conservativehome--2020-11-12--Stephen Booth: Brexit-related concerns about a Biden presidency are overblown. The reality is more n

Stephen Booth: Brexit-related concerns about a Biden presidency are overblown. The reality is more nuanced.

Much of the media commentary in recent days has suggested a potential Biden Presidency will create short-term diplomatic problems for the UK .
From this viewpoint , the prospect of a Biden White House in January 2021 – pending the resolution of the US election process and President Trump ’ s legal battles – heralds a diminishing of London ’ s standing in Washington and therefore increases the pressure on the UK to accept the EU ’ s terms for a trade deal .
The reality is likely to be more nuanced and a Biden Presidency would also present opportunities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ US post-Brexit .
In certain EU capitals , a Biden win is seen as strengthening the EU ’ s leverage in the end game Brexit negotiations over the coming days .
Asked whether Biden ’ s projected win would impact the Brexit talks , Simon Coveney , the Irish Foreign Minister , replied : “ I think perhaps it does.
” EU diplomats have been quoted as saying a Biden win would “ put a squeeze ” on the UK , as the prospect of a UK-US trade deal could slip down the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ overplays its hand .
Past evidence would suggest that the current UK negotiating team is more likely to judge a potential UK-EU deal on its merits rather than on what the occupant of the White House might think .
An independent trade policy was viewed by many Leave voters as a benefit of Brexit , but this is not the same as believing Brexit was contingent on a trade deal with the US , much as it might be nice to have .
From what little has emerged from the UK-EU talks in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ EU remains unwilling to bend on fishing , confident that the prize of market access for other more economically significant sectors is more important to the UK .
This still assumes the UK is not prepared to walk away on the point of principle – that Brexit means regaining sovereignty over UK waters – which this government appears willing to do , however reluctantly .
The EU is also confident it has Biden on its side in the row over the Internal Market Bill , which would enable ministers to override aspects of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a UK-EU settlement .
Biden ’ s comments during the election campaign about a US trade deal being contingent on respect for the Good Friday Agreement ( GFA ) were significant , but ultimately , it ’ s not clear how much has changed on this score .
Indeed , the Government ’ s very argument is that the powers it is seeking are a necessary “ safety net ” in order to uphold the UK ’ s commitments under the GFA .
And that it is the EU ’ s maximalist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undermine the GFA .
As I have written previously , a workable compromise on the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol is in both sides ’ interests .
This has been underlined this week with Northern Ireland ’ s First and Deputy First Ministers jointly writing to the EU describing the “ unacceptable ” and “ real threat ” to food supplies being shipped to Northern Irish supermarkets from Great Britain .
The cross-community plea from the DUP and Sinn Féin leaders for greater EU flexibility on the need for checks should illustrate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not take consent for the Protocol for granted if it can not be made to work for individuals and businesses in Northern Ireland .
Therefore , despite a large defeat in the House of Lords on the Bill , in the absence of a satisfactory UK-EU deal , there is every sign that the government plans to proceed with its current approach with the Internal Market Bill and forthcoming Finance Bill .
However , if there is UK-EU agreement on the implementation of the Protocol – eased by a wider UK-EU trade deal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as there would be no need for the powers .
If a solution is good enough for Dublin and Brussels , it will be good enough for Washington .
If there is no deal , everyone will be in uncharted territory , including the US .
Meanwhile , Biden ’ s historical opposition to Brexit should not be discounted but does not mean it will determine his attitude to Britain now that Brexit is a reality .
Following his congratulatory call with the Prime Minister , reportedly the first European leader he spoke @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its desire to work with the UK on global issues such as security cooperation via NATO .
We also know that Biden shares the UK ’ s view that urgent global action on climate change is required .
This presents an obvious opportunity , since the UK will host the 2021 United Nations climate summit , COP26 .
Biden is certainly more pro-EU than Trump has been but it should be noted that President Obama arguably did as much as anyone to pivot the US ’ focus and attention from the Atlantic to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trends , which individual leaders can amplify or camouflage , but they can not reverse .
Equally , international alliances are not zero-sum .
A rejuvenation of US-EU relations does not have to come at the expense of the UK .
Trump ’ s often combative relationship with the EU has risked forcing the UK to choose between Washington and Brussels when , ideally , it should have workable relations with both .
A US-UK trade deal may well slip down the short-term agenda under Biden but would remain doable .
Bilateral trade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ priority , since domestic matters are more pressing .
However , post-Brexit , a close UK-US relationship , including deepening the trade relationship , still makes strategic and geopolitical sense , whoever the occupant of the White House .
The UK is a major European power and a top-ranking middle power globally .
Nevertheless , the UK might need to be prepared to think more creatively about strengthening US-UK ties .
A Biden administration might prioritise large multilateral agreements , such as the Common and Progressive Agreement on Trans-Pacific Partnership ( CPTPP ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ join .
Equally , some of the biggest domestic obstacles to a US-UK trade deal , or indeed UK accession to CPTPP , have not gone away .
Improved access to the UK ’ s agricultural markets is a bipartisan interest in the US .
The UK will need to be prepared to liberalise in this area if it wants to further its trade ambitions with US and other trade partners , including Australia and New Zealand .
The UK and the US continue to have many shared interests .
And , ultimately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , interests matter more .

Stephen Booth is a policy analyst and political commentator.
Much of the media commentary in recent days has suggested a potential Biden Presidency will create short-term diplomatic problems for the UK. From this viewpoint, the prospect of a Biden White House in January 2021 – pending the resolution of the US election process and President Trump’s legal battles – heralds a diminishing of London’s standing in Washington and therefore increases the pressure on the UK to accept the EU’s terms for a trade deal.
The reality is likely to be more nuanced and a Biden Presidency would also present opportunities for Britain to work closely with the US post-Brexit.
In certain EU capitals, a Biden win is seen as strengthening the EU’s leverage in the end game Brexit negotiations over the coming days. Asked whether Biden’s projected win would impact the Brexit talks, Simon Coveney, the Irish Foreign Minister, replied: “I think perhaps it does.” EU diplomats have been quoted as saying a Biden win would “put a squeeze” on the UK, as the prospect of a UK-US trade deal could slip down the agenda.
The risk is that Brussels overplays its hand. Past evidence would suggest that the current UK negotiating team is more likely to judge a potential UK-EU deal on its merits rather than on what the occupant of the White House might think. An independent trade policy was viewed by many Leave voters as a benefit of Brexit, but this is not the same as believing Brexit was contingent on a trade deal with the US, much as it might be nice to have.
From what little has emerged from the UK-EU talks in recent days, it appears that the EU remains unwilling to bend on fishing, confident that the prize of market access for other more economically significant sectors is more important to the UK. This still assumes the UK is not prepared to walk away on the point of principle – that Brexit means regaining sovereignty over UK waters – which this government appears willing to do, however reluctantly.
The EU is also confident it has Biden on its side in the row over the Internal Market Bill, which would enable ministers to override aspects of the Northern Ireland Protocol in the absence of a UK-EU settlement. Biden’s comments during the election campaign about a US trade deal being contingent on respect for the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) were significant, but ultimately, it’s not clear how much has changed on this score.
Indeed, the Government’s very argument is that the powers it is seeking are a necessary “safety net” in order to uphold the UK’s commitments under the GFA. And that it is the EU’s maximalist interpretation of the Protocol which threatens to undermine the GFA.
As I have written previously, a workable compromise on the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol is in both sides’ interests. This has been underlined this week with Northern Ireland’s First and Deputy First Ministers jointly writing to the EU describing the “unacceptable” and “real threat” to food supplies being shipped to Northern Irish supermarkets from Great Britain.
The cross-community plea from the DUP and Sinn Féin leaders for greater EU flexibility on the need for checks should illustrate to Dublin and Brussels that they cannot take consent for the Protocol for granted if it cannot be made to work for individuals and businesses in Northern Ireland.
Therefore, despite a large defeat in the House of Lords on the Bill, in the absence of a satisfactory UK-EU deal, there is every sign that the government plans to proceed with its current approach with the Internal Market Bill and forthcoming Finance Bill.
However, if there is UK-EU agreement on the implementation of the Protocol – eased by a wider UK-EU trade deal – the issue could be easily defused as there would be no need for the powers. If a solution is good enough for Dublin and Brussels, it will be good enough for Washington. If there is no deal, everyone will be in uncharted territory, including the US.
Meanwhile, Biden’s historical opposition to Brexit should not be discounted but does not mean it will determine his attitude to Britain now that Brexit is a reality. Following his congratulatory call with the Prime Minister, reportedly the first European leader he spoke to, Biden’s team stressed its desire to work with the UK on global issues such as security cooperation via NATO.
We also know that Biden shares the UK’s view that urgent global action on climate change is required. This presents an obvious opportunity, since the UK will host the 2021 United Nations climate summit, COP26.
Biden is certainly more pro-EU than Trump has been but it should be noted that President Obama arguably did as much as anyone to pivot the US’ focus and attention from the Atlantic to the Asia-Pacific. This reflected long-term global trends, which individual leaders can amplify or camouflage, but they cannot reverse.
Equally, international alliances are not zero-sum. A rejuvenation of US-EU relations does not have to come at the expense of the UK. Trump’s often combative relationship with the EU has risked forcing the UK to choose between Washington and Brussels when, ideally, it should have workable relations with both.
A US-UK trade deal may well slip down the short-term agenda under Biden but would remain doable. Bilateral trade agreements would not necessarily be his immediate priority, since domestic matters are more pressing. However, post-Brexit, a close UK-US relationship, including deepening the trade relationship, still makes strategic and geopolitical sense, whoever the occupant of the White House.
The UK is a major European power and a top-ranking middle power globally. Nevertheless, the UK might need to be prepared to think more creatively about strengthening US-UK ties. A Biden administration might prioritise large multilateral agreements, such as the Common and Progressive Agreement on Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), which the UK also hopes to join.
Equally, some of the biggest domestic obstacles to a US-UK trade deal, or indeed UK accession to CPTPP, have not gone away. Improved access to the UK’s agricultural markets is a bipartisan interest in the US. The UK will need to be prepared to liberalise in this area if it wants to further its trade ambitions with US and other trade partners, including Australia and New Zealand.
The UK and the US continue to have many shared interests. And, ultimately, while personalities matter in international relations, interests matter more.


conservativehome--2020-11-12--Judy Terry: The East of England Ambulance Service needs to be put under new management

Judy Terry is a marketing professional and a former local councillor in Suffolk .
At last , exactly a month after the Care Quality Commission ( CQC ) published its latest report , the East of England Ambulance Service NHS Trust has been put into Special Measures .
This is amid claims of a ‘ toxic work environment ’ and ‘ bullying normalised ’ .
NHS England ’ s Regional Director commented : “ …there are long standing concerns around culture , leadership and governance.
” So why has it taken so long for NHS England to actually take action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Trust has repeatedly breached legal requirements in the last four years , and successive reports were an indictment against the poor leadership which has been at the heart of the Trust ’ s challenges for years ?
13 cases of sexual misconduct and predatory behaviour , including staff abusing patients , were made to the Police between April 2019 and March 2020 .
Last autumn , three ambulance staff at the East of England Ambulance Service NHS Trust died unexpectedly within days of each other ; at the time , alleged to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Despite an internal investigation in the wake of these tragedies , amid ‘ escalating concerns of risk to patient and staff safety ’ , seven ‘ whistleblowers ’ , including some in leadership roles , called for a further Care Quality Commission ( CQC ) visit .
The inspection , conducted in June and July , resulted in another damning report , published on 30th September 2020 .
• Repeated breaches since 2016 of Regulation 17 ( good governance ) of Health & Social Care Act 2008 ; • A poor culture @ @ @ @ @ @ @ showing a lack of awareness of some of the fundamental requirements to safeguard patients and staff from abuse ; • Senior leaders being ‘ combative and defensive ’ when facing reasonable challenge , and lacking ‘ adequate skills , knowledge and experience for their roles ’ ; • A disconnect between senior leaders and staff , with inadequate support for staff to raise concerns without fear of reprisal .
The CQC reported the Trust to the Equality & Human Rights Commission due to “ potential breaches of the Equality Act 2010 ” , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the referral .
Despite this commentary , once again , the CQC noted ‘ requires improvement ’ .
Fortunately , however , the Chief Inspector of Hospitals recommended that the Trust be placed into Special Measures .
A new chairman was appointed to the Trust in November 2019 ; a former Royal Mail regional director , Nicola Scrivens ’ experience includes chairing Cambridge Housing Association , and Cambridge Community Services NHS Trust , but one has to ask if the appointment was an open process , when the Trust has been accused of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the CQC ’ s latest report , she acknowledged the shortcomings : “ The report calls out where we need to improve and we will now do everything possible , as fast as possible , to make the improvements required….. we are working to take action to address these concerns and put this right for the long term .
“ The Trust aims to provide outstanding quality of care and performance for patients , and be an exceptional place to work , volunteer and learn .
… the executive team has again @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support anyone who raises concerns.
” So what does being in Special Measures actually mean ?
This is surely an opportunity for an outsider , rather than an NHS insider , to bring objectivity and an empathetic culture to this vital service , someone committed to protecting staff ( and patients ) rather than managers ’ interests ?
Unfortunately , such an idea doesn ’ t appear to be on the agenda ; instead , plans include an Improvement Director , and buddying up with other ambulance services ; a full time ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already been appointed .
And what criteria will be applied for the Trust to exit ?
Presumably , recommendations from previous reports will form the basis for success ; just last November the Trust concluded a short consultation with staff , patients and various organisations on a Corporate Strategy for 2020-2025 which identified a range of key issues , including : • Provide long term leadership stability to ensure the Trust is well led ; • Ensure staff feel valued and supported , with emphasis on wellbeing and mental health ; • Improve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their full potential .
In December , following the paramedics ’ deaths , a further report was commissioned to examine ‘ the circumstances surrounding the deaths to ensure that all appropriate actions were taken and will continue to be taken , to ensure staff welfare is the highest priority and learning identified and translated into improvements by the organisation to mitigate the reoccurrence of any similar events ’ .
Shared with the CQC , NHS England/Improvement , relevant coroners and families , the twelve recommendations noted ‘ the need to make improvements around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ support for managers and staff ’ and included : • Develop training for managers in supporting staff with mental health problems – in partnership with specialist mental health professionals ; • Consider how it can contribute to and learn from the range of suicide prevention strategies and initiatives across its catchment area and incorporate suicide prevention into its strategic goals ; • Establish a programme of change and development to address sexual harassment and change the behaviours of staff and managers that enable it to thrive ; • Amend the Disciplinary Policy in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a clause reflecting the need to undertake a risk assessment at the time the decision to suspend is made ; • Review its arrangements for first line management support in order to move to a model that provides front line staff with consistent and regular management support ; • Senior operational managers should be reminded of their responsibilities under the Duty of Candour Policy ; and , crucially , • Carefully consider the findings of all current investigations , together with this one , to assess any common themes or consistent messages that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and further organisational development initiatives .
At the time , the Chief Executive , responded : “ I am committed to instilling a culture which sees , respects and cares for all staff… we are making progress on our action plan to address these recommendations and half our actions will be completed by the end of May ( 2020 ) , with all recommendations addressed by the end of September.
” That went well didn ’ t it !
The Trust receives about a million emergency calls a year , employing more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bedfordshire , Cambridge , Essex , Hertfordshire , Norfolk and Suffolk , with 19 Clinical Commissioning Groups , which are supposed to have some responsibility for ‘ commissioning ’ ambulance services , but are silent .
However , Cambridge MP , Daniel Zeichner , praised the caring and responsive service , acknowledging that the Trust ’ s troubled history is due to leadership shortcomings , “ I hope this latest action will be a wake-up call to management… “ But Covid appears to have prevented Health & Welbeing Boards meeting – once again @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to create a sub-committee to monitor the Trust and its progress under Special Measures .
They have a responsibility to hold people to account , and owe it to the wonderful frontline and back office staff who literally save lives , and to their local residents ( or should I say voters ) .

Judy Terry is a marketing professional and a former local councillor in Suffolk.
At last, exactly a month after the Care Quality Commission (CQC ) published its latest report, the East of England Ambulance Service NHS Trust has been put into Special Measures. This is amid claims of a ‘toxic work environment’ and ‘bullying normalised’. NHS England’s Regional Director commented: “…there are long standing concerns around culture, leadership and governance.”
So why has it taken so long for NHS England to actually take action, when it is now evident that the Trust has repeatedly breached legal requirements in the last four years, and successive reports were an indictment against the poor leadership which has been at the heart of the Trust’s challenges for years?
13 cases of sexual misconduct and predatory behaviour, including staff abusing patients, were made to the Police between April 2019 and March 2020.
Last autumn, three ambulance staff at the East of England Ambulance Service NHS Trust died unexpectedly within days of each other; at the time, alleged to be suicide, with Coroner reports awaited.
Despite an internal investigation in the wake of these tragedies, amid ‘escalating concerns of risk to patient and staff safety’, seven ‘whistleblowers’, including some in leadership roles, called for a further Care Quality Commission (CQC) visit. The inspection, conducted in June and July, resulted in another damning report, published on 30th September 2020.
Key issues identified include:
Repeated breaches since 2016 of Regulation 17 (good governance) of Health & Social Care Act 2008;
12 breaches of legal requirements;
A poor culture and ineffective governance, with senior leaders showing a lack of awareness of some of the fundamental requirements to safeguard patients and staff from abuse;
Senior leaders being ‘combative and defensive’ when facing reasonable challenge, and lacking ‘adequate skills, knowledge and experience for their roles’;
High levels of bullying, harassment and discrimination;
A disconnect between senior leaders and staff, with inadequate support for staff to raise concerns without fear of reprisal.
The CQC reported the Trust to the Equality & Human Rights Commission due to “potential breaches of the Equality Act 2010”, but was not specific about reasons for the referral.
Despite this commentary, once again, the CQC noted ‘requires improvement’. Fortunately, however, the Chief Inspector of Hospitals recommended that the Trust be placed into Special Measures.
A new chairman was appointed to the Trust in November 2019; a former Royal Mail regional director, Nicola Scrivens’ experience includes chairing Cambridge Housing Association, and Cambridge Community Services NHS Trust, but one has to ask if the appointment was an open process, when the Trust has been accused of ‘nepotism abuse’.
On receipt of the CQC’s latest report, she acknowledged the shortcomings:
“The report calls out where we need to improve and we will now do everything possible, as fast as possible, to make the improvements required….. we are working to take action to address these concerns and put this right for the long term.
“The Trust aims to provide outstanding quality of care and performance for patients, and be an exceptional place to work, volunteer and learn. … the executive team has again reinforced its commitment to listen to and support anyone who raises concerns.”
So what does being in Special Measures actually mean? This is surely an opportunity for an outsider, rather than an NHS insider, to bring objectivity and an empathetic culture to this vital service, someone committed to protecting staff (and patients) rather than managers’ interests?
Unfortunately, such an idea doesn’t appear to be on the agenda; instead, plans include an Improvement Director, and buddying up with other ambulance services; a full time ‘Freedom to speak up’ guardian has already been appointed.
And what criteria will be applied for the Trust to exit? Presumably, recommendations from previous reports will form the basis for success; just last November the Trust concluded a short consultation with staff, patients and various organisations on a Corporate Strategy for 2020-2025 which identified a range of key issues, including:
Provide long term leadership stability to ensure the Trust is well led;
Ensure staff feel valued and supported, with emphasis on wellbeing and mental health;
Improve training and development to help staff reach their full potential.
In December, following the paramedics’ deaths, a further report was commissioned to examine ‘the circumstances surrounding the deaths to ensure that all appropriate actions were taken and will continue to be taken, to ensure staff welfare is the highest priority and learning identified and translated into improvements by the organisation to mitigate the reoccurrence of any similar events’.
Shared with the CQC, NHS England/Improvement, relevant coroners and families, the twelve recommendations noted ‘the need to make improvements around guidance, policies and additional training and support for managers and staff’ and included:
Develop training for managers in supporting staff with mental health problems – in partnership with specialist mental health professionals;
Consider how it can contribute to and learn from the range of suicide prevention strategies and initiatives across its catchment area and incorporate suicide prevention into its strategic goals;
Establish a programme of change and development to address sexual harassment and change the behaviours of staff and managers that enable it to thrive;
Amend the Disciplinary Policy in relation to suspension of staff to include a clause reflecting the need to undertake a risk assessment at the time the decision to suspend is made;
Review its arrangements for first line management support in order to move to a model that provides front line staff with consistent and regular management support;
Senior operational managers should be reminded of their responsibilities under the Duty of Candour Policy; and, crucially,
Carefully consider the findings of all current investigations, together with this one, to assess any common themes or consistent messages that would suggest the need for remedial actions and further organisational development initiatives.
At the time, the Chief Executive, responded:
“I am committed to instilling a culture which sees, respects and cares for all staff… we are making progress on our action plan to address these recommendations and half our actions will be completed by the end of May (2020), with all recommendations addressed by the end of September.”
That went well didn’t it!
The Trust receives about a million emergency calls a year, employing more than 4,000 staff, covering six counties: Bedfordshire, Cambridge, Essex, Hertfordshire, Norfolk and Suffolk, with 19 Clinical Commissioning Groups, which are supposed to have some responsibility for ‘commissioning’ ambulance services, but are silent. However, Cambridge MP, Daniel Zeichner, praised the caring and responsive service, acknowledging that the Trust’s troubled history is due to leadership shortcomings, “I hope this latest action will be a wake-up call to management… “
But Covid appears to have prevented Health & Welbeing Boards meeting – once again, I urge them to get together to create a sub-committee to monitor the Trust and its progress under Special Measures. They have a responsibility to hold people to account, and owe it to the wonderful frontline and back office staff who literally save lives, and to their local residents (or should I say voters).


conservativehome--2020-11-12--School reopenings. Public attitudes are more relaxed this time. But the battle is not over for the G

School reopenings. Public attitudes are more relaxed this time. But the battle is not over for the Government.

Throughout the Coronavirus crisis , one of the most difficult issues the Government has had to face is whether to keep schools open or not .
During the first wave , a combination of backlash from teaching unions and parents hurriedly removing their children from classrooms arguably forced ministers ’ hands into ordering closures around the country .
In September , after a summer in which the Department of Education was lambasted over an A Level grading system designed by Ofqual , millions of children finally made it back to school , albeit they were subjected to new measures with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coronavirus .
In spite of all the guidance – from staggered times to one-way systems to children having to socially distance – there are signs of more trouble to come .
The National Education Union ( NEU ) is already pushing for schools to close during lockdown , a demand which has been endorsed by Andy Burnham , the Greater Manchester Mayor .
Labour , too , although currently supportive of keeping schools open , has indicated that schools should be at the front of the queue for mass testing after NHS and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be seen how much of an issue it will be if the Government does not go along with that idea .
Then there ’ s the Welsh Labour government , which has recently cancelled exams for 2021 – in a move that has prompted questions to be asked about why Number 10 has not done the same in anticipation of difficulties next year .
In short , in spite of the fact that schools are now open , it would be wrong to assume that the issue of closures has now been settled @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quickly , as we ’ ve seen happen during this crisis .
How concerned should the Government be about being pressured into fresh calls for a second round of school closures ?
What should it do in the interim by way of preparing a response to mounting demands of this nature ?
The first thing to say is that public confidence in school openings seems to have changed considerably since the start of the year .
As of November 2 , the Children ’ s Commissioner found the attendance rate in England had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( the post-lockdown peak ) , to 80 per cent in September , with nine out of ten children now back , indicating that parents are relatively content with the current direction .
Tom Hunt , the MP for Ipswich and a member of the Education Select Committee , agrees that something has shifted , and believes unions are “ going to struggle in their argument ” , adding that “ I think there ’ s much more of a sense that we should keep schools open ” among the public .
Teachers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and large – appear to support reopenings .
A survey from Teacher Tapp suggests that 46 per cent believe that schools should stay open .
But here comes the more troublesome part ; 39 per cent supported closures for this lockdown , and that ’ s a sufficient constituency for the unions to be able to argue that they have a mandate to insist upon change .
Given that there have been teaching strikes in France and elsewhere , the DfE can not afford to be complacent .
One fear is that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of closing schools , to suggesting a more nuanced approach , but one that would equally prove disruptive to students ’ education .
The NEU , for example , has proposed for schools to move to a rota scheme , whereby students spend one week at school , followed by one week at home – hardly the easiest arrangement to roll out .
Yet , it may have legs .
According to the Teacher Tapp ’ s survey , this is a strategy teachers would prefer to be adopted should the current Covid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if the current lockdown does not lead to better Covid statistics , it will be that much easier for unions to make the case that schools should no longer be fully open , but should close or move into rota systems , or something different .
There are other matters on which the unions might agitate .
The possibility of a vaccine soon arriving has prompted questions to be asked as to why teachers are not being prioritised .
Until then , unions might argue that schools should remain subject to tough restrictions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plans – lest there be a move to more homeschooling .
For instance , it has been working with mobile operators to provide temporary access for free additional data , which will give families the ability to use online educational resources at no cost .
In normal times , of course , the cost of data could be prohibitively expensive .
The perennial problem has been that of communication .
The Government , and in particular Gavin Williamson , has not been a forceful enough advocate of the case for keeping schools open @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throughout .
The shame is that there is plenty of data to use to show why it matters to keep schools open .
Some points to note : • None The Office for National Statistics ’ found that there were no differences in the rates of positive cases between teachers and other professionals working outside of the home between • None The Children ’ s Commissioner reports that “ confirmed Covid cases at school remain very rare .
There are just 8,000 ( 0.1 % ) pupils reported to be off school with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ total school population of 8.2 million ” .
• None should have never shut in the first place .
No doubt this criticism will get stronger as we get to see the impact that the original closures had on children .
Furthermore , the Children ’ s Commissioner points out that the average school sends home 62 pupils for every child who tests positive for Covid .
Because of overreactions of this sort , it can lead to outbreaks at schools looking worse than they are .
In essence , it is crucial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the argument as strongly as possible that there should be no further closures at schools , nor any tinkering which might in any way disrupt children ’ s further future education .
One possibility is that the Government sets up a task force , led by somebody like Kate Bingham , who can make the case for schools remaining open .
Whichever way , the Government can not afford to be complacent about this area .
It needs to be proactive , on the offence and as noisy as the unions in its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t been so far .
Or else further trouble will be inevitable .

Throughout the Coronavirus crisis, one of the most difficult issues the Government has had to face is whether to keep schools open or not. During the first wave, a combination of backlash from teaching unions and parents hurriedly removing their children from classrooms arguably forced ministers’ hands into ordering closures around the country.
In September, after a summer in which the Department of Education was lambasted over an A Level grading system designed by Ofqual, millions of children finally made it back to school, albeit they were subjected to new measures with a view to stopping the spread of Coronavirus.
In spite of all the guidance – from staggered times to one-way systems to children having to socially distance – there are signs of more trouble to come. The National Education Union (NEU) is already pushing for schools to close during lockdown, a demand which has been endorsed by Andy Burnham, the Greater Manchester Mayor.
Labour, too, although currently supportive of keeping schools open, has indicated that schools should be at the front of the queue for mass testing after NHS and social care staff. It remains to be seen how much of an issue it will be if the Government does not go along with that idea.
Then there’s the Welsh Labour government, which has recently cancelled exams for 2021 – in a move that has prompted questions to be asked about why Number 10 has not done the same in anticipation of difficulties next year.
In short, in spite of the fact that schools are now open, it would be wrong to assume that the issue of closures has now been settled for good. Things might change very quickly, as we’ve seen happen during this crisis.
How concerned should the Government be about being pressured into fresh calls for a second round of school closures? What should it do in the interim by way of preparing a response to mounting demands of this nature?
The first thing to say is that public confidence in school openings seems to have changed considerably since the start of the year. As of November 2, the Children’s Commissioner found the attendance rate in England had gone from 17.5 per cent in July (the post-lockdown peak), to 80 per cent in September, with nine out of ten children now back, indicating that parents are relatively content with the current direction.
Tom Hunt, the MP for Ipswich and a member of the Education Select Committee, agrees that something has shifted, and believes unions are “going to struggle in their argument”, adding that “I think there’s much more of a sense that we should keep schools open” among the public.
Teachers, too – at least, by and large – appear to support reopenings. A survey from Teacher Tapp suggests that 46 per cent believe that schools should stay open.
But here comes the more troublesome part; 39 per cent supported closures for this lockdown, and that’s a sufficient constituency for the unions to be able to argue that they have a mandate to insist upon change. Given that there have been teaching strikes in France and elsewhere, the DfE cannot afford to be complacent.
One fear is that the unions will move away from the idea of closing schools, to suggesting a more nuanced approach, but one that would equally prove disruptive to students’ education.
The NEU, for example, has proposed for schools to move to a rota scheme, whereby students spend one week at school, followed by one week at home – hardly the easiest arrangement to roll out. Yet, it may have legs. According to the Teacher Tapp’s survey, this is a strategy teachers would prefer to be adopted should the current Covid outlook not improve.
Of course, if the current lockdown does not lead to better Covid statistics, it will be that much easier for unions to make the case that schools should no longer be fully open, but should close or move into rota systems, or something different.
There are other matters on which the unions might agitate. The possibility of a vaccine soon arriving has prompted questions to be asked as to why teachers are not being prioritised. Until then, unions might argue that schools should remain subject to tough restrictions.
The DfE has already made contingency plans – lest there be a move to more homeschooling. For instance, it has been working with mobile operators to provide temporary access for free additional data, which will give families the ability to use online educational resources at no cost. In normal times, of course, the cost of data could be prohibitively expensive.
The perennial problem has been that of communication. The Government, and in particular Gavin Williamson, has not been a forceful enough advocate of the case for keeping schools open. They have been on the defence throughout.
The shame is that there is plenty of data to use to show why it matters to keep schools open. Some points to note:
The Office for National Statistics’ found that there were no differences in the rates of positive cases between teachers and other professionals working outside of the home between September 2 and October 16 (in which case, why should teachers be prioritised for mass testing above, say, a delivery driver?)
The Children’s Commissioner reports that “confirmed Covid cases at school remain very rare. There are just 8,000 (0.1%) pupils reported to be off school with a confirmed Covid case out of a total school population of 8.2 million”.
A recent study suggests that schools should have never shut in the first place . No doubt this criticism will get stronger as we get to see the impact that the original closures had on children.
Furthermore, the Children’s Commissioner points out that the average school sends home 62 pupils for every child who tests positive for Covid. Because of overreactions of this sort, it can lead to outbreaks at schools looking worse than they are.
In essence, it is crucial that the Government and DfE keep making the argument as strongly as possible that there should be no further closures at schools, nor any tinkering which might in any way disrupt children’s further future education.
One possibility is that the Government sets up a task force, led by somebody like Kate Bingham, who can make the case for schools remaining open.
Whichever way, the Government cannot afford to be complacent about this area. It needs to be proactive, on the offence and as noisy as the unions in its push for reopenings; everything it hasn’t been so far. Or else further trouble will be inevitable.


conservativehome--2020-11-13--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Commissioner for Public Appointments – and

Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Commissioner for Public Appointments – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
“ The Chair will provide strong and effective leadership of the Commission in the fulfilment of its remit .
The Chair of CHM has to lead an expert science advisory committee whose principal tasks are to advise the Licensing Authority ( the UK Health Ministers ) and its executive arm , the Medicines and Healthcare products @ @ @ @ @ @ @ matters relating to human medicinal products including the licensing of medicines that are safe , efficacious and of good quality .
The Chair needs to be able to synthesize complex information and present it authoritatively to ministers as required .
They have to be able to master a very wide range of medical and pharmacological issues , many of which would be out of any one practitioner ’ s area of expertise , and chair to consensus a commission which comprises a range of eminent medical experts and some lay members.
” Remuneration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We are looking for an outstanding individual with demonstrable leadership skills and a passion for the media and public broadcasting , to represent the public interest in the BBC and maintain the Corporation ’ s independence .
As per the BBC Royal Charter , the Chair of the BBC Board must be appointed by Order in Council following a fair and open competition .
The Governance Code , including the public appointment principles , must be followed in making the appointment .
The Commissioner for Public Appointments will ensure that the appointment is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Candidates should be aware that the preferred candidate for the post of Chair will be required to appear before a Parliamentary Select Committee prior to appointment.
” Time : 3-4 days per week ( Chair ) / Up to 2 days per week .
“ The Secretary of State is seeking to appoint four Independent Members to the CCW Board .
The primary role of CCW ’ s Independent Board Members is to contribute to the good governance of the organisation by bringing wide experience and critical detachment to the work of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lead role in an area of CCW ’ s strategic work or its campaigns and work closely with members of the Executive Team and employees in this area .
Examples of lead areas include engagement and communication , vulnerable consumers and improving water regulation for consumers .
The Essential Criteria section later in this document includes the ‘ additional expertise ’ that CCW is looking for from successful candidates to enhance and complement the Board ’ s existing strengths .
CCW ’ s Code of Governance sets out more details on the operation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ includes more detail on the role of Board Members.
” “ As the independent regulator of public appointments made by ministers in the UK and Welsh governments , the Commissioner ’ s statutory functions are set out in the Public Appointments Order in Council 2019 .
The Order in Council also sets out those bodies and posts that are within the Commissioner ’ s regulatory remit .
The Commissioner ’ s primary role is to provide independent assurance that public appointments are made in accordance with the Governance Code for Public Appointments , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The new Commissioner will need to work closely with a number of stakeholders including ( but not limited to ) UK and Welsh Government Ministers , Chairs of public bodies , senior officials/accounting officers in departments and officials in the Cabinet Office ’ s Public Appointments Policy team.
” “ The Prime Minister ’ s Council for Science and Technology ( CST ) is the Government ’ s top-level advisory body on science and technology issues .
It reports directly to the Prime Minister on matters of science and technology that cut across @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is co-chaired by the Government Chief Scientific Adviser and an independent appointee .
The SARS-CoV-2 ( Covid-19 ) pandemic has highlighted the importance of science and technology in facing a challenge of such epic proportions , and in building a robust , sustainable , and equitable recovery plan for the UK , post Covid .
The Government is seeking to appoint a new Independent Co-Chair for the Council for Science and Technology .
The Government will appoint an Independent Co-Chair who will share responsibility for chairing the Council with the Government Chief Scientific @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Insolvency Service is an Executive Agency of the Department for Business , Energy and Industrial Strategy , responsible for helping to deliver economic confidence by supporting those in financial distress , tackling financial wrongdoing and maximising returns to creditors .
It employs around 1,700 staff operating from 22 locations across Great Britain .
We are seeking to appoint a new Chair of the Insolvency Service Board to lead the organisation as it takes forward its programme of transformation , delivers key Government commitments , and continues its record of strong performance against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Covid-19 pandemic… Headed by the non-executive Chair , the Board currently comprises a mix of Executive and Non-Executive Directors .
The Board is collectively responsible for the oversight of the operation of the Insolvency Service , with particular emphasis on its strategic direction , management controls , and corporate governance.
” “ We are seeking to appoint a new Chair of the Royal Mint Advisory Committee , who will play a central role in the committee ’ s task of recommending designs for United Kingdom coins , official medals , seals and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ responsible for leading numismatic design in the United Kingdom , collaborating closely with Government departments , the Royal Household and the Royal Mint .
This role will involve leading all aspects of new and innovative ways of commemorating events , individuals and symbology of national significance in numismatic form .
The chair of the RMAC will lead and guide meetings of the committee , reaching consensus on various design proposals and ultimately advise HM Treasury , other government departments and the Crown on artistic excellence in design .
The RMAC chair is responsible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manner , acting impartially , ensuring effective governance and excellence in delivery.. ” Bank of England – External Member of the Financial Policy Committee “ The FPC is responsible for identifying , monitoring and taking action to remove or reduce systemic risks with a view to protecting and enhancing the resilience of the UK financial system .
The FPC also has a secondary objective to support the Government ’ s economic policies.The FPC has wide-ranging powers of recommendation and can direct the Prudential Regulation Authority and the Financial Conduct Authority to take action @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The appointment of external members to the FPC is designed to ensure that the Committee benefits from thinking and expertise in addition to that existing inside the Bank of England , and to provide constructive challenge during the Committee ’ s deliberations .
Each member of the FPC should have expertise in the field of financial services and economics .
External members will be independent – they will not represent or lobby for individual groups , interests or sectors.
” “ The Steering Board ’ s role is to : advise on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of targets , within the framework of the UK Space Agency ’ s objectives , BEIS and wider Government objectives ; bring an external perspective to provide a strategic challenge on the business and corporate plans and review and endorse the annual report and accounts for submission by the Accounting Officer ; advise on and provide independent assessment of performance , including process of setting of targets and performance against them ; advise on major business developments which imply a significant change in the Agency ’ s role or activities and on its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and to advocate and advise in relation to the promotion and awareness of the work of the UK Space Agency with stakeholders and partners .
”

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
Commission on Human Medicines – Chair
“The Chair will provide strong and effective leadership of the Commission in the fulfilment of its remit. The Chair of CHM has to lead an expert science advisory committee whose principal tasks are to advise the Licensing Authority (the UK Health Ministers) and its executive arm, the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency (MHRA), on matters relating to human medicinal products including the licensing of medicines that are safe, efficacious and of good quality. The Chair needs to be able to synthesize complex information and present it authoritatively to ministers as required. They have to be able to master a very wide range of medical and pharmacological issues, many of which would be out of any one practitioner’s area of expertise, and chair to consensus a commission which comprises a range of eminent medical experts and some lay members.”
Time: Approx. 33 days per annum.
Remuneration: Up to £500 per meeting
Closes: 10 November
– – – – – – – – – –
British Broadcasting Corporation – Chair/Member for England
“We are looking for an outstanding individual with demonstrable leadership skills and a passion for the media and public broadcasting, to represent the public interest in the BBC and maintain the Corporation’s independence. As per the BBC Royal Charter, the Chair of the BBC Board must be appointed by Order in Council following a fair and open competition. The Governance Code, including the public appointment principles, must be followed in making the appointment. The Commissioner for Public Appointments will ensure that the appointment is made in accordance with the Governance Code. Candidates should be aware that the preferred candidate for the post of Chair will be required to appear before a Parliamentary Select Committee prior to appointment.”
Time: 3-4 days per week (Chair) / Up to 2 days per week.
Remuneration: £160,000 (Chair) / £33,000 per annum, +£5,000 for committee chairs, reasonable expenses (Member)
Closes: 11 November
– – – – – – – – – –
Consumer Council for Water – Independent Board Members
“The Secretary of State is seeking to appoint four Independent Members to the CCW Board. The primary role of CCW’s Independent Board Members is to contribute to the good governance of the organisation by bringing wide experience and critical detachment to the work of the Board. Board Members take a lead role in an area of CCW’s strategic work or its campaigns and work closely with members of the Executive Team and employees in this area. Examples of lead areas include engagement and communication, vulnerable consumers and improving water regulation for consumers. The Essential Criteria section later in this document includes the ‘additional expertise’ that CCW is looking for from successful candidates to enhance and complement the Board’s existing strengths. CCW’s Code of Governance sets out more details on the operation of the Board and its Committees and includes more detail on the role of Board Members.”
Time: Three days per month.
Remuneration: £11,718 per annum.
Closes: 16 November
– – – – – – – – – –
Commissioner for Public Appointments
“As the independent regulator of public appointments made by ministers in the UK and Welsh governments, the Commissioner’s statutory functions are set out in the Public Appointments Order in Council 2019. The Order in Council also sets out those bodies and posts that are within the Commissioner’s regulatory remit. The Commissioner’s primary role is to provide independent assurance that public appointments are made in accordance with the Governance Code for Public Appointments, including the Principles of Public Appointments. The new Commissioner will need to work closely with a number of stakeholders including (but not limited to) UK and Welsh Government Ministers, Chairs of public bodies, senior officials/accounting officers in departments and officials in the Cabinet Office’s Public Appointments Policy team.”
Time: 2 days per week on average.
Remuneration: £56,000 per annum.
Closes: 22 November
– – – – – – – – – –
Prime Minister’s Council for Science and Technology – Co-Chair
“The Prime Minister’s Council for Science and Technology (CST) is the Government’s top-level advisory body on science and technology issues. It reports directly to the Prime Minister on matters of science and technology that cut across the responsibilities of government departments. It is co-chaired by the Government Chief Scientific Adviser and an independent appointee. The SARS-CoV-2 (Covid-19) pandemic has highlighted the importance of science and technology in facing a challenge of such epic proportions, and in building a robust, sustainable, and equitable recovery plan for the UK, post Covid. The Government is seeking to appoint a new Independent Co-Chair for the Council for Science and Technology. The Government will appoint an Independent Co-Chair who will share responsibility for chairing the Council with the Government Chief Scientific Adviser (GCSA).”
Time: 2-3 days per month.
Remuneration: None.
Closes: 22 November
– – – – – – – – – –
Insolvency Service – Chair
“The Insolvency Service is an Executive Agency of the Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy, responsible for helping to deliver economic confidence by supporting those in financial distress, tackling financial wrongdoing and maximising returns to creditors. It employs around 1,700 staff operating from 22 locations across Great Britain. We are seeking to appoint a new Chair of the Insolvency Service Board to lead the organisation as it takes forward its programme of transformation, delivers key Government commitments, and continues its record of strong performance against the backdrop of an uncertain economy following the Covid-19 pandemic… Headed by the non-executive Chair, the Board currently comprises a mix of Executive and Non-Executive Directors. The Board is collectively responsible for the oversight of the operation of the Insolvency Service, with particular emphasis on its strategic direction, management controls, and corporate governance.”
Time: 20 days per annum.
Remuneration: £18,000.
Closes: 22 November
– – – – – – – – – –
Royal Mint Advisory Committee – Chair
“We are seeking to appoint a new Chair of the Royal Mint Advisory Committee, who will play a central role in the committee’s task of recommending designs for United Kingdom coins, official medals, seals and decorations. The new chair will be responsible for leading numismatic design in the United Kingdom, collaborating closely with Government departments, the Royal Household and the Royal Mint. This role will involve leading all aspects of new and innovative ways of commemorating events, individuals and symbology of national significance in numismatic form. The chair of the RMAC will lead and guide meetings of the committee, reaching consensus on various design proposals and ultimately advise HM Treasury, other government departments and the Crown on artistic excellence in design. The RMAC chair is responsible for leading the committee in an ethical manner, acting impartially, ensuring effective governance and excellence in delivery..”
Time: Six meetings per annum.
Remuneration: None.
Closes: 27 November
– – – – – – – – – –
Bank of England – External Member of the Financial Policy Committee
“The FPC is responsible for identifying, monitoring and taking action to remove or reduce systemic risks with a view to protecting and enhancing the resilience of the UK financial system. The FPC also has a secondary objective to support the Government’s economic policies.The FPC has wide-ranging powers of recommendation and can direct the Prudential Regulation Authority and the Financial Conduct Authority to take action to address systemic risks to financial stability. The appointment of external members to the FPC is designed to ensure that the Committee benefits from thinking and expertise in addition to that existing inside the Bank of England, and to provide constructive challenge during the Committee’s deliberations. Each member of the FPC should have expertise in the field of financial services and economics. External members will be independent – they will not represent or lobby for individual groups, interests or sectors.”
Time: 23 days per quarter.
Remuneration: £97,200.
Closes: 29 November
– – – – – – – – – –
UK Space Agency – Non-Executive Members/Audit Chair
“The Steering Board’s role is to: advise on external drivers, strategic direction and development of targets, within the framework of the UK Space Agency’s objectives, BEIS and wider Government objectives; bring an external perspective to provide a strategic challenge on the business and corporate plans and review and endorse the annual report and accounts for submission by the Accounting Officer; advise on and provide independent assessment of performance, including process of setting of targets and performance against them; advise on major business developments which imply a significant change in the Agency’s role or activities and on its exposure to and management of risk; and to advocate and advise in relation to the promotion and awareness of the work of the UK Space Agency with stakeholders and partners.”
Time: 20/22 days per annum.
Remuneration: £8,000/10,000 per annum honorarium.
Closes: 29 November


conservativehome--2020-11-13--“With a Cummings, a Cummings and a half”

The enemies of the Conservative Party will rejoice at Dominic Cummings ’ suggestion that he will leave the Government at the end of the year .
That tells you much of what you need to know about any departure .
So would the Conservative Party itself , or at least almost the entire body of Tory MPs .
That tells you nearly everything else .
Oh , and the civil service , plus the rest of the institutional state , would be delighted .
Cummings is the greatest British right-wing campaigner of our age .
He cut his teeth in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 2004 referendum on a North-East regional assembly and , over ten years later , ran much the same campaign for a Leave vote in the 2016 referendum on Britain ’ s EU membership .
Its core vibe was politicians v the people – who should take back control .
The campaign to oppose scrapping the pound , Business for Sterling , in which he was involved , was a more sophisticated riff on the theme .
On paper , his guerilla band should have been squashed all three times by the Government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only be described as the massed ranks of the establishment .
In practice , Cummings used the nimbleness and surprise that small mobile forces can command to out-manoevre the ponderous ranks of his opponents .
He ’ s once , twice , thrice and , yes , four times a winner against the odds .
The last victory was the greatest : the campaign – fought in and outside a Commons in which Boris Johnson had no majority , which had no collective interest in approving a general election , and which was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alternative to having one : a second referendum .
By sheer persistence , more than a slice of luck , and the stupidity of Jeremy Corybn , Johnson and Cummings were eventually able to wangle an election .
Isaac Levido communicated a message that Cummings had already been crafting : Get Brexit Done .
We ’ re now unlikely ever to know whether Cummings could produce success in government on the same scale as victory in campaigning .
He has made limited progress for two main reasons .
The first is the obvious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But even if the pandemic had never happened , the second cause would still have applied .
Very simply , Johnson and Cummings were agile enough to seize control of the Government after the fall of Theresa May – rather in the manner of Lawrence of Arabia seizing control of Damascus .
However , occupying a city is one thing and governing it is another .
The hard truth is that the Vote Leave band of brothers just isn ’ t big enough to get a grip on government .
After all , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to date to appoint as Chief of Staff – a detail that has turned out to play a decisive role in Cummings ’ own fate .
Muse for a moment on that question of trust .
Cummings insists that he is a decentraliser , and this site has no reason to disbelieve him .
But how can you trust state machinery that doesn ’ t work , like Public Health England , the Cabinet Office or Ofqal ?
And why should you trust Tory MPs in safe seats for life who don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ takes us to the heart of the matter .
Cummings is right-wing .
But he has never as far as we know been a member of the Conservative Party .
And he is certainly not a Tory : that ’ s to say , a believer in the collective wisdom of institutions .
Indeed , he can ’ t see one without savaging it , probably in a blog several thousand words long , as an emperor with no clothes .
There is a seething side to his energy and brains – a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not in politics , as some MPs of all parties are , for business as usual .
Cummings is sometimes thought of as preoccupied with levelling-up .
This is not quite right .
Rather , he seems to be in the tradition of Corelli Barnett , the military historian who argues that the cult of the gifted amateur among Britain ’ s governing classes failed the nation in the last two centuries , and helped to collapse British power .
Cummings ’ blogs project not a smaller state but a stronger one , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elite that will purge failing state institutions , and which the education system will be tasked with nurturing .
There is a touch about all this not so much of Bismarck as of Nietzsche – and the Übermensch .
Hence Cummings ’ work focus on a few big subjects : creating a British DARPA , reforming procurement , shaking up the civil service and – latterly – trying to drive through a new testing system almost from scratch , in the wake of the failure of test and trace to deliver .
Lawrence @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lean ’ s film not exactly through a lack of numbers , but because it can ’ t work modern machinery , and is unable to provide a non-negotiable requirement for workable government : public order .
Might the image suggest a third reason for Cummings ’ difficulties in delivering ?
Political campaigning has a single aim : winning .
In a modern democracy , governing does not .
Rather , it must seek to resolve clashes between different interests .
Indispensable to this task is the work of a civil service which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and will still be there when you leave .
So going a bit more gently on the European Research Group ( say ) and gambling a bit more trust on non-Vote Leavers are necessary – part of the art of getting the generators of government up and running smoothly ?
As working with a Chief of Staff who ’ s not part of your gang would also be .
This alternative vision of politics looks forward to a gentler , kinder , greener government – with a more central place for women , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Downing Street ( whoever he or she may be ) , a Brexit trade deal , and harmony restored between Number Ten and the 1922 Committee .
Perhaps all this will duly happen .
But this site fears that if ( or when ) Cummings goes , and other Vote Leavers go with him , the winning Tory march into the north and midlands that he has done so much to craft will fade , and the Conservatives will drift back towards their southern comfort zone , more by habit than on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ May ’ s Government , its sense of insurgency and purpose went with him .
In one way , Cummings is unlike Timothy , being a proven election winner .
In another , they are alike – being focused on the same sort of provincial , “ just about managing ” , striving voter .
Timothy ’ s departure left May bereft of political purpose .
We hope that Johnson isn ’ t drifting towards the same place .
It certainly doesn ’ t have to be that way , because there are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Prime Minister should now try to make the most of the tough-minded joint authors of last year ’ s Conservative Manifesto : Munira Mirza , who is working in government , and Rachel Wolf , who is not .
Cummings is saying that he always meant to leave Number Ten at the end of this year , though some who know him well claim he has a track record of outlasting his commitments to quit .
At any rate , it would be unlike him to go quietly .
Brace , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bunker-busting bomb would then be lobbed in your direction from that incendiary blog ?
We close with a quote from it – well , originally from Bismarck ( who else ? )
“ With a gentleman , a gentleman and a half , with a pirate , a pirate and a half.
” In other words , reward good with even more good and punish evil with even more evil .
With a Cummings , a Cummings-and-a-half .

The enemies of the Conservative Party will rejoice at Dominic Cummings’ suggestion that he will leave the Government at the end of the year. That tells you much of what you need to know about any departure.
So would the Conservative Party itself, or at least almost the entire body of Tory MPs. That tells you nearly everything else. Oh, and the civil service, plus the rest of the institutional state, would be delighted.
Cummings is the greatest British right-wing campaigner of our age. He cut his teeth in the campaign for a No vote in the 2004 referendum on a North-East regional assembly and, over ten years later, ran much the same campaign for a Leave vote in the 2016 referendum on Britain’s EU membership. Its core vibe was politicians v the people – who should take back control. The campaign to oppose scrapping the pound, Business for Sterling, in which he was involved, was a more sophisticated riff on the theme.
On paper, his guerilla band should have been squashed all three times by the Government of the day, plus what can only be described as the massed ranks of the establishment.
In practice, Cummings used the nimbleness and surprise that small mobile forces can command to out-manoevre the ponderous ranks of his opponents. He’s once, twice, thrice and, yes, four times a winner against the odds.
The last victory was the greatest: the campaign – fought in and outside a Commons in which Boris Johnson had no majority, which had no collective interest in approving a general election, and which was moving slowly instead towards the only logical alternative to having one: a second referendum.
By sheer persistence, more than a slice of luck, and the stupidity of Jeremy Corybn, Johnson and Cummings were eventually able to wangle an election. Isaac Levido communicated a message that Cummings had already been crafting: Get Brexit Done.
We’re now unlikely ever to know whether Cummings could produce success in government on the same scale as victory in campaigning. He has made limited progress for two main reasons. The first is the obvious: Covid-19 has upended the Government.
But even if the pandemic had never happened, the second cause would still have applied. Very simply, Johnson and Cummings were agile enough to seize control of the Government after the fall of Theresa May – rather in the manner of Lawrence of Arabia seizing control of Damascus.
However, occupying a city is one thing and governing it is another. The hard truth is that the Vote Leave band of brothers just isn’t big enough to get a grip on government. After all, no member of it has been found to date to appoint as Chief of Staff – a detail that has turned out to play a decisive role in Cummings’ own fate.
Muse for a moment on that question of trust. Cummings insists that he is a decentraliser, and this site has no reason to disbelieve him. But how can you trust state machinery that doesn’t work, like Public Health England, the Cabinet Office or Ofqal? And why should you trust Tory MPs in safe seats for life who don’t share your edgy vision?
This takes us to the heart of the matter. Cummings is right-wing. But he has never as far as we know been a member of the Conservative Party. And he is certainly not a Tory: that’s to say, a believer in the collective wisdom of institutions.
Indeed, he can’t see one without savaging it, probably in a blog several thousand words long, as an emperor with no clothes. There is a seething side to his energy and brains – a restlessness, an impatience. He is not in politics, as some MPs of all parties are, for business as usual.
Cummings is sometimes thought of as preoccupied with levelling-up. This is not quite right. Rather, he seems to be in the tradition of Corelli Barnett, the military historian who argues that the cult of the gifted amateur among Britain’s governing classes failed the nation in the last two centuries, and helped to collapse British power.
Cummings’ blogs project not a smaller state but a stronger one, led by a tough-minded, scientifically literate elite that will purge failing state institutions, and which the education system will be tasked with nurturing. There is a touch about all this not so much of Bismarck as of Nietzsche – and the Übermensch.
Hence Cummings’ work focus on a few big subjects: creating a British DARPA, reforming procurement, shaking up the civil service and – latterly – trying to drive through a new testing system almost from scratch, in the wake of the failure of test and trace to deliver.
Lawrence’s desert army fails in David Lean’s film not exactly through a lack of numbers, but because it can’t work modern machinery, and is unable to provide a non-negotiable requirement for workable government: public order. Might the image suggest a third reason for Cummings’ difficulties in delivering?
Political campaigning has a single aim: winning. In a modern democracy, governing does not. Rather, it must seek to resolve clashes between different interests. Indispensable to this task is the work of a civil service which was there before you came into government and will still be there when you leave.
So going a bit more gently on the European Research Group (say) and gambling a bit more trust on non-Vote Leavers are necessary – part of the art of getting the generators of government up and running smoothly? As working with a Chief of Staff who’s not part of your gang would also be.
This alternative vision of politics looks forward to a gentler, kinder, greener government – with a more central place for women, a new Chief of Staff bringing order to Downing Street (whoever he or she may be), a Brexit trade deal, and harmony restored between Number Ten and the 1922 Committee.
Perhaps all this will duly happen. But this site fears that if (or when) Cummings goes, and other Vote Leavers go with him, the winning Tory march into the north and midlands that he has done so much to craft will fade, and the Conservatives will drift back towards their southern comfort zone, more by habit than on purpose.
When Nick Timothy left Theresa May’s Government, its sense of insurgency and purpose went with him. In one way, Cummings is unlike Timothy, being a proven election winner. In another, they are alike – being focused on the same sort of provincial, “just about managing”, striving voter. Timothy’s departure left May bereft of political purpose. We hope that Johnson isn’t drifting towards the same place.
It certainly doesn’t have to be that way, because there are good people to hand. For example, the Prime Minister should now try to make the most of the tough-minded joint authors of last year’s Conservative Manifesto: Munira Mirza, who is working in government, and Rachel Wolf, who is not.
Cummings is saying that he always meant to leave Number Ten at the end of this year, though some who know him well claim he has a track record of outlasting his commitments to quit.
At any rate, it would be unlike him to go quietly. Brace, Johnson, brace: who knows what bunker-busting bomb would then be lobbed in your direction from that incendiary blog? We close with a quote from it – well, originally from Bismarck (who else?)
“With a gentleman, a gentleman and a half, with a pirate, a pirate and a half.” In other words, reward good with even more good and punish evil with even more evil. With a Cummings, a Cummings-and-a-half.


conservativehome--2020-11-13--Iain Dale: Carrie Symonds is well placed to take a view on Tory communications. But she won’t want t

Iain Dale: Carrie Symonds is well placed to take a view on Tory communications. But she won’t want to become the story.

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith .
The knives are well and truly out for the Vote Leave contingent in Number Ten .
Lee Cain resigned in dramatic style on Wednesday night and , although he didn ’ t have the public profile of Alastair Campbell , Boris Johnson will feel his loss just as acutely as Tony Blair did when Campbell departed Number Ten .
Now it seems that Dominic Cummings will go in the New Year .
All Prime Ministers need trusted aides around them who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ingham and Charles Powell did that for Margaret Thatcher and were there until the bitter end .
Fiona Hill and Nick Timothy , were let go as collateral damage after Theresa May barely won the 2017 election .
Sacrificial lambs often have to be made , particularly when Conservative backbenchers are foaming at their collective mouth .
Cain never made his mark with them and , by all accounts , is quite an abrasive character .
I haven ’ t had many dealings with him , but on the rare occasions I encountered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the caricature I have read in the papers over the last couple of days .
He certainly wasn ’ t popular with all special advisers in departments – with one telling Times Radio ‘ s Tom Newton-Dunn : “ Literally no one in here is mourning Lee this morning .
A rude , needlessly abrasive , insecure clown with no brain for government , who crashed Boris ’ s comms into the ground before flouncing off in a huff without an apology ” .
There will be few in the broadcast media who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of programmes that he barred ministers from appearing on .
I don ’ t think I was ever put on his banned list – although at times it felt like it , given the rarity of ministerial appearances on my show .
My point is : if Government ministers won ’ t appear on shows such mine to explain government policy , who do they think is going to do it for them ?
The Number Ten strategy seems to have been to try to go over the heads of the mainstream media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It will be interesting to see how this changes in the next few months .
What sparked Cain ’ s resignation appears to have been the unwillingjness of the Prime Minister in the last resort to appoint him to the job of Chief of Staff .
If we are to believe what we read in the newspapers , this was predominantly because Carrie Symonds put her foot down .
Carrie is a communications professional herself , and can obviously see what the failures are in the Number Ten operation .
She feels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down by the bad advice he has been receiving – not just from Cain , but others too .
Some think that Johnson ’ s consort should keep her views to herself , and be seen and not heard .
Others believe that , given her knowledge of the personalities involved and understanding of the world of communications , she is entirely right to be giving him advice .
What she needs to avoid , though , is for her to become the media story .
The last thing the Prime Minister needs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ newspaper stories about how it is she who wields the real power in Number Ten .
Extinction Rebellion continued their decline and descent into the political gutter on Wednesday , when they decided to hijack the Cenotaph .
What an absolute shower of an organisation they have become .
Sarah Vine described them as “ bellends ” on Twitter , and it ’ s hard to disagree with her .
When they burst onto the scene several years ago they made a real impact on the debate on climate change .
They genuinely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ debate , and raised awareness of the issue in constructive ways .
Even their protests seemed different .
They were then taken over by the usual kind of radicals who infest protest organisation and , instead of gaining widespread support , their protests began to attract horror and ridicule in equal measure .
The digging up of the lawns at Trinity College and the occupation of a Docklands Light Railway Train were particular lowlights .
In the immortal words of Gavin Williamson , they should just shut up and go away .
They @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their cause than good .
Yesterday was publication day for my new book The Prime Ministers : 300 years of history .
It tells the story of each of the 55 people who have held the office since 1721 .
In a moment of madness , I decided to try to rank them in a list from best to worst .
It was a fool ’ s errand in many ways , given it ’ s practically impossible to compare a Prime Minister from the 18th century to one in the 21st .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ be more different .
Anyway , with the help of the 55 contributors to the book , I had a go .
And here ’ s the top ten…

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith.
The knives are well and truly out for the Vote Leave contingent in Number Ten.
Lee Cain resigned in dramatic style on Wednesday night and, although he didn’t have the public profile of Alastair Campbell, Boris Johnson will feel his loss just as acutely as Tony Blair did when Campbell departed Number Ten. Now it seems that Dominic Cummings will go in the New Year.
All Prime Ministers need trusted aides around them who act as their praetorian guards. Bernard Ingham and Charles Powell did that for Margaret Thatcher and were there until the bitter end.
Fiona Hill and Nick Timothy, were let go as collateral damage after Theresa May barely won the 2017 election. Sacrificial lambs often have to be made, particularly when Conservative backbenchers are foaming at their collective mouth.
Cain never made his mark with them and, by all accounts, is quite an abrasive character. I haven’t had many dealings with him, but on the rare occasions I encountered him, I didn’t recognise the caricature I have read in the papers over the last couple of days.
He certainly wasn’t popular with all special advisers in departments – with one telling Times Radio‘s Tom Newton-Dunn: “Literally no one in here is mourning Lee this morning. A rude, needlessly abrasive, insecure clown with no brain for government, who crashed Boris’s comms into the ground before flouncing off in a huff without an apology”.
There will be few in the broadcast media who mourn his departure, given the number of programmes that he barred ministers from appearing on. I don’t think I was ever put on his banned list – although at times it felt like it, given the rarity of ministerial appearances on my show.
My point is: if Government ministers won’t appear on shows such mine to explain government policy, who do they think is going to do it for them? The Number Ten strategy seems to have been to try to go over the heads of the mainstream media. Well, good luck with that. It will be interesting to see how this changes in the next few months.
What sparked Cain’s resignation appears to have been the unwillingjness of the Prime Minister in the last resort to appoint him to the job of Chief of Staff. If we are to believe what we read in the newspapers ,this was predominantly because Carrie Symonds put her foot down.
Carrie is a communications professional herself, and can obviously see what the failures are in the Number Ten operation. She feels that the Prime Minister is being let down by the bad advice he has been receiving – not just from Cain, but others too.
Some think that Johnson’s consort should keep her views to herself, and be seen and not heard. Others believe that, given her knowledge of the personalities involved and understanding of the world of communications, she is entirely right to be giving him advice.
What she needs to avoid, though, is for her to become the media story. The last thing the Prime Minister needs at the moment is a succession of newspaper stories about how it is she who wields the real power in Number Ten.
– – – – – – – – – –
Extinction Rebellion continued their decline and descent into the political gutter on Wednesday, when they decided to hijack the Cenotaph.
What an absolute shower of an organisation they have become. Sarah Vine described them as “bellends” on Twitter, and it’s hard to disagree with her.
When they burst onto the scene several years ago they made a real impact on the debate on climate change. They genuinely seemed to want to engage in a debate, and raised awareness of the issue in constructive ways. Even their protests seemed different.
They were then taken over by the usual kind of radicals who infest protest organisation and, instead of gaining widespread support, their protests began to attract horror and ridicule in equal measure. The digging up of the lawns at Trinity College and the occupation of a Docklands Light Railway Train were particular lowlights.
In the immortal words of Gavin Williamson, they should just shut up and go away. They’re now doing more harm to their cause than good.
– – – – – – – – – –
Yesterday was publication day for my new book The Prime Ministers: 300 years of history.
It tells the story of each of the 55 people who have held the office since 1721. In a moment of madness, I decided to try to rank them in a list from best to worst. It was a fool’s errand in many ways, given it’s practically impossible to compare a Prime Minister from the 18th century to one in the 21st. The challenges and modus operandi could not be more different. Anyway, with the help of the 55 contributors to the book, I had a go. And here’s the top ten…


conservativehome--2020-11-13--Kieran Neild-Ali: We need tougher auditing of council spending. But a new quango is not the answer.

Kieran Neild-Ali is a Grassroots Assistant at the TaxPayers ’ Alliance The coronavirus is putting extraordinary pressure on organisations of all shapes and sizes , and the same goes for councils .
The demands on them are undoubtedly tremendous .
But when it comes to council spending this year , that won ’ t be the full story .
As always , the truth lies buried in their annual accounts .
Local authority audits play an important role in holding reckless council spending to account .
Audited accounts reveal how councils are spending your money ; publicising how much councillors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revenue and spending , and giving the public a picture of the overall health of the authority .
External auditors recently uncovered a scandal in Croydon where the cash-strapped authority loaned a failed housing developer £200 million in just five years and received no repayments .
Local authority audits are vital for transparency and accountability .
When the Ministry of Housing , Communities and Local Government commissioned Sir Tony Redmond to review the transparency and quality of councils ’ external audits , we had high hopes for a report that would make both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ lives , a whole lot easier .
Instead , we got the complete opposite .
The flagship recommendation of the Redmond Review is the establishment of a new quango , the Office of Local Audit and Regulation ( OLAR ) , to regulate external audits .
Simply , a new regulator is not a measured response to the problems facing local authority audits .
Redmond argued that the local audit framework is so damaged that a new “ system leader ” is needed to regulate every aspect of the auditing process .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ tools ’ to oversee everything including producing annual reports summarising the state of local audit ; managing local audit contracts ; monitoring and reviewing local audit performance ; and determining the code of local audit practice .
Effectively regulating the entire local audit sector .
Despite prescribing the quango with such a large brief , Redmond insists the regulator will be “ small and focused ” .
It simply doesn ’ t add up .
With the review prescribing the OLAR such large oversight over the auditing process , it ’ s erroneous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and cheap .
Ministers should be genuinely concerned that the Redmond Review has basically resurrected the retired Audit Commission in all but name .
The Audit Commission was responsible for the external audit framework and ballooned in size from its inception in 1982 .
The commission appointed external auditors to local authorities , reported on the auditing process , and undertook performance assessments of English councils .
By 2009 , the Audit Commission cost the taxpayer £28 million and , like all other quangos , was not accountable to the taxpayers who funded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its time : a big lumbering bureaucratic watchdog heavily reliant on state funding .
What was designed to be a voice for taxpayers became a creature of the central state , and a burden to the nations ’ finances .
Thankfully , the Coalition Government rightly got rid of it .
The breakup of the Audit Commission allowed the creation of smaller autonomous organisations and saved taxpayers money – all this would be undone by the OLAR .
The Public Sector Audit Appointments ( PSAA ) relies on revenue from audit fees charged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Financial Reporting Council is funded by the auditing profession , not the state .
History may be repeating itself with the proposed OLAR .
By design , the new regulator will consume the majority of auditing responsibilities , micromanaging the process and sending us back to a super quango like the Audit Commission .
It won ’ t be long until the OLAR begins to appoint auditors , consuming the remits of the organisations who ’ ve already expressed concerns about it .
We can not go back to a ‘ nationalised ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expensive arm of the state .
Instead of establishing a quango , we must continue to devolve power from central watchdogs to taxpayers themselves – building on the legacy of the coalition ’ s abolition of the commission .
The Local Audit and Accountability Act 2014 gave residents a right to come to their town hall and inspect the accounts for themselves , giving rise to ‘ armchair auditors ’ who keep an eagle eye on how their representatives are spending their hard earned cash .
This is especially true in Lambeth where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spending by combing through the council ’ s accounts .
Residents discovered over £8 million worth of invoices had been lost by Lambeth ’ s finance department , and that their town hall renovation was over budget by over £50 million .
But councils cottoned on to armchair auditors and began to redact documents , impeding the public from scrutinising them .
This is a shameful abuse of power which goes against the open government action plan – which MHCLG themselves have failed to deliver on .
Councils must change , and government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rather than top-down inspections and audits , or further bureaucratic overreach , more could be done to open up local authorities ’ data and spending to the press and public – so that citizens can hold them to account .
Before signing off a multimillion-pound quango , the Ministry of Housing Communities and Local Government should first respond to the 2016 Transparency Code consultation and strengthen local government transparency .
The recommendations are easily achievable too , like publishing more financial information online to improve the auditing process .
It ’ s beyond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years ago is now gathering dust and could be completely junked in favour of setting up yet another quango .
Ministers must think carefully about the very real possibility of giving the OLAR an inch and it taking a mile .
Unchecked bureaucracies are a menace to the taxpayer .
In times of economic hardship , let alone the extreme demands of coronavirus , the government needs to think outside the quango box and implement policies which don ’ t further burden ratepayers .
Local government transparency is as important now as it @ @ @ @

Kieran Neild-Ali is a Grassroots Assistant at the TaxPayers’ Alliance
The coronavirus is putting extraordinary pressure on organisations of all shapes and sizes, and the same goes for councils. The demands on them are undoubtedly tremendous. But when it comes to council spending this year, that won’t be the full story. As always, the truth lies buried in their annual accounts.
Local authority audits play an important role in holding reckless council spending to account. Audited accounts reveal how councils are spending your money; publicising how much councillors claimed in allowances and expenses, disclosing revenue and spending, and giving the public a picture of the overall health of the authority. External auditors recently uncovered a scandal in Croydon where the cash-strapped authority loaned a failed housing developer £200 million in just five years and received no repayments. Local authority audits are vital for transparency and accountability.
When the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government commissioned Sir Tony Redmond to review the transparency and quality of councils’ external audits, we had high hopes for a report that would make both holding councils to account, and taxpayers’ lives, a whole lot easier. Instead, we got the complete opposite.
The flagship recommendation of the Redmond Review is the establishment of a new quango, the Office of Local Audit and Regulation (OLAR), to regulate external audits. Simply, a new regulator is not a measured response to the problems facing local authority audits.
Redmond argued that the local audit framework is so damaged that a new “system leader” is needed to regulate every aspect of the auditing process. The review recommends giving the OLAR ‘tools’ to oversee everything including producing annual reports summarising the state of local audit; managing local audit contracts; monitoring and reviewing local audit performance; and determining the code of local audit practice. Effectively regulating the entire local audit sector.
Despite prescribing the quango with such a large brief, Redmond insists the regulator will be “small and focused”. It simply doesn’t add up. With the review prescribing the OLAR such large oversight over the auditing process, it’s erroneous to suggest the quango will be small and cheap. Ministers should be genuinely concerned that the Redmond Review has basically resurrected the retired Audit Commission in all but name.
The Audit Commission was responsible for the external audit framework and ballooned in size from its inception in 1982. The commission appointed external auditors to local authorities, reported on the auditing process, and undertook performance assessments of English councils. By 2009, the Audit Commission cost the taxpayer £28 million and, like all other quangos, was not accountable to the taxpayers who funded it. It was a product of its time: a big lumbering bureaucratic watchdog heavily reliant on state funding. What was designed to be a voice for taxpayers became a creature of the central state, and a burden to the nations’ finances. Thankfully, the Coalition Government rightly got rid of it.
The breakup of the Audit Commission allowed the creation of smaller autonomous organisations and saved taxpayers money – all this would be undone by the OLAR. The Public Sector Audit Appointments (PSAA) relies on revenue from audit fees charged to local government bodies, and the Financial Reporting Council is funded by the auditing profession, not the state.
History may be repeating itself with the proposed OLAR. By design, the new regulator will consume the majority of auditing responsibilities, micromanaging the process and sending us back to a super quango like the Audit Commission. It won’t be long until the OLAR begins to appoint auditors, consuming the remits of the organisations who’ve already expressed concerns about it. We cannot go back to a ‘nationalised’ external audit framework, resurrecting yet another expensive arm of the state.
Instead of establishing a quango, we must continue to devolve power from central watchdogs to taxpayers themselves – building on the legacy of the coalition’s abolition of the commission.
The Local Audit and Accountability Act 2014 gave residents a right to come to their town hall and inspect the accounts for themselves, giving rise to ‘armchair auditors’ who keep an eagle eye on how their representatives are spending their hard earned cash. This is especially true in Lambeth where armchair auditors uncovered egregious examples of wasteful spending by combing through the council’s accounts. Residents discovered over £8 million worth of invoices had been lost by Lambeth’s finance department, and that their town hall renovation was over budget by over £50 million.
But councils cottoned on to armchair auditors and began to redact documents, impeding the public from scrutinising them. This is a shameful abuse of power which goes against the open government action plan – which MHCLG themselves have failed to deliver on. Councils must change, and government departments must lead from the front.
Rather than top-down inspections and audits, or further bureaucratic overreach, more could be done to open up local authorities’ data and spending to the press and public – so that citizens can hold them to account. Before signing off a multimillion-pound quango, the Ministry of Housing Communities and Local Government should first respond to the 2016 Transparency Code consultation and strengthen local government transparency. The recommendations are easily achievable too, like publishing more financial information online to improve the auditing process. It’s beyond belief that a consultation which ended four years ago is now gathering dust and could be completely junked in favour of setting up yet another quango.
Ministers must think carefully about the very real possibility of giving the OLAR an inch and it taking a mile. Unchecked bureaucracies are a menace to the taxpayer. In times of economic hardship, let alone the extreme demands of coronavirus, the government needs to think outside the quango box and implement policies which don’t further burden ratepayers. Local government transparency is as important now as it ever has been.


conservativehome--2020-11-12--Public attitudes have become more relaxed about school reopenings. But the battle is not over for th

Public attitudes have become more relaxed about school reopenings. But the battle is not over for the Government.