conservativehome--2020-06-10--Khan, statues, the Left – and why the Government must take a stand

Yesterday Sadiq Khan appeared to invent an entirely new role for himself .
High Commander of the Thought Police , one might call him , or King of Cancellation , after he appointed himself moral arbiter of what landmarks should grace the capital .
Forget improving the Northern Line , Khan is into higher matters ; the offensiveness of statues , plaques and street names in London , which he says “ largely reflect Victorian Britain ” .
To further his ambitions , he has created the “ Commission for Diversity in the Public Realm ” that will be considering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
What is this “ Commission for Diversity in the Public Realm ” ?
The name itself has an Orwellian edge .
And what does he mean by “ Public Realm ” ?
The United Kingdom is a realm , but Sadiq Khan is not the Mayor of the United Kingdom .
Who are going to be its members , many will wonder , particularly given its obvious agenda – to erase any monument that fails tests of political correctness as prescribed by progressives .
Khan ’ s announcement came soon after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s statue was defaced in Parliament Square with the word “ racist ” , and a statue of Edward Colston , a slave trader , was thrown into the river in Bristol .
The commission seems established for the sole purpose of blessing the radical agenda that Khan has seen forged on the streets .
Everybody recoils at the horrific murder of George Floyd .
What happened in the US was one of the most disturbing events of recent times .
There ’ s still much our society needs to do to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the past and statues like Colston ’ s .
Slavery was a shameful episode in this country ’ s history .
That is all a given .
The descent into anarchy we have seen over the last few days is troubling , however .
A new poll by YouGov suggests that only 13 per cent of the public approve the way the statue was hauled down .
Thirty-three per cent do not approve of the removal of the Colston statue at all .
Although it ’ s worth pointing out that 40 per @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been removed but not the way it was done .
The public are plainly open to there being a constructive debate on this issue , just not on terms dictated by Khan or vigilantes – who hijacked the protests .
It increasingly feels as though this iconoclasm is being used as a means through which the Radical Left can assert itself .
Having had years of failure at the ballot box , the Twitter-led minority is now exploiting the Government ’ s distraction with Covid-19 to exert power , with Khan leading the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is astute about pushing his agenda , claiming that he wants to remove statues and street names with links to slavery .
By saying this , he seeks to render any opposition to his campaign mute ( “ so you think slave owners should have statues ?
!
” ) , but that will not be the end of it .
How many male statues would come down on the grounds of misogyny , for example ?
Or for other reasons .
Statues of Robert Peel are now being targeted .
Halls of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are to be re-named .
Any discussion of moral relativism , an important feature of examining the past , has been abandoned .
We are now to see everything through the sensibilities of 2020 .
The only slightly reassuring news around Khan ’ s revisionist project is that he doesn ’ t actually seem to have a mandate ; erecting , let alone removing , statues in London is a minefield , involving planning permission , clearance from authorities such as the London Squares Preservation Act 1931 ( among others ) , landlord @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Public Advisory Panel , as well as councils ’ consent .
So it ’ s going to be a convoluted process – that he ultimately has limited control over .
Which brings us to two important points on this announcement .
The first is that it ’ s partly about woke peacocking .
Khan can ’ t resist virtue signalling , not only so he can avoid having to talk about areas on which he has an appalling record , such as knife crime , but also because he considers London the living @ @ @ @ @ @ @ constantly takes his cues from liberals on how to govern , hence why he removed adverts of bikini-clad women on the tube in 2016 , after they were deemed “ body shaming ” .
It was a taste of his censorious instincts , which we are seeing now – as he promises to re-write London ’ s history .
The second , previously mentioned factor , is that London is the capital of the UK .
Many of the landmarks are not only local ones , they are national , too , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Churchill .
What right does Khan or his committee think they have to say what is morally suitable for the rest of the country ?
Have they learned nothing from the election ?
The UK should be worried ; over the last few days we ’ ve seen a dramatic escalation of cancel culture in our midst .
The logical consequences of “ cleaning up ” London ’ s history – aside from destroying London ’ s tourism – is that the parameters become even greater for what ’ s offensive .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ assault next .
It ’ s not so hard to imagine The Daily Mail being banned from the tube .
Clearly one reason the Government has been quiet on statues is that MPs are exhausted sorting out the Covid-19 crisis .
But this has created a vacuum in which the Left can thrive , which is only going to get much worse if they do not intervene .
Understandably , ministers do not want to get involved in the culture wars , as any slip of the tongue can cost jobs .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country ; someone has to make a stand for what ’ s fair , which nine out of ten times isn ’ t capitulating to liberal demands .
With their huge majority last year , courage is what voters expected of the Government .
For all our sakes , they must say something while they still can .

Yesterday Sadiq Khan appeared to invent an entirely new role for himself. High Commander of the Thought Police, one might call him, or King of Cancellation, after he appointed himself moral arbiter of what landmarks should grace the capital.
Forget improving the Northern Line, Khan is into higher matters; the offensiveness of statues, plaques and street names in London, which he says “largely reflect Victorian Britain”. To further his ambitions, he has created the “Commission for Diversity in the Public Realm” that will be considering “which legacies are being celebrated”.
What is this “Commission for Diversity in the Public Realm”? The name itself has an Orwellian edge. And what does he mean by “Public Realm”? The United Kingdom is a realm, but Sadiq Khan is not the Mayor of the United Kingdom. Who are going to be its members, many will wonder, particularly given its obvious agenda – to erase any monument that fails tests of political correctness as prescribed by progressives.
Khan’s announcement came soon after the Black Lives Matter protests during which Churchill’s statue was defaced in Parliament Square with the word “racist”, and a statue of Edward Colston, a slave trader, was thrown into the river in Bristol. The commission seems established for the sole purpose of blessing the radical agenda that Khan has seen forged on the streets.
Everybody recoils at the horrific murder of George Floyd. What happened in the US was one of the most disturbing events of recent times. There’s still much our society needs to do to fight racism, and that includes examining the past and statues like Colston’s. Slavery was a shameful episode in this country’s history. That is all a given.
The descent into anarchy we have seen over the last few days is troubling, however. A new poll by YouGov suggests that only 13 per cent of the public approve the way the statue was hauled down. Thirty-three per cent do not approve of the removal of the Colston statue at all. Although it’s worth pointing out that 40 per cent of agree the statue should have been removed but not the way it was done. The public are plainly open to there being a constructive debate on this issue, just not on terms dictated by Khan or vigilantes – who hijacked the protests.
It increasingly feels as though this iconoclasm is being used as a means through which the Radical Left can assert itself. Having had years of failure at the ballot box, the Twitter-led minority is now exploiting the Government’s distraction with Covid-19 to exert power, with Khan leading the way.
The Mayor, especially, is astute about pushing his agenda, claiming that he wants to remove statues and street names with links to slavery. By saying this, he seeks to render any opposition to his campaign mute (“so you think slave owners should have statues?!”), but that will not be the end of it.
How many male statues would come down on the grounds of misogyny, for example? Or for other reasons. Statues of Robert Peel are now being targeted. Halls of residence named after Gladstone in Liverpool University are to be re-named. Any discussion of moral relativism, an important feature of examining the past, has been abandoned. We are now to see everything through the sensibilities of 2020.
The only slightly reassuring news around Khan’s revisionist project is that he doesn’t actually seem to have a mandate; erecting, let alone removing, statues in London is a minefield, involving planning permission, clearance from authorities such as the London Squares Preservation Act 1931 (among others), landlord’s consent and Westminister’s Public Advisory Panel, as well as councils’ consent. So it’s going to be a convoluted process – that he ultimately has limited control over. Which brings us to two important points on this announcement.
The first is that it’s partly about woke peacocking. Khan can’t resist virtue signalling, not only so he can avoid having to talk about areas on which he has an appalling record, such as knife crime, but also because he considers London the living embodiment of a Guardian column. He constantly takes his cues from liberals on how to govern, hence why he removed adverts of bikini-clad women on the tube in 2016, after they were deemed “body shaming”. It was a taste of his censorious instincts, which we are seeing now – as he promises to re-write London’s history.
The second, previously mentioned factor, is that London is the capital of the UK. Many of the landmarks are not only local ones, they are national, too, a good example of which being the statue of Churchill. What right does Khan or his committee think they have to say what is morally suitable for the rest of the country? Have they learned nothing from the election?
The UK should be worried; over the last few days we’ve seen a dramatic escalation of cancel culture in our midst. The logical consequences of “cleaning up” London’s history – aside from destroying London’s tourism – is that the parameters become even greater for what’s offensive. It will be books and newspapers under assault next. It’s not so hard to imagine The Daily Mail being banned from the tube.
Clearly one reason the Government has been quiet on statues is that MPs are exhausted sorting out the Covid-19 crisis. But this has created a vacuum in which the Left can thrive, which is only going to get much worse if they do not intervene.
Understandably, ministers do not want to get involved in the culture wars, as any slip of the tongue can cost jobs. But look at what’s happening to the country; someone has to make a stand for what’s fair, which nine out of ten times isn’t capitulating to liberal demands.
With their huge majority last year, courage is what voters expected of the Government. For all our sakes, they must say something while they still can.


conservativehome--2020-06-10--Daniel Hannan: One man driving to Durham imperils the nation’s health. But lots of protesters in Lon

Daniel Hannan: One man driving to Durham imperils the nation’s health. But lots of protesters in London don’t. Have we all gone mad?

Daniel Hannan is a writer and columnist .
He was a Conservative MEP from 1999 to 2020 , and is now President of the Initiative for Free Trade .
In theory , police officers apply the law disinterestedly .
In practice , they are as alert as anyone else to a prevailing mood .
Sometimes , it works out for the best – as when , for example , East German border guards , seeing which way the wind was blowing , decided to let the crowds surge into West Berlin .
More often , though , partisanship undermines respect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we witnessed a serious failure of policing .
In London , officers were pulled back from Parliament Square , to the delight of the jeering mob which then promptly fell upon Winston Churchill ’ s statue .
Later , we saw footage of Met officers fleeing from the rioters , who pelted them with missiles shouting “ Run , Piggy , run !
” In Bristol , the police didn ’ t even go through the motions .
Instead , they looked on while a delirious mob pulled down the statue of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who endowed the city handsomely , but part of whose fortune came from the slave trade .
Explaining his decision not to intervene , the superintendent said , “ We know that it has been an historical figure that has caused the black community quite a lot of angst over the last couple of years.
” Well , yes , but it ’ s hardly his call , is it ?
There may well be a case for removing Colston ’ s statue .
Tastes change , values change , people change .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the USSR , just as the Saddam Husseins were pulled down in Iraq leaving vast and trunkless legs of stone in the desert , so Bristolians have every right to remove Colston .
When I say “ Bristolians ” , I mean their city council : that is how things work in a democracy .
As it happens , Bristol ’ s Labour council had toyed with the idea of moving the statue or amending the plaque , but had not approved any change .
The council ’ s decision was , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policeman on the spur of the moment .
If you can ’ t see why that is a problem , imagine other law enforcement decisions being determined by whether or not the coppers happened to agree with the perpetrators .
Imagine other mobs taking it into their heads to tear down statues of , say , Gladstone ( who derived income from slave-worked plantations ) or Gandhi ( who thought that black Africans were “ troublesome and dirty ” ) .
Would we expect the police to stand by on grounds that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also to vandalise the statues of Robert Peel , who laid down the principles of consensual policing that have kept our police unarmed ever since ; Abraham Lincoln , who freed America ’ s slaves ; and Winston Churchill , who stood alone against actual fascism .
Does the rage of a mob override all that ?
Not that I want to pick on one police superintendent .
He was simply reflecting the prevalent mood of Official Britain .
Our cultural and intellectual elites , having spent ten weeks demanding a strict lockdown @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of tens of thousands of protesters .
The most extreme hypocrisy , naturally , came from Piers Morgan , who had been howling and screeching about people sitting in parks , but who declared himself “ proud ” that his son had been among the demonstrators .
Others followed , only slightly less blatantly .
In the United States , the double-standard even sucked in public health professionals , a thousand of whom signed a letter saying that , although gatherings in general were a bad idea , Blacks Live Matter protests were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racism is fine , but protesting against the lockdowns is dangerous and a form of white nationalism .
With the specialists are taking that line , it was hardly surprising that commentators and politicians were reluctant to speak out .
Fear of being thought insufficiently anti-racist outweighed considerations of public health , public order and intellectual consistency .
Not until Priti Patel ’ s welcome intervention on Monday did any leading figure declare what in ordinary times should have been obvious , namely that property ought to be protected and criminality punished .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ especially the BBC .
It wasn ’ t just their extraordinary swerve from obsessing about Dominic Cummings to applauding mass violations of the lockdown .
It was the way in which they insisted on covering the riots as if they were 1960s civil rights protests – a linkage frequently made by presenters , as though modern Britain were a segregationist society where black people can ’ t vote .
Determined not to spoil that narrative , they averted their eyes from violence .
The absurdity was encapsulated in a BBC online headline on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during largely peaceful anti-racism protests in London ” .
The Beeb went so far as to crop a photograph of these “ largely peaceful ” protests so as to remove the image of a demonstrator raising a club above his head with both hands .
All week , we have watched presenters report on these “ largely peaceful ” protests with approving smiles , before pursing their lips to tell us about school closures and the quarantining of inbound travellers .
A large chunk of the country seems going along with this preposterous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imperils our health , but tens of thousands of protesters are fine , but we still need to stay at home .
Sitting in a park is selfish , but organising a mass demonstration in a park is wonderful , but schools should still stay closed .
Seriously ?
My masters , are you mad ?

Daniel Hannan is a writer and columnist. He was a Conservative MEP from 1999 to 2020, and is now President of the Initiative for Free Trade.
In theory, police officers apply the law disinterestedly. In practice, they are as alert as anyone else to a prevailing mood. Sometimes, it works out for the best – as when, for example, East German border guards, seeing which way the wind was blowing, decided to let the crowds surge into West Berlin. More often, though, partisanship undermines respect for the law.
Over the weekend, we witnessed a serious failure of policing. In London, officers were pulled back from Parliament Square, to the delight of the jeering mob which then promptly fell upon Winston Churchill’s statue. Later, we saw footage of Met officers fleeing from the rioters, who pelted them with missiles shouting “Run, Piggy, run!”
In Bristol, the police didn’t even go through the motions. Instead, they looked on while a delirious mob pulled down the statue of Edward Colston, the controversial seventeenth-century businessman who endowed the city handsomely, but part of whose fortune came from the slave trade. Explaining his decision not to intervene, the superintendent said, “We know that it has been an historical figure that has caused the black community quite a lot of angst over the last couple of years.”
Well, yes, but it’s hardly his call, is it? There may well be a case for removing Colston’s statue. Tastes change, values change, people change. Just as the lapidary Lenins were dismantled in the USSR, just as the Saddam Husseins were pulled down in Iraq leaving vast and trunkless legs of stone in the desert, so Bristolians have every right to remove Colston. When I say “Bristolians”, I mean their city council: that is how things work in a democracy. As it happens, Bristol’s Labour council had toyed with the idea of moving the statue or amending the plaque, but had not approved any change.
The council’s decision was, in effect, overturned by a middle-ranking policeman on the spur of the moment. If you can’t see why that is a problem, imagine other law enforcement decisions being determined by whether or not the coppers happened to agree with the perpetrators. Imagine other mobs taking it into their heads to tear down statues of, say, Gladstone (who derived income from slave-worked plantations) or Gandhi (who thought that black Africans were “troublesome and dirty”). Would we expect the police to stand by on grounds that the vandals felt strongly?
The protesters managed also to vandalise the statues of Robert Peel, who laid down the principles of consensual policing that have kept our police unarmed ever since; Abraham Lincoln, who freed America’s slaves; and Winston Churchill, who stood alone against actual fascism. Does the rage of a mob override all that?
Not that I want to pick on one police superintendent. He was simply reflecting the prevalent mood of Official Britain. Our cultural and intellectual elites, having spent ten weeks demanding a strict lockdown, decided to smile indulgently on gatherings of tens of thousands of protesters. The most extreme hypocrisy, naturally, came from Piers Morgan, who had been howling and screeching about people sitting in parks, but who declared himself “proud” that his son had been among the demonstrators. Others followed, only slightly less blatantly.
In the United States, the double-standard even sucked in public health professionals, a thousand of whom signed a letter saying that, although gatherings in general were a bad idea, Blacks Live Matter protests were laudable.
“As public health advocates, we do not condemn these gatherings as risky for Covid-19 transmission. We support them as vital to the national public health and to the threatened health specifically of Black people in the United States. This should not be confused with a permissive stance on all gatherings, particularly protests against stay-home orders. Those actions not only oppose public health interventions, but are also rooted in white nationalism and run contrary to respect for Black lives.”
Got that? Protesting about racism is fine, but protesting against the lockdowns is dangerous and a form of white nationalism.
With the specialists are taking that line, it was hardly surprising that commentators and politicians were reluctant to speak out. Fear of being thought insufficiently anti-racist outweighed considerations of public health, public order and intellectual consistency. Not until Priti Patel’s welcome intervention on Monday did any leading figure declare what in ordinary times should have been obvious, namely that property ought to be protected and criminality punished.
Worst of all were the broadcasters, especially the BBC. It wasn’t just their extraordinary swerve from obsessing about Dominic Cummings to applauding mass violations of the lockdown. It was the way in which they insisted on covering the riots as if they were 1960s civil rights protests – a linkage frequently made by presenters, as though modern Britain were a segregationist society where black people can’t vote.
Determined not to spoil that narrative, they averted their eyes from violence. The absurdity was encapsulated in a BBC online headline on Sunday: “27 police officers injured during largely peaceful anti-racism protests in London”. The Beeb went so far as to crop a photograph of these “largely peaceful” protests so as to remove the image of a demonstrator raising a club above his head with both hands.
All week, we have watched presenters report on these “largely peaceful” protests with approving smiles, before pursing their lips to tell us about school closures and the quarantining of inbound travellers. A large chunk of the country seems going along with this preposterous doublethink. One man driving to Durham imperils our health, but tens of thousands of protesters are fine, but we still need to stay at home. Sitting in a park is selfish, but organising a mass demonstration in a park is wonderful, but schools should still stay closed. Seriously? My masters, are you mad?


Coronavirus Count

Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 289,140 ( Up from 284,868 ) .
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 40,883 ( Up from 40,465 ) .
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 1,387 ( Down from 1,557 ) .
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 286 ( Up from 204 ) .
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk to the UK has been raised to high ” – From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD : THE UK GOVERNMENT ’ S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY See here .
New as of Monday May 11 .
See here .
New as of Tuesday June 2 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SHIELDING AND PROTECTING PEOPLE WHO ARE CLINICALLY EXTREMELY VULNERABLE FROM COVID-19 See here .
New as of Tuesday June 2 .
See here .
New as of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ LANDLORDS , TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW See here .
Published on Saturday March 28 .
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS • Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
• Always wash your hands when you get home or into work .
• Use hand sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
• Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve ( not your hands ) when you cough or sneeze .
• Put used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wash your hands afterwards .
• Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell .
The symptoms of coronavirus are : However , these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness .
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common , such as cold and flu .
NHS 111 has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do .
Use this service if : • You think you might have coronavirus .
• In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers .
• You ’ ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus .
• In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours .
• In Wales call 111 ( if available in your area ) or 0845 46 47 .
• Do not go to a GP surgery , pharmacy or hospital .
• What the coronavirus is , how it ’ s spread and how to avoid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
• Stay at home advice and how to manage self-isolation .
( All information taken from Government sources .
Updated as of 19.00 on Tuesday June 9 . )

HEADLINE FACTS
Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 292,950 (Up from 291,409).
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 41,481 (Up from 41,279).
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 1,541 (Up from 1,266).
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 202 (Up from 151).
England total cases: 156,410 (Up from 156,018 ).
England total deaths: 37,069 (Up from 36,883).
England death rate: 279.4 (Was 278.7).
Scotland total cases: 15,709 (Up from 15,682).
Scotland total deaths: 2,439 (Up from 2,434).
Scotland death rate: 288.9 (Was 288.4).
Wales total cases: 14,658 (Up from 14,581).
Wales total deaths: 1,435 (Up from 1,425).
Wales death rate: 467.0 (Was 464.6)
Northern Ireland total cases: 4,838 (Up from 4,822)
Northern Ireland total deaths: 538 (Up from 537).
Northern Ireland death rate: 257.1 (Was 256.3).
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED
DAILY NUMBER OF LAB-CONFIRMED ENGLAND CASES
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
RISK
“The risk to the UK has been raised to high” –
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
NHS VOLUNTEER RESPONDER FORM
See here
(The Government’s scheme to recruit 250,000 volunteers.)
– – –
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD: THE UK GOVERNMENT’S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY
See here. New as of Monday May 11.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON THE LOCKDOWN.
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SHIELDING AND PROTECTING PEOPLE WHO ARE CLINICALLY EXTREMELY VULNERABLE FROM COVID-19
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SOCIAL DISTANCING
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: GENERAL ADVICE
See here.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS. WHAT YOU CAN DO AND CAN’T DO
See here.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS, TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW
See here. Published on Saturday March 28.
– – –
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS
Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
Always wash your hands when you get home or into work .
Use hand sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve (not your hands) when you cough or sneeze .
Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell.
SYMPTOMS
The symptoms of coronavirus are:
A cough.
A high temperature.
Shortness of breath.
However, these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness.
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common, such as cold and flu.
USING 111
NHS 111 has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do.
Use this service if:
You think you might have coronavirus.
In the last 14 days you’ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers.
You’ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus.
In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours.
In Wales call 111 (if available in your area) or 0845 46 47.
In Northern Ireland call 111.
Do not go to a GP surgery, pharmacy or hospital.
FURTHER LINKS TO GOVERNMENT ADVICE
– – –
(All information taken from Government sources.
Updated as of 19.00 on Friday June 12.)


conservativehome--2020-06-10--Adrian Mason: Set Deeside free from Cardiff

Adrian Mason is the Deputy Chairman ( Political ) of the North Wales Conservatives .
North Wales spoke with a clear voice in the 2019 General Election .
Its people rejected socialism , and in doing so , elected an additional five Conservative MPs .
Heralding the new political era , Sarah Atherton , MP for Wrexham , which turned blue for the first time ever in 2019 , said : “ Together with my six North Wales colleagues , we are a strong team of complementary backgrounds and perspectives .
We have a real ambition to make a difference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years ” .
However , the stunningly good election result did not entirely rid us of the socialist blight .
The fact remains that we in North Wales are partly governed by a devolved Labour Welsh Government ( WG ) centred in geographically distant Cardiff .
Keen to protect their Southern political base , the WG have never shown much understanding of the interests of the North .
With road and rail journey times of at least four hours from the North Wales coast to Cardiff , the conditions will never exist to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ North and the South .
North Wales needs to look elsewhere .
Our part of Wales has historically always looked to our neighbours in North-West England for its economic , cultural , and social ties .
Though our transport infrastructure is not perfect , it is infinitely easier to travel to Liverpool , Manchester , and Birmingham than it is to Cardiff .
To stimulate enterprise as we emerge from the Covid crisis , it is essential to strengthen and reinforce these links .
One way to do this would be to establish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between England and Wales .
Deeside is already one of the most important manufacturing regions of the United Kingdom .
It has potential to grow still further , but is being held back by the different economic policies that prevail in England and Wales .
The new economic zone should have its own planning and development policies , devolved to it by both Westminster and Cardiff .
Set free , it would have the potential to become a manufacturing powerhouse , rivalling anything in the major global economies .
The potential of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the business consultant Elizabeth Hayward in a paper she wrote for the WG some years ago .
It was an idea of great foresight and should be adopted .
To do so would show great political maturity on the part of both the Westminster and Cardiff administrations and a sign that , done well , devolution can actually be a force for prosperity .
The North Walian former Secretary of State for Wales , David Jones , explains : “ Deeside is crucial to the economic wellbeing of North Wales ; when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the region .
The creation of a special enterprise zone would be a bold and far-sighted move , exactly what we will need as we emerge from the Covid-19 crisis.
” In a study commissioned by the WG in 2018 , Professor Mark Barry of Cardiff University highlighted a case for the electrification of the railway line between Holyhead and Crewe to maximise the opportunities that will become available through HS2 .
The study set out an overarching vision for the upgrade of the line , along with enhanced links to Manchester Airport @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Merseyside .
The Department for Transport has estimated that to electrify the North Wales Coast line would cost £764 million and is seen by many to be too expensive and disproportionate to the benefits it would achieve .
In a reply to a written question , this February , to the Minister of Transport in Westminster , Chris Heaton-Harris declared that there are currently no plans to electrify the North Wales Coast line .
However , a more beneficial and cost-effective way would be to improve the existing track and introduce new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example , equivalent to the HS1 Javelin trains that operate from Ashford in Kent to St. Pancreas in just 37 minutes .
This would vastly reduce journey times along the North Wales Coast , would be a cheaper solution and maximise the opportunities afforded by HS2 .
North Wales is fortunate in having a world-class university right at its heart .
Bangor University Vice Chancellor , Professor Iwan Davies , fully recognises the role his institution can play in providing the skills and developing the talent needed to stimulate the local economy .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ …inspire an arc of innovation extending from Holyhead through to Dublin and along a crescent to the North West of England.
” He explains that the University is keen to “ support the industrial base , making it more competitive ; it has already forged deep collaboration with key industrial partners and Further Education providers to reskill the workforce.
” One of the Prime Minister ’ s key economic policies is the roll out of universal gigabit broadband .
This is particularly needed in predominantly rural North Wales .
Currently only 13.9 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hyper speed broadband and the majority are based in South East Wales .
The introduction of ultrafast broadband in North Wales would have a transformational effect on the local economy , enabling it to compete with world markets on equal terms .
Tourism is also a hugely important element of the North Wales economy .
The industry is estimated to be worth over £3.2 billion and supports more than 43,000 jobs in North Wales .
With its dramatic landscapes and miles of superb beaches , our region has much to offer .
That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to introduce its proposed tourism tax , a step much feared by the North Wales hospitality industry .
Although WG does have a Tourism Investment Fund ( WTIF ) providing a relatively modest £50m of capital investment to the whole of Wales , this needs to be dramatically improved and WG investment specifically set aside to stimulate the North Wales tourist industry after the extended lockdown this Spring .
In summary , North Wales , post-Covid , should be seeking to build on the traditional synergy it shares with the North-West of England @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is founded on a shared identity not fully understood by Cardiff .
We are now predominantly a Conservative region and must repay the trust placed in us by exercising Conservative values and principles .
We have the talent , the Higher Educational infrastructure , and industrial base to sustain it .
Crucially , we have the backing of the electorate to reinvigorate our local economy as only Conservatives know how .
The WG and Westminster Government need to work together to find positive solutions that will further increase the productivity of North Wales @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undoubted entrepreneurial spirit that exists here .
If devolution is to be fully embraced by the people of North Wales then it will require the WG to work positively with the Westminster Government .
It needs a mature approach by all concerned , to recognise the changed political dynamics here in North Wales , to work with us and to fully value and support the contribution we can make to the economy .

Adrian Mason is the Deputy Chairman (Political) of the North Wales Conservatives.
North Wales spoke with a clear voice in the 2019 General Election. Its people rejected socialism, and in doing so, elected an additional five Conservative MPs.
Heralding the new political era, Sarah Atherton, MP for Wrexham, which turned blue for the first time ever in 2019, said:
“Together with my six North Wales colleagues, we are a strong team of complementary backgrounds and perspectives. We have a real ambition to make a difference for our home in the next few years”.
However, the stunningly good election result did not entirely rid us of the socialist blight. The fact remains that we in North Wales are partly governed by a devolved Labour Welsh Government (WG) centred in geographically distant Cardiff. Keen to protect their Southern political base, the WG have never shown much understanding of the interests of the North. With road and rail journey times of at least four hours from the North Wales coast to Cardiff, the conditions will never exist to develop a common economic infrastructure between the North and the South. North Wales needs to look elsewhere.
Our part of Wales has historically always looked to our neighbours in North-West England for its economic, cultural, and social ties. Though our transport infrastructure is not perfect, it is infinitely easier to travel to Liverpool, Manchester, and Birmingham than it is to Cardiff. To stimulate enterprise as we emerge from the Covid crisis, it is essential to strengthen and reinforce these links.
One way to do this would be to establish a special economic zone straddling the border between England and Wales. Deeside is already one of the most important manufacturing regions of the United Kingdom. It has potential to grow still further, but is being held back by the different economic policies that prevail in England and Wales.
The new economic zone should have its own planning and development policies, devolved to it by both Westminster and Cardiff. Set free, it would have the potential to become a manufacturing powerhouse, rivalling anything in the major global economies.
The potential of a cross-border “city region“ was identified by the business consultant Elizabeth Hayward in a paper she wrote for the WG some years ago. It was an idea of great foresight and should be adopted. To do so would show great political maturity on the part of both the Westminster and Cardiff administrations and a sign that, done well, devolution can actually be a force for prosperity.
The North Walian former Secretary of State for Wales, David Jones, explains:
“Deeside is crucial to the economic wellbeing of North Wales; when it prospers, that prosperity ripples across the region. The creation of a special enterprise zone would be a bold and far-sighted move, exactly what we will need as we emerge from the Covid-19 crisis.”
In a study commissioned by the WG in 2018, Professor Mark Barry of Cardiff University highlighted a case for the electrification of the railway line between Holyhead and Crewe to maximise the opportunities that will become available through HS2. The study set out an overarching vision for the upgrade of the line, along with enhanced links to Manchester Airport, and a direct link from Wrexham to Merseyside. The Department for Transport has estimated that to electrify the North Wales Coast line would cost £764 million and is seen by many to be too expensive and disproportionate to the benefits it would achieve. In a reply to a written question, this February, to the Minister of Transport in Westminster, Chris Heaton-Harris declared that there are currently no plans to electrify the North Wales Coast line. However, a more beneficial and cost-effective way would be to improve the existing track and introduce new rolling stock to achieve speeds, for example, equivalent to the HS1 Javelin trains that operate from Ashford in Kent to St. Pancreas in just 37 minutes. This would vastly reduce journey times along the North Wales Coast, would be a cheaper solution and maximise the opportunities afforded by HS2.
North Wales is fortunate in having a world-class university right at its heart. Bangor University Vice Chancellor, Professor Iwan Davies, fully recognises the role his institution can play in providing the skills and developing the talent needed to stimulate the local economy. He says that his university could:
“…inspire an arc of innovation extending from Holyhead through to Dublin and along a crescent to the North West of England.” He explains that the University is keen to “support the industrial base, making it more competitive; it has already forged deep collaboration with key industrial partners and Further Education providers to reskill the workforce.”
One of the Prime Minister’s key economic policies is the roll out of universal gigabit broadband. This is particularly needed in predominantly rural North Wales. Currently only 13.9 per cent of the Welsh population has hyper speed broadband and the majority are based in South East Wales. The introduction of ultrafast broadband in North Wales would have a transformational effect on the local economy, enabling it to compete with world markets on equal terms.
Tourism is also a hugely important element of the North Wales economy. The industry is estimated to be worth over £3.2 billion and supports more than 43,000 jobs in North Wales. With its dramatic landscapes and miles of superb beaches, our region has much to offer. That could be destroyed if the WG decides to introduce its proposed tourism tax, a step much feared by the North Wales hospitality industry. Although WG does have a Tourism Investment Fund (WTIF) providing a relatively modest £50m of capital investment to the whole of Wales, this needs to be dramatically improved and WG investment specifically set aside to stimulate the North Wales tourist industry after the extended lockdown this Spring.
In summary, North Wales, post-Covid, should be seeking to build on the traditional synergy it shares with the North-West of England. This is an economic relationship but is founded on a shared identity not fully understood by Cardiff. We are now predominantly a Conservative region and must repay the trust placed in us by exercising Conservative values and principles.
We have the talent, the Higher Educational infrastructure, and industrial base to sustain it. Crucially, we have the backing of the electorate to reinvigorate our local economy as only Conservatives know how. The WG and Westminster Government need to work together to find positive solutions that will further increase the productivity of North Wales, allowed opportunity, and bolster the undoubted entrepreneurial spirit that exists here. If devolution is to be fully embraced by the people of North Wales then it will require the WG to work positively with the Westminster Government. It needs a mature approach by all concerned, to recognise the changed political dynamics here in North Wales, to work with us and to fully value and support the contribution we can make to the economy.


conservativehome--2020-06-10--Andrew Gimson’s PMQs sketch: Johnson accuses the leader of the opposition of being a lawyer

No statues were pulled over at Westminster today .
The Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition contented themselves with spraying abusive slogans over each other .
And for that kind of hooliganism , Boris Johnson has a natural flair .
He accused Sir Keir Starmer of being a lawyer , which is true .
To Starmer , being a lawyer means fighting for human rights and campaigning against the death penalty .
To Johnson , it is less principled and more mercenary : “ One brief one day , another brief the next , I understand how the legal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and one the Prime Minister might have refrained from striking if he were still married to a lawyer .
The Leader of the Opposition tried to rise above it : “ I know he ’ s got rehearsed attack lines.
” Johnson continued with his attack lines .
He said the Government ’ s attempts to help the British people , indeed to “ put its arms round the people ” ( is this in accordance with social distancing ? )
, are not assisted “ by the wobbling and tergiversation ” of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recited the British death figures for the pandemic , adopting the tone of reproach a Victorian headmaster might use towards a pupil who is found to have engaged in disgraceful nocturnal activities : “ There ’ s no pride in these figures , is there.
” The Prime Minister can not bear that kind of moralising .
He sought to ridicule his opponent as a man who is hopelessly out of touch : “ I ’ ve been in contact with the Honourable Gentleman by a modern device called the telephone.
” Starmer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the subject about which he wanted to ask , the reopening of schools , they had never had a telephone conversation , “ so please drop that ” .
In his view , Johnson is simply not providing the leadership which is required : “ It ’ s no good the Prime Minister flailing around trying to blame others.
” Kirsty Blackman ( SNP , Aberdeen North ) asked Johnson if he still believes Donald Trump “ has many good qualities , and if so , what are they ?
” Johnson responded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the President of the United States , which is our most important ally .
The United States is a bastion of peace and freedom and has been for most of my lifetime.
” The Prime Minister ’ s critics treat him as a disgraceful person , who consorts with other disgraceful people .
He indicates that they ’ re a lot of prosy , anti-American prigs , and reckons he can carry the British people with him .

No statues were pulled over at Westminster today. The Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition contented themselves with spraying abusive slogans over each other.
And for that kind of hooliganism, Boris Johnson has a natural flair. He accused Sir Keir Starmer of being a lawyer, which is true.
To Starmer, being a lawyer means fighting for human rights and campaigning against the death penalty.
To Johnson, it is less principled and more mercenary: “One brief one day, another brief the next, I understand how the legal profession works.”
A low blow, and one the Prime Minister might have refrained from striking if he were still married to a lawyer.
The Leader of the Opposition tried to rise above it: “I know he’s got rehearsed attack lines.”
Johnson continued with his attack lines. He said the Government’s attempts to help the British people, indeed to “put its arms round the people” (is this in accordance with social distancing?), are not assisted “by the wobbling and tergiversation” of the Labour leader.
Starmer had earlier recited the British death figures for the pandemic, adopting the tone of reproach a Victorian headmaster might use towards a pupil who is found to have engaged in disgraceful nocturnal activities: “There’s no pride in these figures, is there.”
The Prime Minister cannot bear that kind of moralising. He sought to ridicule his opponent as a man who is hopelessly out of touch: “I’ve been in contact with the Honourable Gentleman by a modern device called the telephone.”
Starmer retorted in an aggrieved tone that on the subject about which he wanted to ask, the reopening of schools, they had never had a telephone conversation, “so please drop that”.
In his view, Johnson is simply not providing the leadership which is required: “It’s no good the Prime Minister flailing around trying to blame others.”
Kirsty Blackman (SNP, Aberdeen North) asked Johnson if he still believes Donald Trump “has many good qualities, and if so, what are they?”
Johnson responded in a trenchant tone: “He is the President of the United States, which is our most important ally. The United States is a bastion of peace and freedom and has been for most of my lifetime.”
The Prime Minister’s critics treat him as a disgraceful person, who consorts with other disgraceful people. He indicates that they’re a lot of prosy, anti-American prigs, and reckons he can carry the British people with him.


conservativehome--2020-06-10--The schools debacle is a consequence not of the personal failings of Williamson, but of the structur

The schools debacle is a consequence not of the personal failings of Williamson, but of the structural flaws of this Government

Boris Johnson is an outstanding campaigner who has delivered an election near-landslide and Britain ’ s departure from the EU .
Done “ just like that ” , as Tommy Cooper used to say – scarcely six months after the Conservatives won only five per cent of the vote in last year ’ s European elections and collapsed in the polls to under 20 per cent .
Some six months later , much has already been written about Government ’ s failure to deliver its aim of primary schools returning before the end of the summer term .
Most of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : how is that pubs are set to open before schools ?
Nearly all of it has touched on consequences of closure : entrenched educational disadvantage ; the superior position of the private sector ; desocialised children ; the problems of online learning ; delayed exams , and more economic damage , since many parents with young children at home will feel that they can ’ t return to work .
Rather less has been asked about whether the Prime Minister is fully recovered from an illness that could have killed him less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if he has , whether he is as well set up for governing as he undoubtedly is for referendum and election campaigns .
During January ’ s reshuffle , Number Ten briefed that the Cabinet was recast on three criteria : loyalty , not briefing against Johnson to the press , and competence .
But it looks increasingly that Ministers were selected and the system set up not so much for competence as for compliance .
This factor is at the heart of the schools debacle .
For the banana skin that has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Gavin Williamson , but by Johnson himself , who announced last month that he hoped all primary school children would be back by the end of this term .
Some insiders claim Treasury pressure was the driving force .
( It wants parents back at work . )
This immediately threw up a problem for the Education Secretary : how did this timetable for return square with his plans for classes , shaped by Public Health England ?
The Government ’ s guidance says that “ for primary schools , classes should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no more than 15 pupils per small group and one teacher ) ” .
Now it follows that if classes are split in half , extra room must be found for each one .
Plus an extra teacher .
In other words , it was never likely that , in the absence of more rooms or more teachers , all primary school pupils would be back in class as normal by the end of this term .
Especially given nervous parents and bolshie unions , which in the case of the National Education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in any event .
When we last wrote about school re-openings , the department was whistling to keep everyone ’ s spirits up – and hoping that the pupil drift back would become a flood .
In a narrow sense , Williamson seems to us to have played a hand full of twos and threes just about as well as he could have done .
Without clear evidence of strong parental support , bashing the unions would have got him nowhere .
So he settled down to praising the teaching profession ; pointing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a lack of schooling , and adding that vulnerable ones suffer most .
The guidance restricted class sizes , limiting mixing between groups , and encouraged regular handwashing and frequent cleaning .
Meanwhile , some 20 local authorities told schools not to re-open and only 52 per cent of all eligible schools did so last week .
Williamson was thus faced with a double whammy : first , almost half of those schools not open now ; second , the prospect of halved class sizes still being there in the autumn when schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ though , this conflict between Johnson ’ s lofty ambition and Williamson ’ s dogged performance shows up this Government ’ s governing problem .
In essence , the Education Secretary was given his marching orders , and told to like them or lump them .
In a different kind of government , he would have had more autonomy .
Seeing trouble coming down the road , he would have hammered on Downing Street ’ s door , making the kind of demands that David Blunkett , Labour ’ s best modern Education @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been making .
They want lights , action , music : in other words , summer schools , a volunteer army and a catch-up premium in Halfon ’ s case , marquees and temporary buildings in streets in Blunkett ’ s .
These schemes may or may not be practicable during the summer .
Time is short – and , bluntly , education is less of a priority for the public as a whole than healthcare .
“ Save the NHS ” was part of the Government ’ s original Coronavirus appeal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same prominence to “ Save our Schools ” – or , better : “ Save our Children ” .
Politicised unions , hostile local authorities , nervous parents : all these help to explain why we now lag some of our neighbours in opening schools .
Williamson should have made more waves with Number Ten .
But Downing Street marks the cards of Ministers who operate in that way , and is overstretched in any event .
With his majority of 80 in the bag , Johnson is sitting pretty in Parliament .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ sense on the Tory backbenches , in which the school opening failure is all somehow mixed up with the NHS app problems and the Churchill statue defacement .
Very simply , the Government seems to be losing its grip on events .
It ’ s true that success breeds silence : no-one much wants to write about the successful performance of Universal Credit during this crisis , for example .
Whereas its enemies are poised to mark the Government down for every slip of its timetable .
Even so , it can not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is that Williamson was taken to task in the Commons yesterday .
And a savvier political operation cross-government might have sorted problems earlier , such as quicker help for the most vulnerable children who don ’ t have access to computers .
The Government must prepare for the worst .
It can ’ t simply assume that classes will return to their normal size by autumn .
Insiders protest that there is no capacity for the extra class spaces needed , and that most of the teaching workforce is already teaching .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ sticking-plaster one – rotas – then the educational damage will continue .
And many parents still won ’ t go back to work .
The Education Secretary is in trouble .
But he is only a symptom of the problem , which is : an ambitious centre and cowed Ministers .

Boris Johnson is an outstanding campaigner who has delivered an election near-landslide and Britain’s departure from the EU. Done “just like that”, as Tommy Cooper used to say – scarcely six months after the Conservatives won only five per cent of the vote in last year’s European elections and collapsed in the polls to under 20 per cent.
Some six months later, much has already been written about Government’s failure to deliver its aim of primary schools returning before the end of the summer term. Most of it clusters around variants on the question: how is that pubs are set to open before schools?
Nearly all of it has touched on consequences of closure: entrenched educational disadvantage; the superior position of the private sector; desocialised children; the problems of online learning; delayed exams, and more economic damage, since many parents with young children at home will feel that they can’t return to work.
Rather less has been asked about whether the Prime Minister is fully recovered from an illness that could have killed him less than two months ago. And, if he has, whether he is as well set up for governing as he undoubtedly is for referendum and election campaigns.
During January’s reshuffle, Number Ten briefed that the Cabinet was recast on three criteria: loyalty, not briefing against Johnson to the press, and competence. But it looks increasingly that Ministers were selected and the system set up not so much for competence as for compliance. This factor is at the heart of the schools debacle.
For the banana skin that has tripped the Government up was set not by Gavin Williamson, but by Johnson himself, who announced last month that he hoped all primary school children would be back by the end of this term. Some insiders claim Treasury pressure was the driving force. (It wants parents back at work.)
This immediately threw up a problem for the Education Secretary: how did this timetable for return square with his plans for classes, shaped by Public Health England? The Government’s guidance says that “for primary schools, classes should normally be split in half, with no more than 15 pupils per small group and one teacher)”.
Now it follows that if classes are split in half, extra room must be found for each one. Plus an extra teacher. In other words, it was never likely that, in the absence of more rooms or more teachers, all primary school pupils would be back in class as normal by the end of this term.
Especially given nervous parents and bolshie unions, which in the case of the National Education Union is ideologically opposed to the Government in any event. When we last wrote about school re-openings, the department was whistling to keep everyone’s spirits up – and hoping that the pupil drift back would become a flood.
In a narrow sense, Williamson seems to us to have played a hand full of twos and threes just about as well as he could have done. Without clear evidence of strong parental support, bashing the unions would have got him nowhere.
So he settled down to praising the teaching profession; pointing out correctly that children are harmed by a lack of schooling, and adding that vulnerable ones suffer most. The guidance restricted class sizes, limiting mixing between groups, and encouraged regular handwashing and frequent cleaning.
Meanwhile, some 20 local authorities told schools not to re-open and only 52 per cent of all eligible schools did so last week. Williamson was thus faced with a double whammy: first, almost half of those schools not open now; second, the prospect of halved class sizes still being there in the autumn when schools return.
In a wider sense, though, this conflict between Johnson’s lofty ambition and Williamson’s dogged performance shows up this Government’s governing problem. In essence, the Education Secretary was given his marching orders, and told to like them or lump them.
In a different kind of government, he would have had more autonomy. Seeing trouble coming down the road, he would have hammered on Downing Street’s door, making the kind of demands that David Blunkett, Labour’s best modern Education Secretary, and our columnist Robert Halfon have been making.
They want lights, action, music: in other words, summer schools, a volunteer army and a catch-up premium in Halfon’s case, marquees and temporary buildings in streets in Blunkett’s. These schemes may or may not be practicable during the summer.
Time is short – and, bluntly, education is less of a priority for the public as a whole than healthcare. “Save the NHS” was part of the Government’s original Coronavirus appeal; it has yet to give the same prominence to “Save our Schools” – or, better: “Save our Children”.
Politicised unions, hostile local authorities, nervous parents: all these help to explain why we now lag some of our neighbours in opening schools. Williamson should have made more waves with Number Ten. But Downing Street marks the cards of Ministers who operate in that way, and is overstretched in any event.
With his majority of 80 in the bag, Johnson is sitting pretty in Parliament. But ConservativeHome is picking up an ugly sense on the Tory backbenches, in which the school opening failure is all somehow mixed up with the NHS app problems and the Churchill statue defacement.
Very simply, the Government seems to be losing its grip on events. It’s true that success breeds silence: no-one much wants to write about the successful performance of Universal Credit during this crisis, for example. Whereas its enemies are poised to mark the Government down for every slip of its timetable.
Even so, it cannot afford to let things slip. So it is that Williamson was taken to task in the Commons yesterday. And a savvier political operation cross-government might have sorted problems earlier, such as quicker help for the most vulnerable children who don’t have access to computers.
The Government must prepare for the worst. It can’t simply assume that classes will return to their normal size by autumn. Insiders protest that there is no capacity for the extra class spaces needed, and that most of the teaching workforce is already teaching.
If the only practical solution becomes a sticking-plaster one – rotas – then the educational damage will continue. And many parents still won’t go back to work. The Education Secretary is in trouble. But he is only a symptom of the problem, which is: an ambitious centre and cowed Ministers.


conservativehome--2020-06-11--Konstantin Kisin’s Twitter thread on how woke culture risks a far right backlash

Kisin ’ s vision is apolocalyptic and in our view overstated .
But his thread is worth reproducing because it @ @ @ @ @ that recent events open up .
It also shows why the Conservatives can ’ t @ @ @ @ @ political as well as moral reasons .
The Party needs to take a collective , @ @ @ @ @ , Priti Patel and Rishi Sunak have all pointed to a way forward this week @

Kisin’s vision is apolocalyptic and in our view overstated.
But his thread is worth reproducing because it highlights some of the risks that recent events open up. It also shows why the Conservatives can’t avoid culture clashes – for political as well as moral reasons.
The Party needs to take a collective, coherent view. Kemi Badenoch, Priti Patel and Rishi Sunak have all pointed to a way forward this week.
Link to original Twitter thread here.


conservativehome--2020-06-11--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Northern Ireland Human Rights Commissioner

Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Northern Ireland Human Rights Commissioners – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
“ The Imperial War Museum ( IWM ) was founded in 1917 to record the story of the Great War .
Its remit was subsequently extended to cover the Second World War and today , IWM is the world ’ s leading authority on conflict and its impact focusing on Britain , its former Empire and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ War to the present .
The IWM is a single institution with a single purpose , fulfilled in different ways at its different branches , both physical and virtual .
In addition to its headquarters building , IWM London , in Southwark , the Museum ’ s branches comprise the Churchill War Rooms and HMS Belfast in London , IWM Duxford in Cambridgeshire , and IWM North in Trafford , Greater Manchester which is housed in a stunning building by Daniel Libeskind .
The IWM has traditionally had a Trustee on its Board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the armed forces , and is currently recruiting for two Trustees to represent the RAF and Navy branches.
” Time : Up to one day per month .
“ Both Non-Executive Board Members roles will exercise their role through influence and advice , supporting as well as challenging the executive , and covering such issues as : support , guidance and challenge on the progress and implementation of the Departments Strategy ( the single departmental plan ) ; performance ( including agreeing key performance indicators ) , operational issues ( including the operational @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , adherence to relevant standards ( e.g .
commercial , digital ) , and on the effective management of the department ; [ and ] the recruitment , appraisal and suitable succession planning of senior executives , as appropriate within the principles set out by the Civil Service Commission.
” Her Majesty ’ s Inspectorate of Prisons – Her Majesty ’ s Chief Inspector of Prisons “ Reporting directly to Ministers , the successful candidate will have a proven ability to act with integrity and independence from Government , and deliver the services @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The Inspectorate ’ s methodology focuses on outcomes for those detained within the custodial estate , and encourages establishments to seek improvement in those outcomes where required .
In addition to its annual inspection programme , the Inspectorate has , since 2019 , introduced Independent Reviews of Progress , which will assess progress made by a prison in implementing previous recommendations in up to 20 prisons a year .
The next Chief Inspector will be expected to use their expertise to innovate and evolve the inspection approach to further strengthen the work and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pensions Ombudsman ( TPO ) investigates and determines complaints and disputes about the way that occupational and personal pension schemes are run .
The Pension Protection Fund Ombudsman considers decisions made by the Pension Protection Fund ( PPF ) Board under the PPF ’ s internal procedures and decides on appeals against decisions by the Department for Work and Pensions ( DWP ) Financial Assistance Scheme .
Although the roles are provided for separately in legislation , they are held by one post holder .
Throughout this document the term ‘ PO ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provides an accessible service for dealing with pensions complaints .
Determinations are final and binding on all parties , subject only to appeal in the High Court on a point of law .
Services are provided free of charge.
” “ DFID leads the UK ’ s work to end extreme poverty , deliver the Global Goals , and tackle global challenges in line with the government ’ s UK Aid Strategy .
We are delivering against the Government ’ s manifesto to stand up for the right of every girl in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ education , to end the preventable deaths of mothers , new born babies and children by 2030 and to fight climate change , protect the environment and preserve biodiversity .
We are helping to lead the international response to prevent and mitigate the impacts of the Coronavirus and we work to save lives when humanitarian emergencies hit .
We do this whilst also investing in the systems that help support Global Health Security and improve peoples ’ resilience to shocks and supporting countries receiving aid to become self-sufficient.
” “ The Commission operates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Northern Ireland Office and is a key part of the architecture of human rights protections in Northern Ireland… Candidates for these roles must be able to make a personal contribution to the work of the Commission and will need to demonstrate : the ability to build productive and respectful relationships with fellow Commissioners , senior stakeholders and diverse communities ; knowledge of human rights law , and of the scope and limits of the NIHRCs work in Northern Ireland , and the considerations that influence the environment in which it operates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exercise judgement across a broad spectrum of policy and high level human rights issues ; and a reputation for personal integrity , professional conduct and credibility , with an exceptional sense of propriety.
” “ IE : UK is a joint industry and government partnership , strategically targeting major infrastructure export opportunities around the world .
It is supported by DIT ’ s network of local staff in 116 markets , with the objective of identifying , pursuing , and delivering major strategic infrastructure projects through a consortium-led approach .
The objective of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ infrastructure exports and identify gaps in the UK supply chain for FDI to fill .
The IE : UK Board is co-chaired by DIT ‘ s Minister for Exports and a senior industry leader .
The Industry sector co-Chair will benefit from working closely with the Minister for Exports and leading UK based infrastructure companies to help shape the direction of UK export policy and support within the infrastructure sector .
”

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
Imperial War Museum – RAF Trustee and Navy Trustee
“The Imperial War Museum (IWM) was founded in 1917 to record the story of the Great War. Its remit was subsequently extended to cover the Second World War and today, IWM is the world’s leading authority on conflict and its impact focusing on Britain, its former Empire and the Commonwealth, from the First World War to the present. The IWM is a single institution with a single purpose, fulfilled in different ways at its different branches, both physical and virtual. In addition to its headquarters building, IWM London, in Southwark, the Museum’s branches comprise the Churchill War Rooms and HMS Belfast in London, IWM Duxford in Cambridgeshire, and IWM North in Trafford, Greater Manchester which is housed in a stunning building by Daniel Libeskind. The IWM has traditionally had a Trustee on its Board from each of the three branches of the armed forces, and is currently recruiting for two Trustees to represent the RAF and Navy branches.”
Time: Up to one day per month.
Remuneration: Expenses reasonably incurred.
Closes: 12 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Department for International Trade – Lead Non-Executive Board Member/Non-Executive Board Member
“Both Non-Executive Board Members roles will exercise their role through influence and advice, supporting as well as challenging the executive, and covering such issues as: support, guidance and challenge on the progress and implementation of the Departments Strategy (the single departmental plan); performance (including agreeing key performance indicators), operational issues (including the operational and delivery implications of policy proposals), adherence to relevant standards (e.g. commercial, digital), and on the effective management of the department; [and] the recruitment, appraisal and suitable succession planning of senior executives, as appropriate within the principles set out by the Civil Service Commission.”
Time: Approx. 15-20 days per annum.
Remuneration: £20,000/£15,000 per annum.
Closes: 14 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Prisons – Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Prisons
“Reporting directly to Ministers, the successful candidate will have a proven ability to act with integrity and independence from Government, and deliver the services under the Inspectorate’s scrutiny. The Inspectorate’s methodology focuses on outcomes for those detained within the custodial estate, and encourages establishments to seek improvement in those outcomes where required. In addition to its annual inspection programme, the Inspectorate has, since 2019, introduced Independent Reviews of Progress, which will assess progress made by a prison in implementing previous recommendations in up to 20 prisons a year. The next Chief Inspector will be expected to use their expertise to innovate and evolve the inspection approach to further strengthen the work and impact of the Inspectorate.”
Time: Full-time.
Remuneration: £135,000 per annum.
Closes: 15 June
– – – – – – – – – –
The Pensions Ombudsman – Chair
“The Pensions Ombudsman (TPO) investigates and determines complaints and disputes about the way that occupational and personal pension schemes are run. The Pension Protection Fund Ombudsman considers decisions made by the Pension Protection Fund (PPF) Board under the PPF’s internal procedures and decides on appeals against decisions by the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) Financial Assistance Scheme. Although the roles are provided for separately in legislation, they are held by one post holder. Throughout this document the term ‘PO’ will therefore cover both roles. TPO provides an accessible service for dealing with pensions complaints. Determinations are final and binding on all parties, subject only to appeal in the High Court on a point of law. Services are provided free of charge.”
Time: Min. 30 days per annum.
Remuneration: £20,000 per annum.
Closes: 19 June
– – – – – – – – – –
DFID Board – Non-Executive Director
“DFID leads the UK’s work to end extreme poverty, deliver the Global Goals, and tackle global challenges in line with the government’s UK Aid Strategy. We are delivering against the Government’s manifesto to stand up for the right of every girl in the world to have 12 years of quality education, to end the preventable deaths of mothers, new born babies and children by 2030 and to fight climate change, protect the environment and preserve biodiversity. We are helping to lead the international response to prevent and mitigate the impacts of the Coronavirus and we work to save lives when humanitarian emergencies hit. We do this whilst also investing in the systems that help support Global Health Security and improve peoples’ resilience to shocks and supporting countries receiving aid to become self-sufficient.”
Time: Approx. 20 days per annum.
Remuneration: £15,000 per annum.
Closes: 26 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission – Commissioners
“The Commission operates as an executive non-departmental public body sponsored by the Northern Ireland Office and is a key part of the architecture of human rights protections in Northern Ireland… Candidates for these roles must be able to make a personal contribution to the work of the Commission and will need to demonstrate: the ability to build productive and respectful relationships with fellow Commissioners, senior stakeholders and diverse communities; knowledge of human rights law, and of the scope and limits of the NIHRCs work in Northern Ireland, and the considerations that influence the environment in which it operates; the ability to analyse information and exercise judgement across a broad spectrum of policy and high level human rights issues; and a reputation for personal integrity, professional conduct and credibility, with an exceptional sense of propriety.”
Time: Approx. 3 days per month.
Remuneration: £7,500 per annum.
Closes: 26 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Infrastructure Exports:UK – Board co-Chair
“IE:UK is a joint industry and government partnership, strategically targeting major infrastructure export opportunities around the world. It is supported by DIT’s network of local staff in 116 markets, with the objective of identifying, pursuing, and delivering major strategic infrastructure projects through a consortium-led approach. The objective of IE:UK is to increase UK infrastructure exports and identify gaps in the UK supply chain for FDI to fill. The IE:UK Board is co-chaired by DIT‘s Minister for Exports and a senior industry leader. The Industry sector co-Chair will benefit from working closely with the Minister for Exports and leading UK based infrastructure companies to help shape the direction of UK export policy and support within the infrastructure sector.”
Time: 3-4 meetings a year.
Remuneration: None.
Closes: 29 June


conservativehome--2020-06-11--Slave Lives Matter. The anti-slavery campaign that every Conservative should join.

The hard Left ’ s focus on past rather than present slavery tells you everything you need to know about it .
It would rather mobilise to smash statues than protest outside foreign embassies .
Or even the Home Office .
For over 10,000 people were referred to the authorities in Britain over modern slavery last year .
But its scale in this country is tiny compared to elsewhere .
Anti-Slavery International estimates that 40 million people are slaves worldwide , that almost three-quarters of them are women , and almost a quarter children .
So there is a strong @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cause .
And an emphatic recent history of Conservative Government activism over it , driven by Theresa May , though we are only in the foothills of progress .
Her Modern Slavery Act of 2015 consolidated and updated previous offences .
It was crafted to target the most common form of slavery in Britain , forced labour , more effectively and to put those responsible for it behind bars .
In 2016 , there were 74 convictions under previous leglisation and only one under the act .
By 2018 , the balance had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the overall number of convictions actually fell between those years .
Part of the explanation will be that forced labour by way of sexual exploitation , domestic slavery or , say , in a nail bar or car wash isn ’ t easy to find .
Anti-Slavery International refers specifically to Vietnamese nationals forced to work in cannabis factories , but the overall problem isn ’ t restricted to the exploitation of migrants , legal or illegal , or even recent arrivals .
Nor is the problem found in or exported from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years to 2017 , 200,000 children were married in the United States , including three ten year old girls and an eleven year old boy .
None the less , the Global Slavery Index caculates that 62 per cent of modern slavery worldwide is to be found in Asia or the Pacific .
A worldwide map shows hotspots in Mauritania , Afghanistan , South Sudan , the Central African Republic and North Korea .
There is also a problematic mass of countries running south-east from Myanmar .
Essentially , modern slavery is most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Government-forced labour , prison labour , sex slavery , prison labour , and so on .
Though the forced labour estimates are topsy-turvey , with the Index , which puts Europe and Central Asia together , providing 91 per cent of forced labour .
The forced labour category returns one to Britain , where the issues are not resolved , any more than modern slavery itself has been eradicated .
For the slaves themselves , knowingly or unknowingly , will often have entered illegally – which necessarily sparks debate on protecting victims as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of our borders is a necessary though not sufficient policy component .
An independent review praised the Modern Slavery Act as “ world-leading ” measure , but went on to criticise parts of it .
In particular , the review said that 40 per cent of companies within its scope aren ’ t complying with the legislation at all , and that penalties against non-compliant organisations have not been used .
Furthermore , many companies treat their new obligations as “ a mere tick-box exercise ” .
We suspect the same may be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ indicators in the Government ’ s own modern slavery statement .
Progess will mean grinding , detailed , attritional work – the kind that the far left and extremist parties aren ’ t interested in undertaking and aren ’ t capable of doing anyway .
Mainstream politics is better set up for it and the Conservatives have a good story to tell so far .
Now they must build on what May left them .

The hard Left’s focus on past rather than present slavery tells you everything you need to know about it. It would rather mobilise to smash statues than protest outside foreign embassies. Or even the Home Office.
For over 10,000 people were referred to the authorities in Britain over modern slavery last year. But its scale in this country is tiny compared to elsewhere.
Anti-Slavery International estimates that 40 million people are slaves worldwide, that almost three-quarters of them are women, and almost a quarter children.
So there is a strong feminist and child protection element to the cause. And an emphatic recent history of Conservative Government activism over it, driven by Theresa May, though we are only in the foothills of progress.
Her Modern Slavery Act of 2015 consolidated and updated previous offences. It was crafted to target the most common form of slavery in Britain, forced labour, more effectively and to put those responsible for it behind bars.
In 2016, there were 74 convictions under previous leglisation and only one under the act. By 2018, the balance had change to 23 and 21. So the overall number of convictions actually fell between those years.
Part of the explanation will be that forced labour by way of sexual exploitation, domestic slavery or, say, in a nail bar or car wash isn’t easy to find.
Anti-Slavery International refers specifically to Vietnamese nationals forced to work in cannabis factories, but the overall problem isn’t restricted to the exploitation of migrants, legal or illegal, or even recent arrivals.
Nor is the problem found in or exported from the non-western democracies alone. In the 15 years to 2017, 200,000 children were married in the United States, including three ten year old girls and an eleven year old boy.
None the less, the Global Slavery Index caculates that 62 per cent of modern slavery worldwide is to be found in Asia or the Pacific.
A worldwide map shows hotspots in Mauritania, Afghanistan, South Sudan, the Central African Republic and North Korea. There is also a problematic mass of countries running south-east from Myanmar.
Essentially, modern slavery is most prevalent in most forms outside Europe – Government-forced labour, prison labour, sex slavery, prison labour, and so on.
Though the forced labour estimates are topsy-turvey, with the Index, which puts Europe and Central Asia together, providing 91 per cent of forced labour.
(Turkmenistan, Belarus, and Macedonia are the countries recorded to have the highest prevalence overall. Russia, Turkey, and Ukraine have the highest absolute number, accounting for over a third of victims.)
The forced labour category returns one to Britain, where the issues are not resolved, any more than modern slavery itself has been eradicated.
For the slaves themselves, knowingly or unknowingly, will often have entered illegally – which necessarily sparks debate on protecting victims as well as removing illegals.
So control of our borders is a necessary though not sufficient policy component. An independent review praised the Modern Slavery Act as “world-leading” measure, but went on to criticise parts of it.
In particular, the review said that 40 per cent of companies within its scope aren’t complying with the legislation at all, and that penalties against non-compliant organisations have not been used.
Furthermore, many companies treat their new obligations as “a mere tick-box exercise”. We suspect the same may be true of the mass of goals and indicators in the Government’s own modern slavery statement.
Progess will mean grinding, detailed, attritional work – the kind that the far left and extremist parties aren’t interested in undertaking and aren’t capable of doing anyway.
Mainstream politics is better set up for it and the Conservatives have a good story to tell so far. Now they must build on what May left them.


conservativehome--2020-06-11--Stephen Booth: Barnier sees the need for compromise. The question is whether EU member states will l

Stephen Booth: Barnier sees the need for compromise. The question is whether EU member states will let him.

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange .
Since the EU referendum in 2016 , there have been many “ fork in the road ” moments that have subsequently altered the direction of the Brexit process : the post-referendum Conservative leadership election , the 2017 General Election , the UK-EU Joint Report on the Northern Ireland border , the renegotiation of the backstop and , most recently , Boris Johnson ’ s conclusive General Election victory .
The next few months promise to be another such significant period .
Before the end of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meet Ursula von der Leyen , the European Commission President , and Charles Michel , the European Council President , for a “ high-level meeting ” – to take stock of progress on the future relationship negotiations .
The backdrop is not particularly encouraging .
The latest round of talks ended last Friday with both sides stating “ no significant progress ” had been made and that there had been “ no movement on the most difficult areas ” .
It is clear that UK and EU negotiators have reached a stalemate , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leadership rather than technical wheezes .
On the available evidence , and unless something changes , the UK and the EU are heading for a new relationship based on World Trade Organisation terms .
Michel Barnier , the EU ’ s Chief Negotiator , said as much at his customarily downbeat press conference last week .
“ We can only take note that there has been no substantial progress since the beginning of these negotiations , and that we can not continue like this forever , ” he said .
Since the UK @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of an extension to the transition period , there are broadly only two remaining options at this stage .
First , to accelerate the talks ( the UK wants to see significant progress in July ) in the hope of reaching a deal by the autumn , which would allow for ratification and businesses some time to prepare for the new circumstances .
Second , turn all attention to preparing for a no deal outcome .
In Brussels , the penny may be dropping for Barnier that , if the EU wants a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current strategy is bound to fail .
It was notable that at last week ’ s press conference he appeared to implicitly concede that the EU might need to be more flexible on the knottiest issues , which are state aid and fishing .
Barnier claimed that the UK had been backtracking on level-playing field commitments made in the Political Declaration .
However , as pointed out by several British journalists at the press conference , Brussels is asking for dynamic alignment with EU law on state aid .
This goes well beyond @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which simply committed both sides to agreeing “ a robust and comprehensive framework for competition and state aid control that prevents undue distortion of trade and competition , ” including arrangements for domestic enforcement and dispute resolution .
Asked whether he would continue to insist that the UK stick to the EU ’ s state aid regime , Barnier said that his priority was to find a way to protect businesses from unfair competition .
“ We need to work together to come up with the appropriate toolbox , the robust commitments , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care about is how effective these mechanisms will be so that they can ensure long-term , fair sustainable competition.
” This is the language of the Political Declaration rather than the EU ’ s negotiating mandate to seek UK alignment .
Barnier ’ s mandate calls for a fishing agreement that gives EU boats access to UK waters on the basis of the status quo .
However , the UK will not concede anything like the status quo , and without an agreement the EU will lose all influence over how the UK @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fair to Barnier , he has accepted in recent weeks that the EU demand will not be met .
It is the fishing ministers of the eight most affected EU member states that have insisted on holding the firm line .
Ultimately , this is where the biggest obstacle to a deal on the EU side now lies .
Barnier sees some EU compromise as the route to a deal , but will the member states let him ?
Barnier was sent in by EU leaders to play hardball in the expectation that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so far , this belief appears to be mistaken .
The Government has shown no sign of bending from its core red line , which is that any future EU agreement should recognise the UK as an independent “ sovereign equal ” .
This should not be that surprising , since it is not merely a negotiating position .
For the vast majority of Brexiteers it is the fundamental objective of the entire exercise and this Government has the mandate to pursue it .
For its part , the UK has signalled that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its ambitions in some areas .
Some UK asks , such as the inclusion of audio-visual services in the agreement , may not be met .
More significantly , the UK has offered to discuss a deal which does not provide for zero-tariff access on all products , in exchange for the EU dropping some of its level playing field demands .
Any EU tariffs would be likely to fall on agricultural products , since they always do .
The EU is , however , loath to open up a difficult internal negotiation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states any tariffs would fall .
The EU is already in the middle of fraught internal negotiations over the proposed post-coronavirus recovery fund .
One suggestion is that , since agreeing a deal with some tariffs would be too difficult in the timeframe , a deal might see some tariffs phased in over time , which would provide for managed UK-EU divergence .
Technical compromises and fudges can no doubt be found that will require compromise on both sides .
But , ultimately , the path to a deal now depends on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tone of the negotiations .
The jury is out on EU leaders ’ ability or inclination to do this .
However , Germany takes on the rotating EU presidency from July and Angela Merkel will not want a no deal outcome to be her legacy , if she can avoid it .

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange.
Since the EU referendum in 2016, there have been many “fork in the road” moments that have subsequently altered the direction of the Brexit process: the post-referendum Conservative leadership election, the 2017 General Election, the UK-EU Joint Report on the Northern Ireland border, the renegotiation of the backstop and, most recently, Boris Johnson’s conclusive General Election victory. The next few months promise to be another such significant period.
Before the end of the month, the Prime Minister will meet Ursula von der Leyen, the European Commission President, and Charles Michel, the European Council President, for a “high-level meeting” – to take stock of progress on the future relationship negotiations. The backdrop is not particularly encouraging. The latest round of talks ended last Friday with both sides stating “no significant progress” had been made and that there had been “no movement on the most difficult areas”.
It is clear that UK and EU negotiators have reached a stalemate, which can only be unlocked by political leadership rather than technical wheezes. On the available evidence, and unless something changes, the UK and the EU are heading for a new relationship based on World Trade Organisation terms. Michel Barnier, the EU’s Chief Negotiator, said as much at his customarily downbeat press conference last week. “We can only take note that there has been no substantial progress since the beginning of these negotiations, and that we cannot continue like this forever,” he said.
Since the UK continues to firmly rule out the possibility of an extension to the transition period, there are broadly only two remaining options at this stage. First, to accelerate the talks (the UK wants to see significant progress in July) in the hope of reaching a deal by the autumn, which would allow for ratification and businesses some time to prepare for the new circumstances. Second, turn all attention to preparing for a no deal outcome.
In Brussels, the penny may be dropping for Barnier that, if the EU wants a trade deal with the UK, the current strategy is bound to fail. It was notable that at last week’s press conference he appeared to implicitly concede that the EU might need to be more flexible on the knottiest issues, which are state aid and fishing.
Barnier claimed that the UK had been backtracking on level-playing field commitments made in the Political Declaration. However, as pointed out by several British journalists at the press conference, Brussels is asking for dynamic alignment with EU law on state aid. This goes well beyond the commitments in the Political Declaration, which simply committed both sides to agreeing “a robust and comprehensive framework for competition and state aid control that prevents undue distortion of trade and competition,” including arrangements for domestic enforcement and dispute resolution.
Asked whether he would continue to insist that the UK stick to the EU’s state aid regime, Barnier said that his priority was to find a way to protect businesses from unfair competition. “We need to work together to come up with the appropriate toolbox, the robust commitments,” he said. “What we care about is how effective these mechanisms will be so that they can ensure long-term, fair sustainable competition.” This is the language of the Political Declaration rather than the EU’s negotiating mandate to seek UK alignment.
Barnier’s mandate calls for a fishing agreement that gives EU boats access to UK waters on the basis of the status quo. However, the UK will not concede anything like the status quo, and without an agreement the EU will lose all influence over how the UK manages its fisheries access. To be fair to Barnier, he has accepted in recent weeks that the EU demand will not be met. It is the fishing ministers of the eight most affected EU member states that have insisted on holding the firm line.
Ultimately, this is where the biggest obstacle to a deal on the EU side now lies. Barnier sees some EU compromise as the route to a deal, but will the member states let him?
Barnier was sent in by EU leaders to play hardball in the expectation that the UK would fold. However, so far, this belief appears to be mistaken. The Government has shown no sign of bending from its core red line, which is that any future EU agreement should recognise the UK as an independent “sovereign equal”. This should not be that surprising, since it is not merely a negotiating position. For the vast majority of Brexiteers it is the fundamental objective of the entire exercise and this Government has the mandate to pursue it.
For its part, the UK has signalled that it might be prepared to dial down its ambitions in some areas. Some UK asks, such as the inclusion of audio-visual services in the agreement, may not be met. More significantly, the UK has offered to discuss a deal which does not provide for zero-tariff access on all products, in exchange for the EU dropping some of its level playing field demands. Any EU tariffs would be likely to fall on agricultural products, since they always do.
The EU is, however, loath to open up a difficult internal negotiation on which industries and therefore which member states any tariffs would fall. The EU is already in the middle of fraught internal negotiations over the proposed post-coronavirus recovery fund. One suggestion is that, since agreeing a deal with some tariffs would be too difficult in the timeframe, a deal might see some tariffs phased in over time, which would provide for managed UK-EU divergence.
Technical compromises and fudges can no doubt be found that will require compromise on both sides. But, ultimately, the path to a deal now depends on the EU’s willingness to change the tone of the negotiations. The jury is out on EU leaders’ ability or inclination to do this. However, Germany takes on the rotating EU presidency from July and Angela Merkel will not want a no deal outcome to be her legacy, if she can avoid it.


Coronavirus Count

Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 290,143 ( Up from 289,140 ) .
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 41,128 ( Up from 40,883 ) .
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 1,003 ( Down from 1,387 ) .
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 245 ( Down from 286 ) .
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk to the UK has been raised to high ” – From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD : THE UK GOVERNMENT ’ S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY See here .
New as of Monday May 11 .
See here .
New as of Tuesday June 2 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SHIELDING AND PROTECTING PEOPLE WHO ARE CLINICALLY EXTREMELY VULNERABLE FROM COVID-19 See here .
New as of Tuesday June 2 .
See here .
New as of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS .
WHAT YOU CAN DO AND CAN ’ T DO GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS , TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW See here .
Published on Saturday March 28 .
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS • Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
• Always wash your hands when you get home or into work .
• Use hand sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
• Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when you cough or sneeze .
• Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
• Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell .
The symptoms of coronavirus are : However , these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness .
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common , such as cold and flu .
NHS 111 has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ You think you might have coronavirus .
• In the last 14 days you ’ ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers .
• You ’ ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus .
• In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours .
• In Wales call 111 ( if available in your area ) or 0845 46 47 .
• Do not go to a GP surgery , pharmacy or hospital @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how it ’ s spread and how to avoid catching it – Government NHS website overview .
• Stay at home advice and how to manage self-isolation .
( All information taken from Government sources .
Updated as of 7.00 on Thursday June 11 . )