent , thanks to a sharp decline in diesel demand .
Going forward , Nissan said it will focus on several “ key markets ” , such as Japan , North America and China .
Perhaps the Brexiteers who advocated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be finally vindicated , as well as anyone who was optimistic that Britain could blossom without the EU .
Nissan ’ s decision could inspire many other manufacturers to follow .
Though there have been concerns in recent weeks about whether the UK and EU will reach a trade deal , with both parties playing hardball as negotiations intensify , the Nissan deal couldn ’ t have come at a better moment for David Frost and his team .
Not only does it signal optimism in the UK ’ s market , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what could happen if the EU does not move closer to Britain ’ s demands ; No Deal might mean Goodbye Nissan .
And , as the fanatical Remainers will be able to tell Barnier best , no one wants to lose their car industry .

In the run up to, and indeed beyond, the 2016 referendum, Brexiteers were subjected to all sorts of apocalyptic predictions about Britain’s future without the EU. From warnings around economic collapse, to being told the country would be weakened at an international level, pessimism was all the rage.
By far one of Remainers’ most hysterical claims was that the car industry, one of Britain’s most successful sectors, would not survive in a Brexit world. The Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders proclaimed that leaving without a deal would lead to “permanent damage”, and The Guardian cautioned of “existential terror” among automotive executives.
Yesterday, however, was something of a wake-up call for Project Fear. Japanese carmaker Nissan has announced that it’s shutting down its Barcelona site while keeping its Sunderland plant open (thereby protecting 6,000 jobs). Although this is sad, of course, for those affected in Spain, it indicates how favourable the UK market is seen – contrary to Remainer forecasts.
The news follows reports earlier this month that Nissan is in talks to move the production of two of its Renault models, Kadjar and Captur, from Spain to the site in the North East. The French government is desperately trying to block this, through a €5bn loan guarantee for Renault, but ultimately it doesn’t look good.
The developments at Nissan are extraordinary for two reasons. For one, they signal high confidence in the British market, even in the midst of a pandemic. Coronavirus has badly hit the car industry, with Nissan suffering a £5 billion net loss in the last financial year – its worst result for more than a decade. And yet, in the process of slimming down its operations, the company clearly sees the UK as a safe bet.
The other surprise is that Nissan has previously been critical about Brexit, warning that its entire business “both in the UK and in Europe is not sustainable in the event of WTO” tariffs. These words convinced people that Britain would lose out if the manufacturer had to pick a side – a suspicion that wasn’t entirely flawed given the size of Europe. On the contrary, Nissan has invested over £4 billion in its Sunderland site since the referendum result, including a £52 million new production line, and even planned for a No Deal Brexit. Its long-term commitment to Britain is indisputable.
There are multiple reasons Nissan has gone in this direction. As Ross Clark points out in The Spectator, “Britain is not just a producer of cars, it is a very large market for them, too”. Elsewhere it is suggested that Nissan has spotted a competitive advantage to staying in the country, if rival carmakers face tariffs and it does not. The move could see its UK market share boosted from four to 20 per cent.
But overall it makes sense for it to change its focus from Europe, where its sales have dropped 17 per cent, thanks to a sharp decline in diesel demand. Going forward, Nissan said it will focus on several “key markets”, such as Japan, North America and China. Perhaps the Brexiteers who advocated for a “Global Britain” will be finally vindicated, as well as anyone who was optimistic that Britain could blossom without the EU. Nissan’s decision could inspire many other manufacturers to follow.
Though there have been concerns in recent weeks about whether the UK and EU will reach a trade deal, with both parties playing hardball as negotiations intensify, the Nissan deal couldn’t have come at a better moment for David Frost and his team. Not only does it signal optimism in the UK’s market, but it’s a crucial demonstration of what could happen if the EU does not move closer to Britain’s demands; No Deal might mean Goodbye Nissan. And, as the fanatical Remainers will be able to tell Barnier best, no one wants to lose their car industry.


conservativehome--2020-05-30--The BBC and politics. Maitlis’ Cummings intro was out of order. And so too, in its time, was Neil’s

The BBC and politics. Maitlis’ Cummings intro was out of order. And so too, in its time, was Neil’s denunciation of ISIS.

Last time I wrote about the BBC in the aftermath of a controversial opening monologue by Emily Maitlis – which was less than a month ago – I pointed out something which ought to worry Corporation executives .
Contrary to the claims of some of its critics , there hasn ’ t been a widespread collapse in trust in the BBC as a whole .
But there has been a sharp fall in trust in its current affairs coverage amongst Conservative voters .
If the BBC wants to retain its position as a purveyor of shared experiences to the nation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speak to the whole nation .
At a time of deep partisan divisions that task grows harder , but also more important .
To breach partiality once may be regarded as misfortune , as Lady Bracknell might put it .
But to do so twice looks like carelessness .
But was it carelessness ?
One BBC source put it to me that Newsnight has featured opening remarks by the host since at least the era of Jeremy Paxman , and that it isn ’ t difficult to phrase them in a more judicious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ less likely that a veteran such as Maitlis , and the experienced team at a flagship programme , keep tripping these landmines by accident .
Compounding the issue further is the unapologetic stance adopted by Newsnight personnel online , not least Maitlis ’ retweeting of a clip of her monologue after the official BBC account deleted it .
Her colleague Lewis Goodall has also been deleting tweets after doubling down on the claim that Dominic Cummings broke the rules .
The Corporation , after reportedly receiving tens of thousands of complaints , put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maitlis ’ opening remarks breached its editorial guidelines , focusing specifically on two elements : “ It said that ‘ the country ’ was ‘ shocked the government can not see ’ Dominic Cummings broke lockdown rules ; that he ‘ made those who struggled to keep the rules feel like fools ’ .
“ But there are some who do not share this opinion , nor think that the issue is a ‘ scandal ’ or the Prime Minister has displayed ‘ blind loyalty ’ .
” Other sections were arguably even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ difficult to see the impartial news case for saying that Cummings “ tagged the lazy label of ‘ elite ’ on those who disagreed ” .
The word ‘ lazy ’ is purely a pejorative , personal judgement .
Likewise , it is hard to defend as a mere teeing up of the issue a statement which tells the subject what they ‘ should ’ be doing .
Such incidents will only accelerate Conservative disaffection with the BBC ’ s current affairs programming , a development which will threaten the BBC ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reduce the ranks of its allies in the Government .
But that isn ’ t the only troubling aspect of this story .
Just as concerning , at least , is the number of progressive commentators who appear genuinely unable to see why some of Maitlis ’ remarks were so problematic – and even that the BBC pulled her from the show in response to Government pressure .
This is the other side of polarisation : as one side becomes more sensitive to criticism of an outlet perceived to be unfriendly , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said outlet .
Such cheerleading can do as much to corrode truly impartial news values as hostile criticism by reinforcing and rewarding presenters and producers who push the partisan envelope .
In Britain it is fashionable to hold up Fox News as the ur-example of what we ’ re trying to avoid , but its liberal counterparts have also played a vital role in insulating huge sections of the American public from each other .
What can be done ?
The BBC has brought in a former executive to review the way its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help to stem the ‘ Sky Views ’ problem of presenters undermining their on-camera impartiality with their off-camera conduct .
The team at Newsnight have been reminded of the guidelines , although it remains to be seen what action might be taken in the event of a third breach .
But perhaps one important step would be drawing much clearer lines about using BBC news shows as podia , even for uncontroversial takes .
As we noted last time : “ It ’ s all very well letting Andrew Neil inveigh against ISIS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it does set a precedent which makes it harder to prevent his colleagues indulging in similar tactics on more divisive ground .
”

Last time I wrote about the BBC in the aftermath of a controversial opening monologue by Emily Maitlis – which was less than a month ago – I pointed out something which ought to worry Corporation executives.
Contrary to the claims of some of its critics, there hasn’t been a widespread collapse in trust in the BBC as a whole. But there has been a sharp fall in trust in its current affairs coverage amongst Conservative voters.
If the BBC wants to retain its position as a purveyor of shared experiences to the nation, it needs to be able to speak to the whole nation. At a time of deep partisan divisions that task grows harder, but also more important.
To breach partiality once may be regarded as misfortune, as Lady Bracknell might put it. But to do so twice looks like carelessness.
But was it carelessness? One BBC source put it to me that Newsnight has featured opening remarks by the host since at least the era of Jeremy Paxman, and that it isn’t difficult to phrase them in a more judicious fashion. Yet this simply makes it less likely that a veteran such as Maitlis, and the experienced team at a flagship programme, keep tripping these landmines by accident.
Compounding the issue further is the unapologetic stance adopted by Newsnight personnel online, not least Maitlis’ retweeting of a clip of her monologue after the official BBC account deleted it. Her colleague Lewis Goodall has also been deleting tweets after doubling down on the claim that Dominic Cummings broke the rules.
The Corporation, after reportedly receiving tens of thousands of complaints, put out the following statement which acknowledged that Maitlis’ opening remarks breached its editorial guidelines, focusing specifically on two elements:
“It said that ‘the country’ was ‘shocked the government cannot see’ Dominic Cummings broke lockdown rules; that he ‘made those who struggled to keep the rules feel like fools’.
“But there are some who do not share this opinion, nor think that the issue is a ‘scandal’ or the Prime Minister has displayed ‘blind loyalty’.”
Other sections were arguably even more nakedly editorial. It’s difficult to see the impartial news case for saying that Cummings “tagged the lazy label of ‘elite’ on those who disagreed”. The word ‘lazy’ is purely a pejorative, personal judgement. Likewise, it is hard to defend as a mere teeing up of the issue a statement which tells the subject what they ‘should’ be doing.
Such incidents will only accelerate Conservative disaffection with the BBC’s current affairs programming, a development which will threaten the BBC’s role as a unifying national broadcaster and reduce the ranks of its allies in the Government.
But that isn’t the only troubling aspect of this story. Just as concerning, at least, is the number of progressive commentators who appear genuinely unable to see why some of Maitlis’ remarks were so problematic – and even that the BBC pulled her from the show in response to Government pressure.
This is the other side of polarisation: as one side becomes more sensitive to criticism of an outlet perceived to be unfriendly, the other becomes more sensitive to criticism of said outlet. Such cheerleading can do as much to corrode truly impartial news values as hostile criticism by reinforcing and rewarding presenters and producers who push the partisan envelope.
In Britain it is fashionable to hold up Fox News as the ur-example of what we’re trying to avoid, but its liberal counterparts have also played a vital role in insulating huge sections of the American public from each other.
What can be done? The BBC has brought in a former executive to review the way its staff employ social media, which may help to stem the ‘Sky Views’ problem of presenters undermining their on-camera impartiality with their off-camera conduct. The team at Newsnight have been reminded of the guidelines, although it remains to be seen what action might be taken in the event of a third breach.
But perhaps one important step would be drawing much clearer lines about using BBC news shows as podia, even for uncontroversial takes. As we noted last time:
“It’s all very well letting Andrew Neil inveigh against ISIS – who supports ISIS? – but it does set a precedent which makes it harder to prevent his colleagues indulging in similar tactics on more divisive ground.”


Coronavirus Count

Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 271,222 ( Up from 269,127 ) .
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 38,161 ( Up from 37,837 ) .
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 2,095 ( Up from 1,887 ) .
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 324 ( Down from 377 ) .
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk to the UK has been raised to high ” – From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD : THE UK GOVERNMENT ’ S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY See here .
New as of Monday May 11 .
GUIDANCE : FURTHER BUSINESSES AND PREMISES TO CLOSE See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
HOW EVERYONE CAN HELP STOP THE CORONAVIRUS ( SOCIAL DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
STAY AT HOME @ @ @ @ @ @ @ SELF-DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR WORKERS ON WHAT AND HOW THEY CAN CLAIM See here .
Published on Friday March 20 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS , TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW See here .
Published on Saturday March 28 .
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS • Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
• Always wash your hands when you get home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
• Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve ( not your hands ) when you cough or sneeze .
• Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
• Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell .
The symptoms of coronavirus are : However , these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness .
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do .
Use this service if : • You think you might have coronavirus .
• In the last 14 days you ’ ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers .
• You ’ ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus .
• In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours .
• In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your area ) or 0845 46 47 .
• Do not go to a GP surgery , pharmacy or hospital .
• What the coronavirus is , how it ’ s spread and how to avoid catching it – Government NHS website overview .
• Stay at home advice and how to manage self-isolation .
( All information taken from Government sources .
Updated as of 20.00 on Friday May 29th . )


conservativehome--2020-05-30--Disraeli the anti-prig tells us far more about Johnson than Churchill does

The Sayings of Disraeli edited by Robert Blake , with a foreword by Alistair Lexden Anyone who finds Boris Johnson frivolous , slippery , unprincipled and unprofessional is likely to take the same view of Benjamin Disraeli .
Simon Heffer has just demonstrated the truth of this dictum by writing pieces in successive issues of The Critic in which he inveighs first against Disraeli , “ liar , charlatan , placeman , toady and cynic ” , and then against Johnson , described as , among other things , “ lazy , selfish in the extreme and capable of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for those of us who take a less Gladstonian view of politics , Disraeli is the most wonderful anti-prig in English history .
And he casts much light on the present leader of the Conservative Party .
I don ’ t mean to suggest he explains Johnson .
Disraeli didn ’ t explain himself .
He remained a mystery , a one-off , an enigma .
But scattered through his speeches and books is a greater profusion of brilliant observations on life , love , politics , religion and various other aspects of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our 55 Prime Ministers has left us .
Where to start appreciating the genius of Disraeli ?
The conventional answer has for half a century been that one should read Robert Blake ’ s biography , which runs to 766 pages of text , and so one should .
But because it is long , it can not do justice to Disraeli ’ s epigrammatic quality .
For that , it is best to turn to a later and slighter work , The Sayings of Disraeli , selected by Blake and first published @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , for its reissue , a new , two-page foreword by Alistair Lexden , followed by Blake ’ s original four-page introduction , and then about 50 pages , each bearing about eight of Disraeli ’ s sayings , so around 400 in all .
The second edition of The Oxford Dictionary of Quotations carries 130 quotations by Disraeli to 11 by Gladstone , 12 by Pitt the Elder , 16 by Canning , 26 by Wellington and 26 by Churchill , with no one else getting into double figures – Melbourne , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Younger eight , Lloyd George two and Salisbury one ( “ By office boys for office boys ” , his remark about The Daily Mail ) .
As Blake remarks in his introduction , Johnson is the third Prime Minister to have earned his living by his pen .
He is often compared , not very fruitfully , with Churchill , about whom he has written a book .
The more illuminating comparison is with Disraeli .
There are differences , of course .
Disraeli ’ s eventual triumph was in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Johnson .
As Lexden points out , Disraeli And Disraeli began as more of an outsider than Johnson , who as he himself has written was stuffed “ to the gills with the finest education England can provide ” , at Ashdown House Preparatory School , where he did Greek before breakfast , and as a scholar of Eton and of Balliol College , Oxford .
Every Prime Minister in the 19th century attended a famous school , usually Eton or Harrow , except for Disraeli , who went to Higham Hall School @ @ @ @ @ @ @ either Oxford or Cambridge , an omission which in that century he shares only with Wellington .
But Wellington was born into the ruling class , while Disraeli ( who lived from 1804-81 and served as Prime Minister in 1868 and from 1874-80 ) was born a Jew , at a time when Jews could not even become MPs , a restriction which remained in force until 1858 .
Luckily for Disraeli , at the age of 12 he was baptised into the Church of England , after his father quarrelled with Bevis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a very young man , to make immense difficulties for himself , by speculating in South American mining shares and launching a newspaper to compete with The Times .
The shares collapsed , as did the newspaper , and for the rest of his life Disraeli was mired in debt .
In great haste , he tried to recoup his fortunes by writing a novel in which he enraged his fellow investors by making fun of them .
This first of his 14 novels was ridiculed by the critics , was looked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and he proceeded to have a nervous breakdown .
All in all , Disraeli ’ s early life was more scandalous than Johnson ’ s , and left him more distrusted .
He was 32 when at the fifth attempt he got into the Commons , 63 by the time he “ climbed to the top of the greasy pole ” , as he described it , 69 when he came back in with a majority , and he served a total of a little under seven years as Prime Minister .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the top because in 1846 he led the rebellion by Tory backwoodsmen which destroyed the career of Sir Robert Peel , and almost destroyed the Conservative Party .
Opening the book under review at random , I came across this on page 40 : This same accusation can be made against many of the opponents of Brexit .
They clung to fixed positions , and lacked the imagination to see how things might move in the near future .
Johnson possesses that imagination .
He has too the impudence , or if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so marked a feature of Disraeli ’ s character .
Disraeli took risks which to sober , sensible , steady careerists looked like madness .
“ Success is the child of Audacity , ” as he put it one of his early novels .
And here is Disraeli in his diary in 1833 , several years before he became an MP : Of Johnson too it might be said that he has “ a revolutionary mind ” , and even more so of his adviser , Dominic Cummings .
They delight in placing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ banana skin , where some pompous member of the Establishment is about to tread .
Such actions enrage the pompous , but delight many voters .
Johnson ’ s affinity with the wider public , so baffling to his critics , springs from a shared irreverence .
It is also an expression of gratitude for the entertainment he brings by flouting the morality which is one of the principal ways by which the pious section of the upper middle class seeks to keep the masses in order .
Disraeli ’ s last , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a character based on Gladstone : What we now term political correctness used more often to be called priggishness , and Johnson , like Disraeli , is known to be against it .
Because Disraeli was not a moralist , he was able to be a realist .
When the Turks were reported to be massacring Christians in the Balkans , Gladstone had a tremendous fit of moral indignation , but Disraeli remained calm In 1878 , he went to the Congress of Berlin to settle the trouble , was the celebrity of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with Bismarck , who was of similarly unsentimental disposition .
He returned amid scenes of wild enthusiasm to London , where he informed a grateful nation that he had obtained “ peace with honour ” , and also the island of Cyprus .
A lot of the work to prepare for the conference , and make it a success , had been done by Lord Salisbury , who in 1867 , infuriated by Disraeli ’ s unscrupulous tactics during the passing of of the Second Reform Bill , had resigned from the Cabinet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that “ adventurer ” who was “ without principles or honour ” .
Yet after winning the election of 1874 , Disraeli persuaded Salisbury to return to the Cabinet , and to work in close harness with him .
Such magnanimity is essential if one is to pick the best team .
It was seen when Johnson recruited Michael Gove .
Disraeli knew as he got nearer the top that he had to tone things down , dress in a more sober manner and strike a more serious tone : But irony played @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that just now , he would be a staunch supporter of the National Health Service , and would be fertile in expedients to show working-class former Labour voters that he , rather than Sir Keir Starmer , is the true defender of their interests and of national greatness .
It was a pleasure to be reminded , in this book , of the dialogue in Coningsby , one of Disraeli ’ s best novels , between two political fixers , Mr Tadpole and Mr Taper .
Tadpole declares that “ what the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
If one had to hazard a guess , that is the kind of Conservative government Johnson is going to provide .

The Sayings of Disraeli edited by Robert Blake, with a foreword by Alistair Lexden
Anyone who finds Boris Johnson frivolous, slippery, unprincipled and unprofessional is likely to take the same view of Benjamin Disraeli.
Simon Heffer has just demonstrated the truth of this dictum by writing pieces in successive issues of The Critic in which he inveighs first against Disraeli, “liar, charlatan, placeman, toady and cynic”, and then against Johnson, described as, among other things, “lazy, selfish in the extreme and capable of a breathtaking lack of professionalism”.
But for those of us who take a less Gladstonian view of politics, Disraeli is the most wonderful anti-prig in English history.
And he casts much light on the present leader of the Conservative Party. I don’t mean to suggest he explains Johnson. Disraeli didn’t explain himself. He remained a mystery, a one-off, an enigma.
But scattered through his speeches and books is a greater profusion of brilliant observations on life, love, politics, religion and various other aspects of the human condition than any other of our 55 Prime Ministers has left us.
Where to start appreciating the genius of Disraeli? The conventional answer has for half a century been that one should read Robert Blake’s biography, which runs to 766 pages of text, and so one should.
But because it is long, it cannot do justice to Disraeli’s epigrammatic quality. For that, it is best to turn to a later and slighter work, The Sayings of Disraeli, selected by Blake and first published in 1992.
This slim volume contains, for its reissue, a new, two-page foreword by Alistair Lexden, followed by Blake’s original four-page introduction, and then about 50 pages, each bearing about eight of Disraeli’s sayings, so around 400 in all.
The second edition of The Oxford Dictionary of Quotations carries 130 quotations by Disraeli to 11 by Gladstone, 12 by Pitt the Elder, 16 by Canning, 26 by Wellington and 26 by Churchill, with no one else getting into double figures – Melbourne, surprisingly, manages only nine, Pitt the Younger eight, Lloyd George two and Salisbury one (“By office boys for office boys”, his remark about The Daily Mail).
As Blake remarks in his introduction,
“Churchill and Disraeli stand out in the long line of occupants of 10 Downing Street as the only two who could be described as professional authors.”
Johnson is the third Prime Minister to have earned his living by his pen. He is often compared, not very fruitfully, with Churchill, about whom he has written a book.
The more illuminating comparison is with Disraeli. There are differences, of course. Disraeli’s eventual triumph was in a different league to anything yet achieved by Johnson. As Lexden points out, Disraeli
“is the only British statesman to have inspired a posthumous cult. In the 30 years after his death, some two million votaries worshipped his name and re-read his words endlessly as members of over 2,000 branches of the Primrose League, whose symbol was believed (almost certainly wrongly) to have been his favourite flower.”
And Disraeli began as more of an outsider than Johnson, who as he himself has written was stuffed “to the gills with the finest education England can provide”, at Ashdown House Preparatory School, where he did Greek before breakfast, and as a scholar of Eton and of Balliol College, Oxford.
Every Prime Minister in the 19th century attended a famous school, usually Eton or Harrow, except for Disraeli, who went to Higham Hall School, Walthamstow.
Nor did he attend either Oxford or Cambridge, an omission which in that century he shares only with Wellington. But Wellington was born into the ruling class, while Disraeli (who lived from 1804-81 and served as Prime Minister in 1868 and from 1874-80) was born a Jew, at a time when Jews could not even become MPs, a restriction which remained in force until 1858.
Luckily for Disraeli, at the age of 12 he was baptised into the Church of England, after his father quarrelled with Bevis Marks Synagogue. But Disraeli proceeded, as a very young man, to make immense difficulties for himself, by speculating in South American mining shares and launching a newspaper to compete with The Times.
The shares collapsed, as did the newspaper, and for the rest of his life Disraeli was mired in debt. In great haste, he tried to recoup his fortunes by writing a novel in which he enraged his fellow investors by making fun of them.
This first of his 14 novels was ridiculed by the critics, was looked back on even by himself with embarrassment, and he proceeded to have a nervous breakdown.
All in all, Disraeli’s early life was more scandalous than Johnson’s, and left him more distrusted. He was 32 when at the fifth attempt he got into the Commons, 63 by the time he “climbed to the top of the greasy pole”, as he described it, 69 when he came back in with a majority, and he served a total of a little under seven years as Prime Minister.
It took him so long to get to the top because in 1846 he led the rebellion by Tory backwoodsmen which destroyed the career of Sir Robert Peel, and almost destroyed the Conservative Party.
Opening the book under review at random, I came across this on page 40:
“Sir Robert Peel had a great deficiency; he was without imagination. Wanting imagination he lacked prescience… His judgement was faultless provided he had not to deal with the future.”
This same accusation can be made against many of the opponents of Brexit. They clung to fixed positions, and lacked the imagination to see how things might move in the near future.
Johnson possesses that imagination. He has too the impudence, or if one prefers the shamelessness, which was so marked a feature of Disraeli’s character.
Disraeli took risks which to sober, sensible, steady careerists looked like madness. “Success is the child of Audacity,” as he put it one of his early novels. And here is Disraeli in his diary in 1833, several years before he became an MP:
“My mind is a revolutionary mind. It is a continental mind. I am only great in action. If ever I am placed in a truly eminent position I can prove this.”
Of Johnson too it might be said that he has “a revolutionary mind”, and even more so of his adviser, Dominic Cummings. They delight in placing the bomb, or at least the banana skin, where some pompous member of the Establishment is about to tread.
Such actions enrage the pompous, but delight many voters. Johnson’s affinity with the wider public, so baffling to his critics, springs from a shared irreverence.
It is also an expression of gratitude for the entertainment he brings by flouting the morality which is one of the principal ways by which the pious section of the upper middle class seeks to keep the masses in order.
Disraeli’s last, unfinished novel, was about Falconet, a character based on Gladstone:
“Joseph Toplady Falconet was essentially a prig, and among prigs there is a freemasonry that never fails. All the prigs spoke of him as the coming man.”
What we now term political correctness used more often to be called priggishness, and Johnson, like Disraeli, is known to be against it.
Because Disraeli was not a moralist, he was able to be a realist. When the Turks were reported to be massacring Christians in the Balkans, Gladstone had a tremendous fit of moral indignation, but Disraeli remained calm
In 1878, he went to the Congress of Berlin to settle the trouble, was the celebrity of the conference, and got on well with Bismarck, who was of similarly unsentimental disposition.
He returned amid scenes of wild enthusiasm to London, where he informed a grateful nation that he had obtained “peace with honour”, and also the island of Cyprus.
A lot of the work to prepare for the conference, and make it a success, had been done by Lord Salisbury, who in 1867, infuriated by Disraeli’s unscrupulous tactics during the passing of of the Second Reform Bill, had resigned from the Cabinet and vowed never again to serve under that “adventurer” who was “without principles or honour”.
Yet after winning the election of 1874, Disraeli persuaded Salisbury to return to the Cabinet, and to work in close harness with him. Such magnanimity is essential if one is to pick the best team. It was seen when Johnson recruited Michael Gove.
Disraeli knew as he got nearer the top that he had to tone things down, dress in a more sober manner and strike a more serious tone:
“The British People being subject to fogs and possessing a powerful Middle Class require grave statesmen.”
But irony played constantly over his features. One suspects that just now, he would be a staunch supporter of the National Health Service, and would be fertile in expedients to show working-class former Labour voters that he, rather than Sir Keir Starmer, is the true defender of their interests and of national greatness.
It was a pleasure to be reminded, in this book, of the dialogue in Coningsby, one of Disraeli’s best novels, between two political fixers, Mr Tadpole and Mr Taper. Tadpole declares that “what the country requires is a sound Conservative government”.
“‘A sound Conservative government,’ said Taper musingly. ‘I understand: Tory men and Whig measures.'”
If one had to hazard a guess, that is the kind of Conservative government Johnson is going to provide.


conservativehome--2020-05-31--WATCH: Dodds – “It is absolutely right that Duffield has resigned”

“ It is absolutely right that Rosie Duffield has resigned , ” says Shadow Chancellor Anneliese Dodds The Labour MP @ @ @ @ @ when she met her partner while they were living separately # Marr # Covid_19 https @ @ @

“It is absolutely right that Rosie Duffield has resigned,” says Shadow Chancellor Anneliese Dodds
The Labour MP for Canterbury breached lockdown restrictions when she met her partner while they were living separately
#Marr #Covid_19 https://t.co/RrGJYbRBfo pic.twitter.com/rALdY9RI9c
— BBC Politics (@BBCPolitics) May 31, 2020


conservativehome--2020-05-31--WATCH: Government doesn’t want all scientists to agree on lockdown strategy, says Raab

“ Scientists do not always agree .
In fact , that ’ s not what we want .
We don @ @ @ @ @ to agree .
We want them to test the evidence ” When asked about members @ @ @ @ @ of lockdown , Dominic Raab says it would be “ totally surprising if they all @ @ @

“Scientists do not always agree. In fact, that’s not what we want. We don’t want them all to agree. We want them to test the evidence”
When asked about members of SAGE questioning the easing of lockdown, Dominic Raab says it would be “totally surprising if they all agreed” pic.twitter.com/HLBdOAO0RL
— Sophy Ridge on Sunday (@RidgeOnSunday) May 31, 2020


conservativehome--2020-05-31--WATCH: Sturgeon admits people should not have moved from hospital to care homes without tests

SR : “ Was it an error ?
It ’ s a direct question .
Was it a mistake to @ @ @ @ @ ?
” NS : “ If I apply the knowledge I have now , then @ @ @ @ @ conclusion .
But I didn ’ t have the knowledge I have now back then @

SR: “Was it an error? It’s a direct question. Was it a mistake to not be routinely testing people?”
NS: “If I apply the knowledge I have now, then it leads you to that conclusion. But I didn’t have the knowledge I have now back then”
Follow #Ridge live: https://t.co/h5YYYY10bO pic.twitter.com/9AmzJoPnko
— Sophy Ridge on Sunday (@RidgeOnSunday) May 31, 2020


conservativehome--2020-05-31--WATCH: “Ultimately we need people to exercise judgement and common sense” – Raab

# Marr : Under isolation rules , am I allowed to exercise my judgement ?
First Secretary Dominic Raab : @ @ @ @ @ people to exercise judgement and common sense ” # Covid_19 https : //t.co/hNVQK7Izlc pic.twitter.com/J6rx7iEn4f

#Marr: Under isolation rules, am I allowed to exercise my judgement?
First Secretary Dominic Raab: “Ultimately we do need people to exercise judgement and common sense”#Covid_19 https://t.co/hNVQK7Izlc pic.twitter.com/J6rx7iEn4f
— BBC Politics (@BBCPolitics) May 31, 2020


conservativehome--2020-05-31--WATCH: Foster – “What we have to do now is minimise those checks”

# Brexit : “ What we have to do now is minimise those checks ” Northern Ireland First Minister Arlene @ @ @ @ @ s confirmation there will be new checks on some goods between Northern Ireland and the @ @ @ @ @ //t.co/chu98LjfuR pic.twitter.com/RWOW1P5GRa

#Brexit: “What we have to do now is minimise those checks”
Northern Ireland First Minister Arlene Foster reacts to government’s confirmation there will be new checks on some goods between Northern Ireland and the UK#Marr https://t.co/chu98LjfuR pic.twitter.com/RWOW1P5GRa
— BBC Politics (@BBCPolitics) May 31, 2020


conservativehome--2020-05-31--WATCH: Labour only supports lockdown easing if it’s safe, says Dodds

# Marr : Does Labour support the easing of the lockdown ?
Shadow Chancellor Anneliese Dodds : “ It ’ @ @ @ @ @ safe one… there ’ s a balance of risk ” # Covid_19 https : //t.co/ECMg6Oq5Kn @

#Marr: Does Labour support the easing of the lockdown?
Shadow Chancellor Anneliese Dodds: “It’s got to be a safe one… there’s a balance of risk”#Covid_19 https://t.co/ECMg6Oq5Kn pic.twitter.com/WXabIGQUbi
— BBC Politics (@BBCPolitics) May 31, 2020


conservativehome--2020-05-31--Our survey.  Seven out of ten Tory members back Cummings.

Our members panel has a good record as a snapshot of Party activist opinion .
During last year ’ s @ @ @ @ @ within a single point , as the ballot papers were being returned , of Boris @ @ @ @ @ .
We get that off our chest at the start because public opinion undoubtedly has @ @ @ @ @ the recent controversy about his conduct during lockdown – and doubtless still is .
So @ @ @ @ @ whether Conservative Party members can really be in such a different place from most voters @ @ @ @ @ would seem to be .
Not only are more of our panel more supportive of @ @ @ @ @ are so by a margin of roughly three to one .
As the table below @ @ @ @ @ difference if the question is one of resignation rather than dismissal .
The sum of @ @ @ @ @ seven in ten Party members are pro-Cummings .

Our members panel has a good record as a snapshot of Party activist opinion. During last year’s leadership election, it was within a single point, as the ballot papers were being returned, of Boris Johnson’s final total.
We get that off our chest at the start because public opinion undoubtedly has been against Dominic Cummings during the recent controversy about his conduct during lockdown – and doubtless still is.
So some are bound to ask whether Conservative Party members can really be in such a different place from most voters.
However, so it would seem to be. Not only are more of our panel more supportive of him than not, but are so by a margin of roughly three to one.
As the table below shows, it makes little difference if the question is one of resignation rather than dismissal. The sum of the matter is that about seven in ten Party members are pro-Cummings.


Coronavirus Count

Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 272,826 ( Up from 271,222 ) .
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 38,376 ( Up from 38,161 ) .
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 2,445 ( Up from 2,095 ) .
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 215 ( Down from 324 ) .
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk to the UK has been raised to high ” – From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD : THE UK GOVERNMENT ’ S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY See here .
New as of Monday May 11 .
GUIDANCE : FURTHER BUSINESSES AND PREMISES TO CLOSE See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
HOW EVERYONE CAN HELP STOP THE CORONAVIRUS ( SOCIAL DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
STAY AT HOME @ @ @ @ @ @ @ SELF-DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR WORKERS ON WHAT AND HOW THEY CAN CLAIM See here .
Published on Friday March 20 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS , TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW See here .
Published on Saturday March 28 .
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS • Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
• Always wash your hands when you get home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
• Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve ( not your hands ) when you cough or sneeze .
• Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
• Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell .
The symptoms of coronavirus are : However , these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness .
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do .
Use this service if : • You think you might have coronavirus .
• In the last 14 days you ’ ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers .
• You ’ ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus .
• In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours .
• In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your area ) or 0845 46 47 .
• Do not go to a GP surgery , pharmacy or hospital .
• What the coronavirus is , how it ’ s spread and how to avoid catching it – Government NHS website overview .
• Stay at home advice and how to manage self-isolation .
( All information taken from Government sources .
Updated as of 18.00 on Saturday May 30th . )


conservativehome--2020-06-01--For the second month running, our panel’s confidence in Johnson’s handling of Covid-19 falls. Though

For the second month running, our panel’s confidence in Johnson’s handling of Covid-19 falls. Though it’s still at 70 per cent.

There is a slide in support for the Government ’ s handling of the Coronavirus among our panel members .
@ @ @ @ @ 92 per cent of them said that they believed Boris Johnson and the Government were @ @ @ @ @ And 92 per cent of them supported Rishi Sunak ’ s plans .
In April @ @ @ @ @ Minister ’ s handling of the virus was lower at 84 per cent and the @ @ @ @ @ per cent .
The Chancellor ’ s score dropped by a single point , which @ @ @ @ @ .
This month , Johnson comes in at 72 per cent , the Government at @ @ @ @ @ at a scarcely-untouched 87 per cent .
The drop roughly parallels the polling fall in @ @ @ @ @ .
The difference is that both the starting-point two months ago and the support level @ @ @ @ @ A seven out of ten rating is healthy , but let ’ s see what @ @ @

There is a slide in support for the Government’s handling of the Coronavirus among our panel members.
In our March survey, 92 per cent of them said that they believed Boris Johnson and the Government were dealing with Covid-19 well. And 92 per cent of them supported Rishi Sunak’s plans.
In April, backing for the Prime Minister’s handling of the virus was lower at 84 per cent and the Government’s at 82 per cent. The Chancellor’s score dropped by a single point, which is statistically of no significance.
This month, Johnson comes in at 72 per cent, the Government at 71 per cent and Sunak at a scarcely-untouched 87 per cent.
The drop roughly parallels the polling fall in confidence among the general public. The difference is that both the starting-point two months ago and the support level now are much higher.
A seven out of ten rating is healthy, but let’s see what happens next.