conservativehome--2020-08-19--Why Williamson should be moved now

Why Williamson should be moved now

Boris Johnson has a choice this autumn between reshuffling his Cabinet and not reshuffling it .
That sounds like a statement of the obvious .
But like many claims of that kind , it ’ s a bit of a simplification .
The full merger of the Foreign Office and the International Development Department is about to take place .
So it ’ s reported today that a new place in Cabinet must be found next month for Anne-Marie Trevelyan , the International Development Secretary .
The conventional wisdom for months has been that she will replace Ben Wallace at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dismissed at that post after last winter ’ s reshuffle .
But if the Prime Minister really is committed to minimal Cabinet change , and wants to wait until the New Year for a shuffle , he could simply make Trevelyan the Minister of State responsible for International Development in the new merged department , and give that job Cabinet ranking until next year , or longer .
Problem solved .
You may agree or disagree with that suggestion , but there is a wider significance to whether or not Johnson does or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very shortly .
Let ’ s suppose that he does so , moving Trevelyan to Defence and , as the same report claims today , moving or firing that great survivor , Liz Truss , from International Trade…but leaving Gavin Williamson at Education , just as his Department needs both to lead in getting schools back , and sorting the knock on of the A-level and GCSE retreat .
The cynical Village view is that the Education Secretary will be reshuffled in January anyway , and might as well continue to soak up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hey presto !
– a shiny new replacement steps into the light .
Even at this brutal level of prioritising power politics above good government , we believe that such thinking misses a simple point .
Which is that Willliamson has now become , fairly or unfairly , a poster boy for the Government ’ s mistakes .
And the longer he stays in place , the more viewers the poster will get .
We don ’ t yet know how damaging the events of the last few days have been .
One @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the distributed A-level grades and their families and friends will take very much notice .
Another , as expressed by William Hague , is that the affair could create poll-tax type levels of damage to the Government .
At this stage , we simply don ’ t know .
But either way , why take the risk of damaging the Government ’ s reputation and ratings still further ?
More importantly , what about the students and institutions themselves – and indeed the whole country and our economy , given the link @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parents returning to work ?
What about the prospects for a generation of pupils , who have already missed , in so many cases , the best part of an an academic year ’ s education and socialisation ?
The impact on “ levelling-up ” , given the disparity between the private and public sector ’ s record on teaching online , has been wounding .
The Education Secretary must take the lead in persuading parents , many of whom will still be furloughed until the end of October , to get their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be more than willing to do so , but what about public fear of the Coronavirus – accentuated by the demand for mask-wearing in shops and on transport ?
( Our point isn ’ t that this is necessarily wrong : rather , that there ’ s a tension between telling people that it ’ s now safe to go to work but also necessary to wear a mask . )
Furthermore , the National Education Union hasn ’ t gone away , and Labour ’ s change of tack on school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Keir Starmer ’ s priority isn ’ t the welfare of children .
It ’ s attacking the Government .
Williamson ’ s credibility as an ambassador for safety is obviously shot .
And it gets worse .
While grappling with school re-openings , he must also deal will the effects of a U-turn that was necessary but consequential .
These are like a row of dominos .
If the universities must take extra students this year , that has an effect on teaching and accommodation ; if some students must now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one on next year ’ s cohort of students…and so on .
The Education Secretary must do much more than seek to pour balm on these wounds , which Williamson is now spectacularly poorly-placed to do .
He must also take some serious policy action in the future that this week ’ s dramatic turn of events has opened up .
The Government is committed to consider “ the Augar Review ’ s…thoughtful recommendations on tuition fee levels , the balance of funding between universities , further education and apprenticehips and adult learning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last December ’ s Conservative Manifesto , and they were a signal for the rebalancing between higher and further education for which there is now a consensus on the centre-right .
And which , as irony would have it , Williamson has been preparing .
And bang on cue , a letter appears reminding us that a crisis can be turned into an opportunity .
Universities UK has written to the Education Secretary to complain of the knock-on possibilites of this week ’ s decision .
Namely , that more students , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now opt for higher-ranked universities , leaving consequences for lower-ranked ones .
“ A number of institutions will lose out from this very late policy change and will need significant financial support from government to stabilise their finances , ” as the organisation puts it .
Which in turn opens up the possibility of nudging these institutions from the academic to the vocational path .
We quote two of our MP columnists on the policy and popular benefits of such reform .
On the policy side , here is Neil O ’ Brien @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The stars are aligning for a landmark reform : on the one hand , boosting funding for youth job schemes , and putting rocket boosters under plans to build a prestigious , German type technical education system .
And on the other , paying for it by cutting back poor-value degree courses which waste taxpayers ’ money , but don ’ t actually increase opportunities for students.
” On the political side , here is Richard Holden , winner of a former Red Wall seat .
“ For many young students , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Taking people out of work for three years…for them to get jobs in which they end up earning less than if they hadn ’ t gone to university is clear economic madness , and politically toxic too.
” Even the best-placed politician might flinch at the triple challenge of leading school reopening , and dealing with the short-term knock-on of this week ’ s decisions plus the longer-term task of reshaping further and higher education .
The Education Secretary could not be worse-placed to take it on .
Whether or not Ministers or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s humiliation is a matter for another day .
Today ’ s is whether Johnson will continue to try to tough it all out – and risk letting Williamson ’ s clattering train run completely out of control .

Boris Johnson has a choice this autumn between reshuffling his Cabinet and not reshuffling it. That sounds like a statement of the obvious. But like many claims of that kind, it’s a bit of a simplification.
The full merger of the Foreign Office and the International Development Department is about to take place. So it’s reported today that a new place in Cabinet must be found next month for Anne-Marie Trevelyan, the International Development Secretary.
The conventional wisdom for months has been that she will replace Ben Wallace at Defence, who some expected to be dismissed at that post after last winter’s reshuffle.
But if the Prime Minister really is committed to minimal Cabinet change, and wants to wait until the New Year for a shuffle, he could simply make Trevelyan the Minister of State responsible for International Development in the new merged department, and give that job Cabinet ranking until next year, or longer. Problem solved.
You may agree or disagree with that suggestion, but there is a wider significance to whether or not Johnson does or doesn’t carry out a reshuffle very shortly.
Let’s suppose that he does so, moving Trevelyan to Defence and, as the same report claims today, moving or firing that great survivor, Liz Truss, from International Trade…but leaving Gavin Williamson at Education, just as his Department needs both to lead in getting schools back, and sorting the knock on of the A-level and GCSE retreat.
The cynical Village view is that the Education Secretary will be reshuffled in January anyway, and might as well continue to soak up the blame for these problems until – hey presto! – a shiny new replacement steps into the light.
Even at this brutal level of prioritising power politics above good government, we believe that such thinking misses a simple point. Which is that Willliamson has now become, fairly or unfairly, a poster boy for the Government’s mistakes. And the longer he stays in place, the more viewers the poster will get.
We don’t yet know how damaging the events of the last few days have been. One take is that only those affected adversely by the distributed A-level grades and their families and friends will take very much notice.
Another, as expressed by William Hague, is that the affair could create poll-tax type levels of damage to the Government. At this stage, we simply don’t know. But either way, why take the risk of damaging the Government’s reputation and ratings still further?
More importantly, what about the students and institutions themselves – and indeed the whole country and our economy, given the link between getting children back to school and parents returning to work?
What about the prospects for a generation of pupils, who have already missed, in so many cases, the best part of an academic year’s education and socialisation? The impact on “levelling-up”, given the disparity between the private and public sector’s record on teaching online, has been wounding.
The Education Secretary must take the lead in persuading parents, many of whom will still be furloughed until the end of October, to get their children back to school.
Perhaps they will be more than willing to do so, but what about public fear of the Coronavirus – accentuated by the demand for mask-wearing in shops and on transport? (Our point isn’t that this is necessarily wrong: rather, that there’s a tension between telling people that it’s now safe to go to work but also necessary to wear a mask.)
Furthermore, the National Education Union hasn’t gone away, and Labour’s change of tack on school returns can’t be relied on. Keir Starmer’s priority isn’t the welfare of children. It’s attacking the Government.
Williamson’s credibility as an ambassador for safety is obviously shot. And it gets worse. While grappling with school re-openings, he must also deal will the effects of a U-turn that was necessary but consequential. These are like a row of dominos.
If the universities must take extra students this year, that has an effect on teaching and accommodation; if some students must now wait until next year, that has one on next year’s cohort of students…and so on.
The Education Secretary must do much more than seek to pour balm on these wounds, which Williamson is now spectacularly poorly-placed to do. He must also take some serious policy action in the future that this week’s dramatic turn of events has opened up.
The Government is committed to consider “the Augar Review’s…thoughtful recommendations on tuition fee levels, the balance of funding between universities, further education and apprenticehips and adult learning”.
Those are the words of last December’s Conservative Manifesto, and they were a signal for the rebalancing between higher and further education for which there is now a consensus on the centre-right. And which, as irony would have it, Williamson has been preparing.
And bang on cue, a letter appears reminding us that a crisis can be turned into an opportunity. Universities UK has written to the Education Secretary to complain of the knock-on possibilites of this week’s decision.
Namely, that more students, with the lifting of the cap, will now opt for higher-ranked universities, leaving consequences for lower-ranked ones. “A number of institutions will lose out from this very late policy change and will need significant financial support from government to stabilise their finances,” as the organisation puts it.
Which in turn opens up the possibility of nudging these institutions from the academic to the vocational path. We quote two of our MP columnists on the policy and popular benefits of such reform.
On the policy side, here is Neil O’Brien, from earlier this year. “The stars are aligning for a landmark reform: on the one hand, boosting funding for youth job schemes, and putting rocket boosters under plans to build a prestigious, German type technical education system.
And on the other, paying for it by cutting back poor-value degree courses which waste taxpayers’ money, but don’t actually increase opportunities for students.”
On the political side, here is Richard Holden, winner of a former Red Wall seat. “For many young students, we’re selling a false promise. Taking people out of work for three years…for them to get jobs in which they end up earning less than if they hadn’t gone to university is clear economic madness, and politically toxic too.”
Even the best-placed politician might flinch at the triple challenge of leading school reopening, and dealing with the short-term knock-on of this week’s decisions plus the longer-term task of reshaping further and higher education.
The Education Secretary could not be worse-placed to take it on. Whether or not Ministers or Ofqal were primarily responsible for the Government’s humiliation is a matter for another day. Today’s is whether Johnson will continue to try to tough it all out – and risk letting Williamson’s clattering train run completely out of control.


conservativehome--2020-08-19--Daniel Hannan: Politicians can’t win. When they don’t give us what we want, we protest. And when the

Daniel Hannan: Politicians can’t win. When they don’t give us what we want, we protest. And when they then do, we carry on.

Daniel Hannan is a writer and columnist .
He was a Conservative MEP from 1999 to 2020 , and is now President of the Initiative for Free Trade .
The exam fiasco is a neat demonstration of what is wrong with our administrative state , our media culture and , frankly , our own double standards .
A bad thing happens .
We demand , in an angry but unfocused way , that Something Be Done – in this instance , that schools be closed .
When confronted with the consequence of our own demand – i.e : that there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exam candidates other than to let them sit the papers – we howl with protest .
We don ’ t blame ourselves , obviously .
Nor do we blame those who made it impossible for schools to reopen : teachers ’ unions , hostile councils and , indeed , reluctant parents .
Nor yet do we blame the people who actually drew up and applied the grading system .
No , we focus all our anger on the politicians – the same politicians whom we insisted should “ step back and trust the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ get on ” , should “ stop using our kids as a political football ” .
It ’ s the same story every time .
Voters demand that technical agencies be free from political interference , but then rage at ministers when those agencies screw things up .
Thus , in an inversion of Stanley Baldwin ’ s quip about the press barons , ministers have responsibility without power .
There is , for example , an unwritten media rule that , whenever failures in procurement by Public Health England or the NHS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be called “ the Government ” .
The verbal trick allows us to draw a distinction between public sector officials ( who are presented as undervalued heroes ) and politicians ( who are vaguely assumed to be malevolent as well as incompetent ) .
No one suggests that ministers were directly involved in the procurement failures , any more than that that Gavin Williamson personally drew up the grading algorithm ( which drew on input from hundreds of interested parties , including the teaching unions , who were perfectly happy with it ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anything specific , because politicians enjoy the automatic disbenefit of the doubt .
It has long been a convention in this country that ministers carry the can – a good and necessary one .
The problem is when ministers have had nothing to do with the can until it is thrust into their hands .
Let ’ s go back to those grades .
Most of us will have come across cases of individual injustice .
A young friend of mine , who was top of her year , had had 15 A*s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at A-level , knew as soon as she learned how the algorithm had been drawn up that she was likely to be penalised ( one of her predicted A*s was in further maths , so she understands how these things work ) .
Her school – not an underperforming inner city comprehensive , but a successful private girls school – had had two dud years in two of her subjects , and she knew that no computer would award her the grade that she would have achieved in the exam itself .
Sure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and she missed her university offer .
People in her situation were rightly furious .
A computer model had deleteriously altered the course of their lives .
Those on the other side – of whom there must have been a great many , since results overall rose this year – naturally attributed their good fortune to themselves rather than to the system .
That is how these things work .
When ministers stepped in to redress the grievances of the losers , they created new losers .
They reversed years of work against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high marks .
The losers thus include those who took their exams last year or will take them next year , those who took them this year and would have done well without the boost , and , not least , universities which now face an administrative nightmare .
As Phil Taylor reminded us on this site yesterday , the algorithm had in fact worked in most cases : “ Indeed , 88 per cent of students had got their first choice university place on results day .
The number of 18 year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ record high , as was the number of disadvantaged students set to attend ” .
My point is not that the U-turn was wrong .
My point is that all our options were bad once we had made the calamitous decision to close schools – despite the fact that there has still not been a single identified case of anyone catching Covid-19 from a child anywhere in the world .
The time to complain was then , not now .
I know I have banged on a great deal about the hopelessness of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ six months have made my case for me .
It ’ s not just the obvious incompetence of PHE and NHS administrators .
It ’ s every unelected agency , from an immigration service unable to deport illegal migrants to our super-woke police constabularies .
In a powerful article for The Atlantic , Tom McTague argues that “ Britain was sick before it caught the coronavirus.
” His article , which sets out in pitiless detail our various cock-ups , has had a huge impact , reminiscent of the gloom provoked by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sir Nicholas Henderson , in March 1979 , which unflinchingly set out the mess that Britain was then in .
In fact , though Sir Nicholas didn ’ t know it , Britain was on the cusp of a national revival .
Its administrative state was failing , but the country as a whole was not .
In the 1980s , free to pursue their ambitions , the British outperformed every European economy and resumed their place at the world ’ s top tables .
Now , as then , we should avoid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of our bureaucracies denotes a general national failure .
Going into the Covid-19 crisis , we were a prosperous and successful country , leading the world in biotech and artificial intelligence , higher education and the audiovisual sector , legal and financial services .
We face a specific and remediable problem , not a general decline .
The good news is that , even before the pandemic hit , this Government was determined to tackle the quangocracy .
Back in January , that might have seemed a slightly recherché and eccentric priority .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ carry the can – over the electoral cycle .
Ministers must by now be aware of how rusted and useless the machinery of state has become .
They have four years to fix it .

Daniel Hannan is a writer and columnist. He was a Conservative MEP from 1999 to 2020, and is now President of the Initiative for Free Trade.
The exam fiasco is a neat demonstration of what is wrong with our administrative state, our media culture and, frankly, our own double standards.
A bad thing happens. We demand, in an angry but unfocused way, that Something Be Done – in this instance, that schools be closed. When confronted with the consequence of our own demand – i.e: that there is no way to be fair to exam candidates other than to let them sit the papers – we howl with protest.
We don’t blame ourselves, obviously. Nor do we blame those who made it impossible for schools to reopen: teachers’ unions, hostile councils and, indeed, reluctant parents. Nor yet do we blame the people who actually drew up and applied the grading system. No, we focus all our anger on the politicians – the same politicians whom we insisted should “step back and trust the professionals”, should “let teachers get on”, should “stop using our kids as a political football”.
It’s the same story every time. Voters demand that technical agencies be free from political interference, but then rage at ministers when those agencies screw things up. Thus, in an inversion of Stanley Baldwin’s quip about the press barons, ministers have responsibility without power.
There is, for example, an unwritten media rule that, whenever failures in procurement by Public Health England or the NHS are reported, these bodies must always be called “the Government”. The verbal trick allows us to draw a distinction between public sector officials (who are presented as undervalued heroes) and politicians (who are vaguely assumed to be malevolent as well as incompetent).
No one suggests that ministers were directly involved in the procurement failures, any more than that that Gavin Williamson personally drew up the grading algorithm (which drew on input from hundreds of interested parties, including the teaching unions, who were perfectly happy with it). No one needs to point to anything specific, because politicians enjoy the automatic disbenefit of the doubt.
It has long been a convention in this country that ministers carry the can – a good and necessary one. The problem is when ministers have had nothing to do with the can until it is thrust into their hands.
Let’s go back to those grades. Most of us will have come across cases of individual injustice. A young friend of mine, who was top of her year, had had 15 A*s at GCSE and was predicted 4 A*s at A-level, knew as soon as she learned how the algorithm had been drawn up that she was likely to be penalised (one of her predicted A*s was in further maths, so she understands how these things work).
Her school – not an underperforming inner city comprehensive, but a successful private girls school – had had two dud years in two of her subjects, and she knew that no computer would award her the grade that she would have achieved in the exam itself. Sure enough, the algorithm did its work and she missed her university offer.
People in her situation were rightly furious. A computer model had deleteriously altered the course of their lives. Those on the other side – of whom there must have been a great many, since results overall rose this year – naturally attributed their good fortune to themselves rather than to the system. That is how these things work.
When ministers stepped in to redress the grievances of the losers, they created new losers. They reversed years of work against grade inflation and gave many students artificially high marks. The losers thus include those who took their exams last year or will take them next year, those who took them this year and would have done well without the boost, and, not least, universities which now face an administrative nightmare.
As Phil Taylor reminded us on this site yesterday, the algorithm had in fact worked in most cases: “Indeed, 88 per cent of students had got their first choice university place on results day. The number of 18 year olds going to university was at a record high, as was the number of disadvantaged students set to attend”.
My point is not that the U-turn was wrong. My point is that all our options were bad once we had made the calamitous decision to close schools – despite the fact that there has still not been a single identified case of anyone catching Covid-19 from a child anywhere in the world. The time to complain was then, not now.
I know I have banged on a great deal about the hopelessness of our quango state, but the past six months have made my case for me. It’s not just the obvious incompetence of PHE and NHS administrators. It’s every unelected agency, from an immigration service unable to deport illegal migrants to our super-woke police constabularies.
In a powerful article for The Atlantic, Tom McTague argues that “Britain was sick before it caught the coronavirus.” His article, which sets out in pitiless detail our various cock-ups, has had a huge impact, reminiscent of the gloom provoked by the valedictory despatch of our Paris ambassador, Sir Nicholas Henderson, in March 1979, which unflinchingly set out the mess that Britain was then in.
In fact, though Sir Nicholas didn’t know it, Britain was on the cusp of a national revival. Its administrative state was failing, but the country as a whole was not. In the 1980s, free to pursue their ambitions, the British outperformed every European economy and resumed their place at the world’s top tables.
Now, as then, we should avoid the mistake of thinking that the failure of our bureaucracies denotes a general national failure. Going into the Covid-19 crisis, we were a prosperous and successful country, leading the world in biotech and artificial intelligence, higher education and the audiovisual sector, legal and financial services. We face a specific and remediable problem, not a general decline.
The good news is that, even before the pandemic hit, this Government was determined to tackle the quangocracy. Back in January, that might have seemed a slightly recherché and eccentric priority. Not any more.
Politicians should indeed carry the can – over the electoral cycle. Ministers must by now be aware of how rusted and useless the machinery of state has become. They have four years to fix it.


conservativehome--2020-08-19--Adrian Mason: Welsh disillusionment with devolution gives the Conservatives an opportunity

Adrian Mason is the Deputy Chairman ( Political ) of the North Wales Conservatives .
Imagine forming a new single-issue political party .
In the first election , you field no constituency candidates and you do not produce any election material to promote your cause .
Would it surprise you to then receive a quarter of the votes in some regions in the first election you enter ?
Of course , it would , but that is exactly what happened in North Wales during the Assembly Campaign in 2016 .
The Abolish the Welsh Assembly Party did just that , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that far behind the Liberal Democrats !
Incredible , well yes , but not if you put matters in perspective .
Devolution in Wales has never been as popular a concept as in Scotland .
In fact , anecdotal evidence from the doorsteps in the 2019 General Election campaign showed that even after 20 years of devolved Welsh Government , many people were not aware that the Welsh Assembly ( now grandly renamed ‘ Parliament ’ ) is responsible for health , education , and other important areas affecting daily life .
Then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now have changed .
The pandemic has opened the eyes of many here in Wales with regard to devolution and the powers conferred upon the Welsh Labour Government to diverge from Westminster .
Over recent months the public has seen Wales taking a different path out of lockdown , often – seemingly deliberately – lagging behind England .
It has left people feeling bewildered .
Whilst many people in Wales looked to the Prime Minister ’ s guidance , it has come as a wake-up call to learn that even though many voted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a significantly larger turnout than at any Assembly election – and we have a Conservative UK Government with 14 Welsh Conservative MPs ; vital decisions affecting our everyday lives now reside in Cardiff with a Labour administration .
The public indifference to the Welsh Parliament shown by many just last December has now hopefully evaporated .
It should be crystal clear that devolution in Wales has made a seismic difference to how we are governed .
This then presents an opportunity for the Conservative Party in Wales at next year ’ s Welsh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , many Welsh electors have simply blamed Westminster for the ills of the Welsh NHS , where , in 2018 , 3.4 per cent of patients waited more than 12 hours in A & E compared to 1.3 per cent in England , despite receiving more per head funding .
Then we have the bottom of the class education system .
Recent PISA statistics published in December 2019 show Wales still lags behind the other UK nations in maths , literacy , and science .
These statistics provide an open goal for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ content to allow the electorate to believe that their own failings were the failings of the Conservatives , and even in the 2019 General Election campaign some of their candidates were being disingenuous about this .
It is not just health and education that the Welsh Labour Government controls in Wales .
They also have the power to vary the basic rate of income tax , given to them under provisions of the Wales Act 2017 , wrong-headedly amending the Wales Act 2014 which provided that a referendum was required before tax varying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this amendment to the devolution settlement , denying the people of Wales a vote on such an important issue , was enacted by a Conservative Government .
So , what do you get if you give a socialist government tax-raising powers ?
You get higher taxes , and this is exactly what will happen here in Wales .
Taxpayers will be paying a premium to sustain Welsh Labour ’ s profligate spending and inferior public services .
It will hold little value either for many parts of Wales as Labour looks to satisfy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Conservative Party in Wales not only has to overcome voter apathy , it needs to make a positive case for devolution .
The latter may be the solution to the former , but unfortunately , neither objective is in sight .
A recent Survation poll carried out by the Centre for Welsh Studies saw the Conservatives in Wales trailing Labour by 14 per cent .
In order to win power , the Conservatives need to provide a clear vision of how much better life would be in Wales under a Conservative Government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of attacking Labour ’ s atrocious record over the last 20 years .
The Party needs to set out exactly why life will be improved under a Conservative administration .
You would expect such things as rolling back the State , a low tax , business-minded environment , encouraging international companies to set up base here .
We need policies that promote excellence in health and education and investment in our agricultural sector , to promote our tourist industry and taking advantage of the fantastic opportunities that await us outside the EU .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ blue divide between the Wales of today and the Wales of tomorrow .
Only by painting an optimistic picture will the Conservative Party be able to win over the voters of Wales .
Even those who voted Conservative in the General Election are more hesitant to vote for the Conservatives in Welsh Parliament elections .
People though are genuinely tired of Welsh Labour and are looking for an alternative .
They won ’ t find it with the nationalist Plaid Cymru with its narrow view of the world and they will not find @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Welsh Parliament , which , like it or not , it is here to stay .
The Conservatives are the only realistic alternative .
However , unless something changes dramatically and quickly , we are likely to see another five years of Labour .
This would be a tragedy for Wales .
The Conservative Party in Wales needs to analyse why so many people voted to abolish the Assembly last time around .
A vote to abolish is a damning rejection of the status quo .
These voters have been alienated and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fit for purpose .
The Conservatives need to promote policies that will give these people back hope that devolution , in sensible hands , can be a force of good .
That is now the challenge for our Party in Wales .
Failure to do so will see more people deserting the Conservative cause in Wales and either abstaining in next year ’ s election or lending further support to the abolitionists .

Adrian Mason is the Deputy Chairman (Political) of the North Wales Conservatives.
Imagine forming a new single-issue political party. In the first election, you field no constituency candidates and you do not produce any election material to promote your cause. Would it surprise you to then receive a quarter of the votes in some regions in the first election you enter? Of course, it would, but that is exactly what happened in North Wales during the Assembly Campaign in 2016. The Abolish the Welsh Assembly Party did just that, picking up 44,286 votes overall, not that far behind the Liberal Democrats! Incredible, well yes, but not if you put matters in perspective. Devolution in Wales has never been as popular a concept as in Scotland. In fact, anecdotal evidence from the doorsteps in the 2019 General Election campaign showed that even after 20 years of devolved Welsh Government, many people were not aware that the Welsh Assembly (now grandly renamed ‘Parliament’) is responsible for health, education, and other important areas affecting daily life.
Then along came Covid 19 and everything should now have changed.
The pandemic has opened the eyes of many here in Wales with regard to devolution and the powers conferred upon the Welsh Labour Government to diverge from Westminster. Over recent months the public has seen Wales taking a different path out of lockdown, often – seemingly deliberately – lagging behind England. It has left people feeling bewildered. Whilst many people in Wales looked to the Prime Minister’s guidance, it has come as a wake-up call to learn that even though many voted Conservative in the General Election – on a significantly larger turnout than at any Assembly election – and we have a Conservative UK Government with 14 Welsh Conservative MPs; vital decisions affecting our everyday lives now reside in Cardiff with a Labour administration.
The public indifference to the Welsh Parliament shown by many just last December has now hopefully evaporated. It should be crystal clear that devolution in Wales has made a seismic difference to how we are governed. This then presents an opportunity for the Conservative Party in Wales at next year’s Welsh Parliament elections.
In votes gone by, many Welsh electors have simply blamed Westminster for the ills of the Welsh NHS, where, in 2018, 3.4 per cent of patients waited more than 12 hours in A&E compared to 1.3 per cent in England, despite receiving more per head funding. Then we have the bottom of the class education system. Recent PISA statistics published in December 2019 show Wales still lags behind the other UK nations in maths, literacy, and science. These statistics provide an open goal for the Conservative Party. Welsh Labour have been content to allow the electorate to believe that their own failings were the failings of the Conservatives, and even in the 2019 General Election campaign some of their candidates were being disingenuous about this.
It is not just health and education that the Welsh Labour Government controls in Wales. They also have the power to vary the basic rate of income tax, given to them under provisions of the Wales Act 2017, wrong-headedly amending the Wales Act 2014 which provided that a referendum was required before tax varying powers could be granted. Sadly, this amendment to the devolution settlement, denying the people of Wales a vote on such an important issue, was enacted by a Conservative Government.
So, what do you get if you give a socialist government tax-raising powers? You get higher taxes, and this is exactly what will happen here in Wales. Taxpayers will be paying a premium to sustain Welsh Labour’s profligate spending and inferior public services. It will hold little value either for many parts of Wales as Labour looks to satisfy its core voters in the south-east.
The Conservative Party in Wales not only has to overcome voter apathy, it needs to make a positive case for devolution. The latter may be the solution to the former, but unfortunately, neither objective is in sight. A recent Survation poll carried out by the Centre for Welsh Studies saw the Conservatives in Wales trailing Labour by 14 per cent. In order to win power, the Conservatives need to provide a clear vision of how much better life would be in Wales under a Conservative Government.
It is not just a case of attacking Labour’s atrocious record over the last 20 years. The Party needs to set out exactly why life will be improved under a Conservative administration. You would expect such things as rolling back the State, a low tax, business-minded environment, encouraging international companies to set up base here. We need policies that promote excellence in health and education and investment in our agricultural sector, to promote our tourist industry and taking advantage of the fantastic opportunities that await us outside the EU. We need to set out a clear blue divide between the Wales of today and the Wales of tomorrow.
Only by painting an optimistic picture will the Conservative Party be able to win over the voters of Wales. Even those who voted Conservative in the General Election are more hesitant to vote for the Conservatives in Welsh Parliament elections. People though are genuinely tired of Welsh Labour and are looking for an alternative. They won’t find it with the nationalist Plaid Cymru with its narrow view of the world and they will not find it with a Party wishing to abolish the Welsh Parliament, which, like it or not, it is here to stay. The Conservatives are the only realistic alternative. However, unless something changes dramatically and quickly, we are likely to see another five years of Labour. This would be a tragedy for Wales.
The Conservative Party in Wales needs to analyse why so many people voted to abolish the Assembly last time around. A vote to abolish is a damning rejection of the status quo. These voters have been alienated and see the whole devolution project as not fit for purpose. The Conservatives need to promote policies that will give these people back hope that devolution, in sensible hands, can be a force of good. That is now the challenge for our Party in Wales. Failure to do so will see more people deserting the Conservative cause in Wales and either abstaining in next year’s election or lending further support to the abolitionists.


conservativehome--2020-08-19--What is the current status of the UK’s situation with Coronavirus?

It ’ s been around five months since lockdown measures were applied across the UK .
Since then , a lot has changed in the Covid-19 landscape , not least the statistics .
Without further ado , ConservativeHome looks at the current data – and what the future implications could be .
In recent weeks , cases have been a particular focus for newspapers and politicians , as Blackburn with Darwen , Preston , Burnley , Rossendale , Pendle and Hyndburn , among other areas , had rises in them , hence why new lockdown rules were imposed by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spikes , they are not necessarily evidence of a second wave , or that the pandemic is getting worse ( far from it ) .
Today ’ s Government figures show that the number of people who ’ ve tested positive for Covid-19 today in the UK is 812 ( England experienced 707 daily cases , Northern Ireland – 34 , Scotland – 50 and Wales – 21 ) , a long way down from May 1 , as one example when there were 6,201 daily cases .
It is worth remembering , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up by hundreds of thousands , so past figures may underestimate cases .
Capacity now stands at 326,086 , so we can expect to see more localised spikes .
The Telegraph has produced a map that currently shows where the most cases are ( measured as cases per million ) , which includes Blackburn with Darwen ( 1,697 cases at a rate of 11,393 per million ) , Bradford ( 5,784 cases at a rate of 10,767 per million ) , Oldham ( 2,660 cases at a rate of 11,289 per million ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rate of 15,382 cases per million ) .
Even though the Government ’ s graph for daily cases clearly shows a few upticks towards the end ( there are 1,077 cases for August 15 versus 630 cases for July 8 , for example ) , the curve is generally going down .
Some of the least affected areas include Dumfries and Galloway , North East Lincolnshire , Devon , and the City of London .
While cases , though generally lower , fluctuate somewhat , deaths show a huge , consistent drop .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ UK ( within 28 days of a positive test ) is now 16 – with the total being 41,397 .
On April 21 , by comparison , there were 1,224 deaths .
Similarly , the graph for hospitalisations shows a dramatic drop from when deaths peaked in April , before trailing off consistently from July .
The daily number of patients admitted is 128 , with a total of 133,125 admitted ( as of August 5 – the last figures ) .
As of Monday there are 895 patients in hospital and 73 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worth remembering that 3,483 were admitted in March .
The Office for National Statistics has provided one of the most recent breakdowns of the people that have been most affected by Covid-19 .
It analysed nose and throat test swab results from study participants between June 8 and August 2 , and found that : • None Asian or Asian British study participants were 4.8 times more likely to test positive than white individuals .
• None One-person households were around 2.1 times more likely to test positive than those for two-person households @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for larger households .
In terms of deaths , the ONS analysed 51,879 registered up to August 7 in England and Wales , and found that : • None The majority were among people aged 65 years and older ( 46,351 out of 51,879 ) .
• None There were more deaths among males than females .
• It also found that care homes , hospitals and other communal establishments recorded fewer deaths than the average for this time of year .
One hopes that with this information on people at increased risk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its response .
If there is a second wave , for instance , it knows that care homes are one of the most vulnerable places , in need of better protection than the first time round .
What the Government should do next Given that cases are moving about in certain areas , everyone ’ s energies have become focussed on this metric , as an indicator of whether the UK is being defeated , or not , by the virus .
It must be said time and time again , though , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paradox of a rapidly improved testing regime .
The more important question about cases may be to ask who they are affecting – a high risk group needs more emergency measures than a low risk one , for instance .
It also must be said that cases can not be taken alone , as they are so often done , to understand the extent of this pandemic .
They have to be looked at along hospitalisations and deaths , which are – by all indications – coming swiftly down .
Though the virus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ encouraged by the levels to which it has declined .
With the Government ’ s central aim being to protect the NHS at the start of the crisis , it ’ s now time to take stock of the fact it has done so – and move faster towards an economic recovery .

It’s been around five months since lockdown measures were applied across the UK. Since then, a lot has changed in the Covid-19 landscape, not least the statistics. Without further ado, ConservativeHome looks at the current data – and what the future implications could be.
Cases
In recent weeks, cases have been a particular focus for newspapers and politicians, as Blackburn with Darwen, Preston, Burnley, Rossendale, Pendle and Hyndburn, among other areas, had rises in them, hence why new lockdown rules were imposed by the Government.
While there have been Covid-19 spikes, they are not necessarily evidence of a second wave, or that the pandemic is getting worse (far from it). Today’s Government figures show that the number of people who’ve tested positive for Covid-19 today in the UK is 812 (England experienced 707 daily cases, Northern Ireland – 34, Scotland – 50 and Wales – 21), a long way down from May 1, as one example when there were 6,201 daily cases.
It is worth remembering, too, that testing capacity has gone up by hundreds of thousands, so past figures may underestimate cases. Capacity now stands at 326,086, so we can expect to see more localised spikes. The Telegraph has produced a map that currently shows where the most cases are (measured as cases per million), which includes Blackburn with Darwen (1,697 cases at a rate of 11,393 per million), Bradford (5,784 cases at a rate of 10,767 per million), Oldham (2,660 cases at a rate of 11,289 per million) and Leicester (5,464 cases at a rate of 15,382 cases per million).
Even though the Government’s graph for daily cases clearly shows a few upticks towards the end (there are 1,077 cases for August 15 versus 630 cases for July 8, for example), the curve is generally going down. Some of the least affected areas include Dumfries and Galloway, North East Lincolnshire, Devon, and the City of London.
Deaths
While cases, though generally lower, fluctuate somewhat, deaths show a huge, consistent drop. The daily number of deaths in the UK (within 28 days of a positive test) is now 16 – with the total being 41,397. On April 21, by comparison, there were 1,224 deaths.
Hospitalisations
Similarly, the graph for hospitalisations shows a dramatic drop from when deaths peaked in April, before trailing off consistently from July.
The daily number of patients admitted is 128, with a total of 133,125 admitted (as of August 5 – the last figures). As of Monday there are 895 patients in hospital and 73 patients on ventilation. It’s worth remembering that 3,483 were admitted in March.
Who’s affected?
The Office for National Statistics has provided one of the most recent breakdowns of the people that have been most affected by Covid-19.
It analysed nose and throat test swab results from study participants between June 8 and August 2, and found that:
Asian or Asian British study participants were 4.8 times more likely to test positive than white individuals.
One-person households were around 2.1 times more likely to test positive than those for two-person households, although there’s no difference for larger households.
In terms of deaths, the ONS analysed 51,879 registered up to August 7 in England and Wales, and found that:
The majority were among people aged 65 years and older (46,351 out of 51,879).
There were more deaths among males than females.
It also found that care homes, hospitals and other communal establishments recorded fewer deaths than the average for this time of year.
One hopes that with this information on people at increased risk for Covid-19, the Government can better its response. If there is a second wave, for instance, it knows that care homes are one of the most vulnerable places, in need of better protection than the first time round.
What the Government should do next
Given that cases are moving about in certain areas, everyone’s energies have become focussed on this metric, as an indicator of whether the UK is being defeated, or not, by the virus.
It must be said time and time again, though, that cases can look worse as a paradox of a rapidly improved testing regime. The more important question about cases may be to ask who they are affecting – a high risk group needs more emergency measures than a low risk one, for instance.
It also must be said that cases cannot be taken alone, as they are so often done, to understand the extent of this pandemic. They have to be looked at along hospitalisations and deaths, which are – by all indications – coming swiftly down.
Though the virus has not gone, people should be encouraged by the levels to which it has declined. With the Government’s central aim being to protect the NHS at the start of the crisis, it’s now time to take stock of the fact it has done so – and move faster towards an economic recovery.


conservativehome--2020-08-20--Henry Hill: Having called for Swinney’s head, Ross refuses to back Williamson over A Level fiasco

Ross refuses to back Williamson over the A Levels fiasco The new leader of the Scottish Conservatives has refused to support Gavin Williamson continuing in post as Education Secretary following the furore over the mishandling of A Level results , according to the i , saying that the Secretary of State needed to “ reflect on what happened ” .
Douglas Ross did not explicitly call for Williamson ’ s resignation , but told BBC Scotland : “ That is a decision for Gavin Williamson .
It ’ s a decision for the prime minister , if he continues to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I ’ m not here to say in your report that I think Gavin Williamson has done a great job and he should continue.
” He really could not have done anything else .
When the Scottish Government dashed itself against the same reef a couple of weeks ago , the Scottish Conservatives led the charge in calling for John Swinney ’ s resignation .
Nicola Sturgeon ’ s decision to retain her key ally probably set the precedent which saved Williamson ’ s job , but the Tories couldn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defending Williamson , who made exactly the same mistakes but with more warning .
In any event , one of Ross ’ s selling points as the new Scottish Tory leader was his willingness to take on Boris Johnson , who remains deeply unpopular in Scotland .
He won ’ t be entirely unhappy about having been given a new opportunity to demonstrate it .
The devocrat campaign against the Government ’ s proposals for protecting the integrity of the British internal market continue .
This week , the Welsh Government has warned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ break-up of the Union ” , the FT reports .
If you haven ’ t been following the debate , this is the latest development in a bitter clash between Westminster and the devolved administrations over what happens to a host of economic powers and regulatory responsibilities which are being repatriated from Brussels .
The Government maintains ( rightly ) that these need to be held at the highest level , now London , to ensure the harmony of the UK common market .
The devocrats argue that these powers are ‘ devolved @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Westminster is a ‘ power grab ’ .
In fact , as I have set out previously , the real danger to the Union lies not in frustrating the devolved administrations ’ insatiable lust for powers , but in ceding them so much power that the core functions of the UK are undermined .
Ministers must hold their nerve .
More evidence of the SNP ’ s domination of Scottish public life Two stories this week which highlight quite how deep a shadow the current Scottish Government casts over public life north @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this makes it to hold it to account .
First , Nicola Sturgeon has been criticised for appointing a vocal SNP supporter to lead the ‘ independent ’ probe into her government ’ s mishandling of their own school exams scandal .
Mark Priestly urged voters to vote for the Nationalists and against the Tories ahead of last year ’ s general election .
This follows fresh anger at Devi Sridhar , a Scottish Government public health adviser , for once again appearing to blame England ( and Wales ) for Scotland ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has form on this , having previously ‘ mistakenly ’ described unionists as ‘ anti-Scottish ’ and claimed that English policymakers were ‘ content ’ with a certain level of Covid-19 deaths . )
Finally , the Scotsman reports that a cross-party group of MSPs have complained after Linda Fabiani , the Nationalist MSP chairing Holyrood ’ s inquiry into the Scottish Government ’ s botched handling of the Alex Salmond investigation , after she appeared to shut down what they consider a legitimate line of questioning .
Murdo Fraser was asking Leslie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most senior civil servant , whether or not there was a policy of not leaving female staff alone with the former First Minister .
Elsewhere this week , Evans and Swinney announced that they will not be releasing the legal advice given to Scottish ministers when Salmond took them to court over their bungled inquiry , which bodes well .
All of this comes amidst reports in the Sunday Times that bullying claims against Scottish ministers have ‘ soared ’ – with more complaints filed than in ‘ all of Whitehall ’ .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Leonard , the embattled leader of the Labour Party in Scotland , has confirmed that his party will oppose independence in the event of a second referendum , according to the Daily Record .
As Tom Harris noted on the site this week , there has been speculation that Labour could try to adopt a more neutral stance on the question in a bid to win back former voters who have defected to the SNP or the Greens .
But with the party still on the defensive , such a strategy risked shedding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ guarantee of winning any back .
Selling progressive Scots on the Union is less of a quick fix , but represents the only stable path to a long-term future .
Meanwhile Leonard , a left-winger who was viewed as close to the previous national leadership , is facing mounting pressure to resign and make way for someone more effective – most likely Anas Sarwar – ahead of next year ’ s Holyrood elections , in which the party is still predicted to come third .
He is refusing to budge .

Ross refuses to back Williamson over the A Levels fiasco
The new leader of the Scottish Conservatives has refused to support Gavin Williamson continuing in post as Education Secretary following the furore over the mishandling of A Level results, according to the i, saying that the Secretary of State needed to “reflect on what happened”.
Douglas Ross did not explicitly call for Williamson’s resignation, but told BBC Scotland: “That is a decision for Gavin Williamson. It’s a decision for the prime minister, if he continues to have the trust of the prime minister. I’m not here to say in your report that I think Gavin Williamson has done a great job and he should continue.”
He really could not have done anything else. When the Scottish Government dashed itself against the same reef a couple of weeks ago, the Scottish Conservatives led the charge in calling for John Swinney’s resignation.
Nicola Sturgeon’s decision to retain her key ally probably set the precedent which saved Williamson’s job, but the Tories couldn’t plausibly justify their attacks on Swinney whilst defending Williamson, who made exactly the same mistakes but with more warning.
In any event, one of Ross’s selling points as the new Scottish Tory leader was his willingness to take on Boris Johnson, who remains deeply unpopular in Scotland. He won’t be entirely unhappy about having been given a new opportunity to demonstrate it.
Welsh Government warns that single market plan endangers the Union
The devocrat campaign against the Government’s proposals for protecting the integrity of the British internal market continue. This week, the Welsh Government has warned that the plans will “accelerate the break-up of the Union”, the FT reports.
If you haven’t been following the debate, this is the latest development in a bitter clash between Westminster and the devolved administrations over what happens to a host of economic powers and regulatory responsibilities which are being repatriated from Brussels. The Government maintains (rightly) that these need to be held at the highest level, now London, to ensure the harmony of the UK common market. The devocrats argue that these powers are ‘devolved’ in principle, and their retention by Westminster is a ‘power grab’.
In fact, as I have set out previously, the real danger to the Union lies not in frustrating the devolved administrations’ insatiable lust for powers, but in ceding them so much power that the core functions of the UK are undermined. Ministers must hold their nerve.
More evidence of the SNP’s domination of Scottish public life
Two stories this week which highlight quite how deep a shadow the current Scottish Government casts over public life north of the border – and how difficult this makes it to hold it to account.
First, Nicola Sturgeon has been criticised for appointing a vocal SNP supporter to lead the ‘independent’ probe into her government’s mishandling of their own school exams scandal. Mark Priestly urged voters to vote for the Nationalists and against the Tories ahead of last year’s general election.
This follows fresh anger at Devi Sridhar, a Scottish Government public health adviser, for once again appearing to blame England (and Wales) for Scotland’s coronavirus woes. (Professor Sridhar has form on this, having previously ‘mistakenly’ described unionists as ‘anti-Scottish’ and claimed that English policymakers were ‘content’ with a certain level of Covid-19 deaths.)
Finally, the Scotsman reports that a cross-party group of MSPs have complained after Linda Fabiani, the Nationalist MSP chairing Holyrood’s inquiry into the Scottish Government’s botched handling of the Alex Salmond investigation, after she appeared to shut down what they consider a legitimate line of questioning. Murdo Fraser was asking Leslie Evans, the Scottish Government’s most senior civil servant, whether or not there was a policy of not leaving female staff alone with the former First Minister.
Elsewhere this week, Evans and Swinney announced that they will not be releasing the legal advice given to Scottish ministers when Salmond took them to court over their bungled inquiry, which bodes well.
All of this comes amidst reports in the Sunday Times that bullying claims against Scottish ministers have ‘soared’ – with more complaints filed than in ‘all of Whitehall’.
Scottish Labour to campaign against independence
Richard Leonard, the embattled leader of the Labour Party in Scotland, has confirmed that his party will oppose independence in the event of a second referendum, according to the Daily Record.
As Tom Harris noted on the site this week, there has been speculation that Labour could try to adopt a more neutral stance on the question in a bid to win back former voters who have defected to the SNP or the Greens. But with the party still on the defensive, such a strategy risked shedding pro-UK voters to the Tories without the guarantee of winning any back. Selling progressive Scots on the Union is less of a quick fix, but represents the only stable path to a long-term future.
Meanwhile Leonard, a left-winger who was viewed as close to the previous national leadership, is facing mounting pressure to resign and make way for someone more effective – most likely Anas Sarwar – ahead of next year’s Holyrood elections, in which the party is still predicted to come third. He is refusing to budge.


conservativehome--2020-08-20--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Board of the Charity Commission – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
Home Office – Her Majesty ’ s Inspectorate of Constabulary and of Fire & Rescue Authorities “ HM Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services ( HMICFRS ) is an independent body that inspects and reports to the public on the efficiency and effectiveness of police forces in England and Wales , fire and rescue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agencies .
It aims to ensure that the public and their elected representatives can hold inspected organisations to account by monitoring trends , challenging practice and identifying areas for improvement , and making performance information accessible .
The principal role of HMICFRS is undertaking the all-force inspections of policing in England and Wales , and of all fire & rescue authorities in England ; providing the public with a clear , consistent and independent view of the quality of services in their local area.
” “ Joint Nature Conservation Committee ( JNCC ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and financial framework within which the Joint Committee operates and the specific functions of the Committee and the Chair .
As Chair you will be responsible to the Defra Secretary of State for the leadership , direction and effectiveness of JNCC in line with strategies and plans agreed with Defra and the Devolved Administrations .
You will be the primary contact with Ministers for the Committee .
You will provide visible leadership and vision for JNCC , setting strategic and operational direction , ensuring good governance and , together with the Joint Committee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Environmental Standards Scotland will be established , initially , on a non-statutory basis from January 2021 .
It will transition to a statutory , independent body over the course of 2021 .
The Board will initially comprise of the Chair and two other members .
Once Environmental Standards Scotland becomes established as a statutory organisation , further board appointments are expected .
Members of the Board of Environmental Standards Scotland will shape how the Board performs its role , including by exercising judgement on what information to monitor ; selecting environmental concerns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; resolving these through agreement with public authorities , where possible ; and , highlighting any significant issues to Ministers.
” Time : 8-10 days per month initially , ~4 per month thereafter .
“ This role is therefore an extraordinary opportunity for an individual who is passionate about the success of the BFI and the wider British film/screen industry , and who has a track record of board leadership , to support the next chapter of British film and the continued success of the screen sectors .
The selected Board Chair will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appointed CEO in shaping and delivering an emerging vision for the sectors ’ recovery from Covid-19 , and long-term success thereafter .
To do so , the selected Board Chair must have achieved leadership stature in the film industry , business , a major charitable or cultural institution , or government.
” Time : Up to two days per month .
“ The Secretary of State for Digital , Culture , Media and Sport is seeking to appoint an outstanding individual to be Chair of the National Lottery Community Fund .
Applications are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ National Lottery Community Fund reflects the diverse society it serves .
The Fund is currently supporting communities across the UK to adjust to and recover from the coronavirus crisis .
It is also a time when the Fund has gone through a period of investment and development , making it well placed to deliver our ambitious plans to achieve the Fund ’ s purpose : supporting people and communities thrive .
The Fund has many of the building blocks in place to add even greater value to civil society and public life .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is vital.
” Time : Up to two days per week .
“ The Charity Commission has a clear purpose : to ensure charity can thrive and inspire trust so that people can improve lives and strengthen society .
To help us meet that purpose , fulfil our proud commitment to represent the public interest in charity , and meet the challenges we face , in the autumn of 2018 the Board set an ambitious five-year strategic plan… The Secretary of State for the Department of Digital , Culture , Media and Sport @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , wishes to appoint a Board member to the Charity Commission for England and Wales .
A vacancy for a Non-Executive Director will be created when one member completes their term in October 2020 .
This is a senior role requiring someone with the necessary experience and non-executive skills to support the Chair in providing strategic leadership and oversight of the Charity Commission .
” “ Her Majesty ’ s Chief Inspector of the Crown Prosecution Service is supported by an inspectorate : Her Majesty ’ s Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate ( HMCPSI @ @ @ @ @ @ @ evidence about the operation , efficiency , and effectiveness of the public prosecutors ( the Crown Prosecution Service ( CPS ) and the Serious Fraud Office ( SFO ) ) .
The purpose of this is to provide the evidence needed to allow the public prosecutors to be held to account and to improve , thereby strengthening the public ’ s trust in the prosecution process .
Her Majesty ’ s Chief Inspector and the inspectorate may inspect other prosecuting authorities by invitation.
” “ The Forensic Science Regulator ensures that the provision @ @ @ @ @ @ @ justice system is subject to an appropriate regime of scientific quality standards .
They are responsible for : identifying the requirement for new or improved quality standards ; leading on the development of new standards ; and where necessary , providing advice and guidance so that providers of forensic science services can demonstrate compliance with common standards .
The successful candidate will ideally have a substantial background in operating at a senior level in a relevant field , encompassing at least one of the following : leadership in a forensic , or related @ @ @ @ @ @ @ application of quality standards in a scientific or technical environment ; the regulatory process involving scientific standards ; or the criminal justice system.
” “ The Commissioner operates as a corporation sole , sponsored by the Department for Education and is appointed by the Secretary of State for Education .
The Commissioner ’ s primary function is promoting and protecting the rights of children in England .
The legislative basis for the office of Children ’ s Commissioner is in Part 1 and Schedule 1 of the Children Act 2004 .
This establishes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ six year tenure of the post holder .
The legislation relating to the Children ’ s Commissioner is permissive , allowing significant flexibility for the Commissioner to determine how best to carry out his or her primary function of promoting and protecting children ’ s rights .
The Commissioner is not an Ombudsman and , in general , can not conduct investigations into the case of an individual child.
” “ We are seeking an inspirational leader with extensive business experience , international standing and a proven track record to lead Innovate UK @ @ @ @ @ @ @ priority of Innovate UK , under a new Executive Chair , will be to transition from a grant funding body to an agency focused on transforming the UK ’ s innovation capacity and capability , taking full advantage of its considerable growth in budget .
The new Executive Chair will be expected to actively strengthen the organisation ’ s position within key markets , providing impactful thought leadership to the UK ’ s innovation system .
As the pivotal funding body for business R & D , especially for start-ups and SMEs across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be expected to develop and implement system wide strategies for investment that promote the UK as a global leader in R & D and technologies of the future.
” Remuneration : £180,000 per annum base , up to £37,500 performance-related .

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
Home Office – Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary and of Fire & Rescue Authorities
“HM Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services (HMICFRS) is an independent body that inspects and reports to the public on the efficiency and effectiveness of police forces in England and Wales, fire and rescue authorities in England and national law enforcement agencies. It aims to ensure that the public and their elected representatives can hold inspected organisations to account by monitoring trends, challenging practice and identifying areas for improvement, and making performance information accessible. The principal role of HMICFRS is undertaking the all-force inspections of policing in England and Wales, and of all fire & rescue authorities in England; providing the public with a clear, consistent and independent view of the quality of services in their local area.”
Time: Full-time.
Remuneration: £175,000 per annum.
Closes: 17 August
– – – – – – – – – –
Joint Nature Conservation Committee – Chair
“Joint Nature Conservation Committee (JNCC) Framework Document provides the legal, administrative and financial framework within which the Joint Committee operates and the specific functions of the Committee and the Chair. As Chair you will be responsible to the Defra Secretary of State for the leadership, direction and effectiveness of JNCC in line with strategies and plans agreed with Defra and the Devolved Administrations. You will be the primary contact with Ministers for the Committee. You will provide visible leadership and vision for JNCC, setting strategic and operational direction, ensuring good governance and, together with the Joint Committee, holding the executive to account.”
Time: 2.5 days per week.
Remuneration: £40,059 per annum.
Closes: 03 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Environmental Standards Scotland – Chair/Members
“Environmental Standards Scotland will be established, initially, on a non-statutory basis from January 2021. It will transition to a statutory, independent body over the course of 2021. The Board will initially comprise of the Chair and two other members. Once Environmental Standards Scotland becomes established as a statutory organisation, further board appointments are expected. Members of the Board of Environmental Standards Scotland will shape how the Board performs its role, including by exercising judgement on what information to monitor; selecting environmental concerns for initial review and for detailed investigation; resolving these through agreement with public authorities, where possible; and, highlighting any significant issues to Ministers.”
Time: 8-10 days per month initially, ~4 per month thereafter.
Remuneration: £300/£200 per diem.
Closes: 03 September
– – – – – – – – – –
British Film Institute (BFI) – Chair
“This role is therefore an extraordinary opportunity for an individual who is passionate about the success of the BFI and the wider British film/screen industry, and who has a track record of board leadership, to support the next chapter of British film and the continued success of the screen sectors. The selected Board Chair will be expected to work alongside the recently appointed CEO in shaping and delivering an emerging vision for the sectors’ recovery from Covid-19, and long-term success thereafter. To do so, the selected Board Chair must have achieved leadership stature in the film industry, business, a major charitable or cultural institution, or government.”
Time: Up to two days per month.
Remuneration: Expenses.
Closes: 05 September
– – – – – – – – – –
National Lottery Community Fund – Chair of the Board
“The Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport is seeking to appoint an outstanding individual to be Chair of the National Lottery Community Fund. Applications are welcomed from underrepresented groups to ensure the National Lottery Community Fund reflects the diverse society it serves. The Fund is currently supporting communities across the UK to adjust to and recover from the coronavirus crisis. It is also a time when the Fund has gone through a period of investment and development, making it well placed to deliver our ambitious plans to achieve the Fund’s purpose: supporting people and communities thrive. The Fund has many of the building blocks in place to add even greater value to civil society and public life. Our contribution is as varied as it is vital.”
Time: Up to two days per week.
Remuneration: £40,000 per annum plus expenses.
Closes: 07 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Charity Commission – Board Member
“The Charity Commission has a clear purpose: to ensure charity can thrive and inspire trust so that people can improve lives and strengthen society. To help us meet that purpose, fulfil our proud commitment to represent the public interest in charity, and meet the challenges we face, in the autumn of 2018 the Board set an ambitious five-year strategic plan… The Secretary of State for the Department of Digital, Culture, Media and Sport, the Rt Hon Oliver Dowden MP, wishes to appoint a Board member to the Charity Commission for England and Wales. A vacancy for a Non-Executive Director will be created when one member completes their term in October 2020. This is a senior role requiring someone with the necessary experience and non-executive skills to support the Chair in providing strategic leadership and oversight of the Charity Commission. ”
Time: Approx. 24 days per year.
Remuneration: £350 per diem plus expenses.
Closes: 13 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Her Majesty’s Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate – Chief Inspector
“Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of the Crown Prosecution Service is supported by an inspectorate: Her Majesty’s Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate (HMCPSI). The inspectorate provides independently assessed evidence about the operation, efficiency, and effectiveness of the public prosecutors (the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) and the Serious Fraud Office (SFO)). The purpose of this is to provide the evidence needed to allow the public prosecutors to be held to account and to improve, thereby strengthening the public’s trust in the prosecution process. Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector and the inspectorate may inspect other prosecuting authorities by invitation.”
Time: Full time.
Remuneration: £125,000 per annum.
Closes: 14 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Home Office – Forensic Science Regulator
“The Forensic Science Regulator ensures that the provision of forensic science services across the criminal justice system is subject to an appropriate regime of scientific quality standards. They are responsible for: identifying the requirement for new or improved quality standards; leading on the development of new standards; and where necessary, providing advice and guidance so that providers of forensic science services can demonstrate compliance with common standards. The successful candidate will ideally have a substantial background in operating at a senior level in a relevant field, encompassing at least one of the following: leadership in a forensic, or related, scientific discipline; the development and application of quality standards in a scientific or technical environment; the regulatory process involving scientific standards; or the criminal justice system.”
Time: 3-4 days per week.
Remuneration: £96,000 per annum FTE.
Closes: 14 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Department for Education – Children’s Commissioner for England
“The Commissioner operates as a corporation sole, sponsored by the Department for Education and is appointed by the Secretary of State for Education. The Commissioner’s primary function is promoting and protecting the rights of children in England. The legislative basis for the office of Children’s Commissioner is in Part 1 and Schedule 1 of the Children Act 2004. This establishes the independence of the office and the six year tenure of the post holder. The legislation relating to the Children’s Commissioner is permissive, allowing significant flexibility for the Commissioner to determine how best to carry out his or her primary function of promoting and protecting children’s rights. The Commissioner is not an Ombudsman and, in general, cannot conduct investigations into the case of an individual child.”
Time: Full time.
Remuneration: £120-130,000 per annum.
Closes: 18 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Innovate UK – Chair
“We are seeking an inspirational leader with extensive business experience, international standing and a proven track record to lead Innovate UK as its Executive Chair. The central priority of Innovate UK, under a new Executive Chair, will be to transition from a grant funding body to an agency focused on transforming the UK’s innovation capacity and capability, taking full advantage of its considerable growth in budget. The new Executive Chair will be expected to actively strengthen the organisation’s position within key markets, providing impactful thought leadership to the UK’s innovation system. As the pivotal funding body for business R&D, especially for start-ups and SMEs across the country, the Executive Chair will be expected to develop and implement system wide strategies for investment that promote the UK as a global leader in R&D and technologies of the future.”
Time: Full time, ‘other arrangements considered’.
Remuneration: £180,000 per annum base, up to £37,500 performance-related.
Closes: 28 September


conservativehome--2020-08-20--Feel for the students and pupils who must cope with this chaos as best they can

It is a week and a day since our newslinks led with a Daily Mail story which we headlined “ Government “ rips up exam system to give pupils ‘ triple lock ’ on grades ” .
That ’ s a day after Nicola Sturgeon ’ s apology for the debacle in Scotland .
Gavin Williamson was dashing to find an escape route for England .
We all know what happened during the next six days .
At least two bad news stories will compete today , as GCSE results are issued later this morning .
They pull in opposite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system and good for pupils – in the very short term , at least .
There will be high grade inflation .
About a third of papers will apparently get top grades , rather than the usual fifth .
But even in the short-term , there will be consequences : namely , a Russell Group University-style rush of pupils into the better sixth forms , which will have knock-on effects further down the chain .
There is talk of aptitude tests to weed out some pupils who have made a sixth form only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is bad for system and bad for pupils .
Some are about to find they ’ ve received lower grades than in their last set of predicted papers at school .
Why ?
Because teachers in schools will have feared that if they were too permissive with the “ centre assessed grades ” that they sent to the examiners , their pupils would be marked down in consequence .
So they will have tried to game the system by sending lower CAGs than those last predicated grades .
That those CAGs might become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ performance would never have occured to them .
Furthermore , 500,000 BTEC students now won ’ t get their results on time .
Pearson , the exam board , first said that it would not be recalibrating the results…before saying that it will recalibrate them .
Which means that they can ’ t be issued this morning .
Williamson is under further fire for overlooking these students , the very type that the Government wants to “ level up ” .
This is unfair , but it is now open season on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be until he resigns , is moved – or is sacked .
The Times opens up a new front this morning by reporting that Williamson was warned by a former Director-General of his department about the algorithm ’ s failings .
A contrast is drawn between this briefing and the Education Secretary ’ s claim that he only became aware of the full scale of the problem last weekend .
In Williamson ’ s defence , it must be said that an advance warning of a problem , from no matter how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quite the same as experiencing the problem itself .
But few will feel like being fair to the Education Secretary – to whom the fatal lobby cliches “ embattled ” and “ beleaguered ” will soon be applied , if they haven ’ t been already .
He must now grapple with no fewer than four sets of policy and polical problems .
First , with the consequences of today ’ s results for sixth forms and further education colleges .
Second , with those of his decision on A-levels for universities and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with seeking to follow through the Government ’ s manifesto commitments on the Augar Review in these chaotic circumstances .
Finally , he must try to lead the re-opening of schools in less than a fortnight .
We could write for a third day running that Williamson should be moved , but we rest our case .
Some say that the exams fiasco won ’ t affect the Conservative poll ratings .
For evidence , they may point to today ’ s YouGov poll , which sees the Tory vote holding up , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cut to two per cent .
The rise in Labour ’ s standing comes largely at the Liberal Democrats ’ expense , while the Conservatives have a 24 point lead among the over-65s , who are not touched directly by the exam turbulence .
However , another view is that the Government ’ s reputation on competence , already damaged by parts of its handling of the Coronavirus , will slide further by the time of next year ’ s local elections .
We hope not have to lead our newslinks with another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week and a day ’ s time , but wouldn ’ t bet on it .
Feel for the students and pupils who have to cope with it all as best they can .

It is a week and a day since our newslinks led with a Daily Mail story which we headlined “Government “rips up exam system to give pupils ‘triple lock’ on grades”. That’s a day after Nicola Sturgeon’s apology for the debacle in Scotland. Gavin Williamson was dashing to find an escape route for England. We all know what happened during the next six days.
At least two bad news stories will compete today, as GCSE results are issued later this morning. They pull in opposite directions.
One is bad for the system and good for pupils – in the very short term, at least. There will be high grade inflation. About a third of papers will apparently get top grades, rather than the usual fifth.
But even in the short-term, there will be consequences: namely, a Russell Group University-style rush of pupils into the better sixth forms, which will have knock-on effects further down the chain. There is talk of aptitude tests to weed out some pupils who have made a sixth form only because of the inflation.
The other is bad for system and bad for pupils. Some are about to find they’ve received lower grades than in their last set of predicted papers at school.
Why? Because teachers in schools will have feared that if they were too permissive with the “centre assessed grades” that they sent to the examiners, their pupils would be marked down in consequence. So they will have tried to game the system by sending lower CAGs than those last predicated grades.
That those CAGs might become the final measure of their pupils’ performance would never have occured to them. Furthermore, 500,000 BTEC students now won’t get their results on time.
Pearson, the exam board, first said that it would not be recalibrating the results…before saying that it will recalibrate them. Which means that they can’t be issued this morning. Williamson is under further fire for overlooking these students, the very type that the Government wants to “level up”.
This is unfair, but it is now open season on the Education Secretary, as it will continue to be until he resigns, is moved – or is sacked.
The Times opens up a new front this morning by reporting that Williamson was warned by a former Director-General of his department about the algorithm’s failings. A contrast is drawn between this briefing and the Education Secretary’s claim that he only became aware of the full scale of the problem last weekend.
In Williamson’s defence, it must be said that an advance warning of a problem, from no matter how distinguished a figure, isn’t quite the same as experiencing the problem itself.
But few will feel like being fair to the Education Secretary – to whom the fatal lobby cliches “embattled” and “beleaguered” will soon be applied, if they haven’t been already. He must now grapple with no fewer than four sets of policy and polical problems.
First, with the consequences of today’s results for sixth forms and further education colleges. Second, with those of his decision on A-levels for universities and other higher education institutions.
Third, with seeking to follow through the Government’s manifesto commitments on the Augar Review in these chaotic circumstances. Finally, he must try to lead the re-opening of schools in less than a fortnight. We could write for a third day running that Williamson should be moved, but we rest our case.
Some say that the exams fiasco won’t affect the Conservative poll ratings. For evidence, they may point to today’s YouGov poll, which sees the Tory vote holding up, despite the Party’s lead being cut to two per cent.
The rise in Labour’s standing comes largely at the Liberal Democrats’ expense, while the Conservatives have a 24 point lead among the over-65s, who are not touched directly by the exam turbulence.
However, another view is that the Government’s reputation on competence, already damaged by parts of its handling of the Coronavirus, will slide further by the time of next year’s local elections. We hope not have to lead our newslinks with another episode of the results-and-schools-and-universities story in a week and a day’s time, but wouldn’t bet on it. Feel for the students and pupils who have to cope with it all as best they can.