conservativehome--2020-07-09--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Chair of the College of Policing – and mor

Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Chair of the College of Policing – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
“ Non-Executive Directors provide a key role in the strategic and operational leadership of the Northern Ireland Office .
They complement the balance of skills and experience of Government Ministers and officials by bringing independent advice , support , constructive challenge and a fresh external perspective to help shape a department ’ s work .
To @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Northern Ireland Office Departmental Board and to ensure that it can provide expert advice to Ministers on a wide range of issues and challenges , we would particularly welcome applications from people with experience in the business and commercial sector.
” “ IE : UK is a joint industry and government partnership , strategically targeting major infrastructure export opportunities around the world .
It is supported by DIT ’ s network of local staff in 116 markets , with the objective of identifying , pursuing , and delivering major strategic infrastructure projects @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of IE : UK is to increase UK infrastructure exports and identify gaps in the UK supply chain for FDI to fill .
The IE : UK Board is co-chaired by DIT ‘ s Minister for Exports and a senior industry leader .
The Industry sector co-Chair will benefit from working closely with the Minister for Exports and leading UK based infrastructure companies to help shape the direction of UK export policy and support within the infrastructure sector.
” “ The Secretary of State for Health and Social Care is looking to make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to NHS England .
NHS England leads the National Health Service in England and sets its priorities and direction .
It is responsible for arranging the provision of health services and for more than £150 billion of funds .
The primary role of Non-Executive Directors is , as a team , to lead in developing the strategy for , and overseeing the work of NHS England by participating fully in the work of the board , both in the context of the board meetings themselves , and more widely .
Non-Executive Directors also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ externally , alongside the Chief Executive , the Chair and the wider Executive team.
” “ The Scottish National Investment Bank Act ( ‘ the Act ’ ) received Royal Assent in February 2020 , paving the way to establish the Bank as a public limited company and public body accountable to Scottish Ministers who own and set its strategic missions .
The Act sets out how the Bank should operate in order to meet missions which will be set by Scottish Ministers as the sole-shareholder .
In response to these missions the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Strategy which will help create and shape future markets , spark innovation and tackle socio-economic challenges in Scotland .
Additionally , the Bank will have a key role to play in Scotland ’ s emerging economy post Covid-19.
” Time : Up to 25 days per annum .
“ The TRA as a statutory body would perform an independent function , investigating and recommending to Ministers when to impose trade remedies measures in response to injury caused by unfair trading practices , such as dumping , subsidies , or unforeseen surges in imports @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the TRA ’ s recommendations .
The TRA will also carry out reviews of those existing EU measures transitioned into the UK system to ensure that they are specific to the UK market , in line with WTO rules .
The TRA will also be responsible for providing support and assistance to DIT on trade… The TRA Board sets the strategic direction and priorities of the organisation , monitoring its performance against its objectives and holding the Chief Executive and executive team to account.
” Remuneration : £15,000 per annum ( additional £3,000 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Risk Committee ) .
“ The chair is responsible for leading and managing the Panel .
They must lead development and implementation of a strategic vision for the Panel and ensure the reviews under their supervision identify improvements safeguarding partners or others should make to better safeguard and promote the welfare of children…Successful applicants will demonstrate the ability to : provide strong strategic leadership ; chair high level meetings ; effectively manage team dynamics and maintain the confidence of others , including child safeguarding professionals , Ministers and the public .
The right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of multi-agency child safeguarding arrangements , policy and frontline delivery.
” “ The Chair of the College of Policing is appointed by the Home Secretary to ensure the long-term success of the College .
Together with the College Board of Directors , the Chair ( who must not have a background in operational policing ) will set the College ’ s strategic direction and aims against budgets and priorities .
They will provide the College Chief Executive and team of Executive Directors with the necessary leadership , support and monitoring that will help @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Secretary ’ s goals .
The College plays a critical role in helping to increase the diversity within the police to reflect the communities they serve.
” “ The Secretary of State for International Trade and Minister for Women and Equalities is seeking a strong , strategic leader who will continue to develop the Equality and Human Rights Commission ( EHRC ) and set the Commission ’ s overall direction to reflect its crucial role as an equality body and National Human Rights Institution .
This appointment fulfils the requirement of the Equality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should appoint a Chair to the Commission .
Although the Commission is an independent organisation , the Chair is accountable to the above sponsoring Minister .
You will develop and maintain high-value relationships with Ministers , influential partners , governments at home and abroad , opinion formers , industry and others , demonstrating judgment , integrity and resilience in the face of challenge .
”

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
Northern Ireland Office – Non-Executive Director
“Non-Executive Directors provide a key role in the strategic and operational leadership of the Northern Ireland Office. They complement the balance of skills and experience of Government Ministers and officials by bringing independent advice, support, constructive challenge and a fresh external perspective to help shape a department’s work. To complement the existing balance of skills on the Northern Ireland Office Departmental Board and to ensure that it can provide expert advice to Ministers on a wide range of issues and challenges, we would particularly welcome applications from people with experience in the business and commercial sector.”
Time: Approx. 10 days per annum.
Remuneration: £7,500 per annum plus expenses.
Closes: 10 July
– – – – – – – – – –
Infrastructure Exports:UK – Board co-Chair
“IE:UK is a joint industry and government partnership, strategically targeting major infrastructure export opportunities around the world. It is supported by DIT’s network of local staff in 116 markets, with the objective of identifying, pursuing, and delivering major strategic infrastructure projects through a consortium-led approach. The objective of IE:UK is to increase UK infrastructure exports and identify gaps in the UK supply chain for FDI to fill. The IE:UK Board is co-chaired by DIT‘s Minister for Exports and a senior industry leader. The Industry sector co-Chair will benefit from working closely with the Minister for Exports and leading UK based infrastructure companies to help shape the direction of UK export policy and support within the infrastructure sector.”
Time: 3-4 meetings a year.
Remuneration: None.
Closes: 13 July
– – – – – – – – – –
NHS England – Non-Executive Directors
“The Secretary of State for Health and Social Care is looking to make two Non-Executive Director (NED) appointments to NHS England. NHS England leads the National Health Service in England and sets its priorities and direction. It is responsible for arranging the provision of health services and for more than £150 billion of funds. The primary role of Non-Executive Directors is, as a team, to lead in developing the strategy for, and overseeing the work of NHS England by participating fully in the work of the board, both in the context of the board meetings themselves, and more widely. Non-Executive Directors also play a part in representing NHS England externally, alongside the Chief Executive, the Chair and the wider Executive team.”
Time: 2-3 days per month.
Remuneration: £7,883 (£13,137) per annum.
Closes: 16 July
– – – – – – – – – –
Scottish National Investment Bank – Non-Executive Directors
“The Scottish National Investment Bank Act (‘the Act’) received Royal Assent in February 2020, paving the way to establish the Bank as a public limited company and public body accountable to Scottish Ministers who own and set its strategic missions. The Act sets out how the Bank should operate in order to meet missions which will be set by Scottish Ministers as the sole-shareholder. In response to these missions the Bank is required to develop an Investment Strategy which will help create and shape future markets, spark innovation and tackle socio-economic challenges in Scotland. Additionally, the Bank will have a key role to play in Scotland’s emerging economy post Covid-19.”
Time: Up to 25 days per annum.
Remuneration: £21,250 per annum.
Closes: 24 July
– – – – – – – – – –
UK Trade Remedies Authority – Non-Executive Directors
“The TRA as a statutory body would perform an independent function, investigating and recommending to Ministers when to impose trade remedies measures in response to injury caused by unfair trading practices, such as dumping, subsidies, or unforeseen surges in imports. Ministers would decide whether to agree the TRA’s recommendations. The TRA will also carry out reviews of those existing EU measures transitioned into the UK system to ensure that they are specific to the UK market, in line with WTO rules. The TRA will also be responsible for providing support and assistance to DIT on trade… The TRA Board sets the strategic direction and priorities of the organisation, monitoring its performance against its objectives and holding the Chief Executive and executive team to account.”
Time: Approx. 15-20 per annum.
Remuneration: £15,000 per annum (additional £3,000 for the Chair of the Audit and Risk Committee).
Closes: 24 July
– – – – – – – – – –
Child Safeguarding Practice Review Panel – Chair
“The chair is responsible for leading and managing the Panel. They must lead development and implementation of a strategic vision for the Panel and ensure the reviews under their supervision identify improvements safeguarding partners or others should make to better safeguard and promote the welfare of children…Successful applicants will demonstrate the ability to: provide strong strategic leadership; chair high level meetings; effectively manage team dynamics and maintain the confidence of others, including child safeguarding professionals, Ministers and the public. The right candidate will also demonstrate a strong understanding of multi-agency child safeguarding arrangements, policy and frontline delivery.”
Time: 6-8 days per month.
Remuneration: £500 per diem.
Closes: 31 July
– – – – – – – – – –
College of Policing – Chair
“The Chair of the College of Policing is appointed by the Home Secretary to ensure the long-term success of the College. Together with the College Board of Directors, the Chair (who must not have a background in operational policing) will set the College’s strategic direction and aims against budgets and priorities. They will provide the College Chief Executive and team of Executive Directors with the necessary leadership, support and monitoring that will help them to meet the College and Home Secretary’s goals. The College plays a critical role in helping to increase the diversity within the police to reflect the communities they serve.”
Time: 1-2 days per week.
Remuneration: £135,000 pro rata.
Closes: 03 August
– – – – – – – – – –
Equality & Human Rights Commission – Chair
“The Secretary of State for International Trade and Minister for Women and Equalities is seeking a strong, strategic leader who will continue to develop the Equality and Human Rights Commission (EHRC) and set the Commission’s overall direction to reflect its crucial role as an equality body and National Human Rights Institution. This appointment fulfils the requirement of the Equality Act 2006 that the Secretary of State should appoint a Chair to the Commission. Although the Commission is an independent organisation, the Chair is accountable to the above sponsoring Minister. You will develop and maintain high-value relationships with Ministers, influential partners, governments at home and abroad, opinion formers, industry and others, demonstrating judgment, integrity and resilience in the face of challenge.”
Time: 1-2 days per week.
Remuneration: £500 per diem.
Closes: 03 August


conservativehome--2020-07-09--Sunak whistles in the dark

Sunak whistles in the dark

Since we don ’ t know the future of the Coronavirus , we don ’ t know that of social distancing .
And since we don ’ t know that of social distancing , we don ’ t know that of restaurants .
It may be that a vaccine for the virus arrives , or that herd immunity is eventually achieved – or that having come like the thunder , Covid suddenly vanishes like the wind .
Or that it turns out to be a seasonal disease , falling away in the summer , as people enjoy the open air @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , anywhere that people congregate indoors .
In which case , the future of restaurants , pubs and cafes will be very different from the past – from the world before roughly the start of March .
It will simply not be profitable for many of them to open as they have done with only a percentage of their customers .
In such circumstances , some will spill onto the streets when the weather is warm , taking advantage of the Government ’ s easing of outdoor restrictions , an ideas flagged up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Makeshift tarpaulins will be hauled up to ward off summer rain .
In the winter , they will be decorated with patio heaters .
But for some restauranteers , such adaptation is impossible , or just too much of a struggle .
We probe the matter because restaurants starred in the final section of Rishi Sunak ’ s statement today , in one of the few sections of it not to have been trailed .
Dishy Rishi ’ s dishes plan – his “ eat out to help out ” discount scheme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you may wave away this cooked-up idea as a gimmick .
But either way , it ended his statement where it had started : the Chancellor has made his choice .
He will try to preserve , as best he can , the world of pre-Covid 19 .
Sunak began his brief statement – getting to his feet at 12.38 and sitting down again at 13.03 – by claiming that the Government is “ unencumbered by dogma ” and “ driven always by the desire to do what is right ” .
By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to achieve certain goals , or try to .
These are above all “ to protect , support and create jobs ” .
That ’ s to say , specifically : jobs for young people , the jobs dependent on our housing market working , jobs that come from government infrastucture spending , “ green jobs ” and , as we have seen , jobs in hospitality and tourism .
Some on the Right are less fussed about this exercise in picking winners , or rather survivors , than their anti-intervention rhetoric might @ @ @ @ @ @ @ example , they have no objection to the temporary cut in stamp duty , wishing only that it were permanent , or that the tax might be scrapped altogether .
Ending stamp duty would be good enough in itself , but not enough by itself : in other words , it would be a thoroughly bad thing simply to seek to re-heat Britain ’ s loaded housing system , biased as it is in favour of those who already own property and against those who wish to do so .
Stamp duty cuts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reform .
This site is happy enough with state action to help people , whether through tax cuts or higher spending .
Iain Duncan Smith ’ s unique contribution to public life , and that of the Centre for Social Justice which he founded , is to have grasped that a rising tide doesn ’ t lift all boats .
Tax cuts don ’ t reach those who pay no tax at all , or who are so indebted that reductions are of little use to them , or are struggling with alcohol @ @ @ @ @ @ @ left the state education system unable to read .
For them , government must be the guarantor , if not necessarily the provider , of help , services and opportunities .
So in saying that he is “ unencumbered by dogma ” , Sunak was signalling the latest Tory retreat from Thatcherism – as it is sometimes proclaimed to be though not at all how it was always practised .
Boris Johnson ’ s boosterism follows Theresa May ’ s good that government can do and David Cameron ’ s view that there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It is possible that this insistence on the role of the state will itself harden into a new dogma , shaped by left-wing antipathy to civil society as well as individual freedom , that will capture all of the main political parties , damaging Britain as it does so : the prospect sketched out on this site last weekend by David Gauke .
But what concerns us more , in the wake of the Chancellor ’ s statement , is a more subtle , unspoken , assumed dogma : that government should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before Coronavirus arrived here from China .
The Chancellor is a highly intelligent man , and knows that such an aim is unrealisable .
Viewing his statement was like watching a man groping his way in the dark , knowing well that the future is unreadable , trying to hold on to as much of the past as he can , and whistling as he does so – morale-raising melodies about VAT cuts , kickstart schemes , decarbonising social housing and job retention bonuses .
We like the focus on young people , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be quite what they ’ re cracked up to be , and believe that the tax cuts are fine as far as they go .
The £30 billion cost of the programme will presumably be met largely by taking a chance of borrowing at present low interest rates .
But how impactful any of these measures turn out to be , given the Covid-19 uncertainties , no-one can possibly know , including Sunak himself – who delivered his statement with the lean , direct eloquence which which we ’ re becoming familiar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he has been at the top of British politics for less than six months .
Nonetheless , the Chancellor understands that what goes up , including to the top of ConHome ’ s Cabinet League Table , can come down .
Perhaps this is why he spoke for less than half an hour today .
There was as much that wasn ’ t in his statement as was : it didn ’ t sweep across the Government ’ s plans for universities , or the future of railways , or rough sleepers .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ relatively narrow front .
“ Where problems emerge , we will confront them .
Where support is justified , we will provide it .
Where challenges arise , we will overcome them , ” he said .
Behind that fabulously assured front , Sunak must surely have his doubts .

Since we don’t know the future of the Coronavirus, we don’t know that of social distancing. And since we don’t know that of social distancing, we don’t know that of restaurants.
It may be that a vaccine for the virus arrives, or that herd immunity is eventually achieved – or that having come like the thunder, Covid suddenly vanishes like the wind. Or that it turns out to be a seasonal disease, falling away in the summer, as people enjoy the open air, and rising again in the winter, anywhere that people congregate indoors.
In which case, the future of restaurants, pubs and cafes will be very different from the past – from the world before roughly the start of March. It will simply not be profitable for many of them to open as they have done with only a percentage of their customers.
In such circumstances, some will spill onto the streets when the weather is warm, taking advantage of the Government’s easing of outdoor restrictions, an ideas flagged up early on this site by Nick Boys-Smith. Makeshift tarpaulins will be hauled up to ward off summer rain.
In the winter, they will be decorated with patio heaters. But for some restauranteers, such adaptation is impossible, or just too much of a struggle. We probe the matter because restaurants starred in the final section of Rishi Sunak’s statement today, in one of the few sections of it not to have been trailed.
Dishy Rishi’s dishes plan – his “eat out to help out” discount scheme – may whet your appetite. Or you may wave away this cooked-up idea as a gimmick. But either way, it ended his statement where it had started: the Chancellor has made his choice. He will try to preserve, as best he can, the world of pre-Covid 19.
Sunak began his brief statement – getting to his feet at 12.38 and sitting down again at 13.03 – by claiming that the Government is “unencumbered by dogma” and “driven always by the desire to do what is right”. By which he meant that it will intervene to achieve certain goals, or try to.
These are above all “to protect, support and create jobs”. That’s to say, specifically: jobs for young people, the jobs dependent on our housing market working, jobs that come from government infrastucture spending, “green jobs” and, as we have seen, jobs in hospitality and tourism.
Some on the Right are less fussed about this exercise in picking winners, or rather survivors, than their anti-intervention rhetoric might lead one to believe. So for example, they have no objection to the temporary cut in stamp duty, wishing only that it were permanent, or that the tax might be scrapped altogether.
Ending stamp duty would be good enough in itself, but not enough by itself: in other words, it would be a thoroughly bad thing simply to seek to re-heat Britain’s loaded housing system, biased as it is in favour of those who already own property and against those who wish to do so. Stamp duty cuts should go hand in hand with planning reform.
This site is happy enough with state action to help people, whether through tax cuts or higher spending. Iain Duncan Smith’s unique contribution to public life, and that of the Centre for Social Justice which he founded, is to have grasped that a rising tide doesn’t lift all boats.
Tax cuts don’t reach those who pay no tax at all, or who are so indebted that reductions are of little use to them, or are struggling with alcohol and substance abuse, or who have left the state education system unable to read. For them, government must be the guarantor, if not necessarily the provider, of help, services and opportunities.
So in saying that he is “unencumbered by dogma”, Sunak was signalling the latest Tory retreat from Thatcherism – as it is sometimes proclaimed to be though not at all how it was always practised. Boris Johnson’s boosterism follows Theresa May’s good that government can do and David Cameron’s view that there’s such a thing as society.
It is possible that this insistence on the role of the state will itself harden into a new dogma, shaped by left-wing antipathy to civil society as well as individual freedom, that will capture all of the main political parties, damaging Britain as it does so: the prospect sketched out on this site last weekend by David Gauke.
But what concerns us more, in the wake of the Chancellor’s statement, is a more subtle, unspoken, assumed dogma: that government should work to recreate the economy that existed before Coronavirus arrived here from China. The Chancellor is a highly intelligent man, and knows that such an aim is unrealisable.
Viewing his statement was like watching a man groping his way in the dark, knowing well that the future is unreadable, trying to hold on to as much of the past as he can, and whistling as he does so – morale-raising melodies about VAT cuts, kickstart schemes, decarbonising social housing and job retention bonuses.
We like the focus on young people, are sceptical that all these green jobs will be quite what they’re cracked up to be, and believe that the tax cuts are fine as far as they go. The £30 billion cost of the programme will presumably be met largely by taking a chance of borrowing at present low interest rates.
But how impactful any of these measures turn out to be, given the Covid-19 uncertainties, no-one can possibly know, including Sunak himself – who delivered his statement with the lean, direct eloquence which which we’re becoming familiar.
It is hard to believe that he has been at the top of British politics for less than six months. Nonetheless, the Chancellor understands that what goes up, including to the top of ConHome’s Cabinet League Table, can come down.
Perhaps this is why he spoke for less than half an hour today. There was as much that wasn’t in his statement as was: it didn’t sweep across the Government’s plans for universities, or the future of railways, or rough sleepers. He was concentrating his efforts on a relatively narrow front.
“Where problems emerge, we will confront them. Where support is justified, we will provide it. Where challenges arise, we will overcome them,” he said. Behind that fabulously assured front, Sunak must surely have his doubts.


conservativehome--2020-07-09--Profile: Olive, sorry, Oliver Dowden, saviour of the arts, bedrock insider – and unknown to the publ

Profile: Olive, sorry, Oliver Dowden, saviour of the arts, bedrock insider – and unknown to the public

By far the greatest power of a Prime Minister is the power of patronage .
He or she decides who to appoint to ministerial posts , and the Government prospers or fails largely as a result of whether these people prove able to rise to the level of events .
In February , Boris Johnson made Oliver Dowden Secretary of State for Digital , Culture , Media and Sport .
Dowden is unknown to the wider public , and in ConservativeHome ’ s latest Cabinet league table is buried two-thirds of the way down the list , among a cluster @ @ @ @ @ @ @ become household names .
Leading figures in the arts had little faith he would be able to rescue their sector from the disastrous impact of Covid-19 , and were getting ready to go mad at him with rage .
Instead of which he and Rishi Sunak astonished the world of the arts , at the start of this week , with a package of support for the arts which the leading figures queued up to praise .
As Charlotte Gill pointed out on ConHome , Dowden had been underestimated .
Here is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ done , including the tricky art of persuading the Treasury to part with the necessary funds .
Dowden is a professional politician , indeed a professional man of government : the kind of person at whom it is easy to sneer , but without whom nothing in Whitehall would move .
He succeeds partly because he does not seek to hog the limelight .
There was no sense , as he announced the £1.57 billion support package for the arts , that this was being treated as something that would above all redound @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of State .
In photographs , it never seems this tall , friendly , fair-haired , respectable figure wants to outshine the other people in the picture .
In the words he uses , there is likewise a complete absence of any discernible urge to shine .
“ He is not an aphorist , ” as one of his colleagues conceded , after ConHome remarked on the absence of a single memorable phrase in the Dowden record .
And yet those who know him well insist he is delightful company .
One of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you will not depict him as resembling in any way the dreary apparatchik that he might at first glance appear , having spent so much time behind the scenes at the Conservative Research Department and in the Cameron entourage before landing the safe seat that Cecil Parkinson once represented .
He has a lightness of touch and charm that resemble Parkinson .
“ His Canadian parents-in-law were at first reluctant to see their clever daughter married to an English politician ; he soon won them round .
“ He greets comments made to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think this a most useful habit to have acquired or to be blessed with since birth : it creates an immediate impression of amiability and allows time to consider how best to reply .
“ He is interested in bohemian ways without being drawn to participation in them .
His best friend in the Research Department at the 2005 election was much given to cycling round London , drunk and naked , during the night.
” The safe seat in question , won by him in 2015 after he had defeated Sunak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contest to select the Conservative candidate , is Hertsmere , on the southern border of Hertfordshire .
In his maiden speech , he spoke with emotion of “ the last unspoiled rolling hills of England before the home counties give way to London ” , and said he is “ absolutely determined to preserve them from soulless urban sprawl so that my children and grandchildren may enjoy them as I have done.
” He touched also on his constituency ’ s position “ at the heart of the British film industry ” , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But he went on : “ What characterises Hertsmere , far more than its landscape or its industry , is the character of its people .
They get up very early every morning and from Bushey , Potters Bar , Radlett and Borehamwood they cram on to commuter trains or set off along the M25 and the A1 .
They are hard-working men and women who make sacrifices to provide for themselves , their families and their community .
They know that in this life , we do not get something for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order to get something out .
“ Growing up locally , I was very much imbued with those values .
My dad worked in a factory in Watford , my mum at a chemist ’ s in St Albans .
They worked hard and were determined to give me the very best start in life .
That started with the excellent education that I received at my local comprehensive school.
” He was born in 1978 and went to Parmiter ’ s School , founded in 1681 in Bethnal Green and now at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is “ Nemo sibi nascitur ” , “ No one is born unto himself alone ” , and from here he won a place to read law at Trinity Hall , Cambridge .
Dowden played no part in student politics , and decided not to be a lawyer .
He taught English in Japan , had a stint at LLM , a lobbying firm set up by Labour figures close to Gordon Brown , and in 2004 became head of the Political Section in the Conservative Research Department .
Soon after his arrival @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Another friend from that period said this week : Dowden , as he will continue to be called here , displayed an early flair for understanding how a story would play out in the press .
He could see the weaknesses in both the Labour and the Conservative position , so could operate in an attacking role – spotting , for example , the potential of the cash for honours story to embarrass the Labour Government – and also defensively , briefing ministers on the line to take when they went on programmes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
He is an enormously experienced insider , who has helped prepare four successive leaders – Michael Howard , David Cameron , Theresa May and Boris Johnson – for Prime Minister ’ s Questions .
Cameron relates in his memoirs that in 2009 , during the MPs ’ expenses scandal , He became “ a bedrock figure ” , as one former minister puts it , “ stable , sensible , unflappable , extraordinarily decent ” , in the group which saw Cameron into Number Ten and then sustained him there , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Few people understand better than Dowden how the government machine works , or fails to work .
He is not an ideologue , or a bold political thinker , or a stirring orator , but he has sound judgement and knows how to get things done .
As one colleague puts it , As an MP since 2015 , “ he commutes in like his constituents – he puts in the long hours ” .
His website shows him defending their interests with tenacity .
In the 2016 EU Referendum he was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aftermath he supported Boris Johnson for the leadership , which infuriated Theresa May ’ s team .
Not until January 2018 was he permitted to take his first step on the ministerial ladder , as Parliamentary Secretary to the Cabinet Office .
In the summer of 2019 , Dowden , Sunak and Robert Jenrick interviewed Johnson for an hour at Jenrick ’ s house , after which they put their names to a joint piece for The Times Red Box , which appeared under the headline : This endorsement by three junior ministers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ maverick tendencies , helped convince many waverers that Johnson was on course for victory .
Collectively they had become significant players , and all three of them are now in the Cabinet .
Dowden is only 41 .
Will he go higher ?
Lord Lexden , official historian to the Conservative Party and the Carlton Club , says of him :

By far the greatest power of a Prime Minister is the power of patronage. He or she decides who to appoint to ministerial posts, and the Government prospers or fails largely as a result of whether these people prove able to rise to the level of events.
In February, Boris Johnson made Oliver Dowden Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport.
Dowden is unknown to the wider public, and in ConservativeHome’s latest Cabinet league table is buried two-thirds of the way down the list, among a cluster of other ministers who have yet to become household names.
Leading figures in the arts had little faith he would be able to rescue their sector from the disastrous impact of Covid-19, and were getting ready to go mad at him with rage.
Instead of which he and Rishi Sunak astonished the world of the arts, at the start of this week, with a package of support for the arts which the leading figures queued up to praise.
As Charlotte Gill pointed out on ConHome, Dowden had been underestimated.
Here is a minister who knows how to get things done, including the tricky art of persuading the Treasury to part with the necessary funds.
Dowden is a professional politician, indeed a professional man of government: the kind of person at whom it is easy to sneer, but without whom nothing in Whitehall would move.
He succeeds partly because he does not seek to hog the limelight. There was no sense, as he announced the £1.57 billion support package for the arts, that this was being treated as something that would above all redound to the greater glory of the Secretary of State.
In photographs, it never seems this tall, friendly, fair-haired, respectable figure wants to outshine the other people in the picture.
In the words he uses, there is likewise a complete absence of any discernible urge to shine. “He is not an aphorist,” as one of his colleagues conceded, after ConHome remarked on the absence of a single memorable phrase in the Dowden record.
And yet those who know him well insist he is delightful company. One of them warned:
“I am sure you will not depict him as resembling in any way the dreary apparatchik that he might at first glance appear, having spent so much time behind the scenes at the Conservative Research Department and in the Cameron entourage before landing the safe seat that Cecil Parkinson once represented. He has a lightness of touch and charm that resemble Parkinson. “His Canadian parents-in-law were at first reluctant to see their clever daughter married to an English politician; he soon won them round. “He greets comments made to him with an infectious little laugh; I think this a most useful habit to have acquired or to be blessed with since birth: it creates an immediate impression of amiability and allows time to consider how best to reply. “He is interested in bohemian ways without being drawn to participation in them. His best friend in the Research Department at the 2005 election was much given to cycling round London, drunk and naked, during the night.”
The safe seat in question, won by him in 2015 after he had defeated Sunak and others in the final of the contest to select the Conservative candidate, is Hertsmere, on the southern border of Hertfordshire.
In his maiden speech, he spoke with emotion of “the last unspoiled rolling hills of England before the home counties give way to London”, and said he is “absolutely determined to preserve them from soulless urban sprawl so that my children and grandchildren may enjoy them as I have done.”
He touched also on his constituency’s position “at the heart of the British film industry”, thanks to Elstree film studios in Borehamwood. But he went on:
“What characterises Hertsmere, far more than its landscape or its industry, is the character of its people. They get up very early every morning and from Bushey, Potters Bar, Radlett and Borehamwood they cram on to commuter trains or set off along the M25 and the A1. They are hard-working men and women who make sacrifices to provide for themselves, their families and their community. They know that in this life, we do not get something for nothing; we have to work in order to get something out. “Growing up locally, I was very much imbued with those values. My dad worked in a factory in Watford, my mum at a chemist’s in St Albans. They worked hard and were determined to give me the very best start in life. That started with the excellent education that I received at my local comprehensive school.”
He was born in 1978 and went to Parmiter’s School, founded in 1681 in Bethnal Green and now at Garston, near Watford. Its motto is “Nemo sibi nascitur”, “No one is born unto himself alone”, and from here he won a place to read law at Trinity Hall, Cambridge.
Dowden played no part in student politics, and decided not to be a lawyer. He taught English in Japan, had a stint at LLM, a lobbying firm set up by Labour figures close to Gordon Brown, and in 2004 became head of the Political Section in the Conservative Research Department.
Soon after his arrival, one of his colleagues recalls,
“He became known as Olive through a typographical error which he embraced with characteristic good humour. It almost sounds wrong to call him Oliver if you’ve known him of old.”
Another friend from that period said this week:
“I will call him Olive or I will call him Secretary of State, but I will not call him Oliver.”
Dowden, as he will continue to be called here, displayed an early flair for understanding how a story would play out in the press. He could see the weaknesses in both the Labour and the Conservative position, so could operate in an attacking role – spotting, for example, the potential of the cash for honours story to embarrass the Labour Government – and also defensively, briefing ministers on the line to take when they went on programmes such as Any Questions and Question Time.
He is an enormously experienced insider, who has helped prepare four successive leaders – Michael Howard, David Cameron, Theresa May and Boris Johnson – for Prime Minister’s Questions.
Cameron relates in his memoirs that in 2009, during the MPs’ expenses scandal,
“I set up an internal scrutiny panel, a so-called Star Chamber, including my aide Oliver Dowden, known as ‘Olive’, who I also called ‘the undertaker’, since he so frequently brought me the bad news.”
Another witness says:
“During the expenses scandal, CRD had to triage some of the cases, taking what The Telegraph was accusing people of and working out the truth. It was a long, gruelling period, relentless, it went on for weeks and it was bleak work, the team being set against itself.”
He became “a bedrock figure”, as one former minister puts it, “stable, sensible, unflappable, extraordinarily decent”, in the group which saw Cameron into Number Ten and then sustained him there, with Dowden as Ed Llewellyn’s deputy.
Few people understand better than Dowden how the government machine works, or fails to work. He is not an ideologue, or a bold political thinker, or a stirring orator, but he has sound judgement and knows how to get things done. As one colleague puts it,
“He’s one of the most impressive people I’ve ever been in a room with officials with. At the end he will establish what has been agreed and what we are going to do.”
As an MP since 2015, “he commutes in like his constituents – he puts in the long hours”. His website shows him defending their interests with tenacity.
In the 2016 EU Referendum he was a Remainer, but in the immediate aftermath he supported Boris Johnson for the leadership, which infuriated Theresa May’s team.
Not until January 2018 was he permitted to take his first step on the ministerial ladder, as Parliamentary Secretary to the Cabinet Office.
In the summer of 2019, Dowden, Sunak and Robert Jenrick interviewed Johnson for an hour at Jenrick’s house, after which they put their names to a joint piece for The Times Red Box, which appeared under the headline:
“The Tories are in deep peril. Only Boris Johnson can save us.”
This endorsement by three junior ministers, none of whom was suspected of maverick tendencies, helped convince many waverers that Johnson was on course for victory. Collectively they had become significant players, and all three of them are now in the Cabinet.
Dowden is only 41. Will he go higher? Lord Lexden, official historian to the Conservative Party and the Carlton Club, says of him:


conservativehome--2020-07-09--Stephen Booth: Joining the CPTPP is how this country can show it’s serious about being “Global Brita

Stephen Booth: Joining the CPTPP is how this country can show it’s serious about being “Global Britain”

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange .
Last week , the Prime Minister announced that in the wake of the pandemic the Government will “ double down on levelling up ” .
It is clear that the domestic political agenda will be driven by this overriding social and economic objective , not to mention electoral imperative , as the country emerges from the Covid-19 crisis .
However , the UK also needs a narrative for its new place in the world , which promotes our interests and frames how we would like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ question is not so much what Global Britain should “ stand for ” : the rules-based international system , open markets , defence of human rights and the rule of law .
The question is by what means does the UK continue to further its interests and values in the new post-Brexit , post-corona world and how best do we resource ourselves to do so .
Ultimately , medium-sized powers will struggle to achieve their global ambitions on their own : the UK must invest in deepening its networks of alliances and building @ @ @ @ @ @ @ And in that regard , next year will be an important one for UK diplomacy .
The UK ’ s exit from the Brexit transition period on January 1 , 2021 will coincide with the UK taking on the annual presidency of the G7 and hosting the delayed UN climate summit , COP26 .
The UK has placed itself at the forefront of the ambition to build a “ greener and more resilient global economy.
” Meanwhile , the pandemic has also delayed to next year the World Trade Organisation ( WTO ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ topmost decision-making body that usually meets every two years .
Trade is the area of UK international engagement most transformed by Brexit , since 2021 marks the point at which full responsibility for trade policy returns to the UK .
Brexit also emphasises the need for the UK to recalibrate its relationships with the world ’ s three major economic and geopolitical hubs – North America , Asia-Pacific , and Europe .
The pandemic has resulted in a steep decline in global trade when protectionism is already on the rise , fuelled by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue .
The current crisis has understandably prompted calls for greater national resilience .
Strategic stockpiling for a limited array of products may be part of the solution .
But the UK ’ s wider interest is served by counting on security and diversity of supply chains .
The UK must also seek to influence the terms of trade in services , data and the new technologies , where our comparative advantage increasingly lies .
This requires international rules and willing allies to uphold them .
Multilateral efforts at the WTO would be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent years .
The Government is therefore embarking on an ambitious strategy of concluding free trade agreements covering 80 per cent of UK trade within the next three years .
As we know , negotiations with the European Union are in a critical phase and while the prospect of a deal before the end of the year looks more promising , it is not guaranteed .
Talks with the US have begun and any conclusion will now have to wait until after the Presidential election later this year .
The UK may be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economies .
The top priority is securing a successor agreement with Japan , as the existing EU-Japan deal will cease to apply to the UK in January .
Japan is keen to move quickly on a bespoke agreement .
The UK has also officially opened negotiations with Australia and New Zealand .
All of these agreements , and a Japan deal in particular , would provide trade benefits in their own right but the bigger strategic prize is UK accession to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership ( CPTPP ) .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ area in the world and has been signed by 11 countries around the Pacific rim , including Japan , Canada , Australia , New Zealand and Singapore .
Last week , Policy Exchange held a webinar with a stellar cast to discuss the UK ’ s accession to CPTPP .
It was surely significant that Liz Truss , Trade Secretary in this “ Get Brexit Done ” government , and Lord Mandelson , an arch-Remainer , both stressed the strategic value of the UK joining .
Truss made it clear that she sees @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strategy of the UK becoming a central hub in a network of free trade agreements , a networked Britain if you like rather than a fortress Britain.
” Lord Mandelson emphasised that the process may take time but “ the UK aligning itself with a Pacific Rim agenda of this kind is a good thing.
” Chan Chun Sing , the current Singaporean Trade Minister , stressed how keen he would be to see the UK join , while Tony Abbott , the former Australian Prime Minister , noted that joining “ would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really does want to be a global country again.
” Joining CPTPP will not be without its challenges .
Stephen Harper , the former Canadian Prime Minister , noted that “ [ j ] oining a plurilateral trade agreement is not frankly going to be a matter of a lot of negotiation .
The others are largely going to have a take it or leave it approach.
” He added , “ You can seek tailor-made provisions , but that will add time to what will be a long process ” .
Nevertheless @ @ @ @ @ @ @ significant .
Grouping together with like-minded nations would provide the UK with a new platform to promote global trade liberalisation and multilateral reform .
It would enable the UK to join others in addressing China ’ s global rise from a greater position of collective strength .
Indeed , this was an original objective of the project .
Although potentially a long process , UK accession might help to convince the US to join the agreement , following President Trump ’ s decision to pull out of the precursor Trans-Pacific Partnership .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some significant advantages to the existing members .
“ This would go from being a purely regional pact to now being the beginning of an alternative global order , ” he said .
It might be tempting to view “ Global Britain ” as a distraction or diversion from pressing domestic issues .
However , it is a necessary compliment to levelling up .
Global Britain does not just mean reaching out to other countries , it means enabling more of the country to benefit from and compete in a globalised world .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the UK is serious about furthering both of these goals .

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange.
Last week, the Prime Minister announced that in the wake of the pandemic the Government will “double down on levelling up”. It is clear that the domestic political agenda will be driven by this overriding social and economic objective, not to mention electoral imperative, as the country emerges from the Covid-19 crisis.
However, the UK also needs a narrative for its new place in the world, which promotes our interests and frames how we would like to be viewed by others. The question is not so much what Global Britain should “stand for”: the rules-based international system, open markets, defence of human rights and the rule of law. The question is by what means does the UK continue to further its interests and values in the new post-Brexit, post-corona world and how best do we resource ourselves to do so.
Ultimately, medium-sized powers will struggle to achieve their global ambitions on their own: the UK must invest in deepening its networks of alliances and building new relationships to form effective coalitions. And in that regard, next year will be an important one for UK diplomacy.
The UK’s exit from the Brexit transition period on January 1, 2021 will coincide with the UK taking on the annual presidency of the G7 and hosting the delayed UN climate summit, COP26. The UK has placed itself at the forefront of the ambition to build a “greener and more resilient global economy.” Meanwhile, the pandemic has also delayed to next year the World Trade Organisation (WTO) ministerial conference, the organisation’s topmost decision-making body that usually meets every two years.
Trade is the area of UK international engagement most transformed by Brexit, since 2021 marks the point at which full responsibility for trade policy returns to the UK. Brexit also emphasises the need for the UK to recalibrate its relationships with the world’s three major economic and geopolitical hubs – North America, Asia-Pacific, and Europe.
The pandemic has resulted in a steep decline in global trade when protectionism is already on the rise, fuelled by increasing US-China tensions that look set to continue. The current crisis has understandably prompted calls for greater national resilience.
Strategic stockpiling for a limited array of products may be part of the solution. But the UK’s wider interest is served by counting on security and diversity of supply chains. The UK must also seek to influence the terms of trade in services, data and the new technologies, where our comparative advantage increasingly lies. This requires international rules and willing allies to uphold them.
Multilateral efforts at the WTO would be best, but these have faltered in recent years. The Government is therefore embarking on an ambitious strategy of concluding free trade agreements covering 80 per cent of UK trade within the next three years.
As we know, negotiations with the European Union are in a critical phase and while the prospect of a deal before the end of the year looks more promising, it is not guaranteed. Talks with the US have begun and any conclusion will now have to wait until after the Presidential election later this year. The UK may be able to make swifter progress with Asia-Pacific economies.
The top priority is securing a successor agreement with Japan, as the existing EU-Japan deal will cease to apply to the UK in January. Japan is keen to move quickly on a bespoke agreement. The UK has also officially opened negotiations with Australia and New Zealand.
All of these agreements, and a Japan deal in particular, would provide trade benefits in their own right but the bigger strategic prize is UK accession to the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). The CPTPP is the third largest trade area in the world and has been signed by 11 countries around the Pacific rim, including Japan, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Singapore.
Last week, Policy Exchange held a webinar with a stellar cast to discuss the UK’s accession to CPTPP. It was surely significant that Liz Truss, Trade Secretary in this “Get Brexit Done” government, and Lord Mandelson, an arch-Remainer, both stressed the strategic value of the UK joining.
Truss made it clear that she sees CPTPP as “part of a broader strategy of the UK becoming a central hub in a network of free trade agreements, a networked Britain if you like rather than a fortress Britain.” Lord Mandelson emphasised that the process may take time but “the UK aligning itself with a Pacific Rim agenda of this kind is a good thing.”
Chan Chun Sing, the current Singaporean Trade Minister, stressed how keen he would be to see the UK join, while Tony Abbott, the former Australian Prime Minister, noted that joining “would be the best possible sign that Britain really does want to be a global country again.”
Joining CPTPP will not be without its challenges. Stephen Harper, the former Canadian Prime Minister, noted that “[j]oining a plurilateral trade agreement is not frankly going to be a matter of a lot of negotiation. The others are largely going to have a take it or leave it approach.” He added, “You can seek tailor-made provisions, but that will add time to what will be a long process”.
Nevertheless, the prize would be hugely strategically significant. Grouping together with like-minded nations would provide the UK with a new platform to promote global trade liberalisation and multilateral reform.
It would enable the UK to join others in addressing China’s global rise from a greater position of collective strength. Indeed, this was an original objective of the project. Although potentially a long process, UK accession might help to convince the US to join the agreement, following President Trump’s decision to pull out of the precursor Trans-Pacific Partnership.
As Harper noted, Britain joining would offer some significant advantages to the existing members. “This would go from being a purely regional pact to now being the beginning of an alternative global order,” he said.
It might be tempting to view “Global Britain” as a distraction or diversion from pressing domestic issues. However, it is a necessary compliment to levelling up. Global Britain does not just mean reaching out to other countries, it means enabling more of the country to benefit from and compete in a globalised world. Moving forward with the CPTPP would demonstrate that the UK is serious about furthering both of these goals.


conservativehome--2020-07-09--Rough sleeping has fallen sharply. The challenge is to stop it rising again.

Ending rough sleeping poses a particular challenge in a free society .
That is because it is not only a matter of making help available , but of persuading those who need it , to accept it .
Another complication is that the help required goes beyond accommodation .
The lack of a bed to sleep in is invariably a symptom rather than the cause of an individual ’ s difficulties .
The coronavirus prompted greater urgency for the Government to take action .
Ministers had already outlined in February a determination to find a long term solution – with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Though this issue is a moral disgrace and source of national shame the numbers involved are relatively small .
The latest snapshot survey for those sleeping rough on one particular night last autumn came up with a figure of 4,266 .
The BBC gave a figure of 28,000 ( based on FOI requests to local authorities ) of different people who had slept rough at one stage or another over 12 months .
How many have come off the streets during the coronavirus crisis ?
15,000 have been provided emergency accommodation – though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Some are from hostels and shelters which have had to close due to social distancing rules .
Others will be those who would otherwise have got by as “ sofa surfers ” .
There will also be those escaping domestic violence .
However , there might also be around 5,000 who came straight from the streets .
What is impressive is how high the acceptance rate has been from the rough sleepers offered a room .
Many have been surprised it has been so high .
Only a few hundred are thought @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could be the attraction of a hotel rather than a more humble shelter .
It could be fear of the coronavirus .
Then there is the tough choice that getting food – or the money to buy food – while staying on the streets would be harder .
As noted , coercion is not available , but the tone of encouraging people to accept help has been emphatic rather than passive .
Amidst the statistical fog , a couple of points emerge .
Firstly , that in proportion to the population , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The population of England is 56 million .
It follows that accommodating them is a relatively modest claim on the public purse .
Providing for others – children , pensioners , the unemployed , the disabled – are vastly more costly items .
Secondly , that the already small number sleeping on the streets before the pandemic has fallen substantially .
Dame Louise says in an interview for The Big Issue : “ I was due to do a review into rough sleeping and homelessness but we have all been turned upside @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so far was led by Covid-19 to do an extraordinary thing in unprecedented times , which was to say , “ Let ’ s just get everyone in.
” We had everybody getting on the phone to hotels , getting [ charities ] St Mungo ’ s , Thames Reach and Look Ahead in London to stand up enough staff to literally in a couple of weeks add to the estate in London by 2,000 beds .
“ We were chasing the virus just trying to stay ahead of it .
When the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ did you do it ?
Why did you do it ?
And what choices did you make ?
” We just went for it , everybody went for it .
We had to get everybody in , we can not have people dying on the streets .
And we can not have people dying in communal night shelters and that is the prospect that we were facing .
We need to be clear that right now we are dealing with this extraordinary situation where 15,000 people have been accommodated at this time .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ we don ’ t want to work out how do we not return to the situation that we have seen in the last few years .
But our primary purpose so far has been to keep people safe .
That will remain our primary purpose , but at the same time we feel that we should see this as an opportunity to think that we can get something extraordinary out of this but that will take an extraordinary effort .
The homelessness sector itself and the wider community also needs to think , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s history , what they can do to help as opposed to what they call on the government to do.
” Jeremy Swain , the Government ’ s adviser on homelessness , was also interviewed .
He said : “ I was involved with Housing First in the 1990s and I ’ m a big fan , but the problem is there is a slight danger that we think that everybody in those hotels at the moment needs wraparound support and they need it for a long time .
What we need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting people into housing , is to get people into work .
And that is what they are wanting .
That ’ s what they want – when I was at Thames Reach and you put out the questionnaires , 75 per cent of people wanted the services to help them get jobs .
Consistently it is bottom of the list for the homelessness sector when for the people themselves it is top of the list.
” That is the tricky part .
Amidst Government spending of £850 billion a year , funding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ footling item .
( That ’ s even before we consider the £10 billion a year we give to charity , often to help the homeless . )
Getting those who have taken a wrong turn in life back on the path to proud , independent , and responsible existence is harder .
Getting a job would be a pretty obvious ambition .
Often that will mean overcoming such afflictions as drug addiction , alcoholism , and mental illness .
When I was a councillor in Hammersmith and Fulham I found that very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ though the Council had a very substantial Public Health budget which was largely wasted .
Many of those in emergency accommodation have been put up in hotels that would otherwise be empty .
It is welcome that hotels are going back to normal business as the economy reopens .
That does mean that alternative places to stay are needed – though some hotels are extended their contracts for emergency accommodation .
Some universities have made rooms available in their halls of residence – after all college authorities need the money and these rooms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Some YMCA hostels have single rooms .
Then councils have managed to find rooms for some in the private rented sector .
In the long term though , the Government plans new hostel places for 6,000 .
Much of this will be for specialist housing to cater for particular medical conditions .
That will be crucial for these unfortunate souls to have their lives turned around .
“ Never let a good crisis go to waste , ” declared Winston Churchill .
The signs are encouraging with respect to the impact of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ response from the authorities to those sleeping in shop doorways and along underpasses is no longer acceptable .
Most of those people have already made some reconnection with society and there is every chance that it will not be broken .

Ending rough sleeping poses a particular challenge in a free society. That is because it is not only a matter of making help available, but of persuading those who need it, to accept it. Another complication is that the help required goes beyond accommodation. The lack of a bed to sleep in is invariably a symptom rather than the cause of an individual’s difficulties.
The coronavirus prompted greater urgency for the Government to take action. Ministers had already outlined in February a determination to find a long term solution – with the assistance of Dame Louise Casey.
Though this issue is a moral disgrace and source of national shame the numbers involved are relatively small. The latest snapshot survey for those sleeping rough on one particular night last autumn came up with a figure of 4,266. The BBC gave a figure of 28,000 (based on FOI requests to local authorities) of different people who had slept rough at one stage or another over 12 months.
How many have come off the streets during the coronavirus crisis? 15,000 have been provided emergency accommodation – though not all of those were rough sleepers. Some are from hostels and shelters which have had to close due to social distancing rules. Others will be those who would otherwise have got by as “sofa surfers”. There will also be those escaping domestic violence. However, there might also be around 5,000 who came straight from the streets.
What is impressive is how high the acceptance rate has been from the rough sleepers offered a room. Many have been surprised it has been so high. Only a few hundred are thought to have spurned an offer. It could be the attraction of a hotel rather than a more humble shelter. It could be fear of the coronavirus. Then there is the tough choice that getting food – or the money to buy food – while staying on the streets would be harder. As noted, coercion is not available, but the tone of encouraging people to accept help has been emphatic rather than passive.
Amidst the statistical fog, a couple of points emerge. Firstly, that in proportion to the population, the number of rough sleepers was already tiny. The population of England is 56 million. It follows that accommodating them is a relatively modest claim on the public purse. Providing for others – children, pensioners, the unemployed, the disabled – are vastly more costly items. Secondly, that the already small number sleeping on the streets before the pandemic has fallen substantially.
Dame Louise says in an interview for The Big Issue:
“I was due to do a review into rough sleeping and homelessness but we have all been turned upside down by Covid-19. The primary motivation so far was led by Covid-19 to do an extraordinary thing in unprecedented times, which was to say, “Let’s just get everyone in.” We had everybody getting on the phone to hotels, getting [charities] St Mungo’s, Thames Reach and Look Ahead in London to stand up enough staff to literally in a couple of weeks add to the estate in London by 2,000 beds.
“We were chasing the virus just trying to stay ahead of it. When the inquiry eventually comes saying: “How did you do it? Why did you do it? And what choices did you make?” We just went for it, everybody went for it. We had to get everybody in, we cannot have people dying on the streets. And we cannot have people dying in communal night shelters and that is the prospect that we were facing. We need to be clear that right now we are dealing with this extraordinary situation where 15,000 people have been accommodated at this time.
“I’m not saying that we don’t want to work out how do we not return to the situation that we have seen in the last few years. But our primary purpose so far has been to keep people safe. That will remain our primary purpose, but at the same time we feel that we should see this as an opportunity to think that we can get something extraordinary out of this but that will take an extraordinary effort. The homelessness sector itself and the wider community also needs to think, at this horrific time in our nation’s history, what they can do to help as opposed to what they call on the government to do.”
Jeremy Swain, the Government’s adviser on homelessness, was also interviewed. He said:
“I was involved with Housing First in the 1990s and I’m a big fan, but the problem is there is a slight danger that we think that everybody in those hotels at the moment needs wraparound support and they need it for a long time. What we need to be doing, as well as getting people into housing, is to get people into work. And that is what they are wanting. That’s what they want – when I was at Thames Reach and you put out the questionnaires, 75 per cent of people wanted the services to help them get jobs. Consistently it is bottom of the list for the homelessness sector when for the people themselves it is top of the list.”
That is the tricky part. Amidst Government spending of £850 billion a year, funding an extra 5,000 hostel beds is a footling item. (That’s even before we consider the £10 billion a year we give to charity, often to help the homeless.) Getting those who have taken a wrong turn in life back on the path to proud, independent, and responsible existence is harder. Getting a job would be a pretty obvious ambition. Often that will mean overcoming such afflictions as drug addiction, alcoholism, and mental illness. When I was a councillor in Hammersmith and Fulham I found that very little specialist accommodation was provided – even though the Council had a very substantial Public Health budget which was largely wasted.
Many of those in emergency accommodation have been put up in hotels that would otherwise be empty. It is welcome that hotels are going back to normal business as the economy reopens. That does mean that alternative places to stay are needed – though some hotels are extended their contracts for emergency accommodation. Some universities have made rooms available in their halls of residence – after all college authorities need the money and these rooms would otherwise be empty at present. Some YMCA hostels have single rooms. Then councils have managed to find rooms for some in the private rented sector.
In the long term though, the Government plans new hostel places for 6,000. Much of this will be for specialist housing to cater for particular medical conditions. That will be crucial for these unfortunate souls to have their lives turned around.
“Never let a good crisis go to waste,” declared Winston Churchill. The signs are encouraging with respect to the impact of the pandemic on rough sleeping. A passive response from the authorities to those sleeping in shop doorways and along underpasses is no longer acceptable. Most of those people have already made some reconnection with society and there is every chance that it will not be broken.


conservativehome--2020-07-09--Sunak’s measures: What do they look like, where’s the money coming from – and how do they compare to

Sunak’s measures: What do they look like, where’s the money coming from – and how do they compare to other countries’?

The public has fast become used to radical economic announcements from Rishi Sunak , starting with his budget in March , and yesterday was no different in terms of shock factor .
Standing in the House of Commons , he laid out how the Government will further try to ease the economic damage from Coronavirus , in a £30 billion plan .
“ We need to be creative ” , he said , and he did not disappoint .
In the immediate , Sunak wants to stop a wave of mass unemployment .
To do this , the Government will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – paying them a £1,000 bonus for every staff member kept on for three months after the furlough scheme ends ( as long as they are paid a minimum of £520 on average each month between November and January ) .
Sunak ’ s employment measures are especially geared towards the young , who have already been badly affected by the Covid-19 fall out .
The Government will spend £2 billion on a “ kickstart ” work placement scheme , to get up to 300,000 16 to 24-year-olds into employment , as well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for each new apprenticeship they create over the next six months .
Sunak is also keen to breathe life into the hardest-hit sectors .
To boost the hospitality industry , he has cut VAT on food , accommodation and attractions from 20 to five per cent from next Wednesday .
The measure will remain in place for six months , will benefit an estimated 150,000 businesses and is said to cost about £4 billion .
Perhaps the most memorable announcement from his budget is the “ Eat Out to Help Out ” scheme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ restaurant or pub between Monday and Wednesday in August can get up to 50 per cent off their bill , with a maximum of £10 per customer .
Businesses can then claim the money back from the Government .
How much will it cost ?
None of this is cheap , of course .
The Institute of Fiscal Studies ( IFS ) suggests that borrowing will exceed £350 billion as a combined result of previously-announced policies and the recession .
The FT estimates that the deficit will reach 18 per cent of national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the size of the deficit at its peak in the 2008-09 global financial crisis .
Aside from borrowing , many details remain unknown as to how this will be paid back , and where Sunak ’ s plans are ultimately leading us .
John O ’ Connell , Chief Executive of the TaxPayers ’ Alliance , told ConservativeHome today : “ Tax receipts have absolutely plummeted since the arrival of coronavirus .
Total HMRC receipts in April and May 2020 were £45.2 billion lower than the previous year .
“ At the same @ @ @ @ @ @ @ total cost of the job retention scheme could exceed £50 billion by the time it ends in October .
To pay for these massive shortfalls the Debt Management Office revealed that Britain is set to sell a record £275 billion of government debt in just five months between April and August .
Incredibly , this is more than two and a half times the gilt sales for the previous financial year.
” He added : “ As usual there have been calls for taxes to rise to balance the books but this isn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tax burden is already at a 50-year high .
The last thing we need is to inflict austerity on taxpayers .
It would be far better to eradicate wasteful spending and grow the economy by slashing taxes and cutting red tape.
” As ConservativeHome reported yesterday , centre-right think tanks have generally been concerned about the tax burden .
Following yesterday ’ s announcement , Sunak was quizzed on LBC about whether there would be tax rises , which he did not rule out .
What do economic measures look like elsewhere ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Britain ’ s payments will be , the UK ’ s stimulus actually puts the country “ in the middle of the pack ” of spending when compared to others across the world .
Data from the Resolution Foundation measuring countries on the size of their fiscal response to coronavirus as a proportion of GDP ( as of June 2020 ) puts the UK behind the US , Germany , Japan and Australia , but above Canada , France , the Netherlands and Italy .
Other data from Bruegel Datasets is around ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coronavirus ’ by June 15 2020 , as a percentage of 2019 GDP , with UK standing at 4.8 per cent ; the US at 9.1 per cent and Hungary at 0.4 per cent , alongside other countries .
So while Sunak ’ s measures look drastic , it ’ s worth remembering that the UK ’ s economic snapshot can not be taken as a standalone , as others are taking serious action too .
The eventual cost for the UK , and what happens next in the pandemic , is anyone @ @ @ @

The public has fast become used to radical economic announcements from Rishi Sunak, starting with his budget in March, and yesterday was no different in terms of shock factor. Standing in the House of Commons, he laid out how the Government will further try to ease the economic damage from Coronavirus, in a £30 billion plan. “We need to be creative”, he said, and he did not disappoint.
In the immediate, Sunak wants to stop a wave of mass unemployment. To do this, the Government will incentivise firms to hang onto their employees – paying them a £1,000 bonus for every staff member kept on for three months after the furlough scheme ends (as long as they are paid a minimum of £520 on average each month between November and January).
Sunak’s employment measures are especially geared towards the young, who have already been badly affected by the Covid-19 fall out. The Government will spend £2 billion on a “kickstart” work placement scheme, to get up to 300,000 16 to 24-year-olds into employment, as well as paying firms a £2,000 apprenticeship bonus for each new apprenticeship they create over the next six months.
Sunak is also keen to breathe life into the hardest-hit sectors. To boost the hospitality industry, he has cut VAT on food, accommodation and attractions from 20 to five per cent from next Wednesday. The measure will remain in place for six months, will benefit an estimated 150,000 businesses and is said to cost about £4 billion.
Perhaps the most memorable announcement from his budget is the “Eat Out to Help Out” scheme. It means that anyone visiting a restaurant or pub between Monday and Wednesday in August can get up to 50 per cent off their bill, with a maximum of £10 per customer. Businesses can then claim the money back from the Government.
How much will it cost?
None of this is cheap, of course. The Institute of Fiscal Studies (IFS) suggests that borrowing will exceed £350 billion as a combined result of previously-announced policies and the recession. The FT estimates that the deficit will reach 18 per cent of national income, and will be almost twice the size of the deficit at its peak in the 2008-09 global financial crisis.
Aside from borrowing, many details remain unknown as to how this will be paid back, and where Sunak’s plans are ultimately leading us. John O’Connell, Chief Executive of the TaxPayers’ Alliance, told ConservativeHome today: “Tax receipts have absolutely plummeted since the arrival of coronavirus. Total HMRC receipts in April and May 2020 were £45.2 billion lower than the previous year.
“At the same time, the OBR estimates that the total cost of the job retention scheme could exceed £50 billion by the time it ends in October. To pay for these massive shortfalls the Debt Management Office revealed that Britain is set to sell a record £275 billion of government debt in just five months between April and August. Incredibly, this is more than two and a half times the gilt sales for the previous financial year.”
He added: “As usual there have been calls for taxes to rise to balance the books but this isn’t sensible or feasible when the tax burden is already at a 50-year high. The last thing we need is to inflict austerity on taxpayers. It would be far better to eradicate wasteful spending and grow the economy by slashing taxes and cutting red tape.”
As ConservativeHome reported yesterday, centre-right think tanks have generally been concerned about the tax burden. Following yesterday’s announcement, Sunak was quizzed on LBC about whether there would be tax rises, which he did not rule out.
What do economic measures look like elsewhere?
While there are concerns about how enormous Britain’s payments will be, the UK’s stimulus actually puts the country “in the middle of the pack” of spending when compared to others across the world. Data from the Resolution Foundation measuring countries on the size of their fiscal response to coronavirus as a proportion of GDP (as of June 2020) puts the UK behind the US, Germany, Japan and Australia, but above Canada, France, the Netherlands and Italy.
Other data from Bruegel Datasets is around ‘discretionary fiscal measures adopted in response to coronavirus’ by June 15 2020, as a percentage of 2019 GDP, with UK standing at 4.8 per cent; the US at 9.1 per cent and Hungary at 0.4 per cent, alongside other countries.
So while Sunak’s measures look drastic, it’s worth remembering that the UK’s economic snapshot cannot be taken as a standalone, as others are taking serious action too. The eventual cost for the UK, and what happens next in the pandemic, is anyone’s guess.


conservativehome--2020-07-10--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Chair of the College of Policing – and mor


Cummings’ skills set

Before the First World War , Britain , the first industial country , was outstripped in educational , technical and effective capability by a growing rival , Bismarckian Germany .
After the Second World War , Germany ’ s effort to re-establish its industrial base succeeded , while Britain ’ s plan to revive vocational schooling foundered Why ?
Because we have been governed for well over a century by gifted amateurs , the product of an effete public school system , while our rivals have been led by meritocratic professionals , whose education has been more practical and whose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school of criticism most devastatingly expressed by Corelli Barnett in The Audit of War .
But it had its proponents before he wrote – the non-appearance of technical schools , that missing leg of Rab Butler ’ s tripartite stool , has been lamented ever since they failed to happen .
And it has them now .
You can count Dominic Cummings among them , with his belief in an “ Odyssean education “ , his mantra of “ investment in science ” , and his fascination with DARPA , America ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see his hand everywhere in government .
Many will see it in Gavin Williamson ’ s speech yesterday .
As expected , the Education Secretary intimated the end of what he called Tony Blair ’ s 50 per cent target for university – though that was not quite what the latter originally announced , as Chris Skidmore wrote on this site in his comment article yesterday .
“ It exasperates me that there is still an inbuilt snobbishness about higher being somehow better than further , ” Williamson said , declaring that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ just because of levelling up , but because it “ is vital if we want the country to grow economically and our productivity to improve ” .
This is a nakedly utilitarian view of education ’ s core purpose , unambiguously in line with that Barnettian way of thinking .
Some will dismiss it at once for that reason , arguing that education , especially at its higher levels , is an end in itself – not a means to such instrumental ends as higher productivity , more output and faster growth .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Universities policy as a series of trade-offs – between local attendees at one end and international students at the other ; between teaching and research , and between what knowledge for its own sake and taxpayer value for money .
For the fact is that once the latter is drawn into funding universities , whether through subsidising research , buildings or students , he is going to ask why , as the Education Secretary pointed out , “ 34 per cent of our graduates are in non-graduate jobs , more than any other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Czech Republic ” .
As Williamson suggested , the universities have enjoyed ten years of plenty – with the cap taken off student numbers , a subsidised student loan system , those loans kept off the Treasury ’ s books , and no responsibility for the future employability of the young people who pass through their door .
All at a time of “ austerity ” .
Williamson promised “ a White Paper that will set out our plans to build a world-class , German-style further education system in Britain , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Expect it to echo much of what was recommended in the Augar Review .
As Alison Wolf , who has been advising Boris Johnson on skills , put it last year when writing on this site , the review ’ s proposed “ to invigorate technical education , to allow adults to retrain and progress , and to reinstate maintenance grants for the poorest students ” .
Cynics will say that we have heard all this from governments before and that nothing substantial will change .
Certainly , the Education Secretary ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ qualifications – “ there are 12,000 different qualifications at level 3 and below ” – was a variant on a familiar theme .
Cummings and Williamson are up against an ancient cultural inheritance that has gifted us some of the best universities in the world ; a nexus of its graduates who are fixated on what goes on in them , as media coverage confirms , to the exclusion of what takes place in other colleges , and a lack of “ parity of esteem ” .
Futhermore , the Education Secretary may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or earlier , though with his state school background and educational links – his wife is a primary school teacher – he has a feeling for the subject that potential replacements might not .
The hard questions about the Government ’ s intentions include : how will a shift be managed when the public finances are running at full throttle elsewhere ?
Will Ministers really allow the consequences of the Coronavirus to work their way through the universities ?
After all , the slowdown in overseas students implies the slimdown or closure of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was implicitly complaining .
But a cap on student numbers for each institution will apparently return – which will protect the stronger ones for gobbling up students from the weaker .
Nonetheless , one can ’ t complain that Cummings and Boris Johnson – an ultimate product of our liberal arts-friendly system , with his enthusiasm for the classics and book on The Dream of Rome – are failing to push the commitments made in last year ’ s Conservative Manifesto .
The White Paper and what will flow from it is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ follows the delivery of Brexit , the Prime Minister ’ s celebration of the NHS , the abolition of Dfid , and a purge of senior civil servants believed to be not up to the job ( the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Justice being the latest to leave ) .
All in all , Johnson , Cummings and Williamson will need more than 12 new Institutes of Technology , the National Skills Fund , T-levels and apprenticeships to shift Britain ’ s educational balance – in such a way as to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ round to writing The Audit of Johnson .

Before the First World War, Britain, the first industial country, was outstripped in educational, technical and effective capability by a growing rival, Bismarckian Germany. After the Second World War, Germany’s effort to re-establish its industrial base succeeded, while Britain’s plan to revive vocational schooling foundered
Why? Because we have been governed for well over a century by gifted amateurs, the product of an effete public school system, while our rivals have been led by meritocratic professionals, whose education has been more practical and whose ethos more ruthless.
Such is the school of criticism most devastatingly expressed by Corelli Barnett in The Audit of War. But it had its proponents before he wrote – the non-appearance of technical schools, that missing leg of Rab Butler’s tripartite stool, has been lamented ever since they failed to happen. And it has them now.
You can count Dominic Cummings among them, with his belief in an “Odyssean education“, his mantra of “investment in science”, and his fascination with DARPA, America’s Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency. Some see his hand everywhere in government. Many will see it in Gavin Williamson’s speech yesterday.
As expected, the Education Secretary intimated the end of what he called Tony Blair’s 50 per cent target for university – though that was not quite what the latter originally announced, as Chris Skidmore wrote on this site in his comment article yesterday.
“It exasperates me that there is still an inbuilt snobbishness about higher being somehow better than further,” Williamson said, declaring that the latter form of education is crucial not just because of levelling up, but because it “is vital if we want the country to grow economically and our productivity to improve”.
This is a nakedly utilitarian view of education’s core purpose, unambiguously in line with that Barnettian way of thinking. Some will dismiss it at once for that reason, arguing that education, especially at its higher levels, is an end in itself – not a means to such instrumental ends as higher productivity, more output and faster growth.
A more rounded view is to see Universities policy as a series of trade-offs – between local attendees at one end and international students at the other; between teaching and research, and between what knowledge for its own sake and taxpayer value for money.
For the fact is that once the latter is drawn into funding universities, whether through subsidising research, buildings or students, he is going to ask why, as the Education Secretary pointed out, “34 per cent of our graduates are in non-graduate jobs, more than any other countries in Europe except for Ireland and the Czech Republic”.
As Williamson suggested, the universities have enjoyed ten years of plenty – with the cap taken off student numbers, a subsidised student loan system, those loans kept off the Treasury’s books, and no responsibility for the future employability of the young people who pass through their door. All at a time of “austerity”.
Williamson promised “a White Paper that will set out our plans to build a world-class, German-style further education system in Britain, and level up skills and opportunities”. Expect it to echo much of what was recommended in the Augar Review.
As Alison Wolf, who has been advising Boris Johnson on skills, put it last year when writing on this site, the review’s proposed “to invigorate technical education, to allow adults to retrain and progress, and to reinstate maintenance grants for the poorest students”.
Cynics will say that we have heard all this from governments before and that nothing substantial will change. Certainly, the Education Secretary’s lament about the alphabet soup of non-degree qualifications – “there are 12,000 different qualifications at level 3 and below” – was a variant on a familiar theme.
Cummings and Williamson are up against an ancient cultural inheritance that has gifted us some of the best universities in the world; a nexus of its graduates who are fixated on what goes on in them, as media coverage confirms, to the exclusion of what takes place in other colleges, and a lack of “parity of esteem”.
Futhermore, the Education Secretary may not survive a reshuffle in the summer or earlier, though with his state school background and educational links – his wife is a primary school teacher – he has a feeling for the subject that potential replacements might not.
The hard questions about the Government’s intentions include: how will a shift be managed when the public finances are running at full throttle elsewhere? Will Ministers really allow the consequences of the Coronavirus to work their way through the universities?
After all, the slowdown in overseas students implies the slimdown or closure of some of the institutions about which Williamson was implicitly complaining. But a cap on student numbers for each institution will apparently return – which will protect the stronger ones for gobbling up students from the weaker.
Nonetheless, one can’t complain that Cummings and Boris Johnson – an ultimate product of our liberal arts-friendly system, with his enthusiasm for the classics and book on The Dream of Rome – are failing to push the commitments made in last year’s Conservative Manifesto.
The White Paper and what will flow from it is a Red Wall-friendly, James Frayne-type move that follows the delivery of Brexit, the Prime Minister’s celebration of the NHS, the abolition of Dfid, and a purge of senior civil servants believed to be not up to the job (the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Justice being the latest to leave).
All in all, Johnson, Cummings and Williamson will need more than 12 new Institutes of Technology, the National Skills Fund, T-levels and apprenticeships to shift Britain’s educational balance – in such a way as to compel a chapter when the historians get round to writing The Audit of Johnson.