conservativehome--2020-04-02--Trump’s mishandling of the virus crisis confirms that he is an impudent opportunist

Donald Trump , the first reality TV star to become president , has treated the Coronavirus crisis as if it were a reality TV show .
He has allowed a vacuum of leadership to develop into which the governors of the individual states have now stepped .
One can see why he approached the crisis in this way .
It is his natural game , he lacks the moral seriousness to make the huge effort needed to change it , and this mode of behaviour has advantages for him .
Part of the point of reality TV is that when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s going well : the ratings rise because it ’ s astonishing to see such disreputable conduct played out in daily instalments for the public ’ s amusement .
Trump has boasted that the ratings he is getting for his daily press conferences are high , though some might say that 8.5 million viewers in a nation of 330 million at a time of national peril is unimpressive .
It does not compare with what , say , Franklin D. Roosevelt got for his fireside chats on the radio – a more valuable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and one month he was President , and led the country through the Great Depression and the Second World War , he delivered only 30 of those , and took enormous trouble over them , each of them requiring “ four or five days of long , overtime work ” to prepare .
Nor is he capable , as FDR and most of the presidents since him were , of leading an international response to the crisis .
In some ways , he is the most embarrassingly out of his depth occupant of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , though Harding ’ s most grievous flaws were only exposed after his death in office in 1923 .
The shamelessness of reality TV , the primacy it gives to appetite and emotion over restraint and reason , means Trump can assert as true anything he would like to be true , regardless of whether it is known to be false , or will soon be proven false .
The first case of Coronavirus in the USA was detected on 20th January .
The CDC – the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to test for the disease , and got no encouragement from Trump , who was anxious to downplay the threat .
Asked on 22nd January , at the World Economic Forum in Davos , if there was a danger of the virus developing into a pandemic , he replied : “ It ’ s going to be just fine .
We have it totally under control.
” Over a month later , on February 26 , he said of the virus : The next day , Trump predicted the number of infected people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of days is going to be down to close to zero ” .
On 16th March he started to take the pandemic seriously , but not long after he said the churches could be full for Easter .
A change in how the president is feeling suffices for a change in what he says at his daily press conferences .
He can contradict himself as often as he likes , be as outrageous as he likes , and this unpredictability helps him to dominate the headlines , just as he did during the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ flexibility which is denied to his more scrupulous opponents , who feel under an obligation to strive to be honest , rational and consistent .
This puts his critics in a difficult position .
Many of them find his wheedling , insinuating tone of voice so creepy they can not bear to listen to him for any length of time .
The President is so disgusting he becomes incomprehensible .
It is easier to excommunicate him than to sully oneself by trying to follow his thought processes .
This pharisaical reaction plays into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as intolerant , self-congratulatory and out-of-touch , a bunch of hypocrites who think they ’ re better than the kind of people who watch reality TV .
All the same , reality TV can go seriously wrong , particularly when the participants start killing themselves .
Then questions start to be asked about whether those running the show exercised their duty of care towards the vulnerable people involved , and the answer is usually found to be that those in charge couldn ’ t have cared less .
Such questions now faces Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he is found to have been so negligent in his handling of the Coronavirus that huge numbers of Americans have died unnecessarily , his show is likely to be taken off the air in November , even if he faces an opponent no more formidable than Joe Biden .
Meanwhile America ’ s federal system is belatedly starting to supply some opponents more considerable than Biden .
On Sunday , Governor J.B. Pritzker of Illinois lamented the “ loss of essentially the entire month of February ” and the “ profound failing of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tests it assured Americans it was going to supply : Pritzker , a Democrat , is a member of the immensely wealthy family which owns the Hyatt hotel chain .
In 1993 , Trump accused the Pritzkers – with whom he had gone into partnership to turn the old Commodore Hotel in New York into the Grand Hyatt – of racketeering .
If that was an isolated case of Trump falling out with business partners and flinging bizarre accusations at them , it could be regarded as a misfortune .
But as James @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : A Portrait of Donald Trump in 3,500 Lawsuits , published in September 2019 , there is a pattern of behaviour here : instead of getting on with his partners in New York and winning their trust , Trump sued them , using the “ attack-dog ” methods he learned from the notorious Roy Cohn , who in turn had worked for Joe McCarthy .
Trump , in other words , has never practised treating people as valued allies in pursuit of a common goal , making the prudent accommodations needed to work @ @ @ @ @ @ @ readies himself to strike some unbelievably low blow – the sort of thing which produces a gasp in the reality TV audience .
As my old friend Roland Stephen , who lives in Maryland , puts it : Trump is now in the process of falling out with the state governors whose co-operation he needs in order to get a grip on the Coronavirus .
He has lashed out at several of them , including Gretchen Whitmer , the Governor of Missouri , Jay Inslee , the Governor of Washington , and Andrew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He complained that he has a “ big problem ” with the “ young , a woman governor ” in Michigan , because “ all she does is sit there and blame the federal government.
” He referred to her as “ Gretchen ‘ Half ’ Whitmer ” and said she is “ way in over her head ” and “ doesn ’ t have a clue.
” Whitmer responded on Twitter : “ I ’ ve asked repeatedly and respectfully for help .
We need it .
No more political attacks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ masks , test kits .
You said you stand with Michigan — prove it.
” When Inslee said the President should lead a “ national mobilisation of the industrial base in this country ” to produce medical supplies , Trump retorted that Inslee “ shouldn ’ t be relying on the federal government ” .
Cuomo said the state of New York would need 30,000 ventilators at the peak of the outbreak , and had only received 400 from the federal government .
Trump replied that he had “ a feeling ” that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be needed .
Those three governors are Democrats , but some Republicans – Larry Hogan in Maryland , Mike DeWine in Ohio – have enacted stern measures to slow the virus , sterner than the President has ventured to commend .
In Mississippi , by contrast , a Republican Governor , Tate Reeves , has allowed most businesses to stay open , and restaurants too , as long as they serve no more than ten people at a time .
Reeves said his critics were enemies of Trump and “ don ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a conservative and I ’ m willing to pray.
” He added : Trump is tempted by that line of argument , remarking sometimes that the cure could be worse than the disease .
If only he could be confident that the Coronavirus would afflict Democrat states more grievously than Republican ones , then not taking the disease so seriously would possess a certain ruthless logic .
But the evidence suggests the disease will not make that distinction .
When I began this article , I hoped to avoid composing yet another prosy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to give him credit for a hucksterish Realpolitik which owes nothing to Christian morals or gentlemanly behaviour .
He also has the merit of not making himself the prisoner of experts who may have exaggerated their ability to see how the crisis will unfold .
But having watched the zigzag course he has steered , the laughably contradictory messages he has sent to the American public , and the way he has sought to diminish state governors instead of making common cause with them , it is hard to avoid the conclusion that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ needs national leadership , it finds itself in the hands of an impudent opportunist .
Andrew Gimson ’ s recently-released Gimson ’ s Presidents : Brief Lives from Washington to Trump , illustrated by Martin Rowson , is published by Penguin Books .

Donald Trump, the first reality TV star to become president, has treated the Coronavirus crisis as if it were a reality TV show. He has allowed a vacuum of leadership to develop into which the governors of the individual states have now stepped.
One can see why he approached the crisis in this way. It is his natural game, he lacks the moral seriousness to make the huge effort needed to change it, and this mode of behaviour has advantages for him.
Part of the point of reality TV is that when it’s going badly it’s going well: the ratings rise because it’s astonishing to see such disreputable conduct played out in daily instalments for the public’s amusement.
Trump has boasted that the ratings he is getting for his daily press conferences are high, though some might say that 8.5 million viewers in a nation of 330 million at a time of national peril is unimpressive.
It does not compare with what, say, Franklin D. Roosevelt got for his fireside chats on the radio – a more valuable commodity, for during the 12 years and one month he was President, and led the country through the Great Depression and the Second World War, he delivered only 30 of those, and took enormous trouble over them, each of them requiring “four or five days of long, overtime work” to prepare.
Nor is he capable, as FDR and most of the presidents since him were, of leading an international response to the crisis. In some ways, he is the most embarrassingly out of his depth occupant of the White House since Warren G. Harding, though Harding’s most grievous flaws were only exposed after his death in office in 1923.
The shamelessness of reality TV, the primacy it gives to appetite and emotion over restraint and reason, means Trump can assert as true anything he would like to be true, regardless of whether it is known to be false, or will soon be proven false.
The first case of Coronavirus in the USA was detected on 20th January. The CDC – the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, a federal agency – was slow to test for the disease, and got no encouragement from Trump, who was anxious to downplay the threat.
Asked on 22nd January, at the World Economic Forum in Davos, if there was a danger of the virus developing into a pandemic, he replied: “It’s going to be just fine. We have it totally under control.”
Over a month later, on February 26, he said of the virus:
“It’s going to disappear. One day it’s like a miracle, it will disappear. And from our shores, you know, it could get worse before it gets better. Could maybe go away. We’ll see what happens. Nobody really knows.”
The next day, Trump predicted the number of infected people in the country “within a couple of days is going to be down to close to zero”. On 16th March he started to take the pandemic seriously, but not long after he said the churches could be full for Easter.
A change in how the president is feeling suffices for a change in what he says at his daily press conferences. He can contradict himself as often as he likes, be as outrageous as he likes, and this unpredictability helps him to dominate the headlines, just as he did during the 2016 election campaign.
He enjoys a flexibility which is denied to his more scrupulous opponents, who feel under an obligation to strive to be honest, rational and consistent.
This puts his critics in a difficult position. Many of them find his wheedling, insinuating tone of voice so creepy they cannot bear to listen to him for any length of time.
The President is so disgusting he becomes incomprehensible. It is easier to excommunicate him than to sully oneself by trying to follow his thought processes.
This pharisaical reaction plays into his hands. His opponents reveal themselves as intolerant, self-congratulatory and out-of-touch, a bunch of hypocrites who think they’re better than the kind of people who watch reality TV.
All the same, reality TV can go seriously wrong, particularly when the participants start killing themselves.
Then questions start to be asked about whether those running the show exercised their duty of care towards the vulnerable people involved, and the answer is usually found to be that those in charge couldn’t have cared less.
Such questions now faces Trump. If within the next few months he is found to have been so negligent in his handling of the Coronavirus that huge numbers of Americans have died unnecessarily, his show is likely to be taken off the air in November, even if he faces an opponent no more formidable than Joe Biden.
Meanwhile America’s federal system is belatedly starting to supply some opponents more considerable than Biden.
On Sunday, Governor J.B. Pritzker of Illinois lamented the “loss of essentially the entire month of February” and the “profound failing of the federal government” to supply the tests it assured Americans it was going to supply:
“The White House has promised millions of tests for weeks now, and they’re just not here. I’m not going to wait on promises from the federal government that may never be fulfilled. We need this testing capacity now. So, we’re building it ourselves in Illinois.”
Pritzker, a Democrat, is a member of the immensely wealthy family which owns the Hyatt hotel chain. In 1993, Trump accused the Pritzkers – with whom he had gone into partnership to turn the old Commodore Hotel in New York into the Grand Hyatt – of racketeering.
If that was an isolated case of Trump falling out with business partners and flinging bizarre accusations at them, it could be regarded as a misfortune. But as James D. Zirin observes in Plaintiff in Chief: A Portrait of Donald Trump in 3,500 Lawsuits, published in September 2019, there is a pattern of behaviour here: instead of getting on with his partners in New York and winning their trust, Trump sued them, using the “attack-dog” methods he learned from the notorious Roy Cohn, who in turn had worked for Joe McCarthy.
Trump, in other words, has never practised treating people as valued allies in pursuit of a common goal, making the prudent accommodations needed to work together as a team. Instead he readies himself to strike some unbelievably low blow – the sort of thing which produces a gasp in the reality TV audience.
As my old friend Roland Stephen, who lives in Maryland, puts it:
“The only person to enter into any kind of transaction with Donald Trump — and I include the American people in this unfortunate group — who has escaped with fortune and reputation enhanced is Stormy Daniels.”
Trump is now in the process of falling out with the state governors whose co-operation he needs in order to get a grip on the Coronavirus. He has lashed out at several of them, including Gretchen Whitmer, the Governor of Michigan, Jay Inslee, the Governor of Washington, and Andrew Cuomo, the Governor of New York.
He complained that he has a “big problem” with the “young, a woman governor” in Michigan, because “all she does is sit there and blame the federal government.” He referred to her as “Gretchen ‘Half’ Whitmer” and said she is “way in over her head” and “doesn’t have a clue.”
Whitmer responded on Twitter: “I’ve asked repeatedly and respectfully for help. We need it. No more political attacks, just PPEs, ventilators, N95 masks, test kits. You said you stand with Michigan — prove it.”
When Inslee said the President should lead a “national mobilisation of the industrial base in this country” to produce medical supplies, Trump retorted that Inslee “shouldn’t be relying on the federal government”.
Cuomo said the state of New York would need 30,000 ventilators at the peak of the outbreak, and had only received 400 from the federal government. Trump replied that he had “a feeling” that “40,000 or 30,000” would not be needed.
Those three governors are Democrats, but some Republicans – Larry Hogan in Maryland, Mike DeWine in Ohio – have enacted stern measures to slow the virus, sterner than the President has ventured to commend.
In Mississippi, by contrast, a Republican Governor, Tate Reeves, has allowed most businesses to stay open, and restaurants too, as long as they serve no more than ten people at a time.
Reeves said his critics were enemies of Trump and “don’t like the fact that I’m a conservative and I’m willing to pray.” He added:
“I don’t think there’s any doubt that if the United States found themselves in a severe depression with 20 per cent to 30 per cent unemployment that the abject poverty that could create could lead to more health problems than this particular virus is causing.”
Trump is tempted by that line of argument, remarking sometimes that the cure could be worse than the disease.
If only he could be confident that the Coronavirus would afflict Democrat states more grievously than Republican ones, then not taking the disease so seriously would possess a certain ruthless logic. But the evidence suggests the disease will not make that distinction.
When I began this article, I hoped to avoid composing yet another prosy denunciation of Trump, and at least to give him credit for a hucksterish Realpolitik which owes nothing to Christian morals or gentlemanly behaviour.
He also has the merit of not making himself the prisoner of experts who may have exaggerated their ability to see how the crisis will unfold.
But having watched the zigzag course he has steered, the laughably contradictory messages he has sent to the American public, and the way he has sought to diminish state governors instead of making common cause with them, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that at a time when the United States needs national leadership, it finds itself in the hands of an impudent opportunist.
Andrew Gimson’s recently-released Gimson’s Presidents: Brief Lives from Washington to Trump, illustrated by Martin Rowson, is published by Penguin Books.


Coronavirus Count

From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
“ The risk to the UK has been raised to high ” – From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
GOVERNMENT RULES ON STAYING AT HOME AND AWAY FROM OTHERS See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
GUIDANCE : FURTHER BUSINESSES AND PREMISES TO CLOSE See here .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ EVERYONE CAN HELP STOP THE CORONAVIRUS ( SOCIAL DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
STAY AT HOME IF YOU THINK YOU HAVE CORONAVIRUS ( SELF-DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR WORKERS ON WHAT AND HOW THEY CAN CLAIM See here .
Published on Friday March 20 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS , TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW See here .
Published on Saturday March 28 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON WHAT THE @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Published on Wednesday March 18 HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS • Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
• Always wash your hands when you get home or into work .
• Use hand sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
• Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve ( not your hands ) when you cough or sneeze .
• Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with people who are unwell .
The symptoms of coronavirus are : However , these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness .
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common , such as cold and flu .
NHS 111 has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do .
Use this service if : • You think you might have coronavirus .
• In the last 14 days you ’ ve been to a country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers .
• You ’ ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus .
• In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours .
• In Wales call 111 ( if available in your area ) or 0845 46 47 .
• Do not go to a GP surgery , pharmacy or hospital .
• What the coronavirus is , how it ’ s spread and how to avoid catching it – Government NHS website overview .
• Stay at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
( All information taken from Government sources .
Updated as of 7am on Thursday April 2nd )

HEADLINE FACTS
Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 292,950 (Up from 291,409).
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 41,481 (Up from 41,279).
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 1,541 (Up from 1,266).
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 202 (Up from 151).
England total cases: 156,410 (Up from 156,018 ).
England total deaths: 37,069 (Up from 36,883).
England death rate: 279.4 (Was 278.7).
Scotland total cases: 15,709 (Up from 15,682).
Scotland total deaths: 2,439 (Up from 2,434).
Scotland death rate: 288.9 (Was 288.4).
Wales total cases: 14,658 (Up from 14,581).
Wales total deaths: 1,435 (Up from 1,425).
Wales death rate: 467.0 (Was 464.6)
Northern Ireland total cases: 4,838 (Up from 4,822)
Northern Ireland total deaths: 538 (Up from 537).
Northern Ireland death rate: 257.1 (Was 256.3).
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED
DAILY NUMBER OF LAB-CONFIRMED ENGLAND CASES
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
RISK
“The risk to the UK has been raised to high” –
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
NHS VOLUNTEER RESPONDER FORM
See here
(The Government’s scheme to recruit 250,000 volunteers.)
– – –
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD: THE UK GOVERNMENT’S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY
See here. New as of Monday May 11.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON THE LOCKDOWN.
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SHIELDING AND PROTECTING PEOPLE WHO ARE CLINICALLY EXTREMELY VULNERABLE FROM COVID-19
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SOCIAL DISTANCING
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: GENERAL ADVICE
See here.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS. WHAT YOU CAN DO AND CAN’T DO
See here.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS, TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW
See here. Published on Saturday March 28.
– – –
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS
Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
Always wash your hands when you get home or into work .
Use hand sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve (not your hands) when you cough or sneeze .
Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell.
SYMPTOMS
The symptoms of coronavirus are:
A cough.
A high temperature.
Shortness of breath.
However, these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness.
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common, such as cold and flu.
USING 111
NHS 111 has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do.
Use this service if:
You think you might have coronavirus.
In the last 14 days you’ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers.
You’ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus.
In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours.
In Wales call 111 (if available in your area) or 0845 46 47.
In Northern Ireland call 111.
Do not go to a GP surgery, pharmacy or hospital.
FURTHER LINKS TO GOVERNMENT ADVICE
– – –
(All information taken from Government sources.
Updated as of 19.00 on Friday June 12.)


conservativehome--2020-04-02--Stephen Booth: The EU creaks under the virus’ strain – as Salvini lashes out at this “den of snakes

Stephen Booth: The EU creaks under the virus’ strain – as Salvini lashes out at this “den of snakes and jackals”

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange .
It is still too early in the Coronavirus pandemic to grasp its long-term implications for international politics .
Two visions of international relations are being put forward , often reflecting the prejudices of their advocates .
We are either headed for a future with a greater focus on national self-sufficiency , potentially leading to more international political conflict .
Alternatively , this is the moment for increased international cooperation that reflects the interconnected nature , for good and ill , of the world in which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unlikely to be so binary , since the crisis will reinforce both instincts and the policy response will require a bit of each .
National borders may become thicker in response to the crisis , and yet the development and dissemination of a vaccine will be a global endeavour .
Supply chains may need to be more resilient in future , but autarky clearly isn ’ t the answer .
Nowhere is this tension between the national and transnational more evident than within the EU , and the eurozone in particular , since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and in effect a quasi-state .
In my previous column , I noted that the initial response to the crisis – border closures and the stockpiling of medical equipment – had been characterised by uncoordinated national measures , with the EU institutions struggling to ensure that Europe ’ s internal borders remain open and that medical goods continue to be traded freely across the single market .
Over the last two weeks , the political and economic dividing lines exposed by the eurozone crisis nearly a decade ago have loomed large , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a common economic response .
The European Central Bank ( ECB ) has once again been called on to do the heavy lifting , as countries increase national deficits to deal with the crisis .
Its new Pandemic Emergency Purchase Programme ( PEPP ) , a bond buying programme of up to €750bn , is more flexible and has less strings attached than previous ECB schemes .
It has already had some success in reducing borrowing costs for countries , such as Italy , which are most in need .
However , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restrictions under the PEPP is testing the boundaries of what is legally and politically acceptable in the so-called “ frugal ” member states , chiefly the Netherlands , Germany and Austria .
Under current rules , the ECB is unable to take a direct role in helping individual governments , unless a wider bailout programme has first been agreed by other member states .
In 2018 , following legal cases brought in by Germany , the European Court of Justice specifically pointed to previous limitations on the ECB ’ s bond-buying activities when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ban on direct financing .
Eurozone leaders are therefore examining other means of collective action , rather than relying solely on the ECB .
The politics of this are fraught .
As the eurozone crisis eased and took the pressure off to enact further reforms , there was much unfinished business .
Supporters of a common eurozone treasury see this crisis as their chance to further the cause .
Last week , nine EU member states , including France , Italy , Spain and Portugal , called on fellow governments to develop a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” – to increase the eurozone ’ s fiscal firepower and display European solidarity .
However , German and Dutch politicians are loathed to enter into mutually guaranteed financing instruments with governments with debts that already amount to near , or well over , one hundred per cent of GDP .
Wopke Hoekstra , the Dutch Finance Minister , sparked a major row after reportedly calling for an audit into why some countries did not have enough fiscal room to cope with the economic impact of the crisis .
The Dutch and German @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is required , the eurozone ’ s bailout fund – the European Stability Mechanism ( ESM ) – should be the vehicle .
The problem with this , from an Italian point of view , is that an ESM programme carries the stigma of asking for a bailout and usually has strings attached , such as external budgetary oversight .
This is political dynamite in Rome .
After Coronabonds were rejected at last week ’ s EU meeting , Italian opposition leader Matteo Salvini , whose Lega party tops opinion polls , tweeted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a ‘ union ’ , this is a den of snakes and jackals.
” Italy may have to say “ goodbye ” to the EU , he suggested .
A fudge may well be found in the coming days that can calm things down for now , but the fundamental structural and political challenges facing the eurozone have been exposed once again .
The EU will also have to confront another question posed in the wake of the Coronavirus crisis : how much is too much centralised state control and will the freedoms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Many countries are experiencing unprecedented limits on civil liberties to contain the virus , but these restrictions sit uneasily with liberal democratic traditions .
The UK ’ s emergency powers were passed with the proviso that MPs would vote every six months on whether they should be renewed .
However , the Hungarian parliament this week approved a controversial law that will extend the state of emergency and allow Prime Minister Viktor Orban to govern by decree for an indefinite period of time .
Among other things , the law means that individuals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the eyes of the government , potentially face several years in prison .
European Commission President Ursula Von der Leyen did not mention Hungary by name , but in a statement said : “ Any emergency measures must be limited to what is necessary and strictly proportionate .
They must not last indefinitely.
” The Commission says it will “ closely monitor ” the situation but this is a long-running story .
In 2018 , the European Parliament voted to pursue action against Hungary under Article 7 of the EU Treaty , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ formal warning to any country accused of violating fundamental rights .
The EU may impose sanctions , such as suspending voting rights .
However , these sanctions require unanimity , and Poland , which is also facing an investigation under Article 7 , has said it will veto any action against Hungary .
We can already see that the global public health crisis is having profound economic consequences .
The political implications of the coronavirus are far less clear at this stage but will also be hugely important for all liberal democracies as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world .
As recent developments within the EU illustrate , crises tend to amplify and accelerate trends that are already underway .

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange.
It is still too early in the Coronavirus pandemic to grasp its long-term implications for international politics.
Two visions of international relations are being put forward, often reflecting the prejudices of their advocates. We are either headed for a future with a greater focus on national self-sufficiency, potentially leading to more international political conflict.
Alternatively, this is the moment for increased international cooperation that reflects the interconnected nature, for good and ill, of the world in which we live.
The eventual reality is unlikely to be so binary, since the crisis will reinforce both instincts and the policy response will require a bit of each. National borders may become thicker in response to the crisis, and yet the development and dissemination of a vaccine will be a global endeavour. Supply chains may need to be more resilient in future, but autarky clearly isn’t the answer.
Nowhere is this tension between the national and transnational more evident than within the EU, and the eurozone in particular, since it is both a collection of nations and in effect a quasi-state.
In my previous column, I noted that the initial response to the crisis – border closures and the stockpiling of medical equipment – had been characterised by uncoordinated national measures, with the EU institutions struggling to ensure that Europe’s internal borders remain open and that medical goods continue to be traded freely across the single market.
Over the last two weeks, the political and economic dividing lines exposed by the eurozone crisis nearly a decade ago have loomed large, with leaders at odds over how to finance a common economic response.
The European Central Bank (ECB) has once again been called on to do the heavy lifting, as countries increase national deficits to deal with the crisis. Its new Pandemic Emergency Purchase Programme (PEPP), a bond buying programme of up to €750bn, is more flexible and has less strings attached than previous ECB schemes. It has already had some success in reducing borrowing costs for countries, such as Italy, which are most in need.
However, the relaxation of the ECB’s usual restrictions under the PEPP is testing the boundaries of what is legally and politically acceptable in the so-called “frugal” member states, chiefly the Netherlands, Germany and Austria.
Under current rules, the ECB is unable to take a direct role in helping individual governments, unless a wider bailout programme has first been agreed by other member states.
In 2018, following legal cases brought in by Germany, the European Court of Justice specifically pointed to previous limitations on the ECB’s bond-buying activities when ruling that it was not breaching the ban on direct financing.
Eurozone leaders are therefore examining other means of collective action, rather than relying solely on the ECB. The politics of this are fraught. As the eurozone crisis eased and took the pressure off to enact further reforms, there was much unfinished business.
Supporters of a common eurozone treasury see this crisis as their chance to further the cause. Last week, nine EU member states, including France, Italy, Spain and Portugal, called on fellow governments to develop a common debt instrument – so-called “Coronabonds” – to increase the eurozone’s fiscal firepower and display European solidarity.
However, German and Dutch politicians are loathed to enter into mutually guaranteed financing instruments with governments with debts that already amount to near, or well over, one hundred per cent of GDP.
Wopke Hoekstra, the Dutch Finance Minister, sparked a major row after reportedly calling for an audit into why some countries did not have enough fiscal room to cope with the economic impact of the crisis.
The Dutch and German preference is that, if further action is required, the eurozone’s bailout fund – the European Stability Mechanism (ESM) – should be the vehicle.
The problem with this, from an Italian point of view, is that an ESM programme carries the stigma of asking for a bailout and usually has strings attached, such as external budgetary oversight.
This is political dynamite in Rome. After Coronabonds were rejected at last week’s EU meeting, Italian opposition leader Matteo Salvini, whose Lega party tops opinion polls, tweeted, “A far cry from being a ‘union’, this is a den of snakes and jackals.” Italy may have to say “goodbye” to the EU, he suggested. A fudge may well be found in the coming days that can calm things down for now, but the fundamental structural and political challenges facing the eurozone have been exposed once again.
The EU will also have to confront another question posed in the wake of the Coronavirus crisis: how much is too much centralised state control and will the freedoms we take for granted be restored? Many countries are experiencing unprecedented limits on civil liberties to contain the virus, but these restrictions sit uneasily with liberal democratic traditions.
The UK’s emergency powers were passed with the proviso that MPs would vote every six months on whether they should be renewed. However, the Hungarian parliament this week approved a controversial law that will extend the state of emergency and allow Prime Minister Viktor Orban to govern by decree for an indefinite period of time.
Among other things, the law means that individuals who publicise untrue or distorted facts, in the eyes of the government, potentially face several years in prison. European Commission President Ursula Von der Leyen did not mention Hungary by name, but in a statement said: “Any emergency measures must be limited to what is necessary and strictly proportionate. They must not last indefinitely.”
The Commission says it will “closely monitor” the situation but this is a long-running story. In 2018, the European Parliament voted to pursue action against Hungary under Article 7 of the EU Treaty, which allows the EU to give a formal warning to any country accused of violating fundamental rights.
The EU may impose sanctions, such as suspending voting rights. However, these sanctions require unanimity, and Poland, which is also facing an investigation under Article 7, has said it will veto any action against Hungary.
We can already see that the global public health crisis is having profound economic consequences. The political implications of the coronavirus are far less clear at this stage but will also be hugely important for all liberal democracies as they navigate the geopolitics of the post-virus world. As recent developments within the EU illustrate, crises tend to amplify and accelerate trends that are already underway.


conservativehome--2020-04-02--James Mustoe: A view of the Coronavirus from Cornwall

At some point before the weekend I was approached by the managers of a large campsite in my division and asked if I thought they should close due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic .
This conversation would have been unthinkable only weeks earlier , as would have been my response , which was a resounding YES .
A bit of background .
Cornwall has always been a land of contrasts .
Our beautiful coastlines and rolling vistas along with an amazing heritage and culture make us a prime destination for visitors not just from the UK but around the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a huge part of our economy , along with farming and fishing .
But with this comes the contrasts .
Literally stuck out on a limb , Cornwall ’ s infrastructure has always been stretched , our rural geography not suitable for effective delivery of services that can be delivered much more efficiently over smaller , urban areas .
The massive numbers of visitors we have in the holiday seasons can see this infrastructure , transport , and particularly health , stretched to the breaking point .
Which is why my answer to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whose visitors bring in millions of pounds every year to Cornwall ’ s economy , was a difficult but necessary one .
People coming away from our urban centres looking to escape the COVID-19 pandemic will only spread it further into Cornwall .
We have seen this happen in Italy and it will happen here too .
Our health infrastructure will not cope .
People will die .
In short , for now , people need to stop travelling to Cornwall unnecessarily .
The Government has already advised against unnecessary travel .
Coming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vital and should be avoided .
As a Conservative Cornwall Councillor , I have always prided myself on being business friendly , and have always gone out of my way to support , promote , and grow our tourism sector .
But these are not normal times .
This is primarily a health crisis and we need to realise that only by taking these drastic measures and strictly following the Government guidance , we will get through this .
The Cornish community has always been a strong and welcoming one .
I have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities have come together to form volunteer networks .
Support groups have come together on a village by village , parish by parish level , to help the vulnerable and make sure no one is forgotten .
We will welcome you back when times are less hard .
The Cornish motto is ‘ Onen hag oll ’ , Cornish for “ one and all ” .
I think if we apply this motto and way of life to our country at this difficult time , we will come through it stronger than before @

Cllr James Mustoe represents Mevagissey on Cornwall Council.
At some point before the weekend I was approached by the managers of a large campsite in my division and asked if I thought they should close due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.
This conversation would have been unthinkable only weeks earlier, as would have been my response, which was a resounding YES.
A bit of background. Cornwall has always been a land of contrasts. Our beautiful coastlines and rolling vistas along with an amazing heritage and culture make us a prime destination for visitors not just from the UK but around the world. The tourism and hospitality industries are a huge part of our economy, along with farming and fishing.
But with this comes the contrasts. Literally stuck out on a limb, Cornwall’s infrastructure has always been stretched, our rural geography not suitable for effective delivery of services that can be delivered much more efficiently over smaller, urban areas. The massive numbers of visitors we have in the holiday seasons can see this infrastructure, transport, and particularly health, stretched to the breaking point.
Which is why my answer to this large employer in my division, whose visitors bring in millions of pounds every year to Cornwall’s economy, was a difficult but necessary one.
People coming away from our urban centres looking to escape the COVID-19 pandemic will only spread it further into Cornwall. We have seen this happen in Italy and it will happen here too. Our health infrastructure will not cope. People will die.
In short, for now, people need to stop travelling to Cornwall unnecessarily. The Government has already advised against unnecessary travel. Coming on holiday at this time is not vital and should be avoided.
As a Conservative Cornwall Councillor, I have always prided myself on being business friendly, and have always gone out of my way to support, promote, and grow our tourism sector. But these are not normal times. This is primarily a health crisis and we need to realise that only by taking these drastic measures and strictly following the Government guidance, we will get through this.
The Cornish community has always been a strong and welcoming one. I have already been humbled by the way our communities have come together to form volunteer networks. Support groups have come together on a village by village, parish by parish level, to help the vulnerable and make sure no one is forgotten. We will welcome you back when times are less hard.
The Cornish motto is ‘Onen hag oll’, Cornish for “one and all”. I think if we apply this motto and way of life to our country at this difficult time, we will come through it stronger than before.


conservativehome--2020-04-02--It’s not obvious that we need mass antigen tests.  And it’s not clear that Johnson’s policy has fail

It’s not obvious that we need mass antigen tests.  And it’s not clear that Johnson’s policy has failed – far from it.

This morning , the Government received huge criticism over the speed at which it has produced Coronavirus antigen tests – or strictly speaking , RNA tests ( which detect the presence or absence of the disease ) .
The UK has been portrayed as “ shambles ” and disaster on the world stage , with many believing it lags behind numerous other countries .
Some criticisms have an element of truth ; South Korea , the US and others have been much better at delivering tests than the UK , with Germany making 500,000 a week .
The Government has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Originally Boris Johnson promised to get to 10,000 tests a day , then 25,000 and 250,000 , but the UK has barely reached the first target .
Various explanations have been attributed to testing deficiencies .
One is a shortage of key chemicals called ” reagents ” needed for RNA testing , which the Government is trying to sort out .
Another is that the UK never planned for a pandemic in the same way that South Korea and Taiwan did after SARS .
And there are complaints that the UK didn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China earlier this year , unlike Germany – which rapidly ordered tests .
Even so , some of the attacks on the Government have been hysterical and unfair .
One suspects that , with newspapers plagued by falling advertising revenues , and no big political decision to report on the horizon – lockdown , economic measures or otherwise – this is a stick that the media has decided to beat the Government with .
It ’ s easy to do this if you frame data in a certain way .
There have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ too many articles that compare the UK only to South Korea , Germany and the US , which are anomalies in the global stakes – in their ability to produce masses of tests .
For example , Buzzfeed uses this selection and concludes : “ The data tells a clear story : The UK ’ s numbers and aspirations fall well short of other major economies ” .
Nowhere does it support such a sweeping statement – it ’ s sample size is too small – and , on a pedantic note , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well short ” means statistically .
If one was to frame Britain in a wider global context , the conclusions would change .
For instance , we are ahead of France and Japan , if COVID-19 testing is measured per million ( not that this is a competition ) , and this should be reflected in write-ups .
There are are other , wider factors to mull .
For example , it ’ s not at all clear that mass antigen testing , as opposed to antibody testing , has ever been the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ now .
Ministers should be clearer on that point .
What we do know is that the UK wants hospital testing to be prioritised – clearly this is urgent – and has stopped community testing ( which , incidentally , may explain why its ‘ test per head ’ rate looks poor next to others ’ ) .
But is it aiming to hit huge numbers in the first place ?
Jonathan Van Tam , the Deputy Chief Medical Officer , yesterday called testing a “ side issue ” , and suggested that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the UK .
If the Government ’ s aim is to control the pressure on the NHS , lockdown should achieve this ( if properly observed ) .
That ’ s why it is premature at the very least to deem the Government ’ s policy a failure .
And it remains unclear whether mass testing , although useful , is the salvation it ’ s been hailed , especially as it has not stopped shocking death rates in some countries .
Italy , for instance , is the second highest at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country after Switzerland , but has had tragic outcomes .
Germany ’ s testing regime , too , is excellent , but it has still not ” flattened the curve ” , as some reporting might lead one to expect , and it appears on a similar trajectory to Britain in terms of death rates .
In the case of Germany , another fact ignored by the media is why it has been able to produce masses of tests .
Some commentators have fawned over the country .
“ Why can ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They demand .
Private healthcare is one of the reasons , though .
Its system means that anyone with symptoms can be tested , with most covered by health insurance and the country ’ s large number of private laboratories .
If the Government ’ s critics want German test numbers , they need a German healthcare system .
Are any of them seriously proposing scrapping the NHS ?
Additionally , Jack Dickens for Reaction explains that Germany ’ s decentralised set-up has helped it , meaning that there are “ approximately 400 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which have allowed it to “ provide an effective testing programme from an early stage ” .
In Britain , on the other hand , testing is done by 12 state-owned laboratories run by Public Health England and other public health agencies , with about 40 managed by the NHS .
This is certainly one reason that we are not as fast as Germany .
A theory that is becoming more popular by the day is that the UK needs to relax accreditation rules and allow private , university and charity labs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , if the Government ’ s goal isn ’ t mass testing , the urgency for this changes .
Some of the UK ’ s reliance on testing may shift in the coming weeks if antibody tests , which look for signs that someone has been infected through searching for an immune response , reach the country .
Ministers have ordered 17.5 million of these , which will be transformative in determining the Government ’ s future strategy for tackling the Coronavirus .
This should reduce the demand for RNA testing , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve had the Coronavirus can go safely back to work .
In conclusion , it is impossible to damn the Government this early on .
It is the symptom of critics desperate to find wrongs in its approach .
Let ’ s hope , at least , that they can stop pretending the world consists of only four countries .

This morning, the Government received huge criticism over the speed at which it has produced Coronavirus antigen tests – or strictly speaking, RNA tests (which detect the presence or absence of the disease). The UK has been portrayed as “shambles” and disaster on the world stage, with many believing it lags behind numerous other countries.
Some criticisms have an element of truth; South Korea, the US and others have been much better at delivering tests than the UK, with Germany making 500,000 a week. The Government has also fallen behind its own pledges. Originally Boris Johnson promised to get to 10,000 tests a day, then 25,000 and 250,000, but the UK has barely reached the first target.
Various explanations have been attributed to testing deficiencies. One is a shortage of key chemicals called ”reagents” needed for RNA testing, which the Government is trying to sort out. Another is that the UK never planned for a pandemic in the same way that South Korea and Taiwan did after SARS.
And there are complaints that the UK didn’t react quickly enough to events in China earlier this year, unlike Germany – which rapidly ordered tests. Even so, some of the attacks on the Government have been hysterical and unfair.
One suspects that, with newspapers plagued by falling advertising revenues, and no big political decision to report on the horizon – lockdown, economic measures or otherwise – this is a stick that the media has decided to beat the Government with.
It’s easy to do this if you frame data in a certain way. There have been, for instance, at least one too many articles that compare the UK only to South Korea, Germany and the US, which are anomalies in the global stakes – in their ability to produce masses of tests.
For example, Buzzfeed uses this selection and concludes: “The data tells a clear story: The UK’s numbers and aspirations fall well short of other major economies”. Nowhere does it support such a sweeping statement – it’s sample size is too small – and, on a pedantic note, editors do not clarify what falling “well short” means statistically.
If one was to frame Britain in a wider global context, the conclusions would change. For instance, we are ahead of France and Japan, if COVID-19 testing is measured per million (not that this is a competition), and this should be reflected in write-ups.
There are are other, wider factors to mull. For example, it’s not at all clear that mass antigen testing, as opposed to antibody testing, has ever been the Government’s aspiration, or is now. Ministers should be clearer on that point.
What we do know is that the UK wants hospital testing to be prioritised – clearly this is urgent – and has stopped community testing (which, incidentally, may explain why its ‘test per head’ rate looks poor next to others’).
But is it aiming to hit huge numbers in the first place? Jonathan Van Tam, the Deputy Chief Medical Officer, yesterday called testing a “side issue”, and suggested that social distancing is key to reducing deaths in the UK. If the Government’s aim is to control the pressure on the NHS, lockdown should achieve this (if properly observed).
That’s why it is premature at the very least to deem the Government’s policy a failure. And it remains unclear whether mass testing, although useful, is the salvation it’s been hailed, especially as it has not stopped shocking death rates in some countries.
Italy, for instance, is the second highest at testing (per head) of any country after Switzerland, but has had tragic outcomes. Germany’s testing regime, too, is excellent, but it has still not ”flattened the curve”, as some reporting might lead one to expect, and it appears on a similar trajectory to Britain in terms of death rates.
In the case of Germany, another fact ignored by the media is why it has been able to produce masses of tests. Some commentators have fawned over the country. “Why can’t we be like Germany?!” They demand. Private healthcare is one of the reasons, though. Its system means that anyone with symptoms can be tested, with most covered by health insurance and the country’s large number of private laboratories.
If the Government’s critics want German test numbers, they need a German healthcare system. Are any of them seriously proposing scrapping the NHS?
Additionally, Jack Dickens for Reaction explains that Germany’s decentralised set-up has helped it, meaning that there are “approximately 400 different authorities throughout the Federal Republic”, which have allowed it to “provide an effective testing programme from an early stage”.
In Britain, on the other hand, testing is done by 12 state-owned laboratories run by Public Health England and other public health agencies, with about 40 managed by the NHS. This is certainly one reason that we are not as fast as Germany.
A theory that is becoming more popular by the day is that the UK needs to relax accreditation rules and allow private, university and charity labs to test for COVID-19. Then again, if the Government’s goal isn’t mass testing, the urgency for this changes.
Some of the UK’s reliance on testing may shift in the coming weeks if antibody tests, which look for signs that someone has been infected through searching for an immune response, reach the country. Ministers have ordered 17.5 million of these, which will be transformative in determining the Government’s future strategy for tackling the Coronavirus.
This should reduce the demand for RNA testing, and – hopefully – should mean those who’ve had the Coronavirus can go safely back to work. In conclusion, it is impossible to damn the Government this early on. It is the symptom of critics desperate to find wrongs in its approach. Let’s hope, at least, that they can stop pretending the world consists of only four countries.


conservativehome--2020-04-02--John O’Connell: Divert the aid budget; freeze council tax; suspend Sunday trading restrictions. Thre

John O’Connell: Divert the aid budget; freeze council tax; suspend Sunday trading restrictions. Three policies for this testing time.

John O ’ Connell is the Chief Executive of the Taxpayers ’ Alliance .
After the Government ’ s significant coronavirus interventions of the last few weeks , Brits are adapting to life under lockdown .
The public health response is underway , and the NHS is facing up to a big challenge over the next few weeks ; financial support is already arriving ( at least for those who aren ’ t self-employed ) ; and the public information campaign is in full swing , complete with daily press conferences and a personal letter from the Prime Miniser to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how long it will be before we can get back to normal .
Current circumstances are , of course , very far from normal .
Last week , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance issued our response to the unprecedented measures that have been taken .
Naturally , the very idea of some of these interventions makes us wince , not least given the degree to which it equips ministers with powers much of the public would never accept in normal times .
But in the debate of the Oxford vs Imperial models , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ veered on the side of caution , and rolled out a plan based on the worst case scenario .
With that choice made , the policies to tackle the public health emergency have been stringent , thereby meaning that Rishi Sunak had to step in to prevent the economy from collapsing .
We do not want to lose capital in businesses which are normally viable , but demand for their output has been temporarily suppressed .
Preventing contagion means encouraging people not to go into work .
That means totally different policies from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ suggest 0 let alone those sensible in a typical recession .
We know about the £330 billion loan package , the furlough scheme to provide 80 per cent of salaries for PAYE staff , measures for the self-employed and the £1.1 billion handout for Britain ’ s charities .
Adding to this any future action – of which there is sure to be plenty – it is entirely reasonable for a fiscal conservative to be worried about the next decade .
Some things haven ’ t changed .
One is that money must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need to be at odds with the TaxPayers ’ Alliance agenda and , while there may be a lot more money going around , wasted cash is still intolerable .
Another is that taxes make up a significant proportion of the cost of living , meaning reductions will help families get through these hard times .
A third is that regulations hinder delivery and cost taxpayers a fortune .
Indeed , there have been some reassuring reports of bureaucracy – particularly in the NHS – simply falling away to let staff get on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of taxpayers ’ money is reaching the frontline services that are desperately needed .
Wards have been prepped in a matter of days , when such a task would normally have taken months .
While appreciating that this is a time of crisis , maybe afterwards those delivering public services can tell politicians that they would rather not have those regulations back .
With those three principles in mind , the TPA has recommended to the government three more policies which would also help in this effort : divert the aid budget to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tax and focus money on frontline services ; and suspend Sunday trading restrictions .
In the past decade , we have consistently highlighted the level of waste in Britain ’ s overseas development spending .
We have called out spending on space programmes and Spice Girls .
Focusing the funds on genuine emergencies is a far better use of cash , and there is no more acute emergency in the world today than the coronavirus .
That is why , if we insist on keeping the 0.7 per cent target , almost all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overseas aid budget should be immediately reallocated to combating the coronavirus both in developing countries and in the UK , with all non-humanitarian development operations suspended .
That could mean , for instance , allowing aid funds to be used for the rapid deployment of hospital ships to provide temporary critical care facilities .
In order to ensure this can be done swiftly and effectively , the International Development Act 2002 should be altered to ensure that spending moves beyond merely that which is likely to contribute to a reduction in poverty .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ popular with the public .
Polling last year from this site ’ s James Frayne showed almost three quarters of working class voters backed reallocating aid money to priority areas like the police and NHS .
It would certainly make good on the government ’ s word that it was doing whatever it takes to combat coronavirus .
Unfortunately , regardless of what measures the Government takes , the economic shock of the coronavirus is going to hit living standards in the UK .
Council tax is a significant proportion of the cost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , costing them eight per cent of their income .
Instead of rises of close to four per cent across the board , a nationwide freeze on council tax rates would mean one less worrying bill for anxious residents .
At the same time , of course , councils must be able to assist with the public health and social care efforts needed to combat coronavirus .
To that end , all non-statutory and low-level council spending should be suspended .
Councils should take up this call : alongside the necessary cancellation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a recruitment freeze and an immediate end to extras like hard copy council tax letters , council newspapers , canteen subsidies and councillor allowances and pensions could send a powerful signal that local authorities really were pulling out all the stops .
Unnecessary regulations must be suspended , particularly if they stop us tackling the outbreak .
Sunday trading rules are currently doing this .
Supermarkets , including those with premises of over 280 square metres , should be encouraged to open for as many hours as possible on Sundays as possible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the coronavirus .
Social distancing is threatened when people are on top of each other in supermarkets .
With bookings for online delivery slots permanently full at present , large physical stores can help to clear the backlog and spread the demand .
Moves such as this will allow the heroes in the private sector to play their part in the national effort .
See , for example , firms moving heaven and earth to produce ventilators for the health service , produce hand sanitiser and keep the shelves stocked for desperate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do what they do best .
The extraordinary economic measures announced by the Chancellor are justifiable , but at some point soon they will no longer be – and they will need to be reversed .
Significant fiscal repair will be needed in the coming years : debt levels will need to be brought back down rapidly through growth-enhancing measures and spending restraint .
It is clearer than ever that sound public finances are needed during good times to ensure the country is ready in case of a crisis .
Taxpayers can not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ permanent .

John O’Connell is the Chief Executive of the Taxpayers’ Alliance.
After the Government’s significant coronavirus interventions of the last few weeks, Brits are adapting to life under lockdown. The public health response is underway, and the NHS is facing up to a big challenge over the next few weeks; financial support is already arriving (at least for those who aren’t self-employed); and the public information campaign is in full swing, complete with daily press conferences and a personal letter from the Prime Miniser to every household. Most are wondering aloud how long it will be before we can get back to normal.
Current circumstances are, of course, very far from normal. Last week, the TaxPayers’ Alliance issued our response to the unprecedented measures that have been taken. Naturally, the very idea of some of these interventions makes us wince, not least given the degree to which it equips ministers with powers much of the public would never accept in normal times. But in the debate of the Oxford vs Imperial models, it’s understandable that the Government has veered on the side of caution, and rolled out a plan based on the worst case scenario.
With that choice made, the policies to tackle the public health emergency have been stringent, thereby meaning that Rishi Sunak had to step in to prevent the economy from collapsing. We do not want to lose capital in businesses which are normally viable, but demand for their output has been temporarily suppressed. Preventing contagion means encouraging people not to go into work. That means totally different policies from those that any reasonable person would usually suggest 0 let alone those sensible in a typical recession.
We know about the £330 billion loan package, the furlough scheme to provide 80 per cent of salaries for PAYE staff, measures for the self-employed and the £1.1 billion handout for Britain’s charities. Adding to this any future action – of which there is sure to be plenty – it is entirely reasonable for a fiscal conservative to be worried about the next decade.
Some things haven’t changed. One is that money must be spent well. Not all measures need to be at odds with the TaxPayers’ Alliance agenda and, while there may be a lot more money going around, wasted cash is still intolerable.
Another is that taxes make up a significant proportion of the cost of living, meaning reductions will help families get through these hard times.
A third is that regulations hinder delivery and cost taxpayers a fortune. Indeed, there have been some reassuring reports of bureaucracy – particularly in the NHS – simply falling away to let staff get on with their jobs and ensure every penny of taxpayers’ money is reaching the frontline services that are desperately needed. Wards have been prepped in a matter of days, when such a task would normally have taken months. While appreciating that this is a time of crisis, maybe afterwards those delivering public services can tell politicians that they would rather not have those regulations back.
With those three principles in mind, the TPA has recommended to the government three more policies which would also help in this effort: divert the aid budget to help fight the virus; freeze council tax and focus money on frontline services; and suspend Sunday trading restrictions.
In the past decade, we have consistently highlighted the level of waste in Britain’s overseas development spending. We have called out spending on space programmes and Spice Girls. Focusing the funds on genuine emergencies is a far better use of cash, and there is no more acute emergency in the world today than the coronavirus. That is why, if we insist on keeping the 0.7 per cent target, almost all of the UK’s £14.6 billion overseas aid budget should be immediately reallocated to combating the coronavirus both in developing countries and in the UK, with all non-humanitarian development operations suspended.
That could mean, for instance, allowing aid funds to be used for the rapid deployment of hospital ships to provide temporary critical care facilities. In order to ensure this can be done swiftly and effectively, the International Development Act 2002 should be altered to ensure that spending moves beyond merely that which is likely to contribute to a reduction in poverty.
A move like this would undoubtedly be popular with the public. Polling last year from this site’s James Frayne showed almost three quarters of working class voters backed reallocating aid money to priority areas like the police and NHS. It would certainly make good on the government’s word that it was doing whatever it takes to combat coronavirus.
Unfortunately, regardless of what measures the Government takes, the economic shock of the coronavirus is going to hit living standards in the UK. Council tax is a significant proportion of the cost of living, particularly the poorest households, costing them eight per cent of their income. Instead of rises of close to four per cent across the board, a nationwide freeze on council tax rates would mean one less worrying bill for anxious residents.
At the same time, of course, councils must be able to assist with the public health and social care efforts needed to combat coronavirus. To that end, all non-statutory and low-level council spending should be suspended. Councils should take up this call: alongside the necessary cancellation of any planned trip, conference or event, a recruitment freeze and an immediate end to extras like hard copy council tax letters, council newspapers, canteen subsidies and councillor allowances and pensions could send a powerful signal that local authorities really were pulling out all the stops.
Unnecessary regulations must be suspended, particularly if they stop us tackling the outbreak. Sunday trading rules are currently doing this. Supermarkets, including those with premises of over 280 square metres, should be encouraged to open for as many hours as possible on Sundays as possible, to reduce overcrowding and the spread of the coronavirus. Social distancing is threatened when people are on top of each other in supermarkets.
With bookings for online delivery slots permanently full at present, large physical stores can help to clear the backlog and spread the demand. Moves such as this will allow the heroes in the private sector to play their part in the national effort. See, for example, firms moving heaven and earth to produce ventilators for the health service, produce hand sanitiser and keep the shelves stocked for desperate shoppers. The Government must let them do what they do best.
The extraordinary economic measures announced by the Chancellor are justifiable, but at some point soon they will no longer be – and they will need to be reversed. Significant fiscal repair will be needed in the coming years: debt levels will need to be brought back down rapidly through growth-enhancing measures and spending restraint. It is clearer than ever that sound public finances are needed during good times to ensure the country is ready in case of a crisis. Taxpayers cannot afford this pause in fiscal conservatism becoming permanent.


conservativehome--2020-04-03--Sunak soars to our highest-ever standing in this month’s Cabinet League Table

It ’ s been a month in which the Covid-19 crisis has transformed British politics , and there ’ s no reason to expect our Cabinet League Table to be any exception .
So what impact has the pandemic had on party members ’ perceptions of the Cabinet ?
• It is a counter-intuitive political fact that the Conservatives , despite their latter-day struggles , remain the only party to have secured more than 50 per cent of the vote in a Scottish election .
In a similar manner , the 92.6 score recorded by Theresa May in the summer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our table… until now .
The Chancellor ’ s approval rating is just shy of an extraordinary 95 per cent .
• Sunak ’ s outstanding score risks eclipsing an exceptionally positive showing for the Prime Minister , whose own rating lifts eight points to just shy of 90 per cent .
Activists are clearly not buying the narrative around Johnson ’ s ‘ botched response ’ t the crisis .
• Another great showing , the Health Secretary takes the bronze at 89 per cent approval .
Last month he was in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increase of more than 20 points , overtaking… Raab slips from the podium .
The Foreign Secretary has not had a bad month , with a small rise in his own already-respectable score as he fights to bring home British nationals trapped overseas , but with the pandemic consuming political attention the Health Secretary has overtaken him .
An overall rally .
The average scores seem to be up across the table , perhaps reflecting a similar ‘ rally round the flag ’ effect on the part of members that national polls are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Davies falls back .
The number of people putting “ Don ’ t know ” for both devolved leaders continues to dwarf those offering a view , but it is nonetheless interesting that the Welsh leader records a visible fall in his standing at the same time as Tory MPs are attacking the Welsh Government over their response to the Covid-19 crisis .
Ought he not to be capitalising ?

It’s been a month in which the Covid-19 crisis has transformed British politics, and there’s no reason to expect our Cabinet League Table to be any exception. So what impact has the pandemic had on party members’ perceptions of the Cabinet?
Sunak soars. It is a counter-intuitive political fact that the Conservatives, despite their latter-day struggles, remain the only party to have secured more than 50 per cent of the vote in a Scottish election. In a similar manner, the 92.6 score recorded by Theresa May in the summer of 2016 has remained the record for our table… until now. The Chancellor’s approval rating is just shy of an extraordinary 95 per cent.
It is a counter-intuitive political fact that the Conservatives, despite their latter-day struggles, remain the only party to have secured more than 50 per cent of the vote in a Scottish election. In a similar manner, the 92.6 score recorded by Theresa May in the summer of 2016 has remained the record for our table… until now. The Chancellor’s approval rating is just shy of an extraordinary 95 per cent. Johnson floats. Sunak’s outstanding score risks eclipsing an exceptionally positive showing for the Prime Minister, whose own rating lifts eight points to just shy of 90 per cent. Activists are clearly not buying the narrative around Johnson’s ‘botched response’ t the crisis.
Sunak’s outstanding score risks eclipsing an exceptionally positive showing for the Prime Minister, whose own rating lifts eight points to just shy of 90 per cent. Activists are clearly not buying the narrative around Johnson’s ‘botched response’ t the crisis. Hancock climbs. Another great showing, the Health Secretary takes the bronze at 89 per cent approval. Last month he was in fifth place, and this represents an increase of more than 20 points, overtaking…
Raab slips from the podium. The Foreign Secretary has not had a bad month, with a small rise in his own already-respectable score as he fights to bring home British nationals trapped overseas, but with the pandemic consuming political attention the Health Secretary has overtaken him.
An overall rally. The average scores seem to be up across the table, perhaps reflecting a similar ‘rally round the flag’ effect on the part of members that national polls are picking up in the wider electorate.
Davies falls back. The number of people putting “Don’t know” for both devolved leaders continues to dwarf those offering a view, but it is nonetheless interesting that the Welsh leader records a visible fall in his standing at the same time as Tory MPs are attacking the Welsh Government over their response to the Covid-19 crisis. Ought he not to be capitalising?


Coronavirus Count

England total deaths : 2,698 ( Up from 1,651 when last recorded on this site . )
Scotland total deaths : 76 ( Was 47 when last recorded on this site ) .
Wales total deaths : 117 ( Was 69 when last recorded on this site ) .
Northern Ireland deaths : 30 ( Was 22 when last recorded on this site ) .
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the UK has been raised to high ” – From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
GOVERNMENT RULES ON STAYING AT HOME AND AWAY FROM OTHERS See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
GUIDANCE : FURTHER BUSINESSES AND PREMISES TO CLOSE See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
HOW EVERYONE CAN HELP STOP THE CORONAVIRUS ( SOCIAL DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
STAY AT HOME IF YOU THINK YOU HAVE CORONAVIRUS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Monday March 23 .
See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR WORKERS ON WHAT AND HOW THEY CAN CLAIM See here .
Published on Friday March 20 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS , TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW See here .
Published on Saturday March 28 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON WHAT THE CORONAVIRUS BILL WILL DO See here .
Published on Wednesday March 18 HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS • Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when you get home or into work .
• Use hand sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
• Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve ( not your hands ) when you cough or sneeze .
• Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
• Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell .
The symptoms of coronavirus are : However , these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness .
The symptoms are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more common , such as cold and flu .
NHS 111 has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do .
Use this service if : • You think you might have coronavirus .
• In the last 14 days you ’ ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers .
• You ’ ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus .
• In Scotland call your GP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hours .
• In Wales call 111 ( if available in your area ) or 0845 46 47 .
• Do not go to a GP surgery , pharmacy or hospital .
• What the coronavirus is , how it ’ s spread and how to avoid catching it – Government NHS website overview .
• Stay at home advice and how to manage self-isolation .
( All information taken from Government sources .
Updated as of 7am on Friday April 3rd . )


conservativehome--2020-04-03--Iain Dale: Which Starmer will we get as Labour’s new leader this weekend? Radical Starmer? Or Safety

Iain Dale: Which Starmer will we get as Labour’s new leader this weekend? Radical Starmer? Or Safety First Starmer?

On Sunday morning at 10.45 , Keir Starmer will be announced as the new leader of the Labour Party .
It ’ s difficult to imagine any other outcome .
The result will be put out in a press release rather than at a triumphant rally .
In some ways , Sir Keir takes over at the worst possible time , given that it will be difficult for him to gain much traction given the coronavirus crisis .
But in other ways he takes over at a time when the Labour Party is in the doldrums and the only way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the long haul .
No one imagines he can turn around Labour ’ s dire fortunes in six months , but give him four years , and who knows ?
He inherits a party which got pasted at the last election , and has shown little signs of understanding why .
Indeed , it could be said that Sir Keir himself has avoided answering that hard question during the leadership contest .
There ’ s a reason for that .
He was the architect of Labour ’ s disastrous Brexit policy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ properly and was ridiculed by commentators .
But it was an indication of how Sir Keir intends to lead .
The aim of the policy was to keep the party together , and you have to say that over the previous three years he had been very successful in steering the party through political minefield after minefield .
Everyone knew he was the archest of arch-Remainers , yet he was successful in tacking towards the leavers in the Shadow Cabinet at appropriate moments .
He told me in a recent interview that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the immediate future and ruled out the Labour Party standing at the next election on a platform of rejoining the EU .
Just as well .
There ’ s no way he would have a hope in hell of rebuilding that red wall in the north and the midlands if he had succumbed to that particular temptation .
Will we see the radical Keir Starmer many people think he could be ?
Or will he be Safety First Keir Starmer ?
We ’ re likely to get an indication when we see who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who he appoints ?
Will it be a Shadow Cabinet of all the talents or will it be one very much in his own image ?
Will he fire people like Jenny Formby , the party ’ s General Secretary ?
He may decide to leave that particular pleasure for a bit , but Labour leaders have traditionally wanted their own man or woman in that position , and you can understand why .
Seaumas Milne has already fallen on his sword , and surely Carrie Murphy has to go too .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Signals are important .
There are rumours that Ed Miliband is pitching to be Shadow chancellor .
This would be a mistake .
That job should go to either Rachel Reeves or Yvette Cooper , assuming that both are willing to serve .
Thet have carved out influential positions chairing two leading select committees .
But if Sir Keir Starmer is to succeed he needs to attract back the very best people who felt unable to serve under Jeremy Corbyn .
Anyway , if I were him , this would be my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would be 17 women out of a shadow cabinet of 28 , with women in all the top three positions .
Only seven of Corbyn ’ s shadow cabinet would survive .
I would choose media friendly spokespeople , and back them up with deputies who are more on the policy wonkish side of things .
Having said all that , if I ’ m right on half of them I ’ d be pleasantly surprised .
Over the last few days I ’ ve been tweeting out a daily video of my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , you may think , but in these very odd times people like a diversion .
I have a massive collection of political biographies and autobiographies , so I ’ m doing them by letter each day .
Today ’ s letter will be J.
It ’ s astonishing how people seem to object to my having books about particular politicians on display .
According to one respondent , having books about or by Tony Blair disqualifies me as a serious political commentator .
Christ alone knows that he made of my three @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sort of person who would happily burn books by people he didn ’ t agree with .
The intolerance of some people on the Left never ceases to shock me .

On Sunday morning at 10.45, Keir Starmer will be announced as the new leader of the Labour Party. It’s difficult to imagine any other outcome. The result will be put out in a press release rather than at a triumphant rally.
In some ways, Sir Keir takes over at the worst possible time, given that it will be difficult for him to gain much traction given the coronavirus crisis.
But in other ways he takes over at a time when the Labour Party is in the doldrums and the only way is up. He’s there for the long haul. No one imagines he can turn around Labour’s dire fortunes in six months, but give him four years, and who knows?
He inherits a party which got pasted at the last election, and has shown little signs of understanding why. Indeed, it could be said that Sir Keir himself has avoided answering that hard question during the leadership contest.
There’s a reason for that. He was the architect of Labour’s disastrous Brexit policy, which few of his colleagues could explain properly and was ridiculed by commentators. But it was an indication of how Sir Keir intends to lead.
The aim of the policy was to keep the party together, and you have to say that over the previous three years he had been very successful in steering the party through political minefield after minefield.
Everyone knew he was the archest of arch-Remainers, yet he was successful in tacking towards the leavers in the Shadow Cabinet at appropriate moments. He told me in a recent interview that he realised there was no going back in the immediate future and ruled out the Labour Party standing at the next election on a platform of rejoining the EU.
Just as well. There’s no way he would have a hope in hell of rebuilding that red wall in the north and the midlands if he had succumbed to that particular temptation.
Will we see the radical Keir Starmer many people think he could be? Or will he be Safety First Keir Starmer? We’re likely to get an indication when we see who he fires from the Shadow Cabinet and who he appoints? Will it be a Shadow Cabinet of all the talents or will it be one very much in his own image?
Will he fire people like Jenny Formby, the party’s General Secretary? He may decide to leave that particular pleasure for a bit, but Labour leaders have traditionally wanted their own man or woman in that position, and you can understand why. Seaumas Milne has already fallen on his sword, and surely Carrie Murphy has to go too. That decision should be made on Day One. Signals are important.
There are rumours that Ed Miliband is pitching to be Shadow chancellor. This would be a mistake. That job should go to either Rachel Reeves or Yvette Cooper, assuming that both are willing to serve. Thet have carved out influential positions chairing two leading select committees.
But if Sir Keir Starmer is to succeed he needs to attract back the very best people who felt unable to serve under Jeremy Corbyn. Anyway, if I were him, this would be my Shadow Cabinet:
Leader: Sir Keir Starmer
Deputy Leader: Angela Rayner
Home Office: Yvette Cooper
Chancellor: Rachel Reeves
Foreign: Emily Thornberry
Transport: Andy McDonald
Justice: Lucy Powell
Work and Pensions: Jess Phillips
Environment: Lisa Nandy
Business: Angela Eagle
Education: Stella Creasy
Health: Rosena Allin-Khan
DCMS: Tracey Brabin
Women & Equalities: Debbie Abrahams
International Development: Matthew Pennycook
Leader of the House: Meg Hillier
Leader of the Lords: Angela Smith
Communities & Local Govt: Liz Kendall
Cabinet Office: Andrew Gwynne
Defence: Jonathan Ashworth
Party Chair: Stephen Kinnock
International Trade: Seema Malhotra
Northern Ireland: Louise Haigh
Employment: Anneliese Dodds
Wales: Stephen Doughty
Scotland: Ian Murray
Chief Secretary: Jonathan Reynolds
This would mean there would be 17 women out of a shadow cabinet of 28, with women in all the top three positions. Only seven of Corbyn’s shadow cabinet would survive.
I would choose media friendly spokespeople, and back them up with deputies who are more on the policy wonkish side of things. Having said all that, if I’m right on half of them I’d be pleasantly surprised.
– – – – – – – – – – –
Over the last few days I’ve been tweeting out a daily video of my bookshelves.
An odd thing to do, you may think, but in these very odd times people like a diversion. I have a massive collection of political biographies and autobiographies, so I’m doing them by letter each day.
Today’s letter will be J. It’s astonishing how people seem to object to my having books about particular politicians on display.
According to one respondent, having books about or by Tony Blair disqualifies me as a serious political commentator.
Christ alone knows that he made of my three biographies of Hitler. He’s the sort of person who would happily burn books by people he didn’t agree with. The intolerance of some people on the Left never ceases to shock me.


conservativehome--2020-04-03--Andrew Kennedy: In all its chaotic glory, the Big Society has come alive in the villages of Kent

Cllr Andrew Kennedy is councillor on Tonbridge and Malling Borough Council and a campaigning consultant .
He blogs at www.votingandboating.blogspot.com If you have ever stood in front of a proud and dignified 86-year-old and watched them weep , you will know what a humbling experience it is .
As well as advancing years , Betty ( not her real name ) is in declining health .
She has bronchitis and macular degeneration , too .
Her husband died eight years ago , they had no children and her only sister had also died .
Her only living relative is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away in Hampshire .
Two weeks ago , Betty did what that generation always do , she accepted without question the instructions of the Prime Minister and locked her front door .
Over the next ten days , she emptied her fridge and freezer of food .
With no car to reach the supermarket six miles away , no family and with too much consideration to ask her neighbours ( they all have problems of their own without worrying about me ) Betty was about to go hungry .
The night before I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pie her meal had been tinned vegetables and Jacobs crackers .
So why was I on her doorstep with a fish pie , the act which had reduced Betty to tears ?
Because I , and dozens like me , had decided to step up and do something .
A few days earlier , I read that David , a friend of mine who runs the pub and restaurant in the neighbouring village , had decided to turn his hand to takeaway food when he had to close his business .
He was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of volunteers , delivering a nutritious meal to every vulnerable older person who phoned to ask for one – at no charge whatsoever .
Spotting a need in my own council ward ( which has the highest percentage of retired people in West Kent ) I asked if he would extend the service into these villages too .
He readily agreed but said he couldn ’ t afford to finance it personally and we settled a price per meal which covered the costs .
Next , I launched a financial appeal and contributed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it off .
The Parish Council chipped in , as did family , friends , local businesses , and total strangers .
Almost £2,000 was raised in a week .
The next challenge was to identify and communicate with those who needed help ; this was done through posters , by word of mouth , via churches , and finally going through the electoral register and picking out all the Ethels , Bettys , Harolds , Gilberts , and Lillians et al .
It was an inexact science but I am confident we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Now – ten days later , we are producing and delivering over 60 meals a day to people like Betty .
Elsewhere in my four rural villages , support groups have sprung into life .
Each is organic and slightly different .
One village with a strong cohort of school-gate mums has delivered leaflets and posters to every house and set up a support network of carers with designated rolls – grocery shoppers , prescription collectors , and even a rota of friendly voices answering phones to help and support those feeling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In another village , I helped establish “ road champions ” to support vulnerable neighbours .
I worked out today that across the area ( two council wards with a combined population of 10,000 ) we have 80 volunteers working for the good of others .
These people were not asked , they were not told , and they have not been paid ; they stepped forward out of a sense of duty , a sense of compassion , a sense of community .
For almost ten years David Cameron talked of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ managed to define what it was .
Here it is , in all its chaotic glory .
So if you are a vulnerable person in Aylesford you will have the opportunity of a free hot meal delivered to your door , you will have a support network to do your essential shopping , collect your drugs , and even have someone at the end of a phone to chat with and support you .
But I am conscious that this level of support isn ’ t available elsewhere .
We were lucky , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fit and confident community leaders with the skills and determination to do what was needed .
Elsewhere the “ community leaders ” are themselves now self-isolating and in need of help , and in our more urban communities there is too often little sense of community or belonging that we enjoy in our parishes and villages .
What I find most remarkable about this is that everything has had to be done from the bottom-up .
In an era when local government is required to have plans and strategies for every aspect of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ housing development , an Infrastructure Plan for roads , an Economic Development Plan for jobs and growth , a Carbon Neutral Strategy to offset Global Warming and Flood Action Plan if your district has a river ) , nowhere do we seem to have developed a Community Resilience Plan to identify , guide and support local communities when faced with a crisis like this .
I hope and pray another crisis like this won ’ t happen for a generation , but if and when it does , I fear the institutional memories @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will have been lost and little battalions of volunteers will have to start all over again .
This is not meant to be a criticism of districts or counties .
I suspect with their statutory obligations and budgetary constraints they have neither the money nor the bandwidth to help , but the reality that is it has been the much-maligned , and often-derided Parish Councils who stepped forward with funding , offers of free printing , and willing co-sponsorship of activities to provide insurance and public liability cover for volunteers .
And thank @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this ghastly time is over , I hope the Ministry for Housing Communities and Local Government demands each Council to turn its attention to producing a Community Resilience Plan .
That should record what was needed , what was achieved , what could have been done better and most importantly , where those who step forward to help can turn to for the guidance and support they need .
And next time we are asked to “ clap the carers ” perhaps give a few extra claps at the end for tens of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hand when needed .
Never have the words of George Bush rung so true , they really are… “ a brilliant diversity spread like stars , like a thousand points of light in a broad and peaceful sky .
”

Cllr Andrew Kennedy is councillor on Tonbridge and Malling Borough Council and a campaigning consultant. He blogs at www.votingandboating.blogspot.com
If you have ever stood in front of a proud and dignified 86-year-old and watched them weep, you will know what a humbling experience it is.
As well as advancing years, Betty (not her real name) is in declining health. She has bronchitis and macular degeneration, too. Her husband died eight years ago, they had no children and her only sister had also died. Her only living relative is a niece, but she lives 80 miles away in Hampshire.
Two weeks ago, Betty did what that generation always do, she accepted without question the instructions of the Prime Minister and locked her front door. Over the next ten days, she emptied her fridge and freezer of food. With no car to reach the supermarket six miles away, no family and with too much consideration to ask her neighbours (they all have problems of their own without worrying about me) Betty was about to go hungry. The night before I appeared on her doorstep with a fish pie her meal had been tinned vegetables and Jacobs crackers.
So why was I on her doorstep with a fish pie, the act which had reduced Betty to tears? Because I, and dozens like me, had decided to step up and do something.
A few days earlier, I read that David, a friend of mine who runs the pub and restaurant in the neighbouring village, had decided to turn his hand to takeaway food when he had to close his business. He was also producing and, with the help of volunteers, delivering a nutritious meal to every vulnerable older person who phoned to ask for one – at no charge whatsoever.
Spotting a need in my own council ward (which has the highest percentage of retired people in West Kent) I asked if he would extend the service into these villages too. He readily agreed but said he couldn’t afford to finance it personally and we settled a price per meal which covered the costs.
Next, I launched a financial appeal and contributed my councillor’s allowance to kick it off. The Parish Council chipped in, as did family, friends, local businesses, and total strangers. Almost £2,000 was raised in a week. The next challenge was to identify and communicate with those who needed help; this was done through posters, by word of mouth, via churches, and finally going through the electoral register and picking out all the Ethels, Bettys, Harolds, Gilberts, and Lillians et al. It was an inexact science but I am confident we have reached most who might need us.
Now – ten days later, we are producing and delivering over 60 meals a day to people like Betty.
Elsewhere in my four rural villages, support groups have sprung into life. Each is organic and slightly different. One village with a strong cohort of school-gate mums has delivered leaflets and posters to every house and set up a support network of carers with designated rolls – grocery shoppers, prescription collectors, and even a rota of friendly voices answering phones to help and support those feeling isolated or in need of a chat. In another village, I helped establish “road champions” to support vulnerable neighbours.
I worked out today that across the area (two council wards with a combined population of 10,000) we have 80 volunteers working for the good of others. These people were not asked, they were not told, and they have not been paid; they stepped forward out of a sense of duty, a sense of compassion, a sense of community. For almost ten years David Cameron talked of The Big Society, but never quite managed to define what it was. Here it is, in all its chaotic glory.
So if you are a vulnerable person in Aylesford you will have the opportunity of a free hot meal delivered to your door, you will have a support network to do your essential shopping, collect your drugs, and even have someone at the end of a phone to chat with and support you.
But I am conscious that this level of support isn’t available elsewhere.
We were lucky, we had a group of active, fit and confident community leaders with the skills and determination to do what was needed. Elsewhere the “community leaders” are themselves now self-isolating and in need of help, and in our more urban communities there is too often little sense of community or belonging that we enjoy in our parishes and villages.
What I find most remarkable about this is that everything has had to be done from the bottom-up. In an era when local government is required to have plans and strategies for every aspect of life; (a Local Plan for housing development, an Infrastructure Plan for roads, an Economic Development Plan for jobs and growth, a Carbon Neutral Strategy to offset Global Warming and Flood Action Plan if your district has a river), nowhere do we seem to have developed a Community Resilience Plan to identify, guide and support local communities when faced with a crisis like this.
I hope and pray another crisis like this won’t happen for a generation, but if and when it does, I fear the institutional memories of those who came forward this time will have been lost and little battalions of volunteers will have to start all over again.
This is not meant to be a criticism of districts or counties. I suspect with their statutory obligations and budgetary constraints they have neither the money nor the bandwidth to help, but the reality that is it has been the much-maligned, and often-derided Parish Councils who stepped forward with funding, offers of free printing, and willing co-sponsorship of activities to provide insurance and public liability cover for volunteers. And thank goodness we have them.
So once this ghastly time is over, I hope the Ministry for Housing Communities and Local Government demands each Council to turn its attention to producing a Community Resilience Plan. That should record what was needed, what was achieved, what could have been done better and most importantly, where those who step forward to help can turn to for the guidance and support they need.
And next time we are asked to “clap the carers” perhaps give a few extra claps at the end for tens of thousands of community volunteers who raised their hand when needed. Never have the words of George Bush rung so true, they really are… “a brilliant diversity spread like stars, like a thousand points of light in a broad and peaceful sky.”