conservativehome--2020-07-02--Wanted: an international solution to the plight of the Hong Kongers

China ’ s new security law is as vague as it is alarming – indeed , that it is the second arises from it being the first – as well as a shameless breach of the Joint Declaration .
So we understand that the Government ’ s guarantee of a pathway to citizenship for about 3.5 million of Hong Kong ’ s citizens is designed not so much as a door as a lever .
Its main purpose is clearly to put counter-pressure on Beijing : to send a message that China will not be able with one hand to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and with the other strangle its freedoms – at least , not without paying the penalty of losing some of those who create that prosperity in the first place .
In any event , a pathway is not a destination , and the details of Boris Johnson ’ s proposed scheme have not yet been set out .
And it is very unlikely that 350,000 Hong Kongers would all turn up at Britain ’ s airports in the same year , or indeed at all , if the plan comes to fruition .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ destinations , such as Taiwan .
That said , we are puzzled by the dog that isn ’ t barking in the night – with the exception of a recent growl on this site from Andrew Green of Migration Watch , who described the Government ’ s offer as an “ extraordinarily ill-conceived policy that could cost it the next election ” .
His point was that when all the qualifications about pathways , details and probabilities are stripped away , a fact remains : namely , that Boris Johnson is dangling an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people , complete with its implications for housing , healthcare , schools , roads , rail , welfare and so on .
Now it may be that public opinion on immigration has somehow shifted significantly post-Brexit .
Or that the long enthusiasm of some on the Right for opening up Britain to Hong Kongers , a passion that reaches back to the row over a citizenship extention in Margaret Thatcher ’ s time , has rubbed off on the population more widely .
Perhaps the prospect of a mass of hard-working , family-orientated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Britain and raising our tax receipts in the process , is welcome to the mass of hard-working , family-orientated Red Wallers who leant the Prime Minister their votes last December .
It certainly appears not to bother part of the elites – namely , our own survey panel of Conservative members , unusual in having a party commitment and thus among the relatively engaged .
Eighty-five per cent of them backed the Government ’ s plan when polled recently .
A YouGov poll finds “ a substantial rise in public support ” for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Overseas Passport Holders .
But the firm also finds “ a fall in public awareness on the issue ” , and wonders whether “ it is possible that the Covid-19 pandemic has distracted the public ’ s attention ” .
The Migration Observatory says that public attitudes towards immigration have softened in recent years , but still notes nonetheless that last year “ around 39 per cent thought that the level of immigration should stay about the same , while 44 per cent said they would like immigration to be reduced ” .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a hard background : the rise in popular concern about immigration that helped to fuel Nigel Farage and dynamite David Cameron – immigration being the second-most salient issue in the 2016 EU referendum , according to Lord Ashcroft ’ s polling .
Our take is that the more the Government ’ s offer is likely to be realised , the faster resistance to it among voters is likely to grow .
Certainly , any influx of workers from Hong Kong must be offset by a reduction in those offered elsewhere .
That is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that of a successor government , is likely to go , in such an event .
America and China will be rivals for dominance whether Donald Trump is re-elected or not .
It is true that Britain has a responsibility for the Hong Kongers , but it is international as well as national in scope .
Downing Street is reportedly mulling whether or not to push a D10 of democracies to complement the G7 .
An early test of the viability of the idea would be for the Prime Minister to champion a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – an opening of doors to people from Hong Kong across the democratic world as well as in Britain .
The proposal should nestle in David Frost ’ s in-tray .

China’s new security law is as vague as it is alarming – indeed, that it is the second arises from it being the first – as well as a shameless breach of the Joint Declaration. So we understand that the Government’s guarantee of a pathway to citizenship for about 3.5 million of Hong Kong’s citizens is designed not so much as a door as a lever.
Its main purpose is clearly to put counter-pressure on Beijing: to send a message that China will not be able with one hand to grip Hong Kong’s wealth, and with the other strangle its freedoms – at least, not without paying the penalty of losing some of those who create that prosperity in the first place.
In any event, a pathway is not a destination, and the details of Boris Johnson’s proposed scheme have not yet been set out. And it is very unlikely that 350,000 Hong Kongers would all turn up at Britain’s airports in the same year, or indeed at all, if the plan comes to fruition. Many would be likely to prefer other destinations, such as Taiwan.
That said, we are puzzled by the dog that isn’t barking in the night – with the exception of a recent growl on this site from Andrew Green of Migration Watch, who described the Government’s offer as an “extraordinarily ill-conceived policy that could cost it the next election”.
His point was that when all the qualifications about pathways, details and probabilities are stripped away, a fact remains: namely, that Boris Johnson is dangling an offer of British citizenship before three million people, complete with its implications for housing, healthcare, schools, roads, rail, welfare and so on.
Now it may be that public opinion on immigration has somehow shifted significantly post-Brexit. Or that the long enthusiasm of some on the Right for opening up Britain to Hong Kongers, a passion that reaches back to the row over a citizenship extention in Margaret Thatcher’s time, has rubbed off on the population more widely.
Perhaps the prospect of a mass of hard-working, family-orientated new arrivals, transferring their talents to Britain and raising our tax receipts in the process, is welcome to the mass of hard-working, family-orientated Red Wallers who leant the Prime Minister their votes last December.
It certainly appears not to bother part of the elites – namely, our own survey panel of Conservative members, unusual in having a party commitment and thus among the relatively engaged. Eighty-five per cent of them backed the Government’s plan when polled recently.
A YouGov poll finds “a substantial rise in public support” for the expansion of rights to British National Overseas Passport Holders. But the firm also finds “a fall in public awareness on the issue”, and wonders whether “it is possible that the Covid-19 pandemic has distracted the public’s attention”.
The Migration Observatory says that public attitudes towards immigration have softened in recent years, but still notes nonetheless that last year “around 39 per cent thought that the level of immigration should stay about the same, while 44 per cent said they would like immigration to be reduced”.
And any recent softening takes place against a hard background: the rise in popular concern about immigration that helped to fuel Nigel Farage and dynamite David Cameron – immigration being the second-most salient issue in the 2016 EU referendum, according to Lord Ashcroft’s polling.
Our take is that the more the Government’s offer is likely to be realised, the faster resistance to it among voters is likely to grow. Certainly, any influx of workers from Hong Kong must be offset by a reduction in those offered elsewhere. That is where Johnson’s policy, or that of a successor government, is likely to go, in such an event.
America and China will be rivals for dominance whether Donald Trump is re-elected or not. It is true that Britain has a responsibility for the Hong Kongers, but it is international as well as national in scope. Downing Street is reportedly mulling whether or not to push a D10 of democracies to complement the G7.
An early test of the viability of the idea would be for the Prime Minister to champion a multi-national response to China’s aggression – an opening of doors to people from Hong Kong across the democratic world as well as in Britain. The proposal should nestle in David Frost’s in-tray.


conservativehome--2020-07-02--Garvan Walshe: To win re-election, Poland’s President Duda is counting on the homophobic, sexist Kon

Garvan Walshe: To win re-election, Poland’s President Duda is counting on the homophobic, sexist Konfederacja party

Garvan Walshe is a former national and international security policy adviser to the Conservative Party .
He runs TRD Policy .
Incumbent Polish president Andrzej Duda found out on Sunday that populist indignation is all very well when you ’ re running against an unpopular government , but much less when the demands for change are directed against you .
After a cock-up in which emergency legislation to hold an all-postal ballot was defeated in the Senate and then scotched by the ruling Law and Justice Party ’ s ( PiS ) coalition partners , the first round of Poland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than had seemed likely had the Coronavirus not caused their postponement .
The delay gave the opposition KO ( Civic Coalition ) a much needed chance to swap out the underperforming Malgorzata Kidawa-Bionska for Rafal Trzaskowski , the Mayor of Warsaw .
The substitution proved effective , denying Duda a victory on the first round against a divided field of anti-PiS candidates .
( Duda got 43 per cent of the vote , and Trzaskowki 30 per cent ) .
Turnout was high in recognition of the stakes produced by Law and Justice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign was marred , the mild-mannered Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights noted , by Duda ’ s “ inflammatory ” and “ homophobic ” language .
His messages were parroted by state TV : “ the public broadcaster became a campaign tool for the incumbent , while some reporting had clear xenophobic and anti-Semitic undertones.
” It came after five years of constitutional vandalism by PiS that even extended to keeping judgements of the constitutional court that struck down PiS legislation , secret .
Because Poland ’ s president can veto @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decisively shift the balance of power in Poland .
At present the opposition only controls the Senate , which can only delay laws for 30 days .
The luck of the political calendar ( parliamentary terms are four years long , but presidential terms last five ) had given PiS control of both houses of the Polish parliament , and the presidency in 2015 , when their support was at a high point , and their opposition tired and divided .
Though they campaigned as moderates focused on social distribution , they governed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the judiciary , politicising public broadcasting , clearing out senior ranks of the civil service and armed forces , attempting to ban abortion , and showing considerable tolerance to Poland ’ s ultra-nationalist paramilitary fringe .
This shook up the opposition , causing rival parties Civic Platform ( PO ) and Nowoczesna to form an alliance , which fielded Trzaskowski as its presidential candidate , as well as inspiring Szymon Holownia , an independent conservative , to run ( and win 14 per cent of the vote ) .
Another mayor , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to revive the left , and while he did well enough in last year ’ s parliamentary elections faded in the presidential contest .
This leaves the second-round result on a knife edge .
It is likely that most of Biedron ’ s and Holownia ’ s voters together , with those for the agrarian Wladyslaw Kosinak-Kamysz , will swing behind Trzaskowski , giving him another five per cent , and bringing his vote up to between 45 and 48 per cent of the total , and possibly an edge over Duda .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
His 43.5 per cent of the vote is essentially unchanged of his party ’ s 43.6 per cent share at last year ’ s parliamentary election , and desperate attempts to drive up turnout among his base , which included awarding a fire engine to villages with high turnout ( PiS is strongest in the countryside ) , don ’ t seem to have worked .
The only available vote bank is the seven per cent of supporters of Krysztof Bosak , the candidate for the anti-semitic , pro-Russian , economically libertarian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ electoral impact of this love-child of Von Ribbentrop , Molotov and Jordan Peterson is less clear than its designation as “ far right ” would indicate .
One might think they would naturally support Duda ’ s against the evils of “ LGBT ideology ” .
Yet they differ radically from PiS on economic policy , favouring high-tech free markets over redistribution to rural communities , and consider PiS ’ s pro-Catholicism at best naive .
Demographically , they are young and educated , more in line with Trszaskowski ’ s generation than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be inspired by Duda ’ s message of continuity .
Duda has to hope that his homophobia can bring them over without alienating some of his more centrist backers .
Trzaskowski had sought to woo them by making references to economic freedom .
Bosak himself has endorsed neither candidate and it is not unlikely quite a few of his more cynical voters will sit the second round out .
The final result may depend on whether they ’ re more scared of gay men or the tax man .

Garvan Walshe is a former national and international security policy adviser to the Conservative Party. He runs TRD Policy.
Incumbent Polish president Andrzej Duda found out on Sunday that populist indignation is all very well when you’re running against an unpopular government, but much less when the demands for change are directed against you.
After a cock-up in which emergency legislation to hold an all-postal ballot was defeated in the Senate and then scotched by the ruling Law and Justice Party’s (PiS) coalition partners, the first round of Poland’s presidential elections proved much closer than had seemed likely had the Coronavirus not caused their postponement.
The delay gave the opposition KO (Civic Coalition) a much needed chance to swap out the underperforming Malgorzata Kidawa-Bionska for Rafal Trzaskowski, the Mayor of Warsaw. The substitution proved effective, denying Duda a victory on the first round against a divided field of anti-PiS candidates. (Duda got 43 per cent of the vote, and Trzaskowki 30 per cent).
Turnout was high in recognition of the stakes produced by Law and Justice’s divisive political style: the campaign was marred, the mild-mannered Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights noted, by Duda’s “inflammatory” and “homophobic” language. His messages were parroted by state TV: “the public broadcaster became a campaign tool for the incumbent, while some reporting had clear xenophobic and anti-Semitic undertones.”
It came after five years of constitutional vandalism by PiS that even extended to keeping judgements of the constitutional court that struck down PiS legislation, secret. Because Poland’s president can veto legislation, a victory for Trzaskowski would decisively shift the balance of power in Poland. At present the opposition only controls the Senate, which can only delay laws for 30 days.
The luck of the political calendar (parliamentary terms are four years long, but presidential terms last five) had given PiS control of both houses of the Polish parliament, and the presidency in 2015, when their support was at a high point, and their opposition tired and divided.
Though they campaigned as moderates focused on social distribution, they governed as radicals, engaging in all-out war with the judiciary, politicising public broadcasting, clearing out senior ranks of the civil service and armed forces, attempting to ban abortion, and showing considerable tolerance to Poland’s ultra-nationalist paramilitary fringe.
This shook up the opposition, causing rival parties Civic Platform (PO) and Nowoczesna to form an alliance, which fielded Trzaskowski as its presidential candidate, as well as inspiring Szymon Holownia, an independent conservative, to run (and win 14 per cent of the vote).
Another mayor, the openly gay Robert Biedron, sought to revive the left, and while he did well enough in last year’s parliamentary elections faded in the presidential contest. This leaves the second-round result on a knife edge.
It is likely that most of Biedron’s and Holownia’s voters together, with those for the agrarian Wladyslaw Kosinak-Kamysz, will swing behind Trzaskowski, giving him another five per cent, and bringing his vote up to between 45 and 48 per cent of the total, and possibly an edge over Duda.
Duda however seems close to his ceiling. His 43.5 per cent of the vote is essentially unchanged of his party’s 43.6 per cent share at last year’s parliamentary election, and desperate attempts to drive up turnout among his base, which included awarding a fire engine to villages with high turnout (PiS is strongest in the countryside), don’t seem to have worked.
The only available vote bank is the seven per cent of supporters of Krysztof Bosak, the candidate for the anti-semitic, pro-Russian, economically libertarian and deeply misogynistic Konfederacja party. The electoral impact of this love-child of Von Ribbentrop, Molotov and Jordan Peterson is less clear than its designation as “far right” would indicate.
One might think they would naturally support Duda’s against the evils of “LGBT ideology”. Yet they differ radically from PiS on economic policy, favouring high-tech free markets over redistribution to rural communities, and consider PiS’s pro-Catholicism at best naive. Demographically, they are young and educated, more in line with Trszaskowski’s generation than Duda’s, and unlikely to be inspired by Duda’s message of continuity.
Duda has to hope that his homophobia can bring them over without alienating some of his more centrist backers. Trzaskowski had sought to woo them by making references to economic freedom. Bosak himself has endorsed neither candidate and it is not unlikely quite a few of his more cynical voters will sit the second round out. The final result may depend on whether they’re more scared of gay men or the tax man.


conservativehome--2020-07-02--David Chinchen: We need to develop effective operational links between neighbourhood policing teams

David Chinchen: We need to develop effective operational links between neighbourhood policing teams and our schools

David Chinchen is the Conservative candidate for South Yorkshire Police and Crime Commissioner and a former Chief Superintendent .
I remember it well .
Being approached at a school Summer Ball last year by the Chair of the Sheffield Conservative Federation to consider standing as the Conservative Candidate for the South Yorkshire Police and Crime Commissioner ( PCC ) election .
After being selected in February 2020 , everything of course changed as the loss of life and challenges of tackling a global pandemic have rightly put campaigning on hold .
I had retired from the Metropolitan Police Service in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Wandsworth .
Having married a Yorkshire lass we moved to Sheffield and have made this our home with our daughter then studying at Sheffield University and our son now working as a legal apprentice in the city .
I am a newcomer to active politics and the Party but I bring a wealth of professional and life experience to this role .
After leaving the police service I worked for several years in UK Visas and Immigration at Sheffield determining visa applications and gaining a valuable insight into the wider UK immigration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with an ambition to make our police service and criminal justice system work better for us all .
In 2008 I was appointed the operational lead for efforts to tackle the escalation of knife crime and teenage fatalities in London ( Operation Blunt 2 ) .
I have seen the reality of violent crime on our streets and driven forward many of the tactics that make a difference .
I have also seen much time and public money wasted .
Its always useful to point out that the last spike in serious youth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years of a Labour administration spending huge sums on youth services and related projects .
Whilst it is violent crime that should remain the focus of our collective efforts , I believe we should also be operating to re-build confidence in policing and criminal justice .
We often hear of services being ‘ victim-focused ’ – but that is not the reality that the vast majority of people are experiencing .
This is why my plan starts with the restoration of neighbourhood policing .
It is from this bedrock that we are best @ @ @ @ @ @ @ capabilities of UK policing .
All crimes have an impact upon local neighbourhoods and it is local neighbourhoods that provide us with the greatest opportunity to prevent and detect crime .
Just before lockdown , I attended an interesting round-table discussion hosted by the Federation of Small Businesses .
Listening to very familiar accounts from retailers , small businesses , and sole traders , it is clear that our police service has neglected this area for many years .
We must talk about ‘ victim-impact ’ differently .
Protecting businesses that employ several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transport of a sole trader , should be our concern as the party of business and hard work .
As we move cautiously towards a ‘ new normality ’ over the next few months , this focus on protecting businesses and livelihoods is even more important .
The impact of crime on our rural communities is also something that we should re-focus upon .
I ’ m certainly not advocating a return to chasing down crime types but simply a greater recognition that bringing more offenders to justice will impact across the board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and village .
UK policing has a reputation for being agile and flexible in its response to new crime threats and national emergencies .
The challenge for me has always been about working cross-border and cross-organisation .
Whilst we know that policing and criminal justice is a complex business , I find that people on the doorstep are very traditional in outlook .
Many talk about the ‘ bobbies ’ that everyone knew .
They expect this local feel to policing and a service that operates to put things right when they become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should be bold in seeking to reform and develop effective operational links between neighbourhood policing teams and our schools .
These have worked well in the past where there is a clear understanding of roles and responsibilities .
When introduced in 2012 I was concerned about the PCC role , notably the danger of straying into operational direction for political purposes .
I ’ m pleased to say that my concerns have proved to be unfounded and I can see the value of single accountable role for all matters relating to crime and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the General Election knocked a huge hole in the ‘ Red Wall ’ and I don ’ t think these are borrowed votes .
People here are responding well to our PM and a Home Secretary looking to deliver on crime and criminal justice .
I have lost count of the times people have said ‘ I ’ ve voted Labour all my life but I ’ m for Boris.
’ When the conversation turns to crime and policing , my previous experience becomes a real asset .
I ’ m convinced that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the electorate trusts to make the most of the Government ’ s investment in policing and criminal justice .
Whilst we can not say when traditional campaigning will return , the growth of on-line conferencing and interactive events provide new opportunities to listen and put key messages across .
It all bodes well for Thursday 6th May 2021 .

David Chinchen is the Conservative candidate for South Yorkshire Police and Crime Commissioner and a former Chief Superintendent.
I remember it well. Being approached at a school Summer Ball last year by the Chair of the Sheffield Conservative Federation to consider standing as the Conservative Candidate for the South Yorkshire Police and Crime Commissioner (PCC) election. After being selected in February 2020, everything of course changed as the loss of life and challenges of tackling a global pandemic have rightly put campaigning on hold.
I had retired from the Metropolitan Police Service in 2013 as Chief Superintendent and Borough Commander for Wandsworth. Having married a Yorkshire lass we moved to Sheffield and have made this our home with our daughter then studying at Sheffield University and our son now working as a legal apprentice in the city.
I am a newcomer to active politics and the Party but I bring a wealth of professional and life experience to this role. After leaving the police service I worked for several years in UK Visas and Immigration at Sheffield determining visa applications and gaining a valuable insight into the wider UK immigration system.
I come to this challenge with an ambition to make our police service and criminal justice system work better for us all. In 2008 I was appointed the operational lead for efforts to tackle the escalation of knife crime and teenage fatalities in London (Operation Blunt 2). I have seen the reality of violent crime on our streets and driven forward many of the tactics that make a difference. I have also seen much time and public money wasted. Its always useful to point out that the last spike in serious youth violence (2008-10) occurred after ten years of a Labour administration spending huge sums on youth services and related projects.
Whilst it is violent crime that should remain the focus of our collective efforts, I believe we should also be operating to re-build confidence in policing and criminal justice. We often hear of services being ‘victim-focused’ – but that is not the reality that the vast majority of people are experiencing.
This is why my plan starts with the restoration of neighbourhood policing. It is from this bedrock that we are best positioned to deploy most effectively all the capabilities of UK policing. All crimes have an impact upon local neighbourhoods and it is local neighbourhoods that provide us with the greatest opportunity to prevent and detect crime.
Just before lockdown, I attended an interesting round-table discussion hosted by the Federation of Small Businesses. Listening to very familiar accounts from retailers, small businesses, and sole traders, it is clear that our police service has neglected this area for many years. We must talk about ‘victim-impact’ differently. Protecting businesses that employ several people locally, or the tools and transport of a sole trader, should be our concern as the party of business and hard work. As we move cautiously towards a ‘new normality’ over the next few months, this focus on protecting businesses and livelihoods is even more important.
The impact of crime on our rural communities is also something that we should re-focus upon. I’m certainly not advocating a return to chasing down crime types but simply a greater recognition that bringing more offenders to justice will impact across the board – city, suburb, town, and village. UK policing has a reputation for being agile and flexible in its response to new crime threats and national emergencies. The challenge for me has always been about working cross-border and cross-organisation.
Whilst we know that policing and criminal justice is a complex business, I find that people on the doorstep are very traditional in outlook. Many talk about the ‘bobbies’ that everyone knew. They expect this local feel to policing and a service that operates to put things right when they become victims.
Finally, I believe we should be bold in seeking to reform and develop effective operational links between neighbourhood policing teams and our schools. These have worked well in the past where there is a clear understanding of roles and responsibilities.
When introduced in 2012 I was concerned about the PCC role, notably the danger of straying into operational direction for political purposes. I’m pleased to say that my concerns have proved to be unfounded and I can see the value of single accountable role for all matters relating to crime and community safety.
In South Yorkshire, the General Election knocked a huge hole in the ‘Red Wall’ and I don’t think these are borrowed votes. People here are responding well to our PM and a Home Secretary looking to deliver on crime and criminal justice. I have lost count of the times people have said ‘I’ve voted Labour all my life but I’m for Boris.’ When the conversation turns to crime and policing, my previous experience becomes a real asset. I’m convinced that the battle will be all about who the electorate trusts to make the most of the Government’s investment in policing and criminal justice. Whilst we cannot say when traditional campaigning will return, the growth of on-line conferencing and interactive events provide new opportunities to listen and put key messages across. It all bodes well for Thursday 6th May 2021.


conservativehome--2020-07-03--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Non-Executive Directors at the Scottish Na

Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Non-Executive Directors at the Scottish National Investment Bank – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
“ IE : UK is a joint industry and government partnership , strategically targeting major infrastructure export opportunities around the world .
It is supported by DIT ’ s network of local staff in 116 markets , with the objective of identifying , pursuing , and delivering major strategic infrastructure projects through a consortium-led approach .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to increase UK infrastructure exports and identify gaps in the UK supply chain for FDI to fill .
The IE : UK Board is co-chaired by DIT ‘ s Minister for Exports and a senior industry leader .
The Industry sector co-Chair will benefit from working closely with the Minister for Exports and leading UK based infrastructure companies to help shape the direction of UK export policy and support within the infrastructure sector.
” “ The Secretary of State for Health and Social Care is looking to make two Non-Executive Director ( NED @ @ @ @ @ @ @ England leads the National Health Service in England and sets its priorities and direction .
It is responsible for arranging the provision of health services and for more than £150 billion of funds .
The primary role of Non-Executive Directors is , as a team , to lead in developing the strategy for , and overseeing the work of NHS England by participating fully in the work of the board , both in the context of the board meetings themselves , and more widely .
Non-Executive Directors also play a part in representing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Executive , the Chair and the wider Executive team.
” “ Do you want to play a key role in helping to shape the future of migration issues and support the interests of UK residents ?
If so , you can do this by becoming a Member of the Migration Advisory Committee ( MAC ) .
The MAC advises the government on a range of migration policy issues , offering independent evidence-based advice , and its core statement of purpose is to : deliver high quality evidence-based , economics focused , reports and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plan set by the Government ; and help ensure that Government policy and strategy in relation to migration and employment is based on the best possible evidence and analysis .
To date the advice of the Committee has included impacts of migration ; annual limits on , and the design of , Tiers 1 and 2 of the Points-Based System ; and transitional labour market access for nationals of new EU member states.
” “ Non-Executive Directors provide a key role in the strategic and operational leadership of the Northern Ireland Office .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ experience of Government Ministers and officials by bringing independent advice , support , constructive challenge and a fresh external perspective to help shape a department ’ s work .
To complement the existing balance of skills on the Northern Ireland Office Departmental Board and to ensure that it can provide expert advice to Ministers on a wide range of issues and challenges , we would particularly welcome applications from people with experience in the business and commercial sector.
” “ The Scottish National Investment Bank Act ( ‘ the Act ’ ) received @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the way to establish the Bank as a public limited company and public body accountable to Scottish Ministers who own and set its strategic missions .
The Act sets out how the Bank should operate in order to meet missions which will be set by Scottish Ministers as the sole-shareholder .
In response to these missions the Bank is required to develop an Investment Strategy which will help create and shape future markets , spark innovation and tackle socio-economic challenges in Scotland .
Additionally , the Bank will have a key role to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ post Covid-19.
” Time : Up to 25 days per annum .
“ The chair is responsible for leading and managing the Panel .
They must lead development and implementation of a strategic vision for the Panel and ensure the reviews under their supervision identify improvements safeguarding partners or others should make to better safeguard and promote the welfare of children…Successful applicants will demonstrate the ability to : provide strong strategic leadership ; chair high level meetings ; effectively manage team dynamics and maintain the confidence of others , including child safeguarding professionals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right candidate will also demonstrate a strong understanding of multi-agency child safeguarding arrangements , policy and frontline delivery .
”

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
Infrastructure Exports:UK – Board co-Chair
“IE:UK is a joint industry and government partnership, strategically targeting major infrastructure export opportunities around the world. It is supported by DIT’s network of local staff in 116 markets, with the objective of identifying, pursuing, and delivering major strategic infrastructure projects through a consortium-led approach. The objective of IE:UK is to increase UK infrastructure exports and identify gaps in the UK supply chain for FDI to fill. The IE:UK Board is co-chaired by DIT‘s Minister for Exports and a senior industry leader. The Industry sector co-Chair will benefit from working closely with the Minister for Exports and leading UK based infrastructure companies to help shape the direction of UK export policy and support within the infrastructure sector.”
Time: 3-4 meetings a year.
Remuneration: None.
Closes: 29 June
– – – – – – – – – –
NHS England – Non-Executive Directors
“The Secretary of State for Health and Social Care is looking to make two Non-Executive Director (NED) appointments to NHS England. NHS England leads the National Health Service in England and sets its priorities and direction. It is responsible for arranging the provision of health services and for more than £150 billion of funds. The primary role of Non-Executive Directors is, as a team, to lead in developing the strategy for, and overseeing the work of NHS England by participating fully in the work of the board, both in the context of the board meetings themselves, and more widely. Non-Executive Directors also play a part in representing NHS England externally, alongside the Chief Executive, the Chair and the wider Executive team.”
Time: 2-3 days per month.
Remuneration: £7,883 (£13,137) per annum.
Closes: 02 July
– – – – – – – – – –
Migration Advisory Committee – Members
“Do you want to play a key role in helping to shape the future of migration issues and support the interests of UK residents? If so, you can do this by becoming a Member of the Migration Advisory Committee (MAC). The MAC advises the government on a range of migration policy issues, offering independent evidence-based advice, and its core statement of purpose is to: deliver high quality evidence-based, economics focused, reports and policy advice in accordance with the work plan set by the Government; and help ensure that Government policy and strategy in relation to migration and employment is based on the best possible evidence and analysis. To date the advice of the Committee has included impacts of migration; annual limits on, and the design of, Tiers 1 and 2 of the Points-Based System; and transitional labour market access for nationals of new EU member states.”
Time: “An initial term of three years.”
Remuneration: £275 per diem.
Closes: 06 July
– – – – – – – – – –
Northern Ireland Office – Non-Executive Director
“Non-Executive Directors provide a key role in the strategic and operational leadership of the Northern Ireland Office. They complement the balance of skills and experience of Government Ministers and officials by bringing independent advice, support, constructive challenge and a fresh external perspective to help shape a department’s work. To complement the existing balance of skills on the Northern Ireland Office Departmental Board and to ensure that it can provide expert advice to Ministers on a wide range of issues and challenges, we would particularly welcome applications from people with experience in the business and commercial sector.”
Time: Approx. 10 days per annum.
Remuneration: £7,500 per annum plus expenses.
Closes: 10 July
– – – – – – – – – –
Scottish National Investment Bank – Non-Executive Directors
“The Scottish National Investment Bank Act (‘the Act’) received Royal Assent in February 2020, paving the way to establish the Bank as a public limited company and public body accountable to Scottish Ministers who own and set its strategic missions. The Act sets out how the Bank should operate in order to meet missions which will be set by Scottish Ministers as the sole-shareholder. In response to these missions the Bank is required to develop an Investment Strategy which will help create and shape future markets, spark innovation and tackle socio-economic challenges in Scotland. Additionally, the Bank will have a key role to play in Scotland’s emerging economy post Covid-19.”
Time: Up to 25 days per annum.
Remuneration: £21,250 per annum.
Closes: 24 July
– – – – – – – – – –
Child Safeguarding Practice Review Panel – Chair
“The chair is responsible for leading and managing the Panel. They must lead development and implementation of a strategic vision for the Panel and ensure the reviews under their supervision identify improvements safeguarding partners or others should make to better safeguard and promote the welfare of children…Successful applicants will demonstrate the ability to: provide strong strategic leadership; chair high level meetings; effectively manage team dynamics and maintain the confidence of others, including child safeguarding professionals, Ministers and the public. The right candidate will also demonstrate a strong understanding of multi-agency child safeguarding arrangements, policy and frontline delivery.”
Time: 6-8 days per month.
Remuneration: £500 per diem.
Closes: 31 July


conservativehome--2020-07-03--The Government toughens up on school reopenings

Public compliance has been essential in the Government ’ s fight against Coronavirus , and although it has arguably been successful in imposing lockdown , getting life back to normal looks rather more challenging .
Case in point : the enormous difficulties the Education Secretary has had in trying to reopen schools .
After months of confusion and resistance from parents , teachers , unions , the Labour Party , and seemingly everyone with an opinion , Gavin Williamson put his foot down earlier this week .
On LBC , he said that parents who would not send their children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year ( beginning September ) would be fined , unless they have a “ good reason ” or subject to a local spike .
It ’ s the first time the Government has exerted real authority on the matter .
Crucially , the Government substantially enhanced its guidance for how schools can reopen safely .
Some of these steps include administering Covid-19 tests to all schools and colleges , creating “ bubbles ” between year groups so that they have different lunch and break times , and adapting classrooms , so that windows @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same way .
Even so , one suspects that the unions still won ’ t be happy… One of the worst parts of the school saga is that it was completely hijacked by their noisy selves .
At every step , they polarised the issue to deeply unhelpful levels , including telling teachers not to engage with planning officials , in doing so obscuring the voices of those who wanted to work through perfectly reasonable concerns .
One worry was simply about consistency in health advice .
As one headteacher told ConservativeHome a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s quite worrying when the Government guidance goes from ‘ Stay at home , protect the NHS , save lives , do not go anywhere near anybody ’ to then suddenly ‘ actually you don ’ t really need to socially distance with little ones anyway , so it will be fine ’ .
That doesn ’ t feel like a confidence-giving statement.
” Many felt that the guidance had not gone far enough – and lacked a realism about young children ’ s ability to socially distance .
Moreover , the headteacher @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been poor in terms of educational resources , adding : “ nowhere… does it say what schools should be doing to provide online provision for children who are not at school .
So every school in the country has translated that differently and is offering something different , and it becomes a pure lottery.
” Such concerns – that the schools closures were highlighting inequalities in the educational system – became central to more recent debates on reopening schools .
There ’ s a sense that the focus has shifted , with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ domestic violence , mental health , parents ’ inability to work , and the rest ) outweighing the direct health risk of Covid-19 , hence why the Government has now offered a £1 billion Covid catch-up package – in addition to £14 billion being invested over the next three years .
Much of the Government ’ s insistence on schools going back is no doubt directed by health experts ’ increasing belief that children do not transmit , or pass , Covid-19 to the same extent as adults ; a phenomenon increasingly highlighted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Europe .
But , as with all things Coronavirus-related , there are no certainties , so the Government can not reassure teachers and educational staff in the way it would like .
Ultimately it ’ s worth remembering , though , that it can not legislate around every difficulty that this virus might bring , and at some point we are – not just schools – simply going to have to get on with things .
Labour , too , has to take responsibility for the difficulties in reopening schools .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ football from the start , allowing the unions to dominate the Left ’ s response .
For all who hoped of some national solidarity during a pandemic , watching these unhelpful criticisms – especially given the socioeconomic damage leaving schools closed will cause – was deeply depressing .
Even now Kate Green , the Shadow Education Secretary , has laid into Williamson on fines , warning that they will affect poorer patients .
But faced with some of the biggest resistance in the Covid-19 crisis – and an issue that ’ ll leave @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Education Secretary simply had to get tough .
“ About time , ” many will think .

Public compliance has been essential in the Government’s fight against Coronavirus, and although it has arguably been successful in imposing lockdown, getting life back to normal looks rather more challenging. Case in point: the enormous difficulties the Education Secretary has had in trying to reopen schools.
After months of confusion and resistance from parents, teachers, unions, the Labour Party, and seemingly everyone with an opinion, Gavin Williamson put his foot down earlier this week.
On LBC, he said that parents who would not send their children back to school in the upcoming academic year (beginning September) would be fined, unless they have a “good reason” or subject to a local spike. It’s the first time the Government has exerted real authority on the matter.
Crucially, the Government substantially enhanced its guidance for how schools can reopen safely. Some of these steps include administering Covid-19 tests to all schools and colleges, creating “bubbles” between year groups so that they have different lunch and break times, and adapting classrooms, so that windows are open and tables are facing the same way.
Even so, one suspects that the unions still won’t be happy… One of the worst parts of the school saga is that it was completely hijacked by their noisy selves. At every step, they polarised the issue to deeply unhelpful levels, including telling teachers not to engage with planning officials, in doing so obscuring the voices of those who wanted to work through perfectly reasonable concerns.
One worry was simply about consistency in health advice. As one headteacher told ConservativeHome a few weeks ago: “it’s quite worrying when the Government guidance goes from ‘Stay at home, protect the NHS, save lives, do not go anywhere near anybody’ to then suddenly ‘actually you don’t really need to socially distance with little ones anyway, so it will be fine’. That doesn’t feel like a confidence-giving statement.”
Many felt that the guidance had not gone far enough – and lacked a realism about young children’s ability to socially distance.
Moreover, the headteacher said that the Department of Education had been poor in terms of educational resources, adding: “nowhere… does it say what schools should be doing to provide online provision for children who are not at school. So every school in the country has translated that differently and is offering something different, and it becomes a pure lottery.”
Such concerns – that the schools closures were highlighting inequalities in the educational system – became central to more recent debates on reopening schools. There’s a sense that the focus has shifted, with the societal consequences of staying off school (domestic violence, mental health, parents’ inability to work, and the rest) outweighing the direct health risk of Covid-19, hence why the Government has now offered a £1 billion Covid catch-up package – in addition to £14 billion being invested over the next three years.
Much of the Government’s insistence on schools going back is no doubt directed by health experts’ increasing belief that children do not transmit, or pass, Covid-19 to the same extent as adults; a phenomenon increasingly highlighted through the safe reopening of schools elsewhere in Europe.
But, as with all things Coronavirus-related, there are no certainties, so the Government cannot reassure teachers and educational staff in the way it would like. Ultimately it’s worth remembering, though, that it cannot legislate around every difficulty that this virus might bring, and at some point we are – not just schools – simply going to have to get on with things.
Labour, too, has to take responsibility for the difficulties in reopening schools. The party saw the issue as a political football from the start, allowing the unions to dominate the Left’s response. For all who hoped of some national solidarity during a pandemic, watching these unhelpful criticisms – especially given the socioeconomic damage leaving schools closed will cause – was deeply depressing.
Even now Kate Green, the Shadow Education Secretary, has laid into Williamson on fines, warning that they will affect poorer patients. But faced with some of the biggest resistance in the Covid-19 crisis – and an issue that’ll leave all children worse off for years, the Education Secretary simply had to get tough. “About time,” many will think.


conservativehome--2020-07-03--Profile: Ben Elliot, Co-Chairman of the Party, under fire for the seating plan which put Jenrick nex

Profile: Ben Elliot, Co-Chairman of the Party, under fire for the seating plan which put Jenrick next to Desmond

Ben Elliot is a more significant figure than his title , Co-Chairman of the Conservative Party , might suggest .
Just as Andrew Feldman was David Cameron ’ s man in CCHQ , so Elliot controls the party organisation for Johnson .
The Conservative Party Board is chaired by Elliot , not by his Co-Chairman , Amanda Milling .
The new Chief Executive , Darren Mott , a long-term servant of the party , reports to Elliot , not Milling , and Elliot is regularly in Number Ten , conferring with Johnson .
Elliot ’ s success as a fundraiser @ @ @ @ @ @ @ He not only raised the money for last December ’ s election , but ensured there was a surplus to carry the party through the leaner period after the election – a particularly welcome precaution once the pandemic struck .
The question troubling some Tories is whether , while charming the donors , he is sufficiently careful to avoid unfortunate juxtapositions .
He would not have arranged the seating plan for the now notorious dinner last November at which Robert Jenrick found himself sitting next to Richard Desmond .
Nor can he be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ subsequent conduct , which included sending a friendly text message to Desmond and then ruling in his favour on a major planning application .
The seating plan would have been in the hands of the Treasurer ’ s Department , which appears to have tried to inform Jenrick ’ s special advisers about it by way of departmental emails which could not be opened because the general election campaign was already under way .
But because Elliot is in overall charge of CCHQ , he still incurs criticism when things go wrong .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ ve never met him , ” a second senior Tory backbencher said .
“ He ’ s invisible .
Maybe that ’ s a good thing.
” “ There are mutterings that he ’ s a disaster waiting to happen , ” an activist who knows the party well comments .
But none of those three knows Elliot .
Zac Goldsmith – now as Lord Goldsmith Minister of State for the Pacific , International Environment , Climate and Forests , and Animal Welfare ( is there a longer title in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ pretty much all my life ” , has the highest opinion of him , and calls him “ without doubt the most effective person I know in terms of getting things done – he is the go-to person , he has an amazing ability to get people onside , to get people together ” .
Goldsmith says it is Elliot ’ s job “ to make sure the party can operate ” , by raising the necessary funds : “ How politicians behave around party donors is for politicians to figure out.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for behaving with complete propriety rests with the politicians .
On the other hand , they ought not to be placed in situations which might lead to unnecessary embarrassment .
And the donors themselves can be tricky .
“ Donors put up stuff on Instagram – you despair , ” one Conservative remarks .
“ Desmond is a particularly difficult man , ” another observes .
Elliot himself possesses such a tremendous , gung-ho ability to carry off awkward social situations that he may underestimate the difficulties these could pose for less self-assured @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those around him a refusal to contemplate the danger of scandal .
The élan with which his grandfather , Major Bruce Shand , commanded a squadron of armoured cars in the Western Desert during the Second World War , is displayed by Elliot in the less heroic roles offered by peacetime .
One of Shand ’ s daughters is now Camilla , Duchess of Cornwall , while the other , Annabel , married Simon Elliot , a landowner in Dorset .
Ben Elliot , born in 1975 , is almost invariably described , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s nephew rather than Annabel ’ s son .
He does not appear to repine at this branding .
After a conventional education at Eton and at Bristol University , where he read politics and economics , he set out to make his way as an entrepreneur .
When he was 24 , he and two partners set up a firm called Quintessentially , a “ lifestyle management ” service for people with more money than sense .
It from time to time attracts adverse comment in the press , but Elliot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it by giving interviews about his own lifestyle .
Here is a piece from The Daily Telegraph in 2011 about his perfect weekend : At the end of the interview he was asked , “ What are you most ashamed about ?
” and replied with characteristic boldness : “ I don ’ t have much shame .
I don ’ t really regret anything.
” He also said : “ I ’ d love to represent a West Country seat in the House of Commons.
” It would be surprising if he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become an MP , conceivably for The Cotswolds , the seat where Northleach lies .
Politics has been an interest from his earliest years .
Goldsmith can remember Elliot at the age of nine or ten at Hawtreys , their preparatory school , getting people to sign petitions .
Recent years have seen an accumulation of offices : in 2015 he was appointed to the development board of the Royal Albert Hall , in 2016 he was deeply involved on the fundraising side of Goldsmith ’ s unsuccessful campaign for Mayor of London @ @ @ @ @ @ @ & Albert Museum , in 2017 he joined the board of the Centre for Policy Studies , and in December 2018 Michael Gove made him the Government ’ s Food Surplus and Waste Champion .
Publicity for the last role offered scope , in an interview with The Times , for one of the self-deprecating anecdotes of which Elliot is a master , used as the intro to the piece by its author , Damian Whitworth : Here is a rhetoric which creates a feeling of complicity between Elliot and anyone who has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eat .
But behind the genuine charm lies something else .
Someone who has worked for Elliot said he has two modes , charming and angry .
One day he will walk in smiling , the next day like a storm cloud .
He is no mere boulevardier , a tall , relaxed , handsome man who networks for his own amusement , content to look good in his grandfather ’ s old suits as he moves among fashionable and well-connected people .
He is a serious person who for most the time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a certain type do , behind a screen of affability , but who gets immensely frustrated when he can not achieve what he has set out to achieve .
In this he is like the Prime Minister , another man often written off as not serious , because his manner seems to indicate incorrigible frivolity .
The two of them are more ambitious , incisive and energetic than their critics are willing to admit .
Both of them want to make dramatic changes to the organisations they are running , not conduct themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Johnson became Prime Minister and put Elliot into CCHQ , preparations began for an early general election campaign , to be run by Isaac Levido , protégé of Lynton Crosby , who himself got Johnson elected as Mayor of London in 2008 , and ran David Cameron ’ s successful general campaign in 2015 .
Most of the recommendations of the Pickles Review , set up to work out what went wrong in Theresa May ’ s disastrous campaign in 2017 , had already been implemented .
Elliot raised the money for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prospect of a Jeremy Corbyn government .
He also ensured that Levido had the space to get on with running the show .
No turf wars disrupted what was a highly successful operation .
Johnson since his Oxford days , when the workers , peasants and intellectuals of Balliol were given no glimpse of his upper-class friends , has had a talent for belonging to several different circles which are for most of the time unaware of each other ’ s existence .
Elliot , close to Gove , great friends with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 5 Hertford Street , a club owned by Robin Birley , belongs to one such circle .
The press has striven , quite rightly , to find out all it can about Jenrick and Desmond , and to investigate Elliot ’ s other enterprises , including the Government work obtained some years ago by Quintessentially , and the lobbying firm , Hawthorn Advisors , which he and others founded in 2013 .
That sort of journalism is an indispensable check on the abuse of power .
But it may also lead , paradoxically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of those against whom it is directed ; a cutting down to size which misses significant aspects of someone ’ s character .
Elliot is described , by one who has seen him at close quarters , as an invigorating boss , a genuine believer in entrepreneurship who sees the good in people , and takes it personally when people criticise Johnson , in whose leadership campaign he played a important role .
If Elliot lacked self-confidence , he would be useless as a fundraiser .
To ask people for large sums of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eat an over-priced dinner with Jenrick , and bid for an absurdly expensive game of tennis against Johnson and Elliot , requires a degree of impudence .

Ben Elliot is a more significant figure than his title, Co-Chairman of the Conservative Party, might suggest. Just as Andrew Feldman was David Cameron’s man in CCHQ, so Elliot controls the party organisation for Johnson.
The Conservative Party Board is chaired by Elliot, not by his Co-Chairman, Amanda Milling. The new Chief Executive, Darren Mott, a long-term servant of the party, reports to Elliot, not Milling, and Elliot is regularly in Number Ten, conferring with Johnson.
Elliot’s success as a fundraiser for the party is generally recognised. He not only raised the money for last December’s election, but ensured there was a surplus to carry the party through the leaner period after the election – a particularly welcome precaution once the pandemic struck.
The question troubling some Tories is whether, while charming the donors, he is sufficiently careful to avoid unfortunate juxtapositions.
He would not have arranged the seating plan for the now notorious dinner last November at which Robert Jenrick found himself sitting next to Richard Desmond. Nor can he be held to answer for Jenrick’s subsequent conduct, which included sending a friendly text message to Desmond and then ruling in his favour on a major planning application.
The seating plan would have been in the hands of the Treasurer’s Department, which appears to have tried to inform Jenrick’s special advisers about it by way of departmental emails which could not be opened because the general election campaign was already under way.
But because Elliot is in overall charge of CCHQ, he still incurs criticism when things go wrong. The buck stops with him.
“He clearly hasn’t understood the politics,” a senior Tory backbencher complained. “It smells wrong.”
“I’ve never met him,” a second senior Tory backbencher said. “He’s invisible. Maybe that’s a good thing.”
“There are mutterings that he’s a disaster waiting to happen,” an activist who knows the party well comments.
But none of those three knows Elliot. Zac Goldsmith – now as Lord Goldsmith Minister of State for the Pacific, International Environment, Climate and Forests, and Animal Welfare (is there a longer title in the Government?) – has known Elliot “pretty much all my life”, has the highest opinion of him, and calls him “without doubt the most effective person I know in terms of getting things done – he is the go-to person, he has an amazing ability to get people onside, to get people together”.
Goldsmith says it is Elliot’s job “to make sure the party can operate”, by raising the necessary funds: “How politicians behave around party donors is for politicians to figure out.”
This is right: the responsibility for behaving with complete propriety rests with the politicians. On the other hand, they ought not to be placed in situations which might lead to unnecessary embarrassment.
And the donors themselves can be tricky. “Donors put up stuff on Instagram – you despair,” one Conservative remarks. “Desmond is a particularly difficult man,” another observes.
Elliot himself possesses such a tremendous, gung-ho ability to carry off awkward social situations that he may underestimate the difficulties these could pose for less self-assured figures.
His insouciant manner suggests to those around him a refusal to contemplate the danger of scandal.
The élan with which his grandfather, Major Bruce Shand, commanded a squadron of armoured cars in the Western Desert during the Second World War, is displayed by Elliot in the less heroic roles offered by peacetime.
One of Shand’s daughters is now Camilla, Duchess of Cornwall, while the other, Annabel, married Simon Elliot, a landowner in Dorset.
Ben Elliot, born in 1975, is almost invariably described, in articles about him, as Camilla’s nephew rather than Annabel’s son.
He does not appear to repine at this branding. After a conventional education at Eton and at Bristol University, where he read politics and economics, he set out to make his way as an entrepreneur.
When he was 24, he and two partners set up a firm called Quintessentially, a “lifestyle management” service for people with more money than sense. It from time to time attracts adverse comment in the press, but Elliot has also shown a flair for promoting it by giving interviews about his own lifestyle.
Here is a piece from The Daily Telegraph in 2011 about his perfect weekend:
“In my heart and soul I am a West Country man and ideally my weekends are spent there. I was born and bred in Dorset and I missed it massively when I was setting up Quintessentially, my lifestyle company, in New York during my twenties and early thirties. On my bedroom wall I had a photograph of Hod Hill, the Iron Age fort behind my parents’ home near Blandford Forum. But these days I also spend weekends in Northleach in Gloucestershire, where my wife Mary-Clare’s family live and where we own a home. I was nervous about emigrating north to Gloucestershire but you’ve got to compromise sometimes… “We met at an Eric Clapton concert in Madison Square Gardens in New York about three and a half years ago. Her father, Steve Winwood, is a songwriter and musician who formed Blind Faith with Eric Clapton in 1969, and he was also performing in the concert. The Winwoods are half British and half American; they have a second home in Nashville, Tennessee, where Mary-Clare and I spent some time last summer.”
At the end of the interview he was asked, “What are you most ashamed about?” and replied with characteristic boldness: “I don’t have much shame. I don’t really regret anything.”
He also said: “I’d love to represent a West Country seat in the House of Commons.” It would be surprising if he did not still harbour a desire to become an MP, conceivably for The Cotswolds, the seat where Northleach lies.
Politics has been an interest from his earliest years. Goldsmith can remember Elliot at the age of nine or ten at Hawtreys, their preparatory school, getting people to sign petitions.
Recent years have seen an accumulation of offices: in 2015 he was appointed to the development board of the Royal Albert Hall, in 2016 he was deeply involved on the fundraising side of Goldsmith’s unsuccessful campaign for Mayor of London and became a trustee of the Victoria & Albert Museum, in 2017 he joined the board of the Centre for Policy Studies, and in December 2018 Michael Gove made him the Government’s Food Surplus and Waste Champion.
Publicity for the last role offered scope, in an interview with The Times, for one of the self-deprecating anecdotes of which Elliot is a master, used as the intro to the piece by its author, Damian Whitworth:
“Ben Elliot arrives for our breakfast meeting having already been into battle. ‘I had a row with my youngest son today because he wouldn’t eat all his porridge. It’s bloody difficult. Negotiating with him on anything is a nightmare.’ “When Britain’s new food waste tsar was growing up he was not allowed to leave the table until he had finished everything on his plate. His father once made him sit, picking away at the last scrap of lunch, until 5 p.m. Modern parenting trends are less hardcore. Caught between an intransigent 21st-century four-year-old and the horror of throwing food away, what did he do? ‘I ended up eating most of it.'”
Here is a rhetoric which creates a feeling of complicity between Elliot and anyone who has ever had trouble getting a child to eat.
But behind the genuine charm lies something else. Someone who has worked for Elliot said he has two modes, charming and angry.
One day he will walk in smiling, the next day like a storm cloud. He is no mere boulevardier, a tall, relaxed, handsome man who networks for his own amusement, content to look good in his grandfather’s old suits as he moves among fashionable and well-connected people.
He is a serious person who for most the time conceals his seriousness, as Englishmen of a certain type do, behind a screen of affability, but who gets immensely frustrated when he cannot achieve what he has set out to achieve.
In this he is like the Prime Minister, another man often written off as not serious, because his manner seems to indicate incorrigible frivolity.
The two of them are more ambitious, incisive and energetic than their critics are willing to admit. Both of them want to make dramatic changes to the organisations they are running, not conduct themselves as caretakers.
Last summer, when Johnson became Prime Minister and put Elliot into CCHQ, preparations began for an early general election campaign, to be run by Isaac Levido, protégé of Lynton Crosby, who himself got Johnson elected as Mayor of London in 2008, and ran David Cameron’s successful general campaign in 2015.
Most of the recommendations of the Pickles Review, set up to work out what went wrong in Theresa May’s disastrous campaign in 2017, had already been implemented.
Elliot raised the money for the 2019 campaign, frightening donors with the prospect of a Jeremy Corbyn government. He also ensured that Levido had the space to get on with running the show. No turf wars disrupted what was a highly successful operation.
Johnson since his Oxford days, when the workers, peasants and intellectuals of Balliol were given no glimpse of his upper-class friends, has had a talent for belonging to several different circles which are for most of the time unaware of each other’s existence. Elliot, close to Gove, great friends with the Goldsmith brothers, and a member at 5 Hertford Street, a club owned by Robin Birley, belongs to one such circle.
The press has striven, quite rightly, to find out all it can about Jenrick and Desmond, and to investigate Elliot’s other enterprises, including the Government work obtained some years ago by Quintessentially, and the lobbying firm, Hawthorn Advisors, which he and others founded in 2013.
That sort of journalism is an indispensable check on the abuse of power. But it may also lead, paradoxically, to an underestimate of the abilities of those against whom it is directed; a cutting down to size which misses significant aspects of someone’s character.
Elliot is described, by one who has seen him at close quarters, as an invigorating boss, a genuine believer in entrepreneurship who sees the good in people, and takes it personally when people criticise Johnson, in whose leadership campaign he played a important role.
If Elliot lacked self-confidence, he would be useless as a fundraiser. To ask people for large sums of money in return for the opportunity to eat an over-priced dinner with Jenrick, and bid for an absurdly expensive game of tennis against Johnson and Elliot, requires a degree of impudence.


conservativehome--2020-07-03--Iain Dale: China’s cyber attacks on Britain. How do I know about them? Because I’ve seen the proof.

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith .
Wednesday was a sad day for every right-thinking person in Hong Kong , and one that will be full of consequence , not just for the people of Hong Kong , but for the future of international relations and the world ’ s dealings with China .
China has been flexing its muscles for a long time , but the West has been slow to realise it .
It is the new imperial power in Africa .
It has in large @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it for its natural resources and embedding itself in different countries .
It has only one aim : the furtherance of Chinese power and influence on the continent .
Just look at how it ’ s behaving towards India over the disputed border region .
It continues to threaten Taiwan .
It treats its minority Uighur Muslim population in a manner reminiscent of how the Jews were treated in Nazi Germany .
And now it has imposed a new security law on Hong Kong in defiance of the terms of the 1985 Joint @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the basis that it was a ‘ declaration ’ and not a ‘ treaty ’ .
They say it is we who have broken the agreement by offering British passports to 2.9 million Hong Kong Chinese people and offering them sanctuary in the UK .
You don ’ t have to be a lawyer to work out that they ’ re talking utter bollocks .
They know it too – but it will always suit their interests to create a bogeyman for all those who fall for their preposterous propaganda .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deal with Huawei can go ahead .
There are now enough Conservative MPs who would be able to defeat the Government in any vote .
I doubt whether it will come to that .
The Prime Minister was always reluctant to go ahead with it anyway .
So surely he will now be pushed over the edge .
There will be consequences , though – and one of them will be that UK universities will be targeted by the Chinese .
Many university courses are now totally reliant on Chinese students ( and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China will probably stop its students from coming to the UK , and that gap in funding for UK universities will be impossible to fill .
In 2014-15 there were 89,500 Chinese students at UK universities .
Since then , the number has risen by a third to 120,000 .
It would not surprise me if the UK experiences a state sponsored country-wide cyber attack in the next few weeks , along the lines of that which Australia underwent a few weeks ago .
A huge proportion of the cyber attacks launched against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do I know this ?
Because I ’ ve seen the proof .
I could reveal how , but I ’ d have to shoot you .
The Government is entirely right to offer sanctuary to Hong Kongers .
Initially , it looked as if they would only do this for the 330,000 current British Overseas Passport holders , but they have extended it to 2.9 million people who would be entitled to apply for one .
No one seriously believes that all 2.9 million would come here .
There are plenty of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ welcome some of them too , but it ’ s entirely possible that maybe a quarter to a third might consider coming .
However , it is also entirely possible that the Chinese could do one of two things .
They could impose a deadline for people to leave , or they could stop people leaving altogether .
That would provoke a full-blown international crisis , but they ’ re ruthless enough not to give a damn about that .
Britain has very few levers to pull in a situation like this .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ can do .
Offering sanctuary is another .
Bringing to a halt Chinese involvement in our national infrastructure is a third .
I don ’ t see a trade war having much effect unless some sort of trade sanctions are imposed by the international community through the WTO .
We as individuals could boycott Chinese goods , I suppose , but given Chinese imports are worth nearly £45 billion a year , I suspect a boycott wouldn ’ t make much of a dent .
Our exports to China are worth only half @ @ @ @ @ @ @ doubt that they would be hit , too .
In the end , we have to do what is right and hang the consequences .
What the government has done is right .
There may some anti-immigration siren voices on the right who have an issue with us meeting our obligations , but they should be ignored .
We should welcome Hong Kong Chinese people with open arms .
They would bring massive positives to our country .
The Government now needs to try to work out how many might want to come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to think very deeply about this because if we make the same mistake as Tony Blair made in the early 2000s with immigration from eastern Europe , and fail to provide the requisite infrastructure , the consequences could be dire

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith.
Wednesday was a sad day for every right-thinking person in Hong Kong, and one that will be full of consequence, not just for the people of Hong Kong, but for the future of international relations and the world’s dealings with China.
China has been flexing its muscles for a long time, but the West has been slow to realise it. It is the new imperial power in Africa. It has in large parts taken over the continent, raping it for its natural resources and embedding itself in different countries. It has only one aim: the furtherance of Chinese power and influence on the continent.
Just look at how it’s behaving towards India over the disputed border region. It continues to threaten Taiwan. It treats its minority Uighur Muslim population in a manner reminiscent of how the Jews were treated in Nazi Germany.
And now it has imposed a new security law on Hong Kong in defiance of the terms of the 1985 Joint Declaration. Laughably, China justifies it on the basis that it was a ‘declaration’ and not a ‘treaty’. They say it is we who have broken the agreement by offering British passports to 2.9 million Hong Kong Chinese people and offering them sanctuary in the UK.
You don’t have to be a lawyer to work out that they’re talking utter bollocks. They know it too – but it will always suit their interests to create a bogeyman for all those who fall for their preposterous propaganda.
I think it is now inconceivable that the deal with Huawei can go ahead. There are now enough Conservative MPs who would be able to defeat the Government in any vote. I doubt whether it will come to that. The Prime Minister was always reluctant to go ahead with it anyway. So surely he will now be pushed over the edge.
There will be consequences, though – and one of them will be that UK universities will be targeted by the Chinese. Many university courses are now totally reliant on Chinese students (and their fees) for their existence. China will probably stop its students from coming to the UK, and that gap in funding for UK universities will be impossible to fill. In 2014-15 there were 89,500 Chinese students at UK universities. Since then, the number has risen by a third to 120,000.
It would not surprise me if the UK experiences a state sponsored country-wide cyber attack in the next few weeks, along the lines of that which Australia underwent a few weeks ago. A huge proportion of the cyber attacks launched against Britain already come from China. How do I know this? Because I’ve seen the proof. I could reveal how, but I’d have to shoot you.
The Government is entirely right to offer sanctuary to Hong Kongers. Initially, it looked as if they would only do this for the 330,000 current British Overseas Passport holders, but they have extended it to 2.9 million people who would be entitled to apply for one.
No one seriously believes that all 2.9 million would come here. There are plenty of other countries in the world that would welcome some of them too, but it’s entirely possible that maybe a quarter to a third might consider coming.
However, it is also entirely possible that the Chinese could do one of two things. They could impose a deadline for people to leave, or they could stop people leaving altogether. That would provoke a full-blown international crisis, but they’re ruthless enough not to give a damn about that.
Britain has very few levers to pull in a situation like this. Using condemnatory language is one thing we can do. Offering sanctuary is another. Bringing to a halt Chinese involvement in our national infrastructure is a third. I don’t see a trade war having much effect unless some sort of trade sanctions are imposed by the international community through the WTO.
We as individuals could boycott Chinese goods, I suppose, but given Chinese imports are worth nearly £45 billion a year, I suspect a boycott wouldn’t make much of a dent. Our exports to China are worth only half that, but there’s little doubt that they would be hit, too.
In the end, we have to do what is right and hang the consequences. What the government has done is right. There may some anti-immigration siren voices on the right who have an issue with us meeting our obligations, but they should be ignored.
We should welcome Hong Kong Chinese people with open arms. They would bring massive positives to our country. The Government now needs to try to work out how many might want to come and on what timescale. We need to think very deeply about this because if we make the same mistake as Tony Blair made in the early 2000s with immigration from eastern Europe, and fail to provide the requisite infrastructure, the consequences could be dire


conservativehome--2020-07-03--Peter Gibson: Set the high street free

Peter Gibson: Set the high street free

Peter Gibson is the MP for Darlington Nobody can doubt the scale of the challenge facing our high streets and town centres as we look to rebuild our economy following this pandemic .
As many towns bid against one another looking for funds from the ambitious Future High Street Fund , my patch of Darlington included , it is necessary to acknowledge that fundamentally what our town centres lack is people .
The bustling high street of yesteryear , stacked with BHS and Woolworths , will never exist again .
We have generations of decisions to thank for that : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ collection ever more difficult , and local authority car parking charges , to name just a few .
Buttressed by shifts in lifestyles and technology , these changes have led us to a world in which every conceivable item can be purchased online .
Our town centres are firmly rooted in the idea of the marketplace , around which local economies have grown .
Yet you no longer need to buy your bread from the baker or your meat from the butcher .
Now the supermarket will deliver it .
You don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because the inner ring-road circumnavigates it .
Planning in more recent times has either been the guardian or , more often , the be-devilment of the beating heart of our town centre .
Our current restrictions are not fit for purpose and are damaging the very essence of our communities .
The classification of property into use-classes – tablets of stone that allow town halls up and down the land to tell us what we can and can not do within our property – are the embodiment of this red tape , blocking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They prevent vacant commercial property from being reclassified as residential property .
Our enterprises need flexibility and adaptability in order to innovate and grow .
As Conservatives , we should do all we can to unlock that innovation and growth .
At a time where we are seeing more and more vacant commercial properties in town centres , and with speculation rife that in a post-COVID world many more will be working remotely , this means red tape has been getting in the way of an enormous opportunity to build homes .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who lose out from housing shortages and get priced out of the market by a lack of supply , but also a missed opportunity for the economy , which could benefit from a low-cost way of mobilising private capital to improve macro-productivity .
Even before this pandemic truly struck our economy , we knew that swathes of our retail landscape were surplus to requirements .
In March , figures showed a vacancy rate of 12.2 % .
And though the Government has provided unprecedented levels of support to our high street businesses – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ furlough scheme , and small business cash grants , to name just a few measures – we know that vacancy rates , sadly , will rise significantly over the next few months as these schemes are unwound and some businesses never return .
Many towns ’ arterial roads that were filled with houses that have become shops and offices now see vacant spaces opening up , leaving gaps and sapping the spirit of the town centre .
We need to enable those properties to more easily revert to residential use , and as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the centre contracts we need to ensure that a diverse range of people move in .
Not just students , not just starter homes , but homes suitable for our elderly who can easily walk into town , homes suitable for our disabled people enabling them to access services directly , and homes suitable for growing families with children .
While businesses will always rise and fall , our national ‘ animal spirit ’ will always endure .
This is why the planning reforms announced by the Prime Minister this week are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tape around the use of property and brownfield land , we are giving high streets and town centres a chance to be reborn – as a place to live , take your kids , meet your friends , or whatever local people – rather than planners – want .

Peter Gibson is the MP for Darlington
Nobody can doubt the scale of the challenge facing our high streets and town centres as we look to rebuild our economy following this pandemic.
As many towns bid against one another looking for funds from the ambitious Future High Street Fund, my patch of Darlington included, it is necessary to acknowledge that fundamentally what our town centres lack is people.
The bustling high street of yesteryear, stacked with BHS and Woolworths, will never exist again. We have generations of decisions to thank for that: out-of-town shopping, pedestrianisation making access and collection ever more difficult, and local authority car parking charges, to name just a few. Buttressed by shifts in lifestyles and technology, these changes have led us to a world in which every conceivable item can be purchased online.
Our town centres are firmly rooted in the idea of the marketplace, around which local economies have grown. Yet you no longer need to buy your bread from the baker or your meat from the butcher. Now the supermarket will deliver it. You don’t even need to drive into town because the inner ring-road circumnavigates it.
Planning in more recent times has either been the guardian or, more often, the be-devilment of the beating heart of our town centre. Our current restrictions are not fit for purpose and are damaging the very essence of our communities.
The classification of property into use-classes – tablets of stone that allow town halls up and down the land to tell us what we can and cannot do within our property – are the embodiment of this red tape, blocking the renewal of our high streets. They prevent vacant commercial property from being reclassified as residential property. Our enterprises need flexibility and adaptability in order to innovate and grow. As Conservatives, we should do all we can to unlock that innovation and growth.
At a time where we are seeing more and more vacant commercial properties in town centres, and with speculation rife that in a post-COVID world many more will be working remotely, this means red tape has been getting in the way of an enormous opportunity to build homes.
This is not only bad for city-dwellers, who lose out from housing shortages and get priced out of the market by a lack of supply, but also a missed opportunity for the economy, which could benefit from a low-cost way of mobilising private capital to improve macro-productivity.
Even before this pandemic truly struck our economy, we knew that swathes of our retail landscape were surplus to requirements. In March, figures showed a vacancy rate of 12.2%. And though the Government has provided unprecedented levels of support to our high street businesses – no business rates this year, the furlough scheme, and small business cash grants, to name just a few measures – we know that vacancy rates, sadly, will rise significantly over the next few months as these schemes are unwound and some businesses never return.
Many towns’ arterial roads that were filled with houses that have become shops and offices now see vacant spaces opening up, leaving gaps and sapping the spirit of the town centre. We need to enable those properties to more easily revert to residential use, and as the need for commercial and retail space in the centre contracts we need to ensure that a diverse range of people move in. Not just students, not just starter homes, but homes suitable for our elderly who can easily walk into town, homes suitable for our disabled people enabling them to access services directly, and homes suitable for growing families with children.
While businesses will always rise and fall, our national ‘animal spirit’ will always endure. This is why the planning reforms announced by the Prime Minister this week are so welcome. By removing the red tape around the use of property and brownfield land, we are giving high streets and town centres a chance to be reborn – as a place to live, take your kids, meet your friends, or whatever local people – rather than planners – want.