conservativehome--2020-05-27--Anna Firth: After the crisis, what can councils do to reset the environmental dial?

Cllr Anna Firth is the National Director of the Conservative Policy Forum , a councillor in Sevenoaks , and on the Board of the Conservative Environment Network .
She is a Patron of Tories for Climate Action and contested Canterbury at the General Election last year .
The benefits to the environment since lockdown have been phenomenal .
The air we breathe is nearly twice as clean due to plummeting CO2 and pollution levels , our coastal waters , normally murky with pollution and sediment , are crystal-clear , and our uncut verges are an uplifting riot of colour and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to harness this unique opportunity to reset the environmental dial ?
Last week over a hundred conservative councillors from across the country came together for the first time on zoom – itself a climate-saving tool of almost unimaginable proportions – to share best practice .
Organised by the Conservative Policy Forum and Tories for Climate Action , the discussion was kicked off by excellent presentations from East Worthing & Shoreham MP , Tim Loughton , Portsmouth City Cllr , Donna Jones , Canterbury City Cllr , Dan Watkins , and Camden Cllr , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ where local authorities have a key role to play : Councils have already played a key role in distributing grants to small businesses and the retail , hospitality , and leisure sectors , to help them survive the current crisis .
Indeed , one of the unexpected success stories of the coronavirus crisis has been the adaptability and flexibility of some businesses to turn their production lines into producing PPE at short notice .
Sadly , not all businesses will survive .
However , alongside the £40 million joint Government/charity finance pot for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , councils could run a local business grant scheme to assist companies wishing to pivot towards green-related businesses e.g e-bikes , e-scooters , wind or solar power development , eco-restaurants etc .
Local authorities would be key in ensuring that grants were targeted and distributed appropriately , and could also consider offering discounted business rates or reduced council rents for green-related business Many councils are looking to go further to support green growth .
Warwick District Council , for example , have agreed a CT referendum to create a ring-fenced Climate Action Fund @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exploring opportunities to invest in a local Net Zero Bank to finance energy efficiency and carbon reduction .
Other councils are looking at green municipal bonds to finance green projects .
Finally , free of EU procurement rules , councils now have a unique opportunity to support jobs , the local economy , and the environment , through new local green procurement rules .
With remote working now the norm , it is very unlikely people will return to the same work patterns , post the coronavirus crisis .
With sales of electric @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be legalized , e-scooters booming , coupled with the new £250 million government boost for pop-up cycling and infrastructure , as part of the £5 billion new funding for cycling and buses , councils have a once in a generation opportunity to boost cleaner , greener , and more sustainable transport .
In Portsmouth , cycle contraflows systems and super-highways along with multiple charging points for e-bikes and e-scooters , secure storage stations , and easily available “ Boris bikes ” have all been successful .
Other ideas included restricting cars on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ avoid putting residents unnecessarily at risk of respiratory conditions , and pressing for legislation to enable emission-free , short-trip cycle rickshaws to be extended outside London .
Long-term , local authorities will have a key role in transitioning buses and all service vehicles to hydrogen or electric .
For example , at Sevenoaks District we are also looking at developing an electric vehicle car club to improve air quality and boost the councils income .
Meanwhile , ensuring cycling and walking is given far more prominence in state schools would help develop good @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or are in the process of producing renewable energy .
In Sussex , for example , half the homes are already powered by off-shore wind .
In North Thanet the UK ’ s first hydrogen plant is being developed , capable of powering 100 double decker buses .
Meanwhile trials are also on-going to use hydrogen in residential homes in Staffordshire Moorlands .
Poorly insulated old homes , however , are the biggest source of emissions in the UK .
Councils , therefore , have a major role in retrofitting old social housing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ energy creating infrastructure on all public buildings .
In Denmark , for example , the level of council tax is determined by how environmentally friendly your home is .
The cost of retrofitting houses is expensive but people add the cost to their homes in form of an additional mortgage which is partially financed by the council tax savings .
There is no reason in theory why this should not happen in the UK .
New , properly insulated homes is one of the biggest opportunities for councils to reduce future emissions and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for making this happen .
For example , new local plans can specify that “ new builds ” are energy neutral with ground source heat pumps , solar panels , hydrogen-compatible boilers and , where possible , hedges , trees and grass in place of tarmac or fencing .
In Sevenoaks , for example , we are looking at the installation of electric vehicle charging points in all new developments , both residential and non-residential , giving a tree for every new home built , and providing a one year 100 per cent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Council Tax for new certified Passivhaus ‘ Classic ’ , ‘ Plus ’ & ‘ Premium ’ homes built in the District , in any year until 2030 .
With 27,000 parks and green spaces in the UK used by over half the population every week , councils clearly have a key role both in protecting and enhancing green spaces , nature and wildlife .
Many councils are already prioritizing nature-based solutions .
Staffordshire Moorlands District Council , for example , is working in partnership with Staffordshire Wildlife Trust to deliver their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , for example , needs to be done strategically and managed so that the trees reach maturity .
Existing mature trees and green spaces must always be protected first to avoid destroying established greenbelt woodlands at the same time as creating new woodlands leading to no overall progress and no marginal gains .
RSPB have very helpful maps demonstrating where there are particularly good carbon sinks and also where there are gaps at the moment .
As there is more green space locked up in our gardens than in all our national parks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tax discounts for environmentally-friendly gardening e , g “ planting for pollinators ” , “ bird and bat feeders ” , “ grow a new native trees or shrubs scheme ” etc .
Last but not least , currently we do not use our coasts enough .
Tree planting is great but kelp , the large , brown seaweed that grows near coastal fronts , absorbs six times as much carbon as a tree .
It also attracts marine life and can be eaten , so presents a commercial opportunity as well as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a decent shoreline .
Local councils need to be leading the way in planting kelp farms .
Supporting green and sustainable energy has always been a challenge for a party that believes fundamentally in the free market .
But the development of areas like offshore wind power are a text book example of how government subsidies can support an industry while it reaches critical mass , and which is now paying us back as one of the cheapest sources of electricity we have in the UK .
In conclusion , from energy generation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of nature , councils are perfectly placed to lead the charge on tackling climate change .
Successful councils get this and they also get the value of sharing good practice .
The Conservative Policy Forum and Tories for Climate Action are delighted to have been able to provide the first emission-free , digital space for this to happen .

Cllr Anna Firth is the National Director of the Conservative Policy Forum, a councillor in Sevenoaks, and on the Board of the Conservative Environment Network. She is a Patron of Tories for Climate Action and contested Canterbury at the General Election last year.
The benefits to the environment since lockdown have been phenomenal. The air we breathe is nearly twice as clean due to plummeting CO2 and pollution levels, our coastal waters, normally murky with pollution and sediment, are crystal-clear, and our uncut verges are an uplifting riot of colour and wildlife. But what can Councils do to harness this unique opportunity to reset the environmental dial?
Last week over a hundred conservative councillors from across the country came together for the first time on zoom – itself a climate-saving tool of almost unimaginable proportions – to share best practice. Organised by the Conservative Policy Forum and Tories for Climate Action, the discussion was kicked off by excellent presentations from East Worthing & Shoreham MP, Tim Loughton, Portsmouth City Cllr, Donna Jones, Canterbury City Cllr, Dan Watkins, and Camden Cllr, Oliver Cooper.
Five key areas emerged where local authorities have a key role to play:
Local jobs and economy
Councils have already played a key role in distributing grants to small businesses and the retail, hospitality, and leisure sectors, to help them survive the current crisis. Indeed, one of the unexpected success stories of the coronavirus crisis has been the adaptability and flexibility of some businesses to turn their production lines into producing PPE at short notice.
Sadly, not all businesses will survive. However, alongside the £40 million joint Government/charity finance pot for green-related “start-ups” announced last week, councils could run a local business grant scheme to assist companies wishing to pivot towards green-related businesses e.g e-bikes, e-scooters, wind or solar power development, eco-restaurants etc. Local authorities would be key in ensuring that grants were targeted and distributed appropriately, and could also consider offering discounted business rates or reduced council rents for green-related business
Many councils are looking to go further to support green growth. Warwick District Council, for example, have agreed a CT referendum to create a ring-fenced Climate Action Fund while at Sevenoaks District Council we are exploring opportunities to invest in a local Net Zero Bank to finance energy efficiency and carbon reduction. Other councils are looking at green municipal bonds to finance green projects.
Finally, free of EU procurement rules, councils now have a unique opportunity to support jobs, the local economy, and the environment, through new local green procurement rules.
Local transport policy
With remote working now the norm, it is very unlikely people will return to the same work patterns, post the coronavirus crisis. With sales of electric cars, e-bikes, and, soon to be legalized, e-scooters booming, coupled with the new £250 million government boost for pop-up cycling and infrastructure, as part of the £5 billion new funding for cycling and buses, councils have a once in a generation opportunity to boost cleaner, greener, and more sustainable transport.
In Portsmouth, cycle contraflows systems and super-highways along with multiple charging points for e-bikes and e-scooters, secure storage stations, and easily available “Boris bikes” have all been successful. Other ideas included restricting cars on days where pollution levels are high to avoid putting residents unnecessarily at risk of respiratory conditions, and pressing for legislation to enable emission-free, short-trip cycle rickshaws to be extended outside London.
Long-term, local authorities will have a key role in transitioning buses and all service vehicles to hydrogen or electric. For example, at Sevenoaks District we are also looking at developing an electric vehicle car club to improve air quality and boost the councils income.
Meanwhile, ensuring cycling and walking is given far more prominence in state schools would help develop good habits early.
Local energy generation and old houses
Many councils produce, or are in the process of producing renewable energy. In Sussex, for example, half the homes are already powered by off-shore wind. In North Thanet the UK’s first hydrogen plant is being developed, capable of powering 100 double decker buses. Meanwhile trials are also on-going to use hydrogen in residential homes in Staffordshire Moorlands.
Poorly insulated old homes, however, are the biggest source of emissions in the UK. Councils, therefore, have a major role in retrofitting old social housing whilst also installing solar panels and other energy creating infrastructure on all public buildings. In Denmark, for example, the level of council tax is determined by how environmentally friendly your home is. The cost of retrofitting houses is expensive but people add the cost to their homes in form of an additional mortgage which is partially financed by the council tax savings. There is no reason in theory why this should not happen in the UK.
New housing and planning
New, properly insulated homes is one of the biggest opportunities for councils to reduce future emissions and the local plan the most powerful tool for making this happen. For example, new local plans can specify that “new builds” are energy neutral with ground source heat pumps, solar panels, hydrogen-compatible boilers and, where possible, hedges, trees and grass in place of tarmac or fencing. In Sevenoaks, for example, we are looking at the installation of electric vehicle charging points in all new developments, both residential and non-residential, giving a tree for every new home built, and providing a one year 100 per cent reduction on the District Council element of the Council Tax for new certified Passivhaus ‘Classic’, ‘Plus’ & ‘Premium’ homes built in the District, in any year until 2030.
Nature restoration
With 27,000 parks and green spaces in the UK used by over half the population every week, councils clearly have a key role both in protecting and enhancing green spaces, nature and wildlife. Many councils are already prioritizing nature-based solutions. Staffordshire Moorlands District Council, for example, is working in partnership with Staffordshire Wildlife Trust to deliver their Green Infrastructure Delivery Plan.
Tree planting, for example, needs to be done strategically and managed so that the trees reach maturity. Existing mature trees and green spaces must always be protected first to avoid destroying established greenbelt woodlands at the same time as creating new woodlands leading to no overall progress and no marginal gains. RSPB have very helpful maps demonstrating where there are particularly good carbon sinks and also where there are gaps at the moment.
As there is more green space locked up in our gardens than in all our national parks combined, councils could consider offering council tax discounts for environmentally-friendly gardening e,g “planting for pollinators”, “bird and bat feeders”, “grow a new native trees or shrubs scheme” etc.
Last but not least, currently we do not use our coasts enough. Tree planting is great but kelp, the large, brown seaweed that grows near coastal fronts, absorbs six times as much carbon as a tree. It also attracts marine life and can be eaten, so presents a commercial opportunity as well as an environmental one for all councils with a decent shoreline. Local councils need to be leading the way in planting kelp farms.
Conclusion
Supporting green and sustainable energy has always been a challenge for a party that believes fundamentally in the free market. But the development of areas like offshore wind power are a text book example of how government subsidies can support an industry while it reaches critical mass, and which is now paying us back as one of the cheapest sources of electricity we have in the UK.
In conclusion, from energy generation, through transport, to the restoration of nature, councils are perfectly placed to lead the charge on tackling climate change. Successful councils get this and they also get the value of sharing good practice. The Conservative Policy Forum and Tories for Climate Action are delighted to have been able to provide the first emission-free, digital space for this to happen.


conservativehome--2020-05-27--Andrew Gimson’s Commons sketch: The Prime Minister did not stoop and could not conquer

Never has the Liaison Committee seen such bad feeling .
Its members queued up to punch the Prime Minister .
He maintained an air of pugnacity , even of invulnerability .
“ I can take it , ” his demeanour said .
He pretended after an hour and 40 minutes that he had “ enjoyed ” the the punishment he had taken , “ difficult though some of the questions have been ” .
There was no sense that he was carrying his questioners with him , or even that he was trying to carry them with him .
He @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not conquer .
The best that can be said is that he demonstrated his fighting spirit , his courage in adversity , his returning energy after his illness .
He appeared to proceed on the assumption that any attempt to conciliate his critics would be taken as a sign of weakness , proof that he was on the run .
He was certainly not going to concede a Cabinet Office inquiry into the conduct of Dominic Cummings : the usual way of taking some of the heat out of an occasion like this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ committee , observed that no Prime Minister has been before it for 12 months , i.e .
none since Theresa May , and asked Johnson to promise to attend it more regularly .
Here was a chance , if he wished , to offer a small olive branch : to flatter the self-importance of these select committee chairs by pretending nothing would give him greater pleasure than to wait on them three times a year .
The meetings of the Liaison Committee , composed of the MPs who chair the several dozen select @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I speak as someone who has been asked over the years to sketch quite a few of them , because the Prime Minister is going to be present , and might conceivably say something interesting .
Tony Blair never did .
He sat there in his white shirt , flattering various MPs by pretending to take them seriously .
One wondered sometimes if he was wearing a thermal vest under his white shirt , for the largest committee room in Portcullis House can be chilly .
Gordon Brown , David Cameron and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
All of them bored their way to victory , or at least to a draw .
Johnson never bores his way to victory .
It is against his principles to be dull .
He is a performer who would find it unbearable not to hold his audience ’ s interest .
Yvette Cooper , who chairs the Home Affairs Select Committee , told him : “ The reason you ’ re not giving people a straight answer is you ’ re trying to protect Dominic Cummings.
” She accused him of ducking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ above giving clear public health messages .
Johnson suggested it was time to “ lay aside party political point scoring ” .
But a striking feature of this session was that Conservatives were just as eager as Opposition MPs to give the PM a bloody nose .
Simon Hoare , Greg Clark , Jeremy Hunt , Robert Halfon , Caroline Nokes , Mel Stride and Huw Merriman were among the Tories who proceeded to do so .
This sort of punishment can not continue .
Johnson ’ s defiance just annoys people .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to conciliate them .

Never has the Liaison Committee seen such bad feeling. Its members queued up to punch the Prime Minister.
He maintained an air of pugnacity, even of invulnerability. “I can take it,” his demeanour said. He pretended after an hour and 40 minutes that he had “enjoyed” the the punishment he had taken, “difficult though some of the questions have been”.
There was no sense that he was carrying his questioners with him, or even that he was trying to carry them with him.
He did not stoop, and he did not conquer. The best that can be said is that he demonstrated his fighting spirit, his courage in adversity, his returning energy after his illness.
He appeared to proceed on the assumption that any attempt to conciliate his critics would be taken as a sign of weakness, proof that he was on the run.
He was certainly not going to concede a Cabinet Office inquiry into the conduct of Dominic Cummings: the usual way of taking some of the heat out of an occasion like this.
Bernard Jenkin, who chairs the committee, observed that no Prime Minister has been before it for 12 months, i.e. none since Theresa May, and asked Johnson to promise to attend it more regularly.
Here was a chance, if he wished, to offer a small olive branch: to flatter the self-importance of these select committee chairs by pretending nothing would give him greater pleasure than to wait on them three times a year.
The meetings of the Liaison Committee, composed of the MPs who chair the several dozen select committees, are usually almost unbearably dull. I speak as someone who has been asked over the years to sketch quite a few of them, because the Prime Minister is going to be present, and might conceivably say something interesting.
Tony Blair never did. He sat there in his white shirt, flattering various MPs by pretending to take them seriously. One wondered sometimes if he was wearing a thermal vest under his white shirt, for the largest committee room in Portcullis House can be chilly.
Gordon Brown, David Cameron and May were no more interesting than Blair. All of them bored their way to victory, or at least to a draw.
Johnson never bores his way to victory. It is against his principles to be dull. He is a performer who would find it unbearable not to hold his audience’s interest.
Yvette Cooper, who chairs the Home Affairs Select Committee, told him: “The reason you’re not giving people a straight answer is you’re trying to protect Dominic Cummings.”
She accused him of ducking, fudging and placing his political concerns above giving clear public health messages.
Johnson suggested it was time to “lay aside party political point scoring”. But a striking feature of this session was that Conservatives were just as eager as Opposition MPs to give the PM a bloody nose.
Simon Hoare, Greg Clark, Jeremy Hunt, Caroline Nokes, Mel Stride and Huw Merriman were among the Tories who proceeded to do so.
This sort of punishment cannot continue. Johnson’s defiance just annoys people. He will have to find some way to conciliate them.


conservativehome--2020-05-27--WATCH: Johnson at Liaison Committee. Clark raises Cummings without naming him. And poses an importan

WATCH: Johnson at Liaison Committee. Clark raises Cummings without naming him. And poses an important policy question.

Former Cabinet Remainer stalwart .
Sacked by Boris Johnson .
Deprived at one point of the whip – Greg Clark @ @ @ @ @ Science and Technology Committee , owes the Prime Minister no favours .
Some of his @ @ @ @ @ Liaison Committee meeting grandstood about Dominic Cummings ( Yvette Cooper , for example ) .
@ @ @ @ @ ( such as our columnist Robert Halfon , the Chair of the Education Select Committee @ @ @ @ @ way of raising the Cummings affair without mentioning Johnson ’ s adviser at all .
@ @ @ @ @ raising am important Coronavirus policy question .
Watch the video and you will see him @ @ @ @ @ about whether those quarantined ( in effect ) under the coming test and trace system @ @ @ @ @ .
The last is obviously central to the success of testing and tracing .
Under @ @ @ @ @ Johnson says that the Government will consider bringing in financial sanctions if people break quarantine @ @ @ @ @ did there ?

Is staying at home compulsory or can people use their judgement if they’re contacted by a contact tracer? asks Conservative Greg Clark Boris Johnson says the government is considering “financial sanctions” for those who break stay at home orders Updates: https://t.co/0ISQ0lNgMn pic.twitter.com/tvNbvCdoOD — BBC Politics (@BBCPolitics) May 27, 2020
Former Cabinet Remainer stalwart. Sacked by Boris Johnson. Deprived at one point of the whip – Greg Clark, now Chair of the Science and Technology Committee, owes the Prime Minister no favours.
Some of his co-chairmen at today’s Liaison Committee meeting grandstood about Dominic Cummings (Yvette Cooper, for example). Others stuck to their brief (such as our columnist Robert Halfon, the Chair of the Education Select Committee).
Clark found a way of raising the Cummings affair without mentioning Johnson’s adviser at all. While at the same time raising am important Coronavirus policy question.
Watch the video and you will see him press the Prime Minister closely about whether those quarantined (in effect) under the coming test and trace system must stay at home throughout. The last is obviously central to the success of testing and tracing.
Under repeated questioning, an uncomfortable Johnson says that the Government will consider bringing in financial sanctions if people break quarantine. See what Clark just did there?


conservativehome--2020-05-28--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Prisons –

Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Prisons – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
“ The Social Security Advisory Committee ( SSAC ) is an independent statutory advisory body , funded by the Department for Work and Pensions ( DWP ) .
It has the following statutory functions : to perform , on behalf of both the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions and Parliament , a mandatory scrutiny @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that underpins the social welfare system ; and to provide advice and assistance to the Secretary of State , whether in response to a specific request from the UK Government or on its own initiative .
In addition to the scrutiny of proposals for secondary legislation , the Committee ’ s general advisory functions are deployed to : inform the Committee ’ s work , improving members ’ ability to scrutinise regulations and provide independent advice to Ministers ; add value to the debate on a topic that is of current interest to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a specific topic within the Committee and amongst stakeholders.
” “ The Independent Review of Prevent will deliver on the Government ’ s commitment set out in the Counter Terrorism and Border Security Act 2019 and will critically examine and report on the Prevent strategy , as set out in CONTEST June 2018 .
We are seeking a highly talented individual of unquestionable independence , integrity and credibility , who can demonstrate his or her ability to exercise sound judgment and analysis at pace and under pressure , with close public and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and public-facing role , so we are seeking to appoint a credible and talented Independent Reviewer who is confident engaging with a wide range of interested parties , from civil society and community organisations , to Ministers and local practitioners.
” “ The Independent Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration provides independent scrutiny of the UK ’ s border and immigration functions , providing security , confidence and assurance as to their effectiveness and efficiency .
They report annually to the Home Secretary and their reports are placed before Parliament .
Leading a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strive to continually improve the UK ’ s approach to the Border , Immigration and Citizenship System .
Candidates will have experience of working successfully at a senior level , ideally within a regulation or enforcement arena .
Whatever your background , you will appreciate the importance and opportunity that this role presents .
Excellent communication skills , decisiveness , independence and unquestionable integrity will be essential.
” “ The Imperial War Museum ( IWM ) was founded in 1917 to record the story of the Great War .
Its remit was subsequently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and today , IWM is the world ’ s leading authority on conflict and its impact focusing on Britain , its former Empire and the Commonwealth , from the First World War to the present .
The IWM is a single institution with a single purpose , fulfilled in different ways at its different branches , both physical and virtual .
In addition to its headquarters building , IWM London , in Southwark , the Museum ’ s branches comprise the Churchill War Rooms and HMS Belfast in London , IWM Duxford in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Greater Manchester which is housed in a stunning building by Daniel Libeskind .
The IWM has traditionally had a Trustee on its Board from each of the three branches of the armed forces , and is currently recruiting for two Trustees to represent the RAF and Navy branches.
” Time : Up to one day per month .
“ Both Non-Executive Board Members roles will exercise their role through influence and advice , supporting as well as challenging the executive , and covering such issues as : support , guidance and challenge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Departments Strategy ( the single departmental plan ) ; performance ( including agreeing key performance indicators ) , operational issues ( including the operational and delivery implications of policy proposals ) , adherence to relevant standards ( e.g .
commercial , digital ) , and on the effective management of the department ; [ and ] the recruitment , appraisal and suitable succession planning of senior executives , as appropriate within the principles set out by the Civil Service Commission.
” Her Majesty ’ s Inspectorate of Prisons – Her Majesty ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Ministers , the successful candidate will have a proven ability to act with integrity and independence from Government , and deliver the services under the Inspectorate ’ s scrutiny .
The Inspectorate ’ s methodology focuses on outcomes for those detained within the custodial estate , and encourages establishments to seek improvement in those outcomes where required .
In addition to its annual inspection programme , the Inspectorate has , since 2019 , introduced Independent Reviews of Progress , which will assess progress made by a prison in implementing previous recommendations in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The next Chief Inspector will be expected to use their expertise to innovate and evolve the inspection approach to further strengthen the work and impact of the Inspectorate.
” “ The Pensions Ombudsman ( TPO ) investigates and determines complaints and disputes about the way that occupational and personal pension schemes are run .
The Pension Protection Fund Ombudsman considers decisions made by the Pension Protection Fund ( PPF ) Board under the PPF ’ s internal procedures and decides on appeals against decisions by the Department for Work and Pensions ( DWP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ roles are provided for separately in legislation , they are held by one post holder .
Throughout this document the term ‘ PO ’ will therefore cover both roles .
TPO provides an accessible service for dealing with pensions complaints .
Determinations are final and binding on all parties , subject only to appeal in the High Court on a point of law .
Services are provided free of charge .
”

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
Social Security Advisory Committee – Chair
“The Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC) is an independent statutory advisory body, funded by the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP). It has the following statutory functions: to perform, on behalf of both the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions and Parliament, a mandatory scrutiny of most of the proposed secondary legislation that underpins the social welfare system; and to provide advice and assistance to the Secretary of State, whether in response to a specific request from the UK Government or on its own initiative. In addition to the scrutiny of proposals for secondary legislation, the Committee’s general advisory functions are deployed to: inform the Committee’s work, improving members’ ability to scrutinise regulations and provide independent advice to Ministers; add value to the debate on a topic that is of current interest to Government and stakeholders; and stimulate debate of a specific topic within the Committee and amongst stakeholders.”
Time: Five days per month.
Remuneration: £22,000 per annum.
Closes: 01 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Home Office – Independent Reviewer of Prevent
“The Independent Review of Prevent will deliver on the Government’s commitment set out in the Counter Terrorism and Border Security Act 2019 and will critically examine and report on the Prevent strategy, as set out in CONTEST June 2018. We are seeking a highly talented individual of unquestionable independence, integrity and credibility, who can demonstrate his or her ability to exercise sound judgment and analysis at pace and under pressure, with close public and ministerial scrutiny. This is high profile and public-facing role, so we are seeking to appoint a credible and talented Independent Reviewer who is confident engaging with a wide range of interested parties, from civil society and community organisations, to Ministers and local practitioners.”
Time: Five days per month.
Remuneration: £140,000 pro rata.
Closes: 01 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Home Office – Independent Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration
“The Independent Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration provides independent scrutiny of the UK’s border and immigration functions, providing security, confidence and assurance as to their effectiveness and efficiency. They report annually to the Home Secretary and their reports are placed before Parliament. Leading a team of approximately 30 staff you will strive to continually improve the UK’s approach to the Border, Immigration and Citizenship System. Candidates will have experience of working successfully at a senior level, ideally within a regulation or enforcement arena. Whatever your background, you will appreciate the importance and opportunity that this role presents. Excellent communication skills, decisiveness, independence and unquestionable integrity will be essential.”
Time: Full-time.
Remuneration: £130,000
Closes: 06 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Imperial War Museum – RAF Trustee and Navy Trustee
“The Imperial War Museum (IWM) was founded in 1917 to record the story of the Great War. Its remit was subsequently extended to cover the Second World War and today, IWM is the world’s leading authority on conflict and its impact focusing on Britain, its former Empire and the Commonwealth, from the First World War to the present. The IWM is a single institution with a single purpose, fulfilled in different ways at its different branches, both physical and virtual. In addition to its headquarters building, IWM London, in Southwark, the Museum’s branches comprise the Churchill War Rooms and HMS Belfast in London, IWM Duxford in Cambridgeshire, and IWM North in Trafford, Greater Manchester which is housed in a stunning building by Daniel Libeskind. The IWM has traditionally had a Trustee on its Board from each of the three branches of the armed forces, and is currently recruiting for two Trustees to represent the RAF and Navy branches.”
Time: Up to one day per month.
Remuneration: Expenses reasonably incurred.
Closes: 12 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Department for International Trade – Lead Non-Executive Board Member/Non-Executive Board Member
“Both Non-Executive Board Members roles will exercise their role through influence and advice, supporting as well as challenging the executive, and covering such issues as: support, guidance and challenge on the progress and implementation of the Departments Strategy (the single departmental plan); performance (including agreeing key performance indicators), operational issues (including the operational and delivery implications of policy proposals), adherence to relevant standards (e.g. commercial, digital), and on the effective management of the department; [and] the recruitment, appraisal and suitable succession planning of senior executives, as appropriate within the principles set out by the Civil Service Commission.”
Time: Approx. 15-20 days per annum.
Remuneration: £20,000/£15,000 per annum.
Closes: 14 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Prisons – Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Prisons
“Reporting directly to Ministers, the successful candidate will have a proven ability to act with integrity and independence from Government, and deliver the services under the Inspectorate’s scrutiny. The Inspectorate’s methodology focuses on outcomes for those detained within the custodial estate, and encourages establishments to seek improvement in those outcomes where required. In addition to its annual inspection programme, the Inspectorate has, since 2019, introduced Independent Reviews of Progress, which will assess progress made by a prison in implementing previous recommendations in up to 20 prisons a year. The next Chief Inspector will be expected to use their expertise to innovate and evolve the inspection approach to further strengthen the work and impact of the Inspectorate.”
Time: Full-time.
Remuneration: £135,000 per annum.
Closes: 15 June
– – – – – – – – – –
The Pensions Ombudsman – Chair
“The Pensions Ombudsman (TPO) investigates and determines complaints and disputes about the way that occupational and personal pension schemes are run. The Pension Protection Fund Ombudsman considers decisions made by the Pension Protection Fund (PPF) Board under the PPF’s internal procedures and decides on appeals against decisions by the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) Financial Assistance Scheme. Although the roles are provided for separately in legislation, they are held by one post holder. Throughout this document the term ‘PO’ will therefore cover both roles. TPO provides an accessible service for dealing with pensions complaints. Determinations are final and binding on all parties, subject only to appeal in the High Court on a point of law. Services are provided free of charge.”
Time: Min. 30 days per annum.
Remuneration: £20,000 per annum.
Closes: 19 June


conservativehome--2020-05-28--Andrew Gimson’s Commons sketch: The Prime Minister did not stoop and could not conquer


Coronavirus Count

Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 267,240 ( Up from 265,227 ) .
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 37,460 ( Up from 37,048 ) .
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 2,013 ( Up from 2,004 ) .
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 412 ( Up from 134 ) .
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk to the UK has been raised to high ” – From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD : THE UK GOVERNMENT ’ S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY See here .
New as of Monday May 11 .
GUIDANCE : FURTHER BUSINESSES AND PREMISES TO CLOSE See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
HOW EVERYONE CAN HELP STOP THE CORONAVIRUS ( SOCIAL DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
STAY AT HOME @ @ @ @ @ @ @ SELF-DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR WORKERS ON WHAT AND HOW THEY CAN CLAIM See here .
Published on Friday March 20 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS , TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW See here .
Published on Saturday March 28 .
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS • Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
• Always wash your hands when you get home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
• Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve ( not your hands ) when you cough or sneeze .
• Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
• Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell .
The symptoms of coronavirus are : However , these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness .
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do .
Use this service if : • You think you might have coronavirus .
• In the last 14 days you ’ ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers .
• You ’ ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus .
• In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours .
• In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your area ) or 0845 46 47 .
• Do not go to a GP surgery , pharmacy or hospital .
• What the coronavirus is , how it ’ s spread and how to avoid catching it – Government NHS website overview .
• Stay at home advice and how to manage self-isolation .
( All information taken from Government sources .
Updated as of 7am on Thursday May 28th . )

HEADLINE FACTS
Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 292,950 (Up from 291,409).
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 41,481 (Up from 41,279).
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 1,541 (Up from 1,266).
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 202 (Up from 151).
England total cases: 156,410 (Up from 156,018 ).
England total deaths: 37,069 (Up from 36,883).
England death rate: 279.4 (Was 278.7).
Scotland total cases: 15,709 (Up from 15,682).
Scotland total deaths: 2,439 (Up from 2,434).
Scotland death rate: 288.9 (Was 288.4).
Wales total cases: 14,658 (Up from 14,581).
Wales total deaths: 1,435 (Up from 1,425).
Wales death rate: 467.0 (Was 464.6)
Northern Ireland total cases: 4,838 (Up from 4,822)
Northern Ireland total deaths: 538 (Up from 537).
Northern Ireland death rate: 257.1 (Was 256.3).
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED
DAILY NUMBER OF LAB-CONFIRMED ENGLAND CASES
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
RISK
“The risk to the UK has been raised to high” –
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
NHS VOLUNTEER RESPONDER FORM
See here
(The Government’s scheme to recruit 250,000 volunteers.)
– – –
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD: THE UK GOVERNMENT’S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY
See here. New as of Monday May 11.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON THE LOCKDOWN.
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SHIELDING AND PROTECTING PEOPLE WHO ARE CLINICALLY EXTREMELY VULNERABLE FROM COVID-19
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SOCIAL DISTANCING
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: GENERAL ADVICE
See here.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS. WHAT YOU CAN DO AND CAN’T DO
See here.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS, TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW
See here. Published on Saturday March 28.
– – –
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS
Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
Always wash your hands when you get home or into work .
Use hand sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve (not your hands) when you cough or sneeze .
Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell.
SYMPTOMS
The symptoms of coronavirus are:
A cough.
A high temperature.
Shortness of breath.
However, these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness.
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common, such as cold and flu.
USING 111
NHS 111 has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do.
Use this service if:
You think you might have coronavirus.
In the last 14 days you’ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers.
You’ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus.
In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours.
In Wales call 111 (if available in your area) or 0845 46 47.
In Northern Ireland call 111.
Do not go to a GP surgery, pharmacy or hospital.
FURTHER LINKS TO GOVERNMENT ADVICE
– – –
(All information taken from Government sources.
Updated as of 19.00 on Friday June 12.)


conservativehome--2020-05-28--Profile: Helen MacNamara, who could yet hold Cummings’ fate in her hands

Helen MacNamara and Dominic Cummings are supposed , by observers of the Downing Street machine , to be on opposite sides .
And it is true that MacNamara is the Cabinet Office official in charge of “ propriety and ethics ” , to whom Sir Mark Sedwill , the Cabinet Secretary , will delegate the task of conducting any inquiry the Prime Minister may yet be forced to order into whether or not Cummings broke the rules – though yesterday evening he told the Liaison Committee this would not be “ a very good use of official time ” .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ immediate storm , but do not always produce the result the Prime Minister wants .
In December 2017 , MacNamara ’ s predecessor , Sue Gray , published a report which did not entirely clear Damian Green , First Secretary of State and close supporter of Theresa May , of the charges made against him , so out he went .
It was said of Gray , profiled by ConHome in November 2017 , But although MacNamara can be trusted , within a wide discretion , to uphold the rules as they apply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind of person .
In 2014 , when she discussed “ how women leaders succeed ” at the Institute for Government , she spoke with enthusiasm about “ the disruptive power of change ” and how “ crisis creates the opportunity to be disruptive ” .
She recalled that after George Osborne became Chancellor of the Exchequer and she was charged with cutting the budget of the Department of Culture , Media and Sport by 50 per cent , she was able “ to massively change the dynamic in terms of women in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relaxed way , she said “ I like to fail ” , and went on remark that excessive caution is a problem with the culture within the Civil Service : There could , one guesses , be more in common between MacNamara and Cummings than is allowed for by the presumed opposition between her as a defender of the official machine and him as a reformer of it .
Like Cummings , MacNamara is no respecter of hierarchy .
In the late 1990s , after reading history at Clare College , Cambridge , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ entrepreneur .
She revelled in the absence of hierarchy , and points to the large number of dynamic women who got involved , including her hero , Martha Lane-Fox .
And MacNamara reckons she was taking part in something highly significant .
She believes the digital revolution is as significant as the industrial revolution , and is even now only just beginning .
But she insists she was “ very bad ” at being an entrepreneur , In the early years of this century , the Civil Service launched one of its periodic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ private sector , and recruited MacNamara , who in 2002 went to the DCMS .
Here she was soon Principal Private Secretary to the Secretary of State , Tessa Jowell .
Women were “ very powerful and able to do things ” in the department : the Permanent Secretary was also a woman .
MacNamara was spotted as someone of unusual ability .
She was involved in the Olympic bid .
A Conservative minister with whom she had much to do during a later , extremely difficult project described her as “ a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t play games , will always try to get at the truth , capable of bringing sense out of five-sided talks ” .
He added that he had spent hundreds of hours with her , but had no idea of her personal politics .
And he remarked that she had managed during this period to have four children , the youngest of them during her first stint at the Cabinet Office , from 2013-16 .
Her husband , Alex Towers , also worked in the DCMS , became Director of the BBC Trust @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Public Affairs at BT .
In her first stint in the Cabinet Office , MacNamara was Director of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat , which runs the Cabinet and Cabinet committees .
Here she did “ lots of brokering to try to smooth the process for collective agreement ” .
Her function is to help the Government do what it wants to do , and one suspects she would like to help Cummings do what he wants to do , namely recast the Civil Service into an altogether more professional organisation , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ above considers it “ extremely plausible ” that she might ascend to the post of Cabinet Secretary .
So too does Tim Shipman , who last weekend reported in The Sunday Times that she could one day take over from Sedwill : “ Helen MacNamara , the head of propriety and ethics in the Cabinet Office , who has clashed with Cummings over his treatment of special advisers , has also been handed a promotion that makes her Sedwill ’ s de facto deputy .
McNamara ’ s elevation puts her in pole @ @ @ @ @ @ @ secretary .
‘ She knows where all the bodies are buried because she has buried a lot of them for Boris , ’ one official said .
“ A senior Tory summed up : ‘ The big picture is that Dom wanted to see the back of Sedwill and failed .
He was trying to take control .
The bottom line is that Sedwill kept his job and another senior civil servant was brought in .
Dom also hates Helen McNamara and he ’ s ended up with her getting promoted . '
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Cummings clashed over his treatment of special advisers , whose terms and conditions she set out to regularise .
And it is possible that Cummings has made so many enemies among officials that she is among them .
After all , her role is “ to ensure the highest standards of propriety , integrity and governance within government ” , and it would not be beyond the bounds of official ingenuity to indicate that he has somehow infringed those .
But she has spoken with sympathy of women who because “ they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ big loud Irish family ” are “ not going to be able to get a word in edgeways in a meeting.
” MacNamara is not loud , yet somehow she always gets a word in edgeways .
She of all people would not be intimidated by Cummings .
If she had the chance , she might decide he had behaved so badly it was her duty to push him over the edge .
But she might also decide life would be frightfully dull without him , and that the cause of Civil Service @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Helen MacNamara and Dominic Cummings are supposed, by observers of the Downing Street machine, to be on opposite sides.
And it is true that MacNamara is the Cabinet Office official in charge of “propriety and ethics”, to whom Sir Mark Sedwill, the Cabinet Secretary, will delegate the task of conducting any inquiry the Prime Minister may yet be forced to order into whether or not Cummings broke the rules – though yesterday evening he told the Liaison Committee this would not be “a very good use of official time”.
Such Cabinet Office reports may calm the immediate storm, but do not always produce the result the Prime Minister wants. In December 2017, MacNamara’s predecessor, Sue Gray, published a report which did not entirely clear Damian Green, First Secretary of State and close supporter of Theresa May, of the charges made against him, so out he went.
It was said of Gray, profiled by ConHome in November 2017,
“She heads Whitehall’s equivalent of the Office of the Holy Inquisition. If Jeremy Heywood [the then Cabinet Secretary] is the Pope she leads the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith. She defines what is heretical…she is a steely enforcer of Whitehall authority.”
But although MacNamara can be trusted, within a wide discretion, to uphold the rules as they apply to Cummings, she is a different kind of person. In 2014, when she discussed “how women leaders succeed” at the Institute for Government, she spoke with enthusiasm about “the disruptive power of change” and how “crisis creates the opportunity to be disruptive”.
She recalled that after George Osborne became Chancellor of the Exchequer and she was charged with cutting the budget of the Department of Culture, Media and Sport by 50 per cent, she was able “to massively change the dynamic in terms of women in the organisation”.
And in a relaxed way, she said “I like to fail”, and went on remark that excessive caution is a problem with the culture within the Civil Service:
“We don’t take risks, we don’t make mistakes, we don’t admit failure.”
There could, one guesses, be more in common between MacNamara and Cummings than is allowed for by the presumed opposition between her as a defender of the official machine and him as a reformer of it.
Like Cummings, MacNamara is no respecter of hierarchy. In the late 1990s, after reading history at Clare College, Cambridge, she set out to become a dot.com entrepreneur.
She revelled in the absence of hierarchy, and points to the large number of dynamic women who got involved, including her hero, Martha Lane-Fox.
And MacNamara reckons she was taking part in something highly significant. She believes the digital revolution is as significant as the industrial revolution, and is even now only just beginning.
But she insists she was “very bad” at being an entrepreneur,
“because I think you learn many things about yourself from failing and one of the failures I had is that I wasn’t really interested in money, and that actually is a very significant failing if you’re trying to run a business. I was interested in doing interesting things and having a nice time and working with people, and none of these things necessarily in and of themselves make you some money.”
In the early years of this century, the Civil Service launched one of its periodic attempts to attract more people from the private sector, and recruited MacNamara, who in 2002 went to the DCMS.
Here she was soon Principal Private Secretary to the Secretary of State, Tessa Jowell. Women were “very powerful and able to do things” in the department: the Permanent Secretary was also a woman.
MacNamara was spotted as someone of unusual ability. She was involved in the Olympic bid. A Conservative minister with whom she had much to do during a later, extremely difficult project described her as “a perfect official, fair-minded, doesn’t play games, will always try to get at the truth, capable of bringing sense out of five-sided talks”.
He added that he had spent hundreds of hours with her, but had no idea of her personal politics. And he remarked that she had managed during this period to have four children, the youngest of them during her first stint at the Cabinet Office, from 2013-16.
Her husband, Alex Towers, also worked in the DCMS, became Director of the BBC Trust and is now Director of Policy and Public Affairs at BT.
In her first stint in the Cabinet Office, MacNamara was Director of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat, which runs the Cabinet and Cabinet committees. Here she did “lots of brokering to try to smooth the process for collective agreement”.
Her function is to help the Government do what it wants to do, and one suspects she would like to help Cummings do what he wants to do, namely recast the Civil Service into an altogether more professional organisation, where talent is rewarded.
The minister quoted above considers it “extremely plausible” that she might ascend to the post of Cabinet Secretary. So too does Tim Shipman, who last weekend reported in The Sunday Times that she could one day take over from Sedwill:
“Helen MacNamara, the head of propriety and ethics in the Cabinet Office, who has clashed with Cummings over his treatment of special advisers, has also been handed a promotion that makes her Sedwill’s de facto deputy. McNamara’s elevation puts her in pole position to become the first female cabinet secretary. ‘She knows where all the bodies are buried because she has buried a lot of them for Boris,’ one official said. “A senior Tory summed up: ‘The big picture is that Dom wanted to see the back of Sedwill and failed. He was trying to take control. The bottom line is that Sedwill kept his job and another senior civil servant was brought in. Dom also hates Helen McNamara and he’s ended up with her getting promoted.'”
It is perfectly true that MacNamara and Cummings clashed over his treatment of special advisers, whose terms and conditions she set out to regularise.
And it is possible that Cummings has made so many enemies among officials that she is among them. After all, her role is “to ensure the highest standards of propriety, integrity and governance within government”, and it would not be beyond the bounds of official ingenuity to indicate that he has somehow infringed those.
But she has spoken with sympathy of women who because “they don’t come from a very big loud Irish family” are “not going to be able to get a word in edgeways in a meeting.”
MacNamara is not loud, yet somehow she always gets a word in edgeways. She of all people would not be intimidated by Cummings.
If she had the chance, she might decide he had behaved so badly it was her duty to push him over the edge. But she might also decide life would be frightfully dull without him, and that the cause of Civil Service reform would be set back a generation.


conservativehome--2020-05-28--Stephen Booth: Contrary to expectations, the UK may have the upper hand as Brexit negotiations inten

Stephen Booth: Contrary to expectations, the UK may have the upper hand as Brexit negotiations intensify

The next round of UK-EU negotiations begins on June 1 , the final talks before a “ high-level conference ” attended by the Prime Minister to assess progress before the end-of-year deadline .
The previous negotiating round , two weeks ago , concluded with an exchange of letters between David Frost and Michel Barnier , which suggested that either or both sides are preparing the ground to blame the other for causing a stalemate in the talks .
Nothing is certain in these times but it still looks likely that we will pass the June 30 deadline without an extension @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leave just six months to settle the future UK-EU relationship in an increasingly febrile atmosphere , in which a row appears to be brewing .
The timing of yesterday ’ s letter from Barnier to the leaders of the SNP , Lib Dems , Plaid Cymru , SDLP , Green Party and Alliance Party , stating the option of an extension to the transition period is still available , if the UK wants it , will not have lowered the temperature .
Frost has accused the EU of offering “ not a fair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but a relatively low-quality trade agreement coming with unprecedented EU oversight of our laws and institutions.
” Meanwhile , Barnier responded by stating that , “ I would not like the tone that you have taken to impact the mutual trust and constructive attitude that is essential between us.
” If next month ’ s UK-EU summit is indeed a disappointment , the UK has rightly said it will turn its attention to domestic preparation for an EU relationship on World Trade Organisation ( WTO ) terms .
But what will happen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ difficult to gauge because it is in neither side ’ s interests to advertise whether they might be prepared to compromise until the very last moment .
At this stage , the chances of reaching an agreement are probably no more than 50/50 and there are a number of potential scenarios that do not necessarily point to a simple “ deal ” or “ no deal ” outcome on January 1 , 2021 .
The June 30 deadline for an extension is theoretically the final legal opportunity to buy more time .
However @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the end of the year , a legal means will no doubt be found to provide the time to dot the i ’ s and cross the t ’ s .
Equally , if a deal is reached at the very last minute , an adjustment period could be included so that businesses have a phase to prepare for the new trading regime .
There are countless historical examples of the EU finding procedural ruses when the political needs must .
There may also be ways to ensure that a no deal outcome @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been in 2019 .
Then , the EU scotched the idea of a “ managed ” no deal Brexit on WTO terms , supported by various reciprocal easements on border or regulatory issues .
This made some sense when Brexit counter-revolutionaries were strong in Parliament and the Irish border issue remained unresolved .
However , Boris Johnson ’ s government now has the mandate to deliver an “ Australian-style ” relationship , even if it is not his preferred outcome .
Meanwhile , the Withdrawal Agreement and Northern Irish Protocol provides the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as citizens ’ rights and the Irish land border .
In these circumstances , the EU might , or might not , be willing to soften a transition to WTO terms .
It is still possible , though , for a deal to be reached and ratified before the end of the year .
As I have argued before , the outstanding barriers to a UK-EU trade agreement are well known to both sides and should not be insurmountable .
But they require political choices to be made .
Reports this week suggest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be prepared to recognise that its demands to maintain its present fishing rights in UK waters are unattainable .
An EU official was quoted as saying : “ We would be looking to shift on demands to keep everything as is now , a somewhat maximalist opening position , if the UK also moved from its position of coastal attachment .
That ’ s where the room for compromise lies.
” However , Amelie de Montchalin , France ’ s EU Affairs Minister , has said there is currently no reason for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The so-called “ level-playing field ” and the governance arrangements of any agreement are also barriers to a deal .
Ironically , in all of these areas the EU hankers for the type of UK “ associate status ” that Theresa May ’ s government envisioned under its Chequers proposals .
EU leaders are now reaping the consequences of their decision to so publicly rebuff May ’ s offer at Salzburg in September 2018 .
Everything Johnson ’ s government has said and done to date suggests that an associate status , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would require , is not something it will ever agree to .
Frost yesterday reiterated this point of principle to the House of Commons ’ Future Relationship with the European Union Committee .
Therefore , the political reality is that , if a deal is to be done , the landing zone on the key issue of alignment will need to be closer to the UK ’ s current negotiating position than the EU ’ s .
To put it mildly , this is not how the EU sees the situation or what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ traditional trade negotiation , the EU ’ s size would give it an upper hand .
But , ultimately , this is not a traditional trade negotiation .
The future relationship negotiations are a proxy for what has become a wider geopolitical rupture .
The question now is the degree of the rift .
Some in UK officialdom favour a deal under which the UK and the EU become economic competitors but remain strategic partners on issues such as climate change , Russia and China .
The alternative may be greater strategic rivalry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ closer relationships with the Anglosphere and in Asia in order to establish a counterweight .
Arguably , Johnson ’ s government can endure some economic disruption in 2021 , if indeed it is distinguishable from the wider Covid-19 fallout , because the primary objective is taking back control of British sovereignty .
Predictions that economic interests , such as the German car industry , will eventually soften the EU ’ s approach have been wrong before and may be wrong again .
However , Johnson may find it easier to explain the political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ electoral constituency than it will be for Brussels to explain why trade with Britain has been sacrificed for the sake of the rather abstract concept of the integrity of the single market .

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange.
The next round of UK-EU negotiations begins on June 1, the final talks before a “high-level conference” attended by the Prime Minister to assess progress before the end-of-year deadline. The previous negotiating round, two weeks ago, concluded with an exchange of letters between David Frost and Michel Barnier, which suggested that either or both sides are preparing the ground to blame the other for causing a stalemate in the talks.
Nothing is certain in these times but it still looks likely that we will pass the June 30 deadline without an extension to the transition period. This would leave just six months to settle the future UK-EU relationship in an increasingly febrile atmosphere, in which a row appears to be brewing. The timing of yesterday’s letter from Barnier to the leaders of the SNP, Lib Dems, Plaid Cymru, SDLP, Green Party and Alliance Party, stating the option of an extension to the transition period is still available, if the UK wants it, will not have lowered the temperature.
Frost has accused the EU of offering “not a fair free trade relationship between close economic partners, but a relatively low-quality trade agreement coming with unprecedented EU oversight of our laws and institutions.” Meanwhile, Barnier responded by stating that, “I would not like the tone that you have taken to impact the mutual trust and constructive attitude that is essential between us.”
If next month’s UK-EU summit is indeed a disappointment, the UK has rightly said it will turn its attention to domestic preparation for an EU relationship on World Trade Organisation (WTO) terms. But what will happen over the next six months will remain difficult to gauge because it is in neither side’s interests to advertise whether they might be prepared to compromise until the very last moment.
At this stage, the chances of reaching an agreement are probably no more than 50/50 and there are a number of potential scenarios that do not necessarily point to a simple “deal” or “no deal” outcome on January 1, 2021.
The June 30 deadline for an extension is theoretically the final legal opportunity to buy more time. However, if a deal looks close come the end of the year, a legal means will no doubt be found to provide the time to dot the i’s and cross the t’s. Equally, if a deal is reached at the very last minute, an adjustment period could be included so that businesses have a phase to prepare for the new trading regime. There are countless historical examples of the EU finding procedural ruses when the political needs must.
There may also be ways to ensure that a no deal outcome is not as stark as it would have been in 2019. Then, the EU scotched the idea of a “managed” no deal Brexit on WTO terms, supported by various reciprocal easements on border or regulatory issues. This made some sense when Brexit counter-revolutionaries were strong in Parliament and the Irish border issue remained unresolved.
However, Boris Johnson’s government now has the mandate to deliver an “Australian-style” relationship, even if it is not his preferred outcome. Meanwhile, the Withdrawal Agreement and Northern Irish Protocol provides the EU with some security over issues such as citizens’ rights and the Irish land border. In these circumstances, the EU might, or might not, be willing to soften a transition to WTO terms.
It is still possible, though, for a deal to be reached and ratified before the end of the year. As I have argued before, the outstanding barriers to a UK-EU trade agreement are well known to both sides and should not be insurmountable. But they require political choices to be made.
Reports this week suggest there are signs that the EU might be prepared to recognise that its demands to maintain its present fishing rights in UK waters are unattainable. An EU official was quoted as saying: “We would be looking to shift on demands to keep everything as is now, a somewhat maximalist opening position, if the UK also moved from its position of coastal attachment. That’s where the room for compromise lies.”
However, Amelie de Montchalin, France’s EU Affairs Minister, has said there is currently no reason for the EU to change its position on fisheries. The so-called “level-playing field” and the governance arrangements of any agreement are also barriers to a deal.
Ironically, in all of these areas the EU hankers for the type of UK “associate status” that Theresa May’s government envisioned under its Chequers proposals. EU leaders are now reaping the consequences of their decision to so publicly rebuff May’s offer at Salzburg in September 2018.
Everything Johnson’s government has said and done to date suggests that an associate status, and the alignment to EU rules it would require, is not something it will ever agree to. Frost yesterday reiterated this point of principle to the House of Commons’ Future Relationship with the European Union Committee.
Therefore, the political reality is that, if a deal is to be done, the landing zone on the key issue of alignment will need to be closer to the UK’s current negotiating position than the EU’s. To put it mildly, this is not how the EU sees the situation or what it is used to. In a traditional trade negotiation, the EU’s size would give it an upper hand. But, ultimately, this is not a traditional trade negotiation.
The future relationship negotiations are a proxy for what has become a wider geopolitical rupture. The question now is the degree of the rift. Some in UK officialdom favour a deal under which the UK and the EU become economic competitors but remain strategic partners on issues such as climate change, Russia and China. The alternative may be greater strategic rivalry. Britain has the option of seeking closer relationships with the Anglosphere and in Asia in order to establish a counterweight.
Arguably, Johnson’s government can endure some economic disruption in 2021, if indeed it is distinguishable from the wider Covid-19 fallout, because the primary objective is taking back control of British sovereignty. Predictions that economic interests, such as the German car industry, will eventually soften the EU’s approach have been wrong before and may be wrong again. However, Johnson may find it easier to explain the political imperative of national independence to his 2019 electoral constituency than it will be for Brussels to explain why trade with Britain has been sacrificed for the sake of the rather abstract concept of the integrity of the single market.


conservativehome--2020-05-28--Nicholas Rogers: The Mayor is failing the commuters of South West London

Nicholas Rogers is the Conservative London Assembly candidate for Hounslow , Richmond , & Kingston Suffice to say , Thursday 7th May 2020 did not pan out quite how I anticipated .
Along with thousands of other candidates across the country , I expected to be stomping up and down my patch , rallying the troops and getting out the vote .
The entirely appropriate postponement of the London elections may have brought campaigning to a halt , but it did not bring politics to a halt .
There have since been some extraordinary developments in the political life of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ £1.6 billion bailout of Transport for London and the attached strings have taken away sole decision-making power on transport from Sadiq Khan .
Transport is the single biggest task for the Mayor of London .
Sadiq Khan has so comprehensively failed at this task that the government is now forced to step in , bail him out , and prevent him from doing further damage .
Be in no doubt , this failure was a long time coming .
As Harry Phibbs points out , TfL was in trouble long before coronavirus and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at Sadiq Khan ’ s door .
I have spent almost my entire career in public transport .
I started out on the TfL graduate scheme back in 2007 and since 2011 I have worked for Network Rail .
I ’ ve been a manager of Waterloo Station and for almost five years I have been an Incident Controller , working at the sharp end of transport operations .
My experience in transport – along with my experience as a former Metropolitan Police Special Constable – is what drove me to stand for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place .
Working at Transport for London gave me first-hand knowledge of that great behemoth .
The organisation requires constant , rigorous , probing political oversight .
It can not be left to its own devices and it can not be run as a political tool .
The Mayor has provided ample evidence for this .
From his ill-advised fares freeze , which has cost £640 million so far and benefits tourists rather than London ’ s commuters , to his lack of interest in Crossrail – running more than £3 billion over-budget @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with almost £1 billion in lost fares – he has demonstrated that he simply is not capable of managing London ’ s transport network .
Residents of the three boroughs of South West London – Hounslow , Richmond , and Kingston – are watching developments with anxious interest .
There are major transport issues in each of our boroughs and they need addressing now .
Real problems affecting real people trying to move about their city and live their lives .
In Hounslow , there are long-running problems with the Piccadilly Line .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ – and one of the worst for overall reliability – the antiquated signalling system desperately needs updating .
Indeed , billions were spent on new trains to take advantage of capacity gains when the signalling is finally upgraded .
However , this is one of 22 major transport projects the Mayor has cancelled or indefinitely delayed and until the signalling upgrade is completed , most of the value the new trains offer can not be unlocked .
The urgency of the Piccadilly Line upgrade extends outside Hounslow borough ; the Line is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of London and beyond .
More locally , the upgrade would finally – after decades of campaigning – deliver full service to Turnham Green Station , saving Chiswick residents many hours of commuting time every year .
Richmond ’ s road network was thrown into chaos in April 2019 with the sudden closure of Hammersmith Bridge .
Roads became choked with traffic across the whole of South West London as , overnight , a four-and-a-half mile stretch of the Thames became impassable to motor vehicles .
More than a year later , very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ viable scheme for a temporary crossing was dismissed .
The Mayor shows no urgency and no empathy for residents and businesses on both sides of the river struggling with this difficult situation , including those residents trying to access Charing Cross Hospital for emergencies .
Sadly , this is not the only transport problem in Richmond .
Like many other boroughs , Richmond is due to be divided by the ULEZ expansion in October 2021 .
Residents who can ’ t afford to upgrade their cars will find themselves paying £12.50 every day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can use public transport to get to work and many people rely on the use of a vehicle for their livelihood .
Addressing air quality and reducing pollution levels are without question urgent and vital tasks but we must take an efficient approach and lead with the carrot , not the stick .
The Mayor should address his own bus fleet – one of the biggest contributors to pollution in London – and use the hundreds of millions the ULEZ expansion will cost to make the fleet zero-emission instead .
My home borough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transport is an issue that comes up frequently on the doorstep .
The best bet for improving rail transport in Kingston is Crossrail 2 ; all of Kingston ’ s mainline stations will likely join the Crossrail 2 network .
The project will transform the commuter experience in this part of London .
But thanks to the Mayor ’ s mismanagement of Crossrail 1 , and the lackadaisical approach to other major transport projects , Crossrail 2 is at risk .
Kingston also suffers from areas of very poor air quality ; indeed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ station , is often named as one of the worst in London .
Again , the solution to this is not ULEZ-expansion but converting London ’ s bus fleet to zero-emission .
And while this is happening , why not deal with the immediate problem by turning Kingston into a low-emission bus zone ?
These are just some of the transport troubles we face in South West London .
I could go on ( and on ) but suffice to say , the significant transport inequality in our part of the city needs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ urgency .
As Mayor of London , Sadiq Khan has immense power , vast resources , and enormous influence , yet on these and too many other issues , he shows no leadership and seeks only to evade responsibility .
There is a vacuum at the heart of City Hall .
The consequences are felt across London , as pressing concerns such as those above go unresolved .
I can not tell you how much I am looking forward to getting back out campaigning again .
London needs change , urgently .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ someone who wants to be Mayor , not because he sees it as means of self-promotion and aggrandisement , but because he is deeply passionate about London and wants to make it a better city for all people .

Nicholas Rogers is the Conservative London Assembly candidate for Hounslow, Richmond, & Kingston
Suffice to say, Thursday 7th May 2020 did not pan out quite how I anticipated. Along with thousands of other candidates across the country, I expected to be stomping up and down my patch, rallying the troops and getting out the vote.
The entirely appropriate postponement of the London elections may have brought campaigning to a halt, but it did not bring politics to a halt. There have since been some extraordinary developments in the political life of the capital. The government’s £1.6 billion bailout of Transport for London and the attached strings have taken away sole decision-making power on transport from Sadiq Khan.
Transport is the single biggest task for the Mayor of London. Sadiq Khan has so comprehensively failed at this task that the government is now forced to step in, bail him out, and prevent him from doing further damage. Be in no doubt, this failure was a long time coming. As Harry Phibbs points out, TfL was in trouble long before coronavirus and much of the blame can be laid at Sadiq Khan’s door.
I have spent almost my entire career in public transport. I started out on the TfL graduate scheme back in 2007 and since 2011 I have worked for Network Rail. I’ve been a manager of Waterloo Station and for almost five years I have been an Incident Controller, working at the sharp end of transport operations.
My experience in transport – along with my experience as a former Metropolitan Police Special Constable – is what drove me to stand for election to the Assembly in the first place. Working at Transport for London gave me first-hand knowledge of that great behemoth. The organisation requires constant, rigorous, probing political oversight. It cannot be left to its own devices and it cannot be run as a political tool.
The Mayor has provided ample evidence for this. From his ill-advised fares freeze, which has cost £640 million so far and benefits tourists rather than London’s commuters, to his lack of interest in Crossrail – running more than £3 billion over-budget, three years behind schedule, and with almost £1 billion in lost fares – he has demonstrated that he simply is not capable of managing London’s transport network.
Residents of the three boroughs of South West London – Hounslow, Richmond, and Kingston – are watching developments with anxious interest. There are major transport issues in each of our boroughs and they need addressing now. Real problems affecting real people trying to move about their city and live their lives.
In Hounslow, there are long-running problems with the Piccadilly Line. The second worst line for signalling failures – and one of the worst for overall reliability – the antiquated signalling system desperately needs updating. Indeed, billions were spent on new trains to take advantage of capacity gains when the signalling is finally upgraded. However, this is one of 22 major transport projects the Mayor has cancelled or indefinitely delayed and until the signalling upgrade is completed, most of the value the new trains offer cannot be unlocked.
The urgency of the Piccadilly Line upgrade extends outside Hounslow borough; the Line is a key connection to Heathrow for the rest of London and beyond. More locally, the upgrade would finally – after decades of campaigning – deliver full service to Turnham Green Station, saving Chiswick residents many hours of commuting time every year.
Richmond’s road network was thrown into chaos in April 2019 with the sudden closure of Hammersmith Bridge. Roads became choked with traffic across the whole of South West London as, overnight, a four-and-a-half mile stretch of the Thames became impassable to motor vehicles. More than a year later, very little progress has been made. A viable scheme for a temporary crossing was dismissed. The Mayor shows no urgency and no empathy for residents and businesses on both sides of the river struggling with this difficult situation, including those residents trying to access Charing Cross Hospital for emergencies.
Sadly, this is not the only transport problem in Richmond. Like many other boroughs, Richmond is due to be divided by the ULEZ expansion in October 2021. Residents who can’t afford to upgrade their cars will find themselves paying £12.50 every day to cross the boundary. Not everyone can use public transport to get to work and many people rely on the use of a vehicle for their livelihood.
Addressing air quality and reducing pollution levels are without question urgent and vital tasks but we must take an efficient approach and lead with the carrot, not the stick. The Mayor should address his own bus fleet – one of the biggest contributors to pollution in London – and use the hundreds of millions the ULEZ expansion will cost to make the fleet zero-emission instead.
My home borough of Kingston is a commuter-intensive area and transport is an issue that comes up frequently on the doorstep. The best bet for improving rail transport in Kingston is Crossrail 2; all of Kingston’s mainline stations will likely join the Crossrail 2 network. The project will transform the commuter experience in this part of London. But thanks to the Mayor’s mismanagement of Crossrail 1, and the lackadaisical approach to other major transport projects, Crossrail 2 is at risk.
Kingston also suffers from areas of very poor air quality; indeed, one location, Cromwell Road bus station, is often named as one of the worst in London. Again, the solution to this is not ULEZ-expansion but converting London’s bus fleet to zero-emission. And while this is happening, why not deal with the immediate problem by turning Kingston into a low-emission bus zone?
These are just some of the transport troubles we face in South West London. I could go on (and on) but suffice to say, the significant transport inequality in our part of the city needs to be addressed as a matter of urgency.
As Mayor of London, Sadiq Khan has immense power, vast resources, and enormous influence, yet on these and too many other issues, he shows no leadership and seeks only to evade responsibility.
There is a vacuum at the heart of City Hall. The consequences are felt across London, as pressing concerns such as those above go unresolved.
I cannot tell you how much I am looking forward to getting back out campaigning again. London needs change, urgently. We need Shaun Bailey in City Hall; someone who wants to be Mayor, not because he sees it as means of self-promotion and aggrandisement, but because he is deeply passionate about London and wants to make it a better city for all people.


conservativehome--2020-05-28--The tragedy of Coronavirus death rates. And the problem of statistically selective narratives.

Today , the Financial Times has returned to one of its favourite pursuits of late : trying to show that the UK has the worst Coronavirus death rate in the world .
“ UK suffers highest death rate from coronavirus ” , ran the headline on its analysis of excess mortality figures .
“ The UK has registered 59,537 more deaths than usual since the week ending March 20 ” , the paper reads , adding that this is a “ higher rate of death than in any country for which high-quality data exist.
” The figure is , of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the headline is also misleading , as there are a number of ways the death rate can be calculated .
Unfortunately these do not always fit the media narrative that Britain is the worst place in the whole universe .
Take the case-fatality ratio , which is highest for Belgium and France .
For deaths per 100,000 and per million , it is Belgium and Spain .
But when do these ever get mentioned in our news cycle ?
As ConservativeHome has argued before , making international comparisons is generally a futile exercise @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these differences will affect how Covid-19 impacts on them .
The UK is one of the most highly populated in Europe ; an international hub with a housing crisis , so it is almost certainly at a disadvantage against a disease that spreads rapidly .
Deaths per capita is a better measure , as this allows for analysts to “ normalise ” differences in population size .
Moreover , one problem with international comparisons is they fail to highlight the unique solutions which each country has to adopt to fight the Coronavirus .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ re all the same , branding them as “ good ” or “ bad ” in simplistic articles , we don ’ t really get a sense of what can help them in the future .
In regards to the UK , some have argued that the Government made a huge mistake by clearing out hospitals quickly – in doing so sending infected members of the elderly population back to their care homes , where the disease transmitted and killed others .
It ’ s understanding this information that ’ s important in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any of its strategies – not creating league tables of which country is winning and losing .
And this brings us back to the FT – which is dogmatic about where it thinks the Government has gone wrong .
It claims that “ Countries such as Germany and Norway , which imposed restrictions when the spread of the virus was limited , suffered much lower levels of additional deaths than those in the UK where the government waited longer before ordering a lockdown.
” Throughout Covid-19 , the media has had extreme confidence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even ( arguably ) accelerating it with calls at daily briefings .
None of this is to suggest they are wrong – perhaps lockdown should have been sooner – but it is simply too early to make such proclamations , particularly as there ’ s still so much to discover about the virus .
It appears , for one , to have its own natural peak , regardless of intervention , and changes to the weather could even play a part .
Additionally , excess mortality can be caused by lockdown in itself @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other tragedies contributing to the toll .
That ’ s before we get to the economic upheaval lockdown will inflict on our future prosperity , which will cost lives too .
That ’ s why the media should be slow to boast that it knows better than the Government and its advisers .
It ’ s likely that Covid-19 will be with us for a long time ; no one can be sure how many waves and lockdowns there will be , if countries will ever find a vaccine , or if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ us , like flu , for the foreseeable future .
Our situation can change , and so with it can the prevailing orthodoxies of the time – around how the UK should have tackled Covid-19 .
The Government has said repeatedly that all-cause mortality , adjusted for age , will be the most important metric when we ( hopefully ) get a grip on the virus and can assess death rates .
But even this will have its own limitations ; no two countries are the same , and one would actually need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what worked and didn ’ t .
Frankly , it ’ s never really been obvious to me what is so constructive about knowing who did “ best ” in a pandemic ; it ’ s interesting that when Italy was in pain , the UK offered it solidarity , not an avalanche of criticisms about its Government .
Indeed , much of the coverage comes across as ideological , as a revenge for Brexit , in which the UK was also talked down in the same way .
Yes the Government will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approach right at various points .
But nothing justifies the onslaught of statistically selective narratives circulating the news .

Today, the Financial Times has returned to one of its favourite pursuits of late: trying to show that the UK has the worst Coronavirus death rate in the world.
“UK suffers highest death rate from coronavirus”, ran the headline on its analysis of excess mortality figures. “The UK has registered 59,537 more deaths than usual since the week ending March 20”, the paper reads, adding that this is a “higher rate of death than in any country for which high-quality data exist.”
The figure is, of course, a terrible one. But the headline is also misleading, as there are a number of ways the death rate can be calculated. Unfortunately these do not always fit the media narrative that Britain is the worst place in the whole universe. Take the case-fatality ratio, which is highest for Belgium and France. For deaths per 100,000 and per million, it is Belgium and Spain. But when do these ever get mentioned in our news cycle?
As ConservativeHome has argued before, making international comparisons is generally a futile exercise as countries are so different, and these differences will affect how Covid-19 impacts on them. The UK is one of the most highly populated in Europe; an international hub with a housing crisis, so it is almost certainly at a disadvantage against a disease that spreads rapidly. Deaths per capita is a better measure, as this allows for analysts to “normalise” differences in population size.
Moreover, one problem with international comparisons is they fail to highlight the unique solutions which each country has to adopt to fight the Coronavirus. If we treat countries like they’re all the same, branding them as “good” or “bad” in simplistic articles, we don’t really get a sense of what can help them in the future.
In regards to the UK, some have argued that the Government made a huge mistake by clearing out hospitals quickly – in doing so sending infected members of the elderly population back to their care homes, where the disease transmitted and killed others. It’s understanding this information that’s important in analyses, so the UK can change any of its strategies – not creating league tables of which country is winning and losing.
And this brings us back to the FT – which is dogmatic about where it thinks the Government has gone wrong. It claims that “Countries such as Germany and Norway, which imposed restrictions when the spread of the virus was limited, suffered much lower levels of additional deaths than those in the UK where the government waited longer before ordering a lockdown.”
Throughout Covid-19, the media has had extreme confidence that lockdown is the best route – even (arguably) accelerating it with calls at daily briefings.
None of this is to suggest they are wrong – perhaps lockdown should have been sooner – but it is simply too early to make such proclamations, particularly as there’s still so much to discover about the virus. It appears, for one, to have its own natural peak, regardless of intervention, and changes to the weather could even play a part. Additionally, excess mortality can be caused by lockdown in itself, with missed hospital appointments, suicides and other tragedies contributing to the toll. That’s before we get to the economic upheaval lockdown will inflict on our future prosperity, which will cost lives too.
That’s why the media should be slow to boast that it knows better than the Government and its advisers. It’s likely that Covid-19 will be with us for a long time; no one can be sure how many waves and lockdowns there will be, if countries will ever find a vaccine, or if the disease will just be stuck with us, like flu, for the foreseeable future. Our situation can change, and so with it can the prevailing orthodoxies of the time – around how the UK should have tackled Covid-19.
The Government has said repeatedly that all-cause mortality, adjusted for age, will be the most important metric when we (hopefully) get a grip on the virus and can assess death rates. But even this will have its own limitations; no two countries are the same, and one would actually need two UKs to make direct comparisons on what worked and didn’t. Frankly, it’s never really been obvious to me what is so constructive about knowing who did “best” in a pandemic; it’s interesting that when Italy was in pain, the UK offered it solidarity, not an avalanche of criticisms about its Government.
Indeed, much of the coverage comes across as ideological, as a revenge for Brexit, in which the UK was also talked down in the same way. Yes the Government will have no doubt have not got its approach right at various points. But nothing justifies the onslaught of statistically selective narratives circulating the news.