conservativehome--2020-06-24--Ryan Bourne: Why Tyrie’s attempt to make the Competition Authority more like Which? magazine was wro

Ryan Bourne: Why Tyrie’s attempt to make the Competition Authority more like Which? magazine was wrong

Ryan Bourne holds the R Evan Scharf Chair in Public Understanding of Economics at the Cato Institute .
Shelves lay barren , yet the price stickers read “ Buy 1 Get 1 50 % Off.
” Hand sanitiser was like gold dust here in Washington DC in March .
Demand surged after the Covid-19 hand hygiene advice .
Unsurprisingly , stores rapidly emptied of existing stock .
More surprising was the shortages ’ duration .
Prices usually rise with prolonged elevated demand , encouraging new supply and making consumers rethink “ unnecessary ” purchases or hoarding .
Markets ultimately clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But no adjustment came .
Big chains worried about reputational risks of raising prices in a pandemic .
DC ’ s emergency “ anti-price gouging law , ” meanwhile , meant small outlets opted not to bother selling at higher prices , lest they be punished for charging “ more than normal.
” So prices remained notionally low , but sanitiser was unavailable .
Economists oppose anti-price gouging laws for this reason .
Price controls denying market realities harm economic welfare .
It might seem in consumers ’ interests to keep prices low @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” But if consumers are unable to get products they ’ re willing to pay more for , they can be worse off collectively than with market pricing .
I remember thinking at the time that I ’ d never heard of such bad pricing laws in the U.K. Just two days ’ later , Andrew Tyrie ’ s Competition and Markets Authority warned it would use existing powers to “ consider any evidence that companies may have broken competition or consumer protection law , for example by charging excessive prices ” during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Last week , the CMA confirmed it is investigating four pharmacies and local convenience stores for “ suspected charging of excessive and unfair prices for hand sanitiser.
” Under current law , the CMA must prove these retailers have abused a dominant market position .
Given none of these businesses seem likely to much affect market realities , this is really an attempt to stop price gouging by spooking retailers .
The CMA wants to make an example of them to show it is “ pro-consumer , ” focusing on local outlets in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to shop elsewhere , especially those without internet accdess , giving some semblance of credibility to the idea of dominance .
This absurd use of resources is befitting of Tyrie ’ s legacy as CMA chairman .
The former Treasury Select Committee chair resigned last week , frustrated that his demand for ever-more expansive CMA powers from government went unanswered .
But , importantly , Tyrie aimed to shift the emphasis of the CMA ’ s role away from its bread-and-butter role of helping to regulate economic competition ( such as breaking up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the merger of Asda and Sainsbury ) , towards beefing up its consumer protection role as well .
He synthesised by pledging that the CMA should champion the “ consumer interest.
” A Social Market Foundation speech last May outlined his vision .
An address on the limits of competition law quickly descended into an analysis of public perceptions about capitalism , with a sort of call to arms that the CMA should bend the knee to “ what most concerns ordinary consumers , ” lest it be swept away by populism .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ lane , but didn ’ t care .
Competition experts – who see the most important CMA role as protecting consumer welfare through effective competition law – bemoaned his “ grandstanding , ” in private .
Despite his denial , Tyrie ’ s vision was clearly strongly influenced by a new U.S. anti-monopoly movement that says big is bad , more competitors in a market is good , and consumers face constant threats of exploitation .
Economists challenge all such claims empirically .
But Tyrie puts huge weight on sentiment .
Consumers “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Even where they pay nothing , for social media , they feel terrified about data harvesting .
“ We are all vulnerable now , ” he concluded .
Such generalisations bode ill as a guide even to the CMA ’ s primary role .
Amazon is regarded as one of the most reputable brands in the country , as is Google .
Digital advertising has lowered advertising costs for social media ’ s true customers , so advertising spending has plunged as a share of GDP .
Platform users meanwhile have the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find generate big benefits to them .
Even on the supposed “ big is bad ” opposition to tech acquisitions such as Whatsapp by Facebook and YouTube by Google , opponents ignore the many more acquisitions that don ’ t work or consumer welfare gains from better products when they do .
But that ’ s the point : Tyrie wasn ’ t primarily animated by the idea the competitive process protected consumers ’ welfare .
No , what he envisaged in championing the “ consumer interest ” was a more populist body @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out practices unfavorable to some consumers , or which consumers disliked in other more subjective ways than conventional consumer welfare analysis considers .
This distinction between “ consumer welfare ” and “ consumer interest ” is crucial .
Consumer welfare can be assessed and debated using facts about the structure of the market , pricing , and evidence on innovation .
Consumer interests are defined by slipperier concepts of “ fairness.
” Someone caring about consumer welfare might consider higher prices an unfortunate reality in a pandemic market when demand rises ; someone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might see it as unfair to some vulnerable consumers . ]
A “ consumer interest ” champion looks at higher prices some loyal customers pay for utilities , and sees an unfair penalty .
Those interested in overall consumer welfare muse that teaser rates for new customers encourage switching , pressuring companies to remain efficient to the benefit of consumer welfare .
A competitive market allows companies to compete on pricing strategies too .
A consumer interest lens , then , could sometimes actually harm competition , by eliminating businesses ’ opportunities to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ firms or where consumer welfare-enhancing pricing strategies exist .
The CMA ’ s ham-fisted intervention on Covid-19 prices almost certainly prolonged shortages of numerous household products , and encouraged supermarkets to remove pro-poor discount deals instead .
Now whether Tyrie is a symptom of a within-CMA attitude shift or its cause , I ’ m not sure .
But his tenure overall accelerated a worrying push towards such discretion .
On the audit market , the CMA bypassed the standard market investigations reference process designed to investigate new anti-competitive practices .
His proposals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would have stripped protections from companies and heightened the risk of wrongful punishments .
In short , he wanted the CMA to be an aggressive consumer champion and decision-maker simultaneously – “ too much prosecution , judge , and jury ” according to some experts .
Tyrie now promises to push his agenda strongly in the Lords .
But with so much important competition activity coming the CMA ’ s way post-Brexit , this “ consumer interest ” shift couldn ’ t come at a worse time .
Thankfully , the Government has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – hence his resignation .
It should now select a new chair intent on returning the competition regulator to its primary role , rather than becoming the governmental arm of Which ?
magazine .

Ryan Bourne holds the R Evan Scharf Chair in Public Understanding of Economics at the Cato Institute.
Shelves lay barren, yet the price stickers read “Buy 1 Get 1 50% Off.” Hand sanitiser was like gold dust here in Washington DC in March. Demand surged after the Covid-19 hand hygiene advice. Unsurprisingly, stores rapidly emptied of existing stock.
More surprising was the shortages’ duration. Prices usually rise with prolonged elevated demand, encouraging new supply and making consumers rethink “unnecessary” purchases or hoarding. Markets ultimately clear – providing more at higher prices.
But no adjustment came. Big chains worried about reputational risks of raising prices in a pandemic. DC’s emergency “anti-price gouging law,” meanwhile, meant small outlets opted not to bother selling at higher prices, lest they be punished for charging “more than normal.” So prices remained notionally low, but sanitiser was unavailable.
Economists oppose anti-price gouging laws for this reason. Price controls denying market realities harm economic welfare. It might seem in consumers’ interests to keep prices low by government decree to prevent “rip-offs.” But if consumers are unable to get products they’re willing to pay more for, they can be worse off collectively than with market pricing.
I remember thinking at the time that I’d never heard of such bad pricing laws in the U.K. Just two days’ later, Andrew Tyrie’s Competition and Markets Authority warned it would use existing powers to “consider any evidence that companies may have broken competition or consumer protection law, for example by charging excessive prices” during the pandemic [my emphasis].
Last week, the CMA confirmed it is investigating four pharmacies and local convenience stores for “suspected charging of excessive and unfair prices for hand sanitiser.” Under current law, the CMA must prove these retailers have abused a dominant market position.
Given none of these businesses seem likely to much affect market realities, this is really an attempt to stop price gouging by spooking retailers. The CMA wants to make an example of them to show it is “pro-consumer,” focusing on local outlets in all likelihood because consumers had fewer options to shop elsewhere, especially those without internet accdess, giving some semblance of credibility to the idea of dominance.
This absurd use of resources is befitting of Tyrie’s legacy as CMA chairman. The former Treasury Select Committee chair resigned last week, frustrated that his demand for ever-more expansive CMA powers from government went unanswered.
But, importantly, Tyrie aimed to shift the emphasis of the CMA’s role away from its bread-and-butter role of helping to regulate economic competition (such as breaking up BAA for airport competition, or blocking the merger of Asda and Sainsbury), towards beefing up its consumer protection role as well. He synthesised by pledging that the CMA should champion the “consumer interest.”
A Social Market Foundation speech last May outlined his vision. An address on the limits of competition law quickly descended into an analysis of public perceptions about capitalism, with a sort of call to arms that the CMA should bend the knee to “what most concerns ordinary consumers,” lest it be swept away by populism.
Tyrie acknowledged he was potentially exiting his lane, but didn’t care. Competition experts – who see the most important CMA role as protecting consumer welfare through effective competition law – bemoaned his “grandstanding,” in private.
Despite his denial, Tyrie’s vision was clearly strongly influenced by a new U.S. anti-monopoly movement that says big is bad, more competitors in a market is good, and consumers face constant threats of exploitation. Economists challenge all such claims empirically. But Tyrie puts huge weight on sentiment. Consumers “feel” they are being ripped off. Even where they pay nothing, for social media, they feel terrified about data harvesting. “We are all vulnerable now,” he concluded.
Such generalisations bode ill as a guide even to the CMA’s primary role. Amazon is regarded as one of the most reputable brands in the country, as is Google. Digital advertising has lowered advertising costs for social media’s true customers, so advertising spending has plunged as a share of GDP.
Platform users meanwhile have the option of free services that economic studies find generate big benefits to them. Even on the supposed “big is bad” opposition to tech acquisitions such as Whatsapp by Facebook and YouTube by Google, opponents ignore the many more acquisitions that don’t work or consumer welfare gains from better products when they do.
But that’s the point: Tyrie wasn’t primarily animated by the idea the competitive process protected consumers’ welfare. No, what he envisaged in championing the “consumer interest” was a more populist body with huge discretionary powers marauding around stamping out practices unfavorable to some consumers, or which consumers disliked in other more subjective ways than conventional consumer welfare analysis considers.
This distinction between “consumer welfare” and “consumer interest” is crucial. Consumer welfare can be assessed and debated using facts about the structure of the market, pricing, and evidence on innovation. Consumer interests are defined by slipperier concepts of “fairness.” Someone caring about consumer welfare might consider higher prices an unfortunate reality in a pandemic market when demand rises; someone animated by the “consumer interest” might see it as unfair to some vulnerable consumers.]
A “consumer interest” champion looks at higher prices some loyal customers pay for utilities, and sees an unfair penalty. Those interested in overall consumer welfare muse that teaser rates for new customers encourage switching, pressuring companies to remain efficient to the benefit of consumer welfare. A competitive market allows companies to compete on pricing strategies too.
A consumer interest lens, then, could sometimes actually harm competition, by eliminating businesses’ opportunities to profit where reputational constraints bind on large firms or where consumer welfare-enhancing pricing strategies exist. The CMA’s ham-fisted intervention on Covid-19 prices almost certainly prolonged shortages of numerous household products, and encouraged supermarkets to remove pro-poor discount deals instead.
Now whether Tyrie is a symptom of a within-CMA attitude shift or its cause, I’m not sure. But his tenure overall accelerated a worrying push towards such discretion. On the audit market, the CMA bypassed the standard market investigations reference process designed to investigate new anti-competitive practices.
His proposals for new CMA powers, meanwhile, would have stripped protections from companies and heightened the risk of wrongful punishments. In short, he wanted the CMA to be an aggressive consumer champion and decision-maker simultaneously – “too much prosecution, judge, and jury” according to some experts.
Tyrie now promises to push his agenda strongly in the Lords. But with so much important competition activity coming the CMA’s way post-Brexit, this “consumer interest” shift couldn’t come at a worse time.
Thankfully, the Government has resisted Tyrie’s demand for power – hence his resignation. It should now select a new chair intent on returning the competition regulator to its primary role, rather than becoming the governmental arm of Which? magazine.


conservativehome--2020-06-24--Ed McGuinness: We need more innovation to reopen schools

Ed McGuinness is a former Chairman of Islington Conservative Federation and stood for Hornsey & Wood Green at the general election .
Education is the silver bullet .
In the formative years it gives children the skills to interact properly with their peers ; as adolescents it delivers the abilities to contribute meaningfully to society ; and as young adults it can deliver advanced knowledge to bring about innovation and societal progression .
Education is progressive by its very nature ; you can not build the space shuttle before learning your times tables or even learning how to interact socially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are so aptly named .
The Government has set criteria for schooling following the much publicised “ bubble ” principle .
Whereby , guided by the science , school class sizes are reduced to a maximum of 15 .
With average class sizes in England being at 27 this means , on the face of it , there would not be enough teachers or real estate to educate children .
But we should not accept this as fait accompli .
For the individual , a Swedish study , found that absence does have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the short term .
Whilst studies have yet to prove long term effects conclusively , the penalty , in the labour market , for absences is most profound in those aged 25-30 – precisely the age that most young adults in the UK are beginning the high growth phase of their career .
For society , education not only produces skilled individuals , but also has secondary effects .
Education provides a safe environment for children to learn how to interact successfully .
Crucially it allows parents of children to be as economically @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a form of secondary childcare .
Caring for children at home , whilst attempting to tutor them and be productive at work must lead to a trade-off , most likely in the latter .
With social injustice also so prevalent in the recent news it would also be amiss to ignore the impact that an education vacuum has on the disadvantage gap in England which closed by around ten per cent between 2011 and 2019 – a phenomenal effort from Government and teaching staff .
We are now in danger of undoing all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of private schools and 37 per cent of state schools in the most affluent areas versus only 23 per cent of state schools in more deprived areas had the advantage of extra resources beforehand , including online learning portals , which gave them a structural head start .
Whilst data is still scarce , in the first week of home schooling ( beginning 23 March ) pupils from middle class homes were twice as likely to be taking part in daily live or recorded lessons as those from working class households ( 30 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) and with around 50 per cent participation from private schools .
The bottom line is that the loss of in-person learning or , at least , supervision could lead to a significant widening of the disadvantage gap once again .
However , we remain fixed by the “ bubble ” principle .
Whilst the Department of Education provides the grand strategy , there are ways councils can step up and take the initiative .
A shining example is Wandsworth .
Consistently able to deliver value for money for residents , Wandsworth Council @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to education in its nine-point plan .
Three points stand out as innovative .
Firstly , making parks and outside spaces free of charge for schools to use will encourage outdoor learning during the most appropriate months of the year .
This new environment also lowers the already low risk to children and teachers of the virus .
Making unused council building space available to schools will allow those whose real estate is already tight to expand into a greater space further enhancing safety and allowing greater flexibility to staff and students .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ services to teachers during this period , the council can promote a happier and healthier educational environment .
We should remember it is our teachers , heroic even in normal times , who will be facing the additional pressure of explaining complex issues to children , having to enforce unnatural social distancing at times and who genuinely care about the educational welfare of their pupils not being fulfilled to the highest extent .
Whilst not all councils will have the resources of Wandsworth , or necessarily the same micro issues as a London @ @ @ @ @ @ @ innovative solutions are needed from all local authorities who are empowered to provide a conducive educational environment .
At the beginning of this crisis , the Government , both centrally and locally , was rightly focussed on its impact on the lives of the public .
We saw the huge national effort which has led to a significant increase in NHS capacity , the procurement of much needed ventilators , economic measures which have run into the hundreds of billions of pounds , and a relentless focus on trying to control the spread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time to think of the longer term impact .
The economic recovery will take many months to get back to pre-crisis levels and years to realign into a more immune position .
The educational impact on this nation will last quite possibly for almost a century .
Previous monikers for generations have included “ the greatest ” and “ the silent ” .
We must innovate if we are to prevent “ the lost generation ” entering the lexicon of the future .

Ed McGuinness is a former Chairman of Islington Conservative Federation and stood for Hornsey & Wood Green at the general election.
Education is the silver bullet. In the formative years it gives children the skills to interact properly with their peers; as adolescents it delivers the abilities to contribute meaningfully to society; and as young adults it can deliver advanced knowledge to bring about innovation and societal progression. Education is progressive by its very nature; you cannot build the space shuttle before learning your times tables or even learning how to interact socially; the reason why the formative years are so aptly named.
The Government has set criteria for schooling following the much publicised “bubble” principle. Whereby, guided by the science, school class sizes are reduced to a maximum of 15. With average class sizes in England being at 27 this means, on the face of it, there would not be enough teachers or real estate to educate children. But we should not accept this as fait accompli.
For the individual, a Swedish study, found that absence does have a significant effect on average grades in the short term. Whilst studies have yet to prove long term effects conclusively, the penalty, in the labour market, for absences is most profound in those aged 25-30 – precisely the age that most young adults in the UK are beginning the high growth phase of their career.
For society, education not only produces skilled individuals, but also has secondary effects. Education provides a safe environment for children to learn how to interact successfully. Crucially it allows parents of children to be as economically active as possible, whilst school provides a form of secondary childcare. Caring for children at home, whilst attempting to tutor them and be productive at work must lead to a trade-off, most likely in the latter.
With social injustice also so prevalent in the recent news it would also be amiss to ignore the impact that an education vacuum has on the disadvantage gap in England which closed by around ten per cent between 2011 and 2019 – a phenomenal effort from Government and teaching staff. We are now in danger of undoing all that good work. 60 per cent of private schools and 37 per cent of state schools in the most affluent areas versus only 23 per cent of state schools in more deprived areas had the advantage of extra resources beforehand, including online learning portals, which gave them a structural head start. Whilst data is still scarce, in the first week of home schooling (beginning 23 March) pupils from middle class homes were twice as likely to be taking part in daily live or recorded lessons as those from working class households (30 per cent compared to 16 per cent) and with around 50 per cent participation from private schools. The bottom line is that the loss of in-person learning or, at least, supervision could lead to a significant widening of the disadvantage gap once again.
However, we remain fixed by the “bubble” principle. Whilst the Department of Education provides the grand strategy, there are ways councils can step up and take the initiative. A shining example is Wandsworth. Consistently able to deliver value for money for residents, Wandsworth Council has continued its impressive, pragmatic approach to education in its nine-point plan. Three points stand out as innovative.
Firstly, making parks and outside spaces free of charge for schools to use will encourage outdoor learning during the most appropriate months of the year. This new environment also lowers the already low risk to children and teachers of the virus. Making unused council building space available to schools will allow those whose real estate is already tight to expand into a greater space further enhancing safety and allowing greater flexibility to staff and students. Finally, by providing free mental health services to teachers during this period, the council can promote a happier and healthier educational environment. We should remember it is our teachers, heroic even in normal times, who will be facing the additional pressure of explaining complex issues to children, having to enforce unnatural social distancing at times and who genuinely care about the educational welfare of their pupils not being fulfilled to the highest extent.
Whilst not all councils will have the resources of Wandsworth, or necessarily the same micro issues as a London Borough, the broader point is that innovative solutions are needed from all local authorities who are empowered to provide a conducive educational environment.
At the beginning of this crisis, the Government, both centrally and locally, was rightly focussed on its impact on the lives of the public. We saw the huge national effort which has led to a significant increase in NHS capacity, the procurement of much needed ventilators, economic measures which have run into the hundreds of billions of pounds, and a relentless focus on trying to control the spread of the virus. Now it is time to think of the longer term impact. The economic recovery will take many months to get back to pre-crisis levels and years to realign into a more immune position. The educational impact on this nation will last quite possibly for almost a century.
Previous monikers for generations have included “the greatest” and “the silent”. We must innovate if we are to prevent “the lost generation” entering the lexicon of the future.


conservativehome--2020-06-24--July 4: The businesses that are resuming, the rationale for reopening them and the rules that they f

July 4: The businesses that are resuming, the rationale for reopening them and the rules that they face

Yesterday there was huge jubilation at the news that pubs , restaurants and staycation resorts , among other facilities , will be able to reopen on July 4 .
ConservativeHome has listed which ones will be opening here , but we shall also elaborate on what the guidelines are for each business – as well as explaining why some have not made the cut .
What ’ s clear is that it will not be “ business as usual ” for employers around the UK , as many will face stringent guidelines around their operations – so as to prevent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ these measures will be social distancing .
How far apart ?
While the dreaded two-metre ( six foot ) social distancing rule has been revised , the Prime Minister has recommended people stay a distance of “ one metre plus ” ; in essence , staying at least one metre apart while taking precautionary measures to reduce the risk of Coronavirus transmission .
What are these precautionary measures ?
Generally businesses are advised to space out customers and staff as much as possible , improve ventilation and keep surfaces ( and hands ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a huge amount of specific guidance for those working in different sectors , such as construction and other outdoor work , hotels and other guest accommodation and the visitor economy , as these each face their own unique challenges .
While most Brits can not wait to rush back to the pub , publicans – and similar business owners – face lots of issues in reopening .
Perhaps the most controversial rule is that customers will have to give their contact details whenever they enter a pub or restaurant – in case they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s test and trace programme .
They will also be limited to table service .
The Government ’ s guidance for pubs , bars and takeaway services spans a total of 43 pages .
Other suggestions for these businesses ( and there are many ) include : • None using screens or barriers to separate workers from each other and workers from customers at points of service ; • None calculating the number of customers that can reasonably follow social distancing guidelines at a venue ; • None working with local authorities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ processes , such as queues , on high streets , and • None encouraging customers to use hand sanitiser or handwashing facilities .
Following the Government ’ s announcements , lots of Brits can ’ t wait to book a “ staycation ” .
But these , too , will be mired in complicated measures .
The guidance for hotels and other such businesses is fairly similar to that for pubs and restaurants , with suggestions such as : • None closing shared facilities , such as communal kitchens , and While the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and nail salons , it is giving hairdressers the green light .
But they will be required to wear face masks and visors in order to operate .
Other measures for similar companies include : • None adapting appointments to reduce the interaction and overlap between customers ; • None creating a “ one-way flow ” of clients through the premises ; • None minimising contact between different workers serving a client ( photographers , models and makeup artists , for instance ) , and • None encouraging clients to arrive at their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , all businesses are being encouraged to conduct a risk assessment for Covid-19 in their workplace and then share the results with employees .
The Government has asked employers with over 50 workers to publish the results on their websites , and asked them to display a notification ” in a prominent place in your business and on [ their ] website ” so as to show the public they have taken measures .
Why are some businesses not allowed to open ?
During his speech to the House of Commons , Boris @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” would have to stay closed , such as nightclubs , soft-play areas , indoor gyms and swimming pools – although he added that “ the business and culture secretaries will establish taskforces with the public health experts and these sectors to help them become Covid-secure and reopen as soon as possible.
” As well as the proximity factor , the decision to reopen outdoors gyms , but not indoors ones , may reflect increasing research that summer sunlight helps to kill off Covid-19 .
A new study indicates that it can do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been backlash ?
Those in the fitness industry have understandably been cross with the Government ’ s choice of businesses to reopen .
Jane Nickerson , the CEO of Swim England , called the decision “ appalling ” and told The Times “ Many will fail to understand how pubs , restaurants , cinemas , museums and hair salons have been given the go-ahead to open on July 4 but not chlorine-filled swimming pools ” .
PureGym has been equally vocal , in a statement saying : “ We understand that these decisions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a strange ‘ war on obesity ’ that sees pubs and restaurants open before gyms ” .
The Government ’ s ban on cricket – Johnson called the ball “ a natural vector of disease ” – promoted concern from Greg Clark , the Tory MP , who urged the Prime Minister to “ save the season “ , as well as Michael Vaughan , former England cricket captain , who said it was “ nonsense “ .
Oliver Dowden , the Culture Secretary , has reassured that the Government was hoping to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But there will be increasingly calls for this to be accelerated – and the Government will , in all likelihood , face increasing demands to explain why these businesses have been singled out .
As always in the Covid-19 wars , the approach across the United Kingdom has varied depending on region .
In Wales , for instance , tourism providers can only take bookings for stays beginning on July 13 .
In Northern Ireland , on the other hand , nail bars can reopen on July 6 .
Nicola Sturgeon has said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ July 15 , and still has the two-metre rule in place – making her perhaps the most resistant to England ’ s move .
So it ’ s “ business as usual ” in some senses…

Yesterday there was huge jubilation at the news that pubs, restaurants and staycation resorts, among other facilities, will be able to reopen on July 4.
ConservativeHome has listed which ones will be opening here, but we shall also elaborate on what the guidelines are for each business – as well as explaining why some have not made the cut.
First thing’s first:
What’s clear is that it will not be “business as usual” for employers around the UK, as many will face stringent guidelines around their operations – so as to prevent further outbreaks of Covid-19.
One of these measures will be social distancing.
How far apart?
While the dreaded two-metre (six foot) social distancing rule has been revised, the Prime Minister has recommended people stay a distance of “one metre plus”; in essence, staying at least one metre apart while taking precautionary measures to reduce the risk of Coronavirus transmission.
What are these precautionary measures?
Generally businesses are advised to space out customers and staff as much as possible, improve ventilation and keep surfaces (and hands) clean.
The Government has also posted a huge amount of specific guidance for those working in different sectors, such as construction and other outdoor work, hotels and other guest accommodation and the visitor economy, as these each face their own unique challenges.
Pubs, bars and takeaway services
While most Brits cannot wait to rush back to the pub, publicans – and similar business owners – face lots of issues in reopening.
Perhaps the most controversial rule is that customers will have to give their contact details whenever they enter a pub or restaurant – in case they need to be contacted for the Government’s test and trace programme. They will also be limited to table service.
The Government’s guidance for pubs, bars and takeaway services spans a total of 43 pages. Other suggestions for these businesses (and there are many) include:
using screens or barriers to separate workers from each other and workers from customers at points of service;
calculating the number of customers that can reasonably follow social distancing guidelines at a venue;
working with local authorities to take into account the impact of processes, such as queues, on high streets, and
encouraging customers to use hand sanitiser or handwashing facilities.
Hotels and other guest accommodation
Following the Government’s announcements, lots of Brits can’t wait to book a “staycation”. But these, too, will be mired in complicated measures. The guidance for hotels and other such businesses is fairly similar to that for pubs and restaurants, with suggestions such as:
encouraging guests to wear masks on communal corridors;
considering minimising lift usage from reception;
closing shared facilities, such as communal kitchens, and
cleaning keys between guests.
Businesses in “close contact services” (hair salons)
While the Government has refused to open tattoo parlours and nail salons, it is giving hairdressers the green light. But they will be required to wear face masks and visors in order to operate. Other measures for similar companies include:
adapting appointments to reduce the interaction and overlap between customers;
creating a “one-way flow” of clients through the premises;
minimising contact between different workers serving a client (photographers, models and makeup artists, for instance), and
encouraging clients to arrive at their scheduled time of appointment.
In addition, all businesses are being encouraged to conduct a risk assessment for Covid-19 in their workplace and then share the results with employees.
The Government has asked employers with over 50 workers to publish the results on their websites, and asked them to display a notification ” in a prominent place in your business and on [their] website” so as to show the public they have taken measures.
Why are some businesses not allowed to open?
During his speech to the House of Commons, Boris Johnson stated that “close proximity venues” would have to stay closed, such as nightclubs, soft-play areas, indoor gyms and swimming pools – although he added that “the business and culture secretaries will establish taskforces with the public health experts and these sectors to help them become Covid-secure and reopen as soon as possible.”
As well as the proximity factor, the decision to reopen outdoors gyms, but not indoors ones, may reflect increasing research that summer sunlight helps to kill off Covid-19. A new study indicates that it can do this in thirty minutes.
Has there been backlash?
Those in the fitness industry have understandably been cross with the Government’s choice of businesses to reopen.
Jane Nickerson, the CEO of Swim England, called the decision “appalling” and told The Times “Many will fail to understand how pubs, restaurants, cinemas, museums and hair salons have been given the go-ahead to open on July 4 but not chlorine-filled swimming pools”.
PureGym has been equally vocal, in a statement saying: “We understand that these decisions are not easy, but it is a strange ‘war on obesity’ that sees pubs and restaurants open before gyms”.
The Government’s ban on cricket – Johnson called the ball “a natural vector of disease” – promoted concern from Greg Clark, the Tory MP, who urged the Prime Minister to “save the season“, as well as Michael Vaughan, former England cricket captain, who said it was “nonsense“.
Oliver Dowden, the Culture Secretary, has reassured that the Government was hoping to get sports facilities open by mid-July. But there will be increasingly calls for this to be accelerated – and the Government will, in all likelihood, face increasing demands to explain why these businesses have been singled out.
Any other issues?
As always in the Covid-19 wars, the approach across the United Kingdom has varied depending on region.
In Wales, for instance, tourism providers can only take bookings for stays beginning on July 13. In Northern Ireland, on the other hand, nail bars can reopen on July 6.
Nicola Sturgeon has said that pubs and restaurants can re-open from July 15, and still has the two-metre rule in place – making her perhaps the most resistant to England’s move.
So it’s “business as usual” in some senses…


conservativehome--2020-06-24--Andrew Gimson’s PMQs sketch: Planet Fact redoubles its attacks on Planet Freedom

Week by week the gulf between the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition has widened until they seem like inhabitants of different planets , speaking different languages , unable to communicate or sympathise with each other , determined to treat each other as an alien and essentially despicable form of life .
Sir Keir Starmer inhabits Planet Fact .
Each Wednesday he tries and fails to subject the Prime Minister to the laws of Planet Fact .
Boris Johnson inhabits Planet Freedom .
Each Wednesday he declares his freedom to believe whatever he wants to believe , regardless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Opposition .
Starmer began by observing that two-thirds of those with Covid-19 are not being reached by the track and trace system , and urged Johnson to agree “ there ’ s a big problem ” .
Johnson insisted that on the contrary , Starmer “ has been stunned by the success ” of track and trace .
Starmer proceeded to a more general condemnation of the Prime Minister for “ brushing aside challenge , dashing forward , not estimating properly the risk ” .
The Prime Minister responded to this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with an attack on the Leader of the Opposition ’ s way of life .
He said Starmer had misled the House .
The Speaker , Sir Lindsay Hoyle , intervened to point out that “ nobody misleads ” the House .
Johnson instead accused Starmer of “ inadvertently giving a false impression ” , and indeed of “ yo-yoing ” between different positions .
Starmer said he was relying on the Government ’ s own slides , and added that the PM “ should welcome challenge that could save lives ” .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ like a reckless joyrider who is leading us to our deaths ?
Or will Johnson make Starmer look like a joyless pedant who is seeking to infect us with needless negativity ?
Starmer summed up the case for the prosecution : “ He ’ s been found out .
He either dodges the question or he gives dodgy answers .
No more witnesses .
I rest my case.
” Johnson was unrepentant .
One of the delights of Planet Freedom , he suggested , is that one can laugh to scorn the morbidly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .

Week by week the gulf between the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition has widened until they seem like inhabitants of different planets, speaking different languages, unable to communicate or sympathise with each other, determined to treat each other as an alien and essentially despicable form of life.
Sir Keir Starmer inhabits Planet Fact. Each Wednesday he tries and fails to subject the Prime Minister to the laws of Planet Fact.
Boris Johnson inhabits Planet Freedom. Each Wednesday he declares his freedom to believe whatever he wants to believe, regardless of any pettifogging objections from the Leader of the Opposition.
Starmer began by observing that two-thirds of those with Covid-19 are not being reached by the track and trace system, and urged Johnson to agree “there’s a big problem”.
Johnson insisted that on the contrary, Starmer “has been stunned by the success” of track and trace.
Starmer proceeded to a more general condemnation of the Prime Minister for “brushing aside challenge, dashing forward, not estimating properly the risk”.
The Prime Minister responded to this attack on his whole way of life with an attack on the Leader of the Opposition’s way of life. He said Starmer had misled the House.
The Speaker, Sir Lindsay Hoyle, intervened to point out that “nobody misleads” the House.
Johnson instead accused Starmer of “inadvertently giving a false impression”, and indeed of “yo-yoing” between different positions.
Starmer said he was relying on the Government’s own slides, and added that the PM “should welcome challenge that could save lives”.
Will Starmer succeed in making Johnson look like a reckless joyrider who is leading us to our deaths?
Or will Johnson make Starmer look like a joyless pedant who is seeking to infect us with needless negativity?
Starmer summed up the case for the prosecution: “He’s been found out. He either dodges the question or he gives dodgy answers. No more witnesses. I rest my case.”
Johnson was unrepentant. One of the delights of Planet Freedom, he suggested, is that one can laugh to scorn the morbidly conscientious attitudes which prevail on Planet Fact.


conservativehome--2020-06-25--Henry Hill: Sturgeon sets out plan to ‘unlock’ Scotland… one day before England

Nicola Sturgeon is planning a major easing of lockdown restrictions , the Daily Telegraph reports , including lifting a five-mile travel limit and opening up access to holiday homes .
In proper devocrat fashion , this new regime will kick in one Friday , July 3rd – the day before Boris Johnson ’ s own changes take effect south of the border .
This comes as the Scottish Government faces continuing criticism over its handling of schools , with its plans for so-called ‘ blended learning ’ coming under attack from both the press and SNP politicians .
Scientists have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lack thereof ) underpinning Nicola Sturgeon ’ s approach to lockdown .
The Scotsman reports that several Scottish councils are facing severe financial black holes as a result of the pandemic .
Three council have deficits adding up to hundreds of pounds per resident – the highest is £411 – which adds up to hundreds of millions of pounds in total .
This is the latest twist in a long-running battle between the Nationalist administration at Holyrood and Scottish local government .
Arch-centralisers , the SNP have been using Scottish Government financial support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In Wales , meanwhile , the Centre for Welsh Studies has published a new report which suggests that the Shared Prosperity Fund – the UK-administered scheme which will replace EU funding post-Brexit – should be administered by Westminster and local councils , rather than being handed to the Senedd .
This proposal will doubtless outrage the devocrats , who are consistently opposed to letting Westminster control UK-level policy in the way that Brussels controls EU-level policy .
But if the SPF is to become an instrument for strengthening the Union , keeping it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Their moment in the Commons sun may have passed , but the Democratic Unionists are still trying to hold the Prime Minister ’ s feet to the fire over his promises to Northern Ireland .
Speaking at yesterday ’ s PMQs , Sammy Wilson challenged Boris Johnson over the fact that the Port of Larne is reportedly making preparations for extensive customs infrastructure , ready to receive shipping from the British mainland .
In response , the Prime Minister said that “ I can tell him absolutely , categorically that there will be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Withdrawal Agreement ’ s recognition that Ulster remains inside the British customs territory .
Abolish the Assembly get their first MS After a few months of growing media attention , following some good poll showings and the defection of their first councillor , the Abolish the Welsh Assembly Party ( ‘ Abolish ’ ) have secured their first representative in that institution .
Gareth Bennett , an independent MS who previously served as leader of UKIP ’ s Assembly group , has now signed up to the group .
( And if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might be rare in Welsh political life , check out the extraordinarily aggressive interview he got from Wales Online ) .
Apparently Abolish , which recently launched a membership programme , will consider it a good result if they win three seats at the next Senedd poll .

Sturgeon unveils timetable for ‘mass unlocking’ of Scotland
Nicola Sturgeon is planning a major easing of lockdown restrictions, the Daily Telegraph reports, including lifting a five-mile travel limit and opening up access to holiday homes.
In proper devocrat fashion, this new regime will kick in one Friday, July 3rd – the day before Boris Johnson’s own changes take effect south of the border.
This comes as the Scottish Government faces continuing criticism over its handling of schools, with its plans for so-called ‘blended learning’ coming under attack from both the press and SNP politicians. Scientists have also attacked the evidence base (or lack thereof) underpinning Nicola Sturgeon’s approach to lockdown.
(The Welsh Government is not doing any better, with their Education Secretary unable to say when schools will reopen and likewise committed to ‘blended learning’.)
Local government in the spotlight
The Scotsman reports that several Scottish councils are facing severe financial black holes as a result of the pandemic. Three council have deficits adding up to hundreds of pounds per resident – the highest is £411 – which adds up to hundreds of millions of pounds in total.
This is the latest twist in a long-running battle between the Nationalist administration at Holyrood and Scottish local government. Arch-centralisers, the SNP have been using Scottish Government financial support to reduce the independence of councils.
In Wales, meanwhile, the Centre for Welsh Studies has published a new report which suggests that the Shared Prosperity Fund – the UK-administered scheme which will replace EU funding post-Brexit – should be administered by Westminster and local councils, rather than being handed to the Senedd.
This proposal will doubtless outrage the devocrats, who are consistently opposed to letting Westminster control UK-level policy in the way that Brussels controls EU-level policy. But if the SPF is to become an instrument for strengthening the Union, keeping it out of devocrat hands is essential.
DUP again press Johnson on post-Brexit border arrangements
Their moment in the Commons sun may have passed, but the Democratic Unionists are still trying to hold the Prime Minister’s feet to the fire over his promises to Northern Ireland.
Speaking at yesterday’s PMQs, Sammy Wilson challenged Boris Johnson over the fact that the Port of Larne is reportedly making preparations for extensive customs infrastructure, ready to receive shipping from the British mainland.
In response, the Prime Minister said that “I can tell him absolutely, categorically that there will be no new customs infrastructure”, citing the Withdrawal Agreement’s recognition that Ulster remains inside the British customs territory.
Abolish the Assembly get their first MS
After a few months of growing media attention, following some good poll showings and the defection of their first councillor, the Abolish the Welsh Assembly Party (‘Abolish’) have secured their first representative in that institution.
Gareth Bennett, an independent MS who previously served as leader of UKIP’s Assembly group, has now signed up to the group. (And if you want an idea of why devosceptics might be rare in Welsh political life, check out the extraordinarily aggressive interview he got from Wales Online).
Apparently Abolish, which recently launched a membership programme, will consider it a good result if they win three seats at the next Senedd poll.
(In other devosceptic news, I spoke to David Leask at the Herald on Sunday about why opposition to devolution appears to be waxing during Covid-19. Most of my section seems to be missing from the online version, but it may return.)


conservativehome--2020-06-25--Victory for Conservative Home! Al fresco dining restrictions lifted.

“ England is set to go al fresco to combat coronavirus as ministers unveil plans to turn streets into outdoor markets and allow pubs to use car parks as beer gardens today .
New laws being published today will loosen restrictions on drinking , dining and shopping outdoors – where the risk of transmission is regarded as much lower .
The Business and Planning Bill , which should be fast-tracked through Parliament in time for lockdown easing on July 4 , will make it easier for local authorities to pedestrianise streets to help struggling businesses.
” “ The focus of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trading without the need for planning permission , is on creating a much more permissive business environment outdoors , where scientists believe the virus spreads much less easily .
Temporary changes to licensing laws will allow many more licensed premises , such as pubs and restaurants , to sell alcohol for consumption off the premises .
Pubs and restaurants will be able to convert outside space such as car parks and terraces into seated areas as well.
” What is not mentioned is the inspiration behind these reforms .
Step forward , Nicholas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Streets .
Last month he wrote for this site proposing to “ allow eating out to mean eating out.
” “ Let ’ s make it far , far easier for shops , restaurants and cafés to trade on the pavements outside their premises .
This is possible now – but it ’ s a bit of schlep .
At present , shops or restaurants wishing to make use of the pavement need to apply to their local authority under Section 115E of the 1980 Highways Act .
Each applicant must ensure that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and councils need to consider the width of the pavement , if it is a street where street trading is specifically prohibited , sight lines and whether the pavement is on a public highway or not.
” “ The twentieth century killed that richness of street life , and sacrificed our daily freedom of movement .
If , climbing collectively out of this crisis , if helping tempt those too nervous to squeeze into cramped restaurants we helped town centres rediscover their true purpose as a place for people profitably to congregate for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a modest silver lining to these strange times.
” So while Boys Smith is to be commended for his proposal being adopted , with all due modesty we also note our own role in ensuring that this came to the attention of the relevant decision makers .
It would not have been much use as an idea if it had not been noticed .
If a tree falls in a forest and no one is around to hear it , does it make a sound ?
But as it is , the words @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , to this site , and thence on to the statute book all within a few weeks .
It means we have every chance that the streets and squares of our villages , towns , and cities will not feel dead this summer but more alive than ever before .
As you embrace cafe society , remember that it is this website that won you your new found freedom .
You will have a greater chance to sit at a table outside a favourite local restaurant and enjoy the sun and fresh air @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transmission and nodding at passing aquaintances .
So raise a glass of Chianti or San Miguel to Boys Smith – and to us .

The Daily Mail reports:
“England is set to go al fresco to combat coronavirus as ministers unveil plans to turn streets into outdoor markets and allow pubs to use car parks as beer gardens today.
New laws being published today will loosen restrictions on drinking, dining and shopping outdoors – where the risk of transmission is regarded as much lower.
The Business and Planning Bill, which should be fast-tracked through Parliament in time for lockdown easing on July 4, will make it easier for local authorities to pedestrianise streets to help struggling businesses.”
It adds:
“The focus of the legislation, which will allow outdoor trading without the need for planning permission, is on creating a much more permissive business environment outdoors, where scientists believe the virus spreads much less easily.
Temporary changes to licensing laws will allow many more licensed premises, such as pubs and restaurants, to sell alcohol for consumption off the premises.
Pubs and restaurants will be able to convert outside space such as car parks and terraces into seated areas as well.”
What is not mentioned is the inspiration behind these reforms. Step forward, Nicholas Boys Smith, the Director of Create Streets. Last month he wrote for this site proposing to “allow eating out to mean eating out.”
“Let’s make it far, far easier for shops, restaurants and cafés to trade on the pavements outside their premises. This is possible now – but it’s a bit of schlep. At present, shops or restaurants wishing to make use of the pavement need to apply to their local authority under Section 115E of the 1980 Highways Act. Each applicant must ensure that pedestrians’ rights are not affected, and councils need to consider the width of the pavement, if it is a street where street trading is specifically prohibited, sight lines and whether the pavement is on a public highway or not.”
He concluded:
“The twentieth century killed that richness of street life, and sacrificed our daily freedom of movement. If, climbing collectively out of this crisis, if helping tempt those too nervous to squeeze into cramped restaurants we helped town centres rediscover their true purpose as a place for people profitably to congregate for business and pleasure then that would be a modest silver lining to these strange times.”
So while Boys Smith is to be commended for his proposal being adopted, with all due modesty we also note our own role in ensuring that this came to the attention of the relevant decision makers. It would not have been much use as an idea if it had not been noticed. If a tree falls in a forest and no one is around to hear it, does it make a sound? But as it is, the words passed from Boys Smith’s laptop, to this site, and thence on to the statute book all within a few weeks. It means we have every chance that the streets and squares of our villages, towns, and cities will not feel dead this summer but more alive than ever before.
As you embrace cafe society, remember that it is this website that won you your new found freedom. You will have a greater chance to sit at a table outside a favourite local restaurant and enjoy the sun and fresh air, basking in the low risk of transmission and nodding at passing aquaintances. So raise a glass of Chianti or San Miguel to Boys Smith – and to us.


conservativehome--2020-06-25--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Non-Executive Directors at NHS England – a

Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Non-Executive Directors at NHS England – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
“ DFID leads the UK ’ s work to end extreme poverty , deliver the Global Goals , and tackle global challenges in line with the government ’ s UK Aid Strategy .
We are delivering against the Government ’ s manifesto to stand up for the right of every girl in the world to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ end the preventable deaths of mothers , new born babies and children by 2030 and to fight climate change , protect the environment and preserve biodiversity .
We are helping to lead the international response to prevent and mitigate the impacts of the Coronavirus and we work to save lives when humanitarian emergencies hit .
We do this whilst also investing in the systems that help support Global Health Security and improve peoples ’ resilience to shocks and supporting countries receiving aid to become self-sufficient.
” “ The Commission operates as an executive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ireland Office and is a key part of the architecture of human rights protections in Northern Ireland… Candidates for these roles must be able to make a personal contribution to the work of the Commission and will need to demonstrate : the ability to build productive and respectful relationships with fellow Commissioners , senior stakeholders and diverse communities ; knowledge of human rights law , and of the scope and limits of the NIHRCs work in Northern Ireland , and the considerations that influence the environment in which it operates ; the ability @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a broad spectrum of policy and high level human rights issues ; and a reputation for personal integrity , professional conduct and credibility , with an exceptional sense of propriety.
” “ Both Non-Executive Board Members roles will exercise their role through influence and advice , supporting as well as challenging the executive , and covering such issues as : support , guidance and challenge on the progress and implementation of the Departments Strategy ( the single departmental plan ) ; performance ( including agreeing key performance indicators ) , operational issues ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy proposals ) , adherence to relevant standards ( e.g .
commercial , digital ) , and on the effective management of the department ; [ and ] the recruitment , appraisal and suitable succession planning of senior executives , as appropriate within the principles set out by the Civil Service Commission.
” “ IE : UK is a joint industry and government partnership , strategically targeting major infrastructure export opportunities around the world .
It is supported by DIT ’ s network of local staff in 116 markets , with the objective @ @ @ @ @ @ @ major strategic infrastructure projects through a consortium-led approach .
The objective of IE : UK is to increase UK infrastructure exports and identify gaps in the UK supply chain for FDI to fill .
The IE : UK Board is co-chaired by DIT ‘ s Minister for Exports and a senior industry leader .
The Industry sector co-Chair will benefit from working closely with the Minister for Exports and leading UK based infrastructure companies to help shape the direction of UK export policy and support within the infrastructure sector.
” “ The Secretary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is looking to make two Non-Executive Director ( NED ) appointments to NHS England .
NHS England leads the National Health Service in England and sets its priorities and direction .
It is responsible for arranging the provision of health services and for more than £150 billion of funds .
The primary role of Non-Executive Directors is , as a team , to lead in developing the strategy for , and overseeing the work of NHS England by participating fully in the work of the board , both in the context of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Non-Executive Directors also play a part in representing NHS England externally , alongside the Chief Executive , the Chair and the wider Executive team.
” “ Do you want to play a key role in helping to shape the future of migration issues and support the interests of UK residents ?
If so , you can do this by becoming a Member of the Migration Advisory Committee ( MAC ) .
The MAC advises the government on a range of migration policy issues , offering independent evidence-based advice , and its core @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high quality evidence-based , economics focused , reports and policy advice in accordance with the work plan set by the Government ; and help ensure that Government policy and strategy in relation to migration and employment is based on the best possible evidence and analysis .
To date the advice of the Committee has included impacts of migration ; annual limits on , and the design of , Tiers 1 and 2 of the Points-Based System ; and transitional labour market access for nationals of new EU member states.
” “ Non-Executive Directors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and operational leadership of the Northern Ireland Office .
They complement the balance of skills and experience of Government Ministers and officials by bringing independent advice , support , constructive challenge and a fresh external perspective to help shape a department ’ s work .
To complement the existing balance of skills on the Northern Ireland Office Departmental Board and to ensure that it can provide expert advice to Ministers on a wide range of issues and challenges , we would particularly welcome applications from people with experience in the business and commercial @ @ @

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
DFID Board – Non-Executive Director
“DFID leads the UK’s work to end extreme poverty, deliver the Global Goals, and tackle global challenges in line with the government’s UK Aid Strategy. We are delivering against the Government’s manifesto to stand up for the right of every girl in the world to have 12 years of quality education, to end the preventable deaths of mothers, new born babies and children by 2030 and to fight climate change, protect the environment and preserve biodiversity. We are helping to lead the international response to prevent and mitigate the impacts of the Coronavirus and we work to save lives when humanitarian emergencies hit. We do this whilst also investing in the systems that help support Global Health Security and improve peoples’ resilience to shocks and supporting countries receiving aid to become self-sufficient.”
Time: Approx. 20 days per annum.
Remuneration: £15,000 per annum.
Closes: 26 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission – Commissioners
“The Commission operates as an executive non-departmental public body sponsored by the Northern Ireland Office and is a key part of the architecture of human rights protections in Northern Ireland… Candidates for these roles must be able to make a personal contribution to the work of the Commission and will need to demonstrate: the ability to build productive and respectful relationships with fellow Commissioners, senior stakeholders and diverse communities; knowledge of human rights law, and of the scope and limits of the NIHRCs work in Northern Ireland, and the considerations that influence the environment in which it operates; the ability to analyse information and exercise judgement across a broad spectrum of policy and high level human rights issues; and a reputation for personal integrity, professional conduct and credibility, with an exceptional sense of propriety.”
Time: Approx. 3 days per month.
Remuneration: £7,500 per annum.
Closes: 26 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Department for International Trade – Lead Non-Executive Board Member/Non-Executive Board Member
“Both Non-Executive Board Members roles will exercise their role through influence and advice, supporting as well as challenging the executive, and covering such issues as: support, guidance and challenge on the progress and implementation of the Departments Strategy (the single departmental plan); performance (including agreeing key performance indicators), operational issues (including the operational and delivery implications of policy proposals), adherence to relevant standards (e.g. commercial, digital), and on the effective management of the department; [and] the recruitment, appraisal and suitable succession planning of senior executives, as appropriate within the principles set out by the Civil Service Commission.”
Time: Approx. 15-20 days per annum.
Remuneration: £20,000/£15,000 per annum.
Closes: 28 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Infrastructure Exports:UK – Board co-Chair
“IE:UK is a joint industry and government partnership, strategically targeting major infrastructure export opportunities around the world. It is supported by DIT’s network of local staff in 116 markets, with the objective of identifying, pursuing, and delivering major strategic infrastructure projects through a consortium-led approach. The objective of IE:UK is to increase UK infrastructure exports and identify gaps in the UK supply chain for FDI to fill. The IE:UK Board is co-chaired by DIT‘s Minister for Exports and a senior industry leader. The Industry sector co-Chair will benefit from working closely with the Minister for Exports and leading UK based infrastructure companies to help shape the direction of UK export policy and support within the infrastructure sector.”
Time: 3-4 meetings a year.
Remuneration: None.
Closes: 29 June
– – – – – – – – – –
NHS England – Non-Executive Directors
“The Secretary of State for Health and Social Care is looking to make two Non-Executive Director (NED) appointments to NHS England. NHS England leads the National Health Service in England and sets its priorities and direction. It is responsible for arranging the provision of health services and for more than £150 billion of funds. The primary role of Non-Executive Directors is, as a team, to lead in developing the strategy for, and overseeing the work of NHS England by participating fully in the work of the board, both in the context of the board meetings themselves, and more widely. Non-Executive Directors also play a part in representing NHS England externally, alongside the Chief Executive, the Chair and the wider Executive team.”
Time: 2-3 days per month.
Remuneration: £7,883 (£13,137) per annum.
Closes: 02 July
– – – – – – – – – –
Migration Advisory Committee – Members
“Do you want to play a key role in helping to shape the future of migration issues and support the interests of UK residents? If so, you can do this by becoming a Member of the Migration Advisory Committee (MAC). The MAC advises the government on a range of migration policy issues, offering independent evidence-based advice, and its core statement of purpose is to: deliver high quality evidence-based, economics focused, reports and policy advice in accordance with the work plan set by the Government; and help ensure that Government policy and strategy in relation to migration and employment is based on the best possible evidence and analysis. To date the advice of the Committee has included impacts of migration; annual limits on, and the design of, Tiers 1 and 2 of the Points-Based System; and transitional labour market access for nationals of new EU member states.”
Time: “An initial term of three years.”
Remuneration: £275 per diem.
Closes: 06 July
– – – – – – – – – –
Northern Ireland Office – Non-Executive Director
“Non-Executive Directors provide a key role in the strategic and operational leadership of the Northern Ireland Office. They complement the balance of skills and experience of Government Ministers and officials by bringing independent advice, support, constructive challenge and a fresh external perspective to help shape a department’s work. To complement the existing balance of skills on the Northern Ireland Office Departmental Board and to ensure that it can provide expert advice to Ministers on a wide range of issues and challenges, we would particularly welcome applications from people with experience in the business and commercial sector.”
Time: Approx. 10 days per annum.
Remuneration: £7,500 per annum plus expenses.
Closes: 10 July


conservativehome--2020-06-25--The big speech Johnson makes next week should be about education

That Boris Johnson is to make a relaunch-type speech next week , in which housing and planning will play a big part , confirms that he believes that the Coronavirus crisis is over – for the moment , at any rate .
However , an aspect of it still looms large , even if there isn ’ t a so-called second wave that comes next winter , putting pressure on the NHS .
The fate of schools when the new term begins in September is unknown , and if they aren ’ t fully open then two consequences will follow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be no full economic recovery , because parents with younger children will either stay at home or skimp working there or both .
The second is that there will be less levelling-up , because the most disadvantaged children lose out when schools aren ’ t open .
Some may have been learning for less than a hour a day .
It may well be that by the time the next term starts , bubbles will be bigger – or even burst – altogether , with health and safety , testing , cleaning and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the strain , as Ministers intend .
But the teaching unions won ’ t simply give Government plans to this effect a clean bill of health , which could have a significant knock-on effect on parents ’ willingness to send their children back to school .
Furthermore , the Prime Minister is dependent as the economy open up on how businesses actually respond , and some may not champ at the bit to get workers returned to offices .
In other words , Johnson and Gavin Williamson are dependent on teachers – who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to sack , lest that be forgotten .
And still more on parents , who can ’ t be forced en masse to send their children to school if they dig in hundreds of thousands , let alone millions .
Additionally , it ’ s worth remembering that those bubbles may be as big as ever in the autumn , if the virus takes off again between now and then .
In which case , the Government will have to choose between rotas , which Ministers have opposed so far , or scrambling @ @ @ @ @ @ @ classes , and hunt down retired or stand-in teachers into the bargain .
All of which stirred us to write recently that the Prime Minister needs to make a big speech on education soon in order to get on the public opinion front foot .
It would garland teachers with praise ; stress the indispensability of education as a civilising force and economic driver , and champion it as the ultimate foil to “ the soft bigotry of low expectations ” .
As a man who loves picking up bits of learning from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t at all in a bad place to deliver such a speech .
He should follow it up by getting out and about in a series of school visits – for after all , some children of key workers have been in them throughout Coronavirus , so there is still quite a bit to see .
These would also be part of a wider programme of getting Johnson to play to one of his biggest strengths , which is engaging with people rather than staying cooped up in Whitehall .
Some in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a connection between him having been so confined recently and the Government ’ s various mishaps .
He could also mull the question of whether Gavin Williamson is in a position to provide the extra public relations lift over the summer .
The Prime Minister undoubtedly make the Education Secretary ’ s position even more difficult by aiming for a full primary school return by the end of this return – an aspiration impossible to square with halved class sizes .
The present view in Number Ten seems to be that “ the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” – so a shuffle may not happen until the autumn at the earliest .
All in all , Johnson would be well advised to get his big education speech in now .
For in ten weeks or thereabouts , the autumn term will begin .
That ’ s not a lot of time in which to turn public opinion round , millions of parents need persuading , and so the Government has got none to lose .

That Boris Johnson is to make a relaunch-type speech next week, in which housing and planning will play a big part, confirms that he believes that the Coronavirus crisis is over – for the moment, at any rate.
However, an aspect of it still looms large, even if there isn’t a so-called second wave that comes next winter, putting pressure on the NHS.
The fate of schools when the new term begins in September is unknown, and if they aren’t fully open then two consequences will follow.
The first is that there can be no full economic recovery, because parents with younger children will either stay at home or skimp working there or both.
The second is that there will be less levelling-up, because the most disadvantaged children lose out when schools aren’t open. Some may have been learning for less than a hour a day.
It may well be that by the time the next term starts, bubbles will be bigger – or even burst – altogether, with health and safety, testing, cleaning and hygiene, PPE and local lockdowns taking the strain, as Ministers intend.
But the teaching unions won’t simply give Government plans to this effect a clean bill of health, which could have a significant knock-on effect on parents’ willingness to send their children back to school.
Furthermore, the Prime Minister is dependent as the economy open up on how businesses actually respond, and some may not champ at the bit to get workers returned to offices.
In other words, Johnson and Gavin Williamson are dependent on teachers – who they don’t have the power to sack, lest that be forgotten.
And still more on parents, who can’t be forced en masse to send their children to school if they dig in hundreds of thousands, let alone millions.
Additionally, it’s worth remembering that those bubbles may be as big as ever in the autumn, if the virus takes off again between now and then.
In which case, the Government will have to choose between rotas, which Ministers have opposed so far, or scrambling to find or build spaces for extra classes, and hunt down retired or stand-in teachers into the bargain.
All of which stirred us to write recently that the Prime Minister needs to make a big speech on education soon in order to get on the public opinion front foot.
It would garland teachers with praise; stress the indispensability of education as a civilising force and economic driver, and champion it as the ultimate foil to “the soft bigotry of low expectations”.
As a man who loves picking up bits of learning from all over the place, he isn’t at all in a bad place to deliver such a speech.
He should follow it up by getting out and about in a series of school visits – for after all, some children of key workers have been in them throughout Coronavirus, so there is still quite a bit to see.
These would also be part of a wider programme of getting Johnson to play to one of his biggest strengths, which is engaging with people rather than staying cooped up in Whitehall.
Some in Downing Street think that there’s a connection between him having been so confined recently and the Government’s various mishaps.
He could also mull the question of whether Gavin Williamson is in a position to provide the extra public relations lift over the summer.
The Prime Minister undoubtedly make the Education Secretary’s position even more difficult by aiming for a full primary school return by the end of this return – an aspiration impossible to square with halved class sizes.
The present view in Number Ten seems to be that “the cons of a reshuffle outweigh the pros” – so a shuffle may not happen until the autumn at the earliest.
All in all, Johnson would be well advised to get his big education speech in now. For in ten weeks or thereabouts, the autumn term will begin.
That’s not a lot of time in which to turn public opinion round, millions of parents need persuading, and so the Government has got none to lose.


conservativehome--2020-06-25--Stephen Booth: While UK-EU talks gather momentum, Britain should continue to diversify its trading r

Stephen Booth: While UK-EU talks gather momentum, Britain should continue to diversify its trading relationships.

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange .
There are signs that the UK-EU negotiations on the future relationship may be gathering some momentum .
Last week ’ s stock take meeting between the Prime Minister and Ursula von der Leyen and Charles Michel , the European Commission and European Council Presidents , respectively , confirmed there will be no UK request to extend the transition period beyond December 31 this year .
Both sides agreed to inject fresh impetus into the negotiating process , with talks set to intensify in July , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make-or-break period to reach a trade agreement and new arrangements in other areas such as cooperation on policing and security .
In my previous column , I argued that the nature of the impasse – essentially whether the EU is prepared to cut a deal under which the UK would be free to leave Brussels ’ regulatory orbit – means that it is incumbent upon the EU to move on the key sticking points .
These are fishing and the demand for ongoing UK alignment with EU law on the “ level playing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state aid .
Important UK-EU differences remain but there are encouraging signs that this is now happening .
Following her meeting with Boris Johnson , von der Leyen signalled in a speech to the European Parliament that the EU was prepared to compromise without , of course , putting into question “ our principles and the integrity of our Union ” .
In her speech , von der Leyen made no mention of the EU ’ s initial demand to maintain EU boats ’ access to UK waters on the basis of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the UK ’ s sovereignty on its own waters , ” she said .
“ We ask for predictability and guarantees for our fishermen and women , who have been sailing in those waters for decades.
” Neither did von der Leyen mention the demand for ongoing alignment with EU law on state aid or a role for the Court of Justice ( ECJ ) in overseeing the level playing field .
“ It should be a shared interest for the EU and the UK to never slide backwards , and always advance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said .
Notably , she limited her remarks on the role of the ECJ to the part it should play “ where it matters ” in the area of police and judicial cooperation , rather than in the wider trade deal .
If the UK wishes to retain access to EU crime and policing databases , these are underpinned by EU law and there is no escaping that the Court has the role of interpreting how law applies on the EU side .
Though , as the UK has pointed out , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries on policing and judicial matters without requiring the ECJ to settle disputes between the two parties .
Equally , the Government has said it will not agree to the extraordinary EU demand for treaty provisions that would oblige the UK to maintain its existing implementation of the European Convention of Human Rights in domestic law .
Meanwhile , there is speculation that a compromise on the level playing field is being explored , under which Britain would assert the right to deviate from the EU rules that it will inherit after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ return , the EU would have the ability to apply tariffs on British exports if regulatory divergence amounts to unfair competition .
Neither side has formally adopted the idea yet , but there are reasons to suggest it might have legs .
The UK would regain regulatory independence ( and the consequences ) , while the EU would retain the ability to control access to its market in instances where it perceived the UK was lowering standards .
Brussels would need to give up on its desire to export its regulatory model to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ UK would need to compromise on its current position that any commitments on subsides , labour and environmental rights should be exempt from dispute resolution .
It is also an idea hiding in plain sight .
The EU ’ s draft UK trade agreement text already proposes so-called “ temporary remedies ” and “ interim measures ” in the event of non-compliance with treaty commitments .
Such a model would not be without difficulties .
The UK and EU would still need to agree on the relevant benchmark for identifying a breach of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could insist that evidence should be required to show that the effects of divergence are harmful to open and fair competition .
The EU could continue to insist that the letter of EU law is the benchmark .
Equally , the prospect of the EU using tariffs or market restrictions as a political tool to secure leverage over the UK in other areas of the agreement can not be discounted .
This has been a feature of the EU-Swiss relationship in recent years .
However , this needs to be weighed against the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ panoply of tariffs on day one , if talks break down completely and trade reverts to World Trade Organisation terms .
Critics have noted that rather than providing for managed divergence , such a mechanism would create perpetual conflict .
But , ultimately , while it would be nice to avoid it , the likely reality is that the UK and the EU will face disputes in the future , just as they have in the past .
This is a feature , rather than a bug , of an independent UK .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ treaty dispute mechanisms , others will require political resolution .
One way for the UK to insure itself in the event of such disputes is to diversify its trading relationships outside of the EU .
And negotiations with the UK ’ s priority non-EU markets , the US , Australia , New Zealand and Japan , are also intensifying over the coming months .
This week , Hiroshi Matsuura , Japan ’ s chief trade negotiator , called for a UK-Japan deal to be secured in just six weeks to be ready for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ challenge is to replace the existing EU-Japan agreement , which is due to expire at the end of the Brexit transition period , and Japan is insisting on a bespoke UK deal rather than a simple rollover of the existing EU agreement .
This may mean that the deal is less ambitious than the UK would like on agricultural tariffs but Japan and the UK could go further than the EU was prepared to in areas of mutual interest such as services and digital .
Unlike the Japanese deal , the talks with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are about fresh deals and the talks are expected to run into next year .
UK accession to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership is next on the agenda .
India would be another potential candidate for the future .
With this week marking the fourth anniversary of the EU referendum , the contours of the UK ’ s international trade policy are beginning to take shape .

By Mark Wallace
Follow Mark on Twitter.
More good economic news for the Chancellor, following last week's labour market statistics: the UK economy grew in the most recent quarter by 0.6%.
As we discovered from the false alarm over a double dip, there is reason to be a little wary of such figures. Political and media demand for speedy statistics outstrips the ONS' ability to compile them, so first estimates of quarterly growth like this are never based on the full data – in this instance only 44% of the eventual information was available.
That means it is likely to go up or down a bit in the final reckoning, but it is still good news. That Ed Balls has shifted his attack to the cost of living and the decline of real wages shows that the Osborne's credibility on economic growth has been strengthened.
Conservatives would be wise not to holler too soon about "green shoots" and suchlike, though – the Government's language about healing is carefully chosen in order to avoid two risks. The first is the political risk of appearing celebratory while many still suffer – the economy is still 3.3% smaller than it was at its pre-crisis peak. The second is the economic risk that despite these positive signs a new Eurozone or, worse, BRIC crisis could still strike at economic stability – leaving excessive triumphalism looking rather stupid.
What we should point to instead is the character of the recovery. This is growth across multiple sectors, including construction, manufacturing and services, which is a sharp contrast to the previous trend for the collapse in construction to drag down the overall numbers.
If all continues to go well, over the next two years the Government will have built up an economic story to shout about in time for the election. For now, the good news blunts any attempts by Labour to go on a "Plan B" offensive – and that is welcome in itself.


conservativehome--2020-06-25--Paul Carter: We could see a housing recovery – if we give builders the incentives they need

Paul Carter was Leader of Kent County Council from 2005 to 2019 .
He is a Director of Localis .
If we are going to ‘ build , build , build ’ – and do it well – then we need to put people and communities at the heart of a new relationship between the Government and the construction industry .
The Government is taking positive steps to get Britain back building again – but much more will be needed to kickstart the industry .
The construction industry alone provides close to two million jobs or seven per cent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ delivered £47 billion of output in 2019 of which 60 per cent was delivered by smaller enterprises employing less than 100 people .
Others will be employed in related trades and professions as utilities are connected , community infrastructure such as schools , roads , and hospitals are put in place , and property is maintained and managed .
When the Construction Industry is building , the Country is working .
As a local government leader and senior councillor for many years , and with a lifelong career as a housebuilder , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ significant economic recessions : the stockmarket collapse of 1987 ; the 9/11 tragedy of 2001 , and the banking crisis of 2008 .
All had an immediate and long-lasting impact on the housebuilding industry and saw housing delivery fall dramatically .
The worldwide recession post-Covid now presents an even greater challenge accepting that the pent-up demand and need for more new homes will not abate .
To support the Government ’ s drive for a million new homes by the end of this parliament and to avoid a housebuilding slump , Localis invited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ industry to come forward with ideas and innovation that should help kickstart the post-Covid housebuilding recovery .
Their proposals and suggestions are contained in an essay collection published by Localis this week entitled “ Building for renewal : Kickstarting the C19 housing recovery ” with the aim of getting the housebuilding industry and the national economy firing again on all cylinders .
Contributions are challenging and insightful on the important role of housing in promoting opportunity and prosperity .
They major on two significant areas : the need for planning reform – and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ housing provision .
The essays and summary recommendations grapple with bringing forward new and innovative ways to fund infrastructure provision , ideally in advance of development .
These include the suggestion to raise a new levy on the colossal windfall financial gains of landowners when residential planning is granted on greenfield/agricultural land .
They also include a whole range of incentives to get housebuilders building such as the extension of the Help to Buy scheme , alongside a new raft of incentives to support small builders and considerable support for the Government ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ focus on key worker housing .
On planning reform , there is support for the return of strong Spatial Planning Regulations to enable planning of essentially-needed infrastructure as a consequence of housing growth over a wider geography than individual Local Plans .
There is general support for a reduction in the red tape and bureaucracy in the planning and building regulation process which can add delay to getting diggers on site .
The collection identifies the critical themes for action for national economic recovery led by the construction industry .
To achieve this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be essential .
We need to put people and communities at the heart of this new relationship , working with local government , developers , and other public agencies and with a government which continues to put housing high in its order of priorities .
Above all , we must invest the funding necessary to avoid a housing recession , and recognise – as put so clearly in one essay – that “ the fundamental basis of a healthy and successful life is a safer and secure home ” .

Paul Carter was Leader of Kent County Council from 2005 to 2019. He is a Director of Localis.
If we are going to ‘build, build, build’ – and do it well – then we need to put people and communities at the heart of a new relationship between the Government and the construction industry.
The Government is taking positive steps to get Britain back building again – but much more will be needed to kickstart the industry.
The construction industry alone provides close to two million jobs or seven per cent of the national jobs total. New housebuilding delivered £47 billion of output in 2019 of which 60 per cent was delivered by smaller enterprises employing less than 100 people. Others will be employed in related trades and professions as utilities are connected, community infrastructure such as schools, roads, and hospitals are put in place, and property is maintained and managed. When the Construction Industry is building, the Country is working.
As a local government leader and senior councillor for many years, and with a lifelong career as a housebuilder, I have experienced, at first hand, significant economic recessions: the stockmarket collapse of 1987; the 9/11 tragedy of 2001, and the banking crisis of 2008. All had an immediate and long-lasting impact on the housebuilding industry and saw housing delivery fall dramatically. The worldwide recession post-Covid now presents an even greater challenge accepting that the pent-up demand and need for more new homes will not abate.
To support the Government’s drive for a million new homes by the end of this parliament and to avoid a housebuilding slump, Localis invited leading contributors from all sections of the industry to come forward with ideas and innovation that should help kickstart the post-Covid housebuilding recovery.
Their proposals and suggestions are contained in an essay collection published by Localis this week entitled “Building for renewal: Kickstarting the C19 housing recovery” with the aim of getting the housebuilding industry and the national economy firing again on all cylinders.
Contributions are challenging and insightful on the important role of housing in promoting opportunity and prosperity.
They major on two significant areas: the need for planning reform – and funding both infrastructure and all aspects of housing provision.
The essays and summary recommendations grapple with bringing forward new and innovative ways to fund infrastructure provision, ideally in advance of development. These include the suggestion to raise a new levy on the colossal windfall financial gains of landowners when residential planning is granted on greenfield/agricultural land.
They also include a whole range of incentives to get housebuilders building such as the extension of the Help to Buy scheme, alongside a new raft of incentives to support small builders and considerable support for the Government’s First Homes initiative with a specific focus on key worker housing.
On planning reform, there is support for the return of strong Spatial Planning Regulations to enable planning of essentially-needed infrastructure as a consequence of housing growth over a wider geography than individual Local Plans. There is general support for a reduction in the red tape and bureaucracy in the planning and building regulation process which can add delay to getting diggers on site.
The collection identifies the critical themes for action for national economic recovery led by the construction industry. To achieve this, a strong and effective partnership working will be essential. We need to put people and communities at the heart of this new relationship, working with local government, developers, and other public agencies and with a government which continues to put housing high in its order of priorities.
Above all, we must invest the funding necessary to avoid a housing recession, and recognise – as put so clearly in one essay – that “the fundamental basis of a healthy and successful life is a safer and secure home”.


conservativehome--2020-06-25--Starmer sends a double message by dismissing Long-Bailey

One doesn ’ t imagine that Sir Keir Starmer will be terribly sorry to have dismissed Rebecca Long-Bailey from her @ @ @ @ @ .
He sacked her after the Salford MP , who was the hard-left candidate in @ @ @ @ @ contest , retweeted an article by Maxine Peake which contained , predictably enough , anti-Semitic @ @ @ @ @ prompt action , Starmer has taken another opportunity to draw a sharp distinction between himself @ @ @ @ @ antisemitism issue , which remains a stain on Labour ’ s reputation .
It also @ @ @ @ @ the Corbynites .
Including Long-Bailey in the Shadow Cabinet might have seemed a deft nod @ @ @ @ @ immediate aftermath of the vote , but since then the hard left ’ s rout @ @ @ @ @ apace .
Yet the implications aren ’ t all internal .
The Labour Leader probably @ @ @ @ @ his willingness to dismiss senior colleagues with Boris Johnson ’ s reluctance to do the @ @ @ @ @ Jenrick still in the headlines .

One doesn’t imagine that Sir Keir Starmer will be terribly sorry to have dismissed Rebecca Long-Bailey from her post as Shadow Education Secretary.
He sacked her after the Salford MP, who was the hard-left candidate in the most recent Labour leadership contest, retweeted an article by Maxine Peake which contained, predictably enough, anti-Semitic conspiracy theories.
By taking prompt action, Starmer has taken another opportunity to draw a sharp distinction between himself and his predecessor on the antisemitism issue, which remains a stain on Labour’s reputation.
It also illustrates the waning strength of the Corbynites. Including Long-Bailey in the Shadow Cabinet might have seemed a deft nod to party unity in the immediate aftermath of the vote, but since then the hard left’s rout through the institutions has continued apace.
Yet the implications aren’t all internal. The Labour Leader probably hopes that observers will contrast his willingness to dismiss senior colleagues with Boris Johnson’s reluctance to do the same, especially with Robert Jenrick still in the headlines.


conservativehome--2020-06-25--Victory for ConservativeHome! Al fresco dining restrictions lifted.


conservativehome--2020-06-26--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Non-Executive Directors at NHS England – a