conservativehome--2020-04-03--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Board of the Office for Tax Simplication –

Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Board of the Office for Tax Simplication – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
“ The last few years have seen major changes to NHS Resolution ’ s role and standing in the system as a result of both its revised strategy and the new clinical negligence scheme for GPs .
It has been a pleasure and privilege to Chair the organisation through this period of significant change .
Although @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few years some of these changes are still at an early stage and need to be embedded , there is now a need to progress the development of our infrastructure to support the enhanced role and the NHS will continue to evolve .
I am sure therefore that the next Chair will also find the role both challenging and rewarding.
” “ The Office of Tax Simplification ( OTS ) provides the government with independent advice on simplifying the tax system , to make things easier for taxpayers .
The OTS Board is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cearns OBE ) and Tax Director ( Bill Dodwell ) and has representatives from HM Treasury and HMRC and up to four independent members , supported by a diverse staff team drawn from the civil service and the private sector , led by the OTS Head of Office David Halsey .
The four independent members of the OTS Board are currently Dame Teresa Graham , John Cullinane , Kathleen Russ and – until his recent resignation – Paul Johnson .
To support its work and further development , the OTS would like to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to join its Board as one of its independent members.
” “ Science , technology and demography are changing the way health care services are provided and this has implications for the education and training of the future workforce .
The World Health Organisation ( WHO ) are predicting worldwide shortages of doctors and nurses .
These developments provide the context for the work of HEE over the next few years .
How do we use finite resources most effectively to ensure that we have the right people in the right place with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to these developments ?
This is an exciting and fundamentally important task and our purpose is to improve the quality and safety of healthcare through the development , education and training of the current and future workforce.
” “ The Office of the Complaints Commissioner is headed by the Financial Regulators Complaints Commissioner ( the Commissioner ) who is a statutory appointment required under the Financial Services Act 2012 .
This is a senior position and , whilst the appointment is made by the regulators , it is an independent role , subject @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current Commissioner carries out his duties through a company limited by guarantee ( Office of the Complaints Commissioner ) from premises based in the City of London .
He is assisted by three staff .
The Commissioner ’ s role is to review independently complaints about the actions or inactions of the UK ’ s current financial services regulators , the Financial Conduct Authority , the Prudential Regulation Authority and the Bank of England ( but only in respect of its oversight of the banking clearing houses and payment schemes ) .
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ level with judicial salaries , pro-rated as appropriate.
” “ The Prudential Regulation Committee ( PRC ) governs the Prudential Regulation Authority ( PRA ) which is responsible for the prudential regulation of banks , building societies , other deposit takers , insurance companies and certain investment firms .
Chaired by the Governor , and accountable to Parliament , the PRC takes the most significant and high impact supervisory decisions .
It is responsible for overseeing and holding to account the PRA ’ s strategy and policy making functions , and for setting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also adopts the budget of the PRA.The Government is seeking to appoint up to three external members to fill vacancies which arise from retirements in 2020/21 .
These are high profile and influential roles .
Appointees will be independent and will not represent or lobby for individual groups , interests or sectors.
” Time : “ The PRC meets 15 to 20 times a year .
The nature of the role will require flexibility.
” “ Having celebrated our 156 year anniversary last year , we are looking forward to the challenge of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ natural haven on the east coast of England .
We cover an area across the River Stour , the lower part of the River Orwell , Harwich Harbour and an area seaward extending 12 nautical miles from the harbour entrance .
We provide services for shipping using the commercial ports of Felixstowe , Ipswich , Harwich International , Harwich Navyard and Mistley and also pilot boarding and landing services for the rivers Thames , Medway , Blackwater , Colne and Crouch .
Our vision is to be an exemplary Trust Port offering world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a flourishing Haven.
” “ This is an opportunity to take on an intellectually demanding role at the heart of international financial services , leading a sizeable and complex organisation .
There is a requirement for strong leadership in a challenging environment to undertake a critically important role .
Under Andrew Bailey , the FCA has formulated a transformation programme , to equip the organisation for the next phase of its development : a data strategy and enhanced analytical skills to rapidly identify harm across an exceptionally broad range of firms of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and distribution to target consumers ; enhance employee capabilities and processes to act swiftly on the harms identified ; [ and ] and with a regulatory framework which is appropriate following the completion of EU withdrawal , and which takes advantage of the opportunities for better and more efficient regulation brought by technology and behavioural science .
”

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
NHS Resolution – Chair
“The last few years have seen major changes to NHS Resolution’s role and standing in the system as a result of both its revised strategy and the new clinical negligence scheme for GPs. It has been a pleasure and privilege to Chair the organisation through this period of significant change. Although the course is set for the next few years some of these changes are still at an early stage and need to be embedded, there is now a need to progress the development of our infrastructure to support the enhanced role and the NHS will continue to evolve. I am sure therefore that the next Chair will also find the role both challenging and rewarding.”
Time: 2-3 days per week.
Remuneration: £63,000 per annum.
Closes: 06 April
– – – – – – – – – –
Office of Tax Simplification – Board Member
“The Office of Tax Simplification (OTS) provides the government with independent advice on simplifying the tax system, to make things easier for taxpayers. The OTS Board is led by an independent Chair (Kathryn Cearns OBE) and Tax Director (Bill Dodwell) and has representatives from HM Treasury and HMRC and up to four independent members, supported by a diverse staff team drawn from the civil service and the private sector, led by the OTS Head of Office David Halsey. The four independent members of the OTS Board are currently Dame Teresa Graham, John Cullinane, Kathleen Russ and – until his recent resignation – Paul Johnson. To support its work and further development, the OTS would like to identify an exceptional individual with relevant experience to join its Board as one of its independent members.”
Time: Approx. 10 days per annum.
Remuneration: “Reasonable expenses”.
Closes: 06 April
– – – – – – – – – –
Health Education England – Non-Executive Director
“Science, technology and demography are changing the way health care services are provided and this has implications for the education and training of the future workforce. The World Health Organisation (WHO) are predicting worldwide shortages of doctors and nurses. These developments provide the context for the work of HEE over the next few years. How do we use finite resources most effectively to ensure that we have the right people in the right place with the right skills and knowledge to respond to these developments? This is an exciting and fundamentally important task and our purpose is to improve the quality and safety of healthcare through the development, education and training of the current and future workforce.”
Time: 2-3 days per month.
Remuneration: £7,883 per annum.
Closes: 07 April
– – – – – – – – – –
HM Treasury – Financial Regulators Complaints Commissioner
“The Office of the Complaints Commissioner is headed by the Financial Regulators Complaints Commissioner (the Commissioner) who is a statutory appointment required under the Financial Services Act 2012. This is a senior position and, whilst the appointment is made by the regulators, it is an independent role, subject to approval by HM Treasury. The current Commissioner carries out his duties through a company limited by guarantee (Office of the Complaints Commissioner) from premises based in the City of London. He is assisted by three staff. The Commissioner’s role is to review independently complaints about the actions or inactions of the UK’s current financial services regulators, the Financial Conduct Authority, the Prudential Regulation Authority and the Bank of England (but only in respect of its oversight of the banking clearing houses and payment schemes).”
Time: Est. three days per week.
Remuneration: “Remuneration is on a level with judicial salaries, pro-rated as appropriate.”
Closes: 13 April
– – – – – – – – – –
HM Treasury – External Member to the Prudential Regulation Committee
“The Prudential Regulation Committee (PRC) governs the Prudential Regulation Authority (PRA) which is responsible for the prudential regulation of banks, building societies, other deposit takers, insurance companies and certain investment firms. Chaired by the Governor, and accountable to Parliament, the PRC takes the most significant and high impact supervisory decisions. It is responsible for overseeing and holding to account the PRA’s strategy and policy making functions, and for setting the levy on regulated firms. It also adopts the budget of the PRA.The Government is seeking to appoint up to three external members to fill vacancies which arise from retirements in 2020/21. These are high profile and influential roles. Appointees will be independent and will not represent or lobby for individual groups, interests or sectors.”
Time: “The PRC meets 15 to 20 times a year. The nature of the role will require flexibility.”
Remuneration: £108,300 per annum.
Closes: 15 April
– – – – – – – – – –
Harwich Haven Authority – Non-Executive Chair
“Having celebrated our 156 year anniversary last year, we are looking forward to the challenge of strengthening our role in safeguarding the best natural haven on the east coast of England. We cover an area across the River Stour, the lower part of the River Orwell, Harwich Harbour and an area seaward extending 12 nautical miles from the harbour entrance. We provide services for shipping using the commercial ports of Felixstowe, Ipswich, Harwich International, Harwich Navyard and Mistley and also pilot boarding and landing services for the rivers Thames, Medway, Blackwater, Colne and Crouch. Our vision is to be an exemplary Trust Port offering world class services, working with all stakeholders for a flourishing Haven.”
Time: 20 days per annum.
Remuneration: £37,000 per annum.
Closes: 17 April
– – – – – – – – – –
Financial Conduct Authority – Chief Executive
“This is an opportunity to take on an intellectually demanding role at the heart of international financial services, leading a sizeable and complex organisation. There is a requirement for strong leadership in a challenging environment to undertake a critically important role. Under Andrew Bailey, the FCA has formulated a transformation programme, to equip the organisation for the next phase of its development: a data strategy and enhanced analytical skills to rapidly identify harm across an exceptionally broad range of firms of all sizes exploiting fast-moving changes in technology and distribution to target consumers; enhance employee capabilities and processes to act swiftly on the harms identified; [and] and with a regulatory framework which is appropriate following the completion of EU withdrawal, and which takes advantage of the opportunities for better and more efficient regulation brought by technology and behavioural science.”
Time: Full-time.
Remuneration: Competitive.
Closes: 24 April


conservativehome--2020-04-04--Sunak’s relief measures. How are they working on the ground? Some views from Conservative MPs.

There only way of finding out how the Chancellor ’ s relief measures – the equivalent of three Budgets , plus a package for the self-employed – are working in practice is to ask around by a variety of means .
MPs are one of these , since they act between elections as a kid of lighting rod for the concerns of their constituents , so ConHome spent much of yesterday on the phone to a cross-section of them .
The response is a bit like being an intepreter of Morse who must take down a mass of signals at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dashes one can after a while pick up the pulsing of certain themes .
One is that any financial support delivered through a third party – in this case the banks – is support over which one has limited control .
Another is that the self-employed contain multitudes – even more than other forms of businesses – and that devising schemes that catch even most of them is , well , a challenge .
Yet another is that most MPs we spoke to were reasonably content .
But that has less to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chancellor ’ s plans than the state of the polls .
We haven ’ t quoted everyone we spoke to but try to strike a balance below .
We could not have said anything at all about the MPs concerned .
That seemed to us to be too little information .
However , “ MP representing a seat in Essex ” ( say ) seemed to us to offer more clues to possible identity than our interviewees would ( mostly ) have been happy with .
So we ’ ve simply gone for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tried to balance the contributions out .
“ One issue that we ’ re having is about people who change jobs very recently .
If you ’ ve changed job after February 28th , you ’ re not eligible for furloughing from your employer , which is incredibly difficult for some of those people .
Now the Treasury has advised that if you can have a good relationship with your previous employer , go back and ask them to rehire you , you will be eligible , so they can claim the 80 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s very much an individual thing because some employers will say , “ yeah fine , I like you Jim , I ’ ll help you out.
” But then there ’ ll be others who just think , “ sod it , you ’ ve left , why should we bother ?
” So I ’ m hoping we try and come up with a better solution on that .
But at the same time understanding that there does have to be a cut off.
” “ My local council @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disburse , which is probably the only body that can do so accountably and effectively in his rural area .
It ’ s getting a lot of traction .
My main concern is banks .
I ’ m getting a lot of ‘ horror stories ’ out from constituents and small businesses , especially about Lloyds .
It seems to be that it ’ s ignoring Government guidance , and the Chancellor needs to publicly “ crack the whip ” .
After all , the banks were bailed out ten years ago .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ society fall through the cracks because the Government is ideologically reluctant to borrow , the decision will do serious damage to the Party .
Our reputation will be made or broken for a generation by how we get the country through this crisis.
” “ The successive policies announced by the Chancellor so far have been really helpful .
He ’ s demonstrated a clear understanding that there can ’ t be a one-size-fits-all solution to this issue and that gaps in the safety net must be closed when they ’ re identified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in my constituency have received vital support though some , such as dentists and others who relied on a lot of private income , are struggling .
We also need to keep being honest with the electorate : I ’ m a fiscal conservative so this has been an internal struggle for me , and whilst we must offer all necessary support now , this money will need to be paid back.
” “ There ’ ve been reasonable criticims of how the Business Interruption Loan scheme and the emergency aid scheme for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hope that today ’ s announcements by the Chancellor will help .
The e-mails from self-employed people who ’ ve paid through dividends or bonuses have been angrier than the conversations I ’ ve had with some of them over the phone – where they concede that they ’ ve been taking advantageous tax positions and not paying in .
I also gets hints of that on Facebook .
During the last week , I ’ ve had maybe a thousand e-mails of which about 700 ask sensible questions .
Representing a marginal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as it comes , but some of my colleagues in safer seats may have been spooked by the surge.
” “ A familiar problem is that the detail doesn ’ t match up to the spin .
So for example , the interruption scheme is available to fewer people than the presentation suggested .
Then there ’ s a competence problem .
We were given a list of departmental e-mail addresses via which we could raise concerns .
But yesterday the Treasury ’ s address was on a bounceback setting : that ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of detail questions .
Such as the people who started new jobs in March and don ’ t get any money .
Or others who simultaneously feel devasted at having to apply for Universal Credit but who at the same time can ’ t get it.
” “ The execution of the policy has been lamentable .
What ’ s needed in these circumstances is ensuring that good intentions are practicably delivered .
But the Treasury wanted a big headline about loans but nonetheless somehow allowed Treasury officials to craft a restrictive package @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and relaxations .
They also came up with a furlough scheme that while good was not downloadable when I last looked Loans are of very limited use to businesses in these circumstances .
What they need is a cash injection now and visibility about how long they ’ ll be closed down for .
That Universal Credit claims are going through the roof is a signal that we are heading for mass unemployment.
” “ I ’ m hearing complaints not so much from constituents as contacts about the banks ’ bone-headed behaviour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
One would have thought that the Treasury would have grasped by now that the banks will game any system that government devises .
There ’ s a bit of grumbling about the idea that in the wake of the Coronavirus small businesses will have to pay extra national insurance – particularly if you believe that recovery will be led by small business : that ’ s where green shoots will come from .
Many of my self-employed constituents haven ’ t gained from the Chancellor ’ s plans , but they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t expect very much from government anyway so they suffer in silence .
“ The measures seem overall to be popular .
Business people sometims think in terms of comparisons with other countries , and on that basis the package is seen as very generous .
There are particular complaints over the details being unfair , but the problem is that if restrictions are eased any further the would be further costs , and more and rmore false claims .
I have had a lot of queries as to how long it will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Another line of enquiry is when the money will stop .
Will it taper off ?
For when the health crisis ends it does not follow that the economic crisis will too.
” “ My experience has been that most people are bearing with the Government , and that most of the e-mails I get are from those that basically cover the gaps .
But although they ’ re a very long way from screaming my constituents are very nervous .
There ’ s a particular issue about larger companies being well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help too , but a medium-sized companies missing out – the so-called “ missing middle ” , which are companies not big enough to be investment grade ones capable of issuing commercial paper .
There are obviously severe problems for charities.
” “ Constituents recognise that the Government is making a big effort – but there are all sorts of difficulties , some of which have the Chancellor has now addressed .
Some banks ’ interpretation of the interruption scheme has been quite frankly bizarre : it seems that they are only prepared @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t eligible for the scheme at all .
It ’ s strange that you have to furlough staff for a hundred per cent of the time – why can ’ t firms furlough all of staff for some of the time and not some of staff for all of time ?
I ’ m not convinced that the self-employed package has hit the spot.
” “ E-mails from constituents have in general been supportive .
There was unease initially about the package would really mean much for white van man , but once @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supportive .
I feel uneasy that if you left a job at end of February and joined a new company which then decided it didn ’ t want you after all , then you can go back to original employers and go back on the books .
Part of me says moves like this are too open to abuse , and that the costs of them are stacking up .
So while I ’ m delighed there ’ s a safety net I ’ m also scared that there are these opportunities for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help for the self-employed is prompting most of casework I ’ m getting .
One issue is that only those with taxable profits below £50,000 are helped .
Why the cliff edge ?
Why should someone on £49,000 end up with far more than someone on £51,000 ?
£50,000 might sound a lot but those leveraged up to that ( eg mortgage , other debt ) could find they have no money .
The feeling is that the £50,000 figure was “ political ” rather than making economic or moral sense .
Also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some people may find not only that their income has dried up but they are still committed to pay business cost ( perhaps for equipment , a vehicle , premises ) .
still a mess .
£50,000 over .
”

There only way of finding out how the Chancellor’s relief measures – the equivalent of three Budgets, plus a package for the self-employed – are working in practice is to ask around by a variety of means.
MPs are one of these, since they act between elections as a kid of lighting rod for the concerns of their constituents, so ConHome spent much of yesterday on the phone to a cross-section of them.
The response is a bit like being an intepreter of Morse who must take down a mass of signals at once. But through the dots and dashes one can after a while pick up the pulsing of certain themes.
One is that any financial support delivered through a third party – in this case the banks – is support over which one has limited control.
Another is that the self-employed contain multitudes – even more than other forms of businesses – and that devising schemes that catch even most of them is, well, a challenge.
Yet another is that most MPs we spoke to were reasonably content. But that has less to do with the efficacy or otherwise of the Chancellor’s plans than the state of the polls.
We haven’t quoted everyone we spoke to but try to strike a balance below. We could not have said anything at all about the MPs concerned. That seemed to us to be too little information.
However, “MP representing a seat in Essex” (say) seemed to us to offer more clues to possible identity than our interviewees would (mostly) have been happy with.
So we’ve simply gone for North, South and Midlands – and tried to balance the contributions out.
– – –
MP representing a Northern seat
“One issue that we’re having is about people who change jobs very recently. If you’ve changed job after February 28th, you’re not eligible for furloughing from your employer, which is incredibly difficult for some of those people. Now the Treasury has advised that if you can have a good relationship with your previous employer, go back and ask them to rehire you, you will be eligible, so they can claim the 80 per cent wages back. But obviously… it’s very much an individual thing because some employers will say, “yeah fine, I like you Jim, I’ll help you out.” But then there’ll be others who just think, “sod it, you’ve left, why should we bother?” So I’m hoping we try and come up with a better solution on that. But at the same time understanding that there does have to be a cut off.”
MP representing a Midlands seat
“My local council has been given roughly 90 million to disburse, which is probably the only body that can do so accountably and effectively in his rural area. It’s getting a lot of traction. My main concern is banks. I’m getting a lot of ‘horror stories’ out from constituents and small businesses, especially about Lloyds. It seems to be that it’s ignoring Government guidance, and the Chancellor needs to publicly “crack the whip”. After all, the banks were bailed out ten years ago. If the self-employed or other sectors of society fall through the cracks because the Government is ideologically reluctant to borrow, the decision will do serious damage to the Party. Our reputation will be made or broken for a generation by how we get the country through this crisis.”
MP representing a Southern seat
“The successive policies announced by the Chancellor so far have been really helpful. He’s demonstrated a clear understanding that there can’t be a one-size-fits-all solution to this issue and that gaps in the safety net must be closed when they’re identified. This must continue: qualifying businesses in my constituency have received vital support though some, such as dentists and others who relied on a lot of private income, are struggling. We also need to keep being honest with the electorate: I’m a fiscal conservative so this has been an internal struggle for me, and whilst we must offer all necessary support now, this money will need to be paid back.”
MP representing a Northern seat
“There’ve been reasonable criticims of how the Business Interruption Loan scheme and the emergency aid scheme for SMEs has been working, so I hope that today’s announcements by the Chancellor will help. The e-mails from self-employed people who’ve paid through dividends or bonuses have been angrier than the conversations I’ve had with some of them over the phone – where they concede that they’ve been taking advantageous tax positions and not paying in. I also gets hints of that on Facebook. During the last week, I’ve had maybe a thousand e-mails of which about 700 ask sensible questions. Representing a marginal seat I’m taking the workload as it comes, but some of my colleagues in safer seats may have been spooked by the surge.”
MP representing a Midlands seat
“A familiar problem is that the detail doesn’t match up to the spin. So for example, the interruption scheme is available to fewer people than the presentation suggested. Then there’s a competence problem. We were given a list of departmental e-mail addresses via which we could raise concerns. But yesterday the Treasury’s address was on a bounceback setting: that’s not acceptable. There a lot of detail questions. Such as the people who started new jobs in March and don’t get any money. Or others who simultaneously feel devasted at having to apply for Universal Credit but who at the same time can’t get it.”
MP representing a Southern seat
“The execution of the policy has been lamentable. What’s needed in these circumstances is ensuring that good intentions are practicably delivered. But the Treasury wanted a big headline about loans but nonetheless somehow allowed Treasury officials to craft a restrictive package, which in turn has generated clarifications and relaxations. They also came up with a furlough scheme that while good was not downloadable when I last looked Loans are of very limited use to businesses in these circumstances. What they need is a cash injection now and visibility about how long they’ll be closed down for. That Universal Credit claims are going through the roof is a signal that we are heading for mass unemployment.”
MP representing a Northern seat
“I’m hearing complaints not so much from constituents as contacts about the banks’ bone-headed behaviour in seeking to maximise their own profits. One would have thought that the Treasury would have grasped by now that the banks will game any system that government devises. There’s a bit of grumbling about the idea that in the wake of the Coronavirus small businesses will have to pay extra national insurance – particularly if you believe that recovery will be led by small business: that’s where green shoots will come from. Many of my self-employed constituents haven’t gained from the Chancellor’s plans, but they’re stoical people. They don’t expect very much from government anyway so they suffer in silence.
MP representing a Midlands seat
“The measures seem overall to be popular. Business people sometims think in terms of comparisons with other countries, and on that basis the package is seen as very generous. There are particular complaints over the details
being unfair, but the problem is that if restrictions are eased any further the would be further costs, and more and rmore false claims. I have had a lot of queries as to how long it will take for the cash to come through. Another line of enquiry is when the money will stop. Will it taper off? For when the health crisis ends it does not follow that the economic crisis will too.”
MP representing a Southern seat
“My experience has been that most people are bearing with the Government, and that most of the e-mails I get are from those that basically cover the gaps. But although they’re a very long way from screaming my constituents are very nervous. There’s a particular issue about larger companies being well covered and small business having packages of help too, but a medium-sized companies missing out – the so-called “missing middle”, which are companies not big enough to be investment grade ones capable of issuing commercial paper. There are obviously severe problems for charities.”
MP representing a Northern seat
“Constituents recognise that the Government is making a big effort – but there are all sorts of difficulties, some of which have the Chancellor has now addressed. Some banks’ interpretation of the interruption scheme has been quite frankly bizarre: it seems that they are only prepared to lend to businesses who aren’t eligible for the scheme at all. It’s strange that you have to furlough staff for a hundred per cent of the time – why can’t firms furlough all of staff for some of the time and not some of staff for all of time? I’m not convinced that the self-employed package has hit the spot.”
MP representing a Midlands seat
“E-mails from constituents have in general been supportive. There was unease initially about the package would really mean much for white van man, but once that was dealt with people were incredibly supportive. I feel uneasy that if you left a job at end of February and joined a new company which then decided it didn’t want you after all, then you can go back to original employers and go back on the books. Part of me says moves like this are too open to abuse, and that the costs of them are stacking up. So while I’m delighed there’s a safety net I’m also scared that there are these opportunities for abuse.”
MP representing a Southern seat.
“Despite the changes the help for the self-employed is prompting most of casework I’m getting. One issue is that only those with taxable profits below £50,000 are helped. Why the cliff edge? Why should someone on £49,000 end up with far more than someone on £51,000? £50,000 might sound a lot but those leveraged up to that (eg mortgage,
other debt) could find they have no money. The feeling is that the £50,000 figure was “political” rather than making economic or moral sense. Also as it’s on the profits some people may find not only that their income has dried up but they are still committed to pay business cost (perhaps for equipment, a vehicle, premises). still a mess.
£50,000 over.”


Coronavirus Count

England total deaths : 3302 ( Up from 2,698 when last recorded on this site . )
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
“ The risk to the UK has been raised to high ” – From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
GOVERNMENT RULES ON STAYING AT HOME AND AWAY FROM OTHERS See here .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ : FURTHER BUSINESSES AND PREMISES TO CLOSE See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
HOW EVERYONE CAN HELP STOP THE CORONAVIRUS ( SOCIAL DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
STAY AT HOME IF YOU THINK YOU HAVE CORONAVIRUS ( SELF-DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR WORKERS ON WHAT AND HOW THEY CAN CLAIM See here .
Published on Friday March 20 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS , TENANTS AND @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Saturday March 28 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON WHAT THE CORONAVIRUS BILL WILL DO See here .
Published on Wednesday March 18 HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS • Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
• Always wash your hands when you get home or into work .
• Use hand sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
• Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve ( not your hands ) when you cough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
• Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell .
The symptoms of coronavirus are : However , these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness .
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common , such as cold and flu .
NHS 111 has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do .
Use this service if : • You think you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last 14 days you ’ ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers .
• You ’ ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus .
• In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours .
• In Wales call 111 ( if available in your area ) or 0845 46 47 .
• Do not go to a GP surgery , pharmacy or hospital .
• What the coronavirus is , how it ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it – Government NHS website overview .
• Stay at home advice and how to manage self-isolation .
( All information taken from Government sources .
Updated as of 19.00 on Friday April 3rd . )

HEADLINE FACTS
Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 292,950 (Up from 291,409).
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 41,481 (Up from 41,279).
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 1,541 (Up from 1,266).
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 202 (Up from 151).
England total cases: 156,410 (Up from 156,018 ).
England total deaths: 37,069 (Up from 36,883).
England death rate: 279.4 (Was 278.7).
Scotland total cases: 15,709 (Up from 15,682).
Scotland total deaths: 2,439 (Up from 2,434).
Scotland death rate: 288.9 (Was 288.4).
Wales total cases: 14,658 (Up from 14,581).
Wales total deaths: 1,435 (Up from 1,425).
Wales death rate: 467.0 (Was 464.6)
Northern Ireland total cases: 4,838 (Up from 4,822)
Northern Ireland total deaths: 538 (Up from 537).
Northern Ireland death rate: 257.1 (Was 256.3).
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED
DAILY NUMBER OF LAB-CONFIRMED ENGLAND CASES
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
RISK
“The risk to the UK has been raised to high” –
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
NHS VOLUNTEER RESPONDER FORM
See here
(The Government’s scheme to recruit 250,000 volunteers.)
– – –
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD: THE UK GOVERNMENT’S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY
See here. New as of Monday May 11.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON THE LOCKDOWN.
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SHIELDING AND PROTECTING PEOPLE WHO ARE CLINICALLY EXTREMELY VULNERABLE FROM COVID-19
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SOCIAL DISTANCING
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: GENERAL ADVICE
See here.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS. WHAT YOU CAN DO AND CAN’T DO
See here.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS, TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW
See here. Published on Saturday March 28.
– – –
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS
Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
Always wash your hands when you get home or into work .
Use hand sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve (not your hands) when you cough or sneeze .
Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell.
SYMPTOMS
The symptoms of coronavirus are:
A cough.
A high temperature.
Shortness of breath.
However, these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness.
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common, such as cold and flu.
USING 111
NHS 111 has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do.
Use this service if:
You think you might have coronavirus.
In the last 14 days you’ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers.
You’ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus.
In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours.
In Wales call 111 (if available in your area) or 0845 46 47.
In Northern Ireland call 111.
Do not go to a GP surgery, pharmacy or hospital.
FURTHER LINKS TO GOVERNMENT ADVICE
– – –
(All information taken from Government sources.
Updated as of 19.00 on Friday June 12.)


conservativehome--2020-04-04--Scottish nationalism is motivated more by anti-English hatred than by rational argument

Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot : The Great Mistake of Scottish Independence by John Lloyd Many English writers are silent about Scotland , or else so tactful we might as well be silent .
We hold a profound belief , emotional before it is rational , that both England and Scotland are greater , wider , more generous nations , because of the Union of 1707 , and that to break up the Union would be an act of inexcusable vandalism .
But we fear to sound supercilious , complacent , ignorant of Scottish conditions , careless of Scottish sensitivities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to dissolve , if we say so .
Here comes John Lloyd , ready to make the arguments many of us were too cowardly or incompetent to make with full force when the United Kingdom faced destruction in the Scottish independence referendum in 2014 .
Lloyd has several outstanding qualifications for this task .
In the first place , he is Scottish .
He was born in 1946 , and some of the most telling passages in this book are about his upbringing in Anstruther , on the East Fife coast : For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and natural , while Lloyd was growing up in Fife , to be at one and the same time a Scottish and a British patriot .
To love Scotland did not mean hating England .
Lloyd ’ s second qualification is that he has spent much of his life reporting for The Financial Times .
I first admired his outstanding work for that paper during the miners ’ strike of 1984-85 .
But the trouble with the opening chapters of this book is that they are written too much in the manner of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , authoritative , but lacking the human factor , as if that were somehow disreputable .
I found myself wishing Lloyd could abandon his professional detachment and write a passionate polemic which would carry the reader along .
“ Not enough poetry , ” I complained in my notes .
On page 148 of a book which is only 203 pages long , Lloyd answers this complaint by embarking on a wonderful , 40-page survey of the literature of nationalism , and especially of Hugh MacDiarmid ( 1892-1978 ) , great poet , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This is the best part of the book , and the one which shines most light on the emotional springs of Scottish nationalism as it now manifests itself .
Consider these lines , written as London bore the brunt of the Blitz in 1940 , though only discovered among MacDiarmid ’ s papers in 2003 : MacDairmid wondered , with reference to two of the Labour ministers in the wartime coalition : In more recent times , Tom Nairn ( born 1932 ) is one of many Scottish writers who see Britain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” , an “ indefensible and inadaptable relic , neither properly archaic nor properly modern ” , from which Scotland must break free .
Lloyd quotes Orwell ’ s observation that “ in leftwing circles it is always felt there is something disgraceful about being an Englishman ” , and notes that the Scots Nats have managed to feel this without actually being English .
Their anti-English feeling was accompanied by a realisation that pure independence would be too frightening a prospect , so in the 1980s , taking their cue from Nairn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pursue a European destiny .
Whether the popular demand for this is as great as they think may be doubted , but it appeals to a certain kind of modish intellectual , and to pretty much the whole of the Scottish Establishment , which campaigned so unitedly to stay in the EU that is is quite surprising 38 per cent of Scots voted to leave .
Brussels has no desire to encourage the discontented nations or would-be nations within its existing member states to suppose that as soon as they secede , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by rejoining the EU .
In the view of the EU ’ s most devout supporters , nationalism is the problem , not the solution .
President Frank-Walter Steinmeier of Germany is being perfectly orthodox , as far as the European ruling class is concerned , when he calls nationalism “ an ideological poison ” .
So is Emmanuel Macron of France when he says nationalism is “ a betrayal of patriotism ” .
Defenders of the United Kingdom find ourselves in the paradoxical position of agreeing in some ways with Macron .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Scots patriotism which , for most of the period since 1707 , has been , as Lloyd says , The idea that to protect this Scottish patriotism , it is necessary to join the EU , is , as Lloyd says , absurd .
It is already protected within the UK , within which Scotland has a far stronger and more democratic position than it could hope to attain as a minor member of the EU .
Nor does the plan make economic sense .
The UK guarantees equal welfare provision @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an annual fiscal transfer to Scotland of about eight to ten billion pounds in order to ensure this .
There is no prospect of the EU filling this gap , and the days are long gone when it could be contended that North Sea oil would do so .
Scottish independence would be , at the start , more austere than remaining within the UK , requiring tax rises or public spending cuts , or a mixture of the two .
In the view of convinced Nationalists , austerity is a price worth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the English .
But the Nats can seldom bring themselves to be straight with the Scottish people about this .
In 2014 , they offered a rosy economic prospectus which few people found convincing , and this contributed to their defeat in the independence referendum by 55 to 45 per cent .
Lloyd contends that there must never again be a referendum held on those terms , where a majority of one would suffice to destroy the UK .
He quotes with approval Jonathan Sumption ’ s remark , in his 2019 Reith @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can not operate on the basis that a bare majority takes one hundred per cent of the spoils ” .
In his conclusion , Lloyd insists that “ sharp , informed argument can undermine the rhetorical tropes of the nationalists ” , who have generally managed to avoid critical debate at their own conferences .
Nor was the UK ’ s referendum on leaving the EU distinguished for the quality of its argument .
For the most part it consisted of an exchange of insults .
Lloyd tells this story , of which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ give our own versions : Lloyd urges Unionists to learn from the tough questions posed by the Canadian federal government in the late 1990s to the Parti Quebecois , which pushed home the lesson that “ a narrow vote taken as a basis for independence would open up endless conflict ” .
In Lloyd ’ s view , “ where a vote for the non-status quo is a momentous one , the majority should be at least 60 per cent ” .
He touches briefly but admiringly on the leadership of Ruth Davidson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pursuing a clear , Unionist line , and could not be dismissed as an upper-class twit , an agent of the evil English imperialists , bent on subverting and wrecking Scotland .
Margaret Thatcher comes into the story a bit more than Davidson .
Lloyd observes that her defeat of the National Union of Mineworkers , and the collapse in the 1980s of what was left of Scotland ’ s heavy industries , meant the Labour Party could no longer present itself convincingly as the defender of skilled Scottish workers , a role @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grasp for itself .
Lloyd rightly refrains from speculating how successful or otherwise Boris Johnson , “ this politician-chameleon ” , will be at defending the Union .
Johnson ’ s personality does not appeal to the Scots , and he may come to fulfill the SNP ’ s “ need for a detested enemy ” , but it is also possible the Nationalists will make themselves even more detestable by the viciousness of their attacks on him .
Once the pandemic is over , reviving the neglected towns of northern England is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Conservatives if they are to hold on to the seats taken off the Labour Party .
But the Conservatives must not forget about Scotland .
To see off the SNP means convincing the Scots that their nation will be prouder , more prosperous , united and Scottish , within the United Kingdom , than it would be by tearing up the Act of Union .

Should Auld Acquaintance Be Forgot: The Great Mistake of Scottish Independence by John Lloyd
Many English writers are silent about Scotland, or else so tactful we might as well be silent. We hold a profound belief, emotional before it is rational, that both England and Scotland are greater, wider, more generous nations, because of the Union of 1707, and that to break up the Union would be an act of inexcusable vandalism.
But we fear to sound supercilious, complacent, ignorant of Scottish conditions, careless of Scottish sensitivities, productive of the resentments we yearn to dissolve, if we say so.
Here comes John Lloyd, ready to make the arguments many of us were too cowardly or incompetent to make with full force when the United Kingdom faced destruction in the Scottish independence referendum in 2014.
Lloyd has several outstanding qualifications for this task. In the first place, he is Scottish. He was born in 1946, and some of the most telling passages in this book are about his upbringing in Anstruther, on the East Fife coast:
“A kind of anti-Englishness was built into Scots society. My grandfather who, with a partner, made a living in later life fixing the diesel engines of the East Fife fishing fleet, exulted in the theft of the Stone of Scone from under the coronation seat in Westminster Abbey in 1950: but he was a strong Unionist Conservative, as were most of the working and lower-middle-class people who made up the majority of the town. He wasn’t keen on Catholics, but he went to my mother’s second marriage, with a Polish Catholic, when I was about nine: though thereafter the house – his – was tense with largely unspoken dislike and occasional eruptions.”
For the most part, it was easy and natural, while Lloyd was growing up in Fife, to be at one and the same time a Scottish and a British patriot. To love Scotland did not mean hating England.
Lloyd’s second qualification is that he has spent much of his life reporting for The Financial Times. I first admired his outstanding work for that paper during the miners’ strike of 1984-85.
But the trouble with the opening chapters of this book is that they are written too much in the manner of extended FT reports: lucid, dispassionate, authoritative, but lacking the human factor, as if that were somehow disreputable.
I found myself wishing Lloyd could abandon his professional detachment and write a passionate polemic which would carry the reader along. “Not enough poetry,” I complained in my notes.
On page 148 of a book which is only 203 pages long, Lloyd answers this complaint by embarking on a wonderful, 40-page survey of the literature of nationalism, and especially of Hugh MacDiarmid (1892-1978), great poet, Scottish patriot and hater of the English.
This is the best part of the book, and the one which shines most light on the emotional springs of Scottish nationalism as it now manifests itself.
Consider these lines, written as London bore the brunt of the Blitz in 1940, though only discovered among MacDiarmid’s papers in 2003:
“The leprous swine in London town And their Anglo-Scots accomplices Are, as they have always been Scotland’s only enemies.”
MacDairmid wondered, with reference to two of the Labour ministers in the wartime coalition:
“Is a Mussolini or a Hitler Worse than a Bevin or a Morrison?”
In more recent times, Tom Nairn (born 1932) is one of many Scottish writers who see Britain as a “sinking paddle wheel state”, an “indefensible and inadaptable relic, neither properly archaic nor properly modern”, from which Scotland must break free.
Lloyd quotes Orwell’s observation that “in leftwing circles it is always felt there is something disgraceful about being an Englishman”, and notes that the Scots Nats have managed to feel this without actually being English.
Their anti-English feeling was accompanied by a realisation that pure independence would be too frightening a prospect, so in the 1980s, taking their cue from Nairn, they decided they wanted Scotland to pursue a European destiny.
Whether the popular demand for this is as great as they think may be doubted, but it appeals to a certain kind of modish intellectual, and to pretty much the whole of the Scottish Establishment, which campaigned so unitedly to stay in the EU that is is quite surprising 38 per cent of Scots voted to leave.
But as Lloyd remarks,
“One of the ironies of the Scots nationalists in this context is that they seek, enthusiastically, to join a Union, most of whose members also ban secession or attempts to secede. In Spain’s case, the state put leaders of the [Catalan independence] movement in jail, while they face charges which could lead to 20 or 30 year sentences. In the United Kingdom, organisation in favour of secession is protected.”
Brussels has no desire to encourage the discontented nations or would-be nations within its existing member states to suppose that as soon as they secede, they can look forward to a prosperous future by rejoining the EU.
In the view of the EU’s most devout supporters, nationalism is the problem, not the solution. President Frank-Walter Steinmeier of Germany is being perfectly orthodox, as far as the European ruling class is concerned, when he calls nationalism “an ideological poison”.
So is Emmanuel Macron of France when he says nationalism is “a betrayal of patriotism”.
Defenders of the United Kingdom find ourselves in the paradoxical position of agreeing in some ways with Macron. The SNP has become the avowed enemy of the Scots patriotism which, for most of the period since 1707, has been, as Lloyd says,
“a widely accepted, widely adopted but mainly cultural matter: in song, dance, humour; in literature; in sport; in the various forms of Protestantism; and in military prowess.”
The idea that to protect this Scottish patriotism, it is necessary to join the EU, is, as Lloyd says, absurd. It is already protected within the UK, within which Scotland has a far stronger and more democratic position than it could hope to attain as a minor member of the EU.
Nor does the plan make economic sense. The UK guarantees equal welfare provision within its different parts, and makes an annual fiscal transfer to Scotland of about eight to ten billion pounds in order to ensure this.
There is no prospect of the EU filling this gap, and the days are long gone when it could be contended that North Sea oil would do so. Scottish independence would be, at the start, more austere than remaining within the UK, requiring tax rises or public spending cuts, or a mixture of the two.
In the view of convinced Nationalists, austerity is a price worth paying in order to get rid of the English. But the Nats can seldom bring themselves to be straight with the Scottish people about this.
In 2014, they offered a rosy economic prospectus which few people found convincing, and this contributed to their defeat in the independence referendum by 55 to 45 per cent.
Lloyd contends that there must never again be a referendum held on those terms, where a majority of one would suffice to destroy the UK.
He quotes with approval Jonathan Sumption’s remark, in his 2019 Reith lectures, that a democratic polity “cannot operate on the basis that a bare majority takes one hundred per cent of the spoils”.
As Lloyd says,
“Every citizen in Britain will be affected by secession because it will fundamentally change the make-up of the state. The Scots nationalists’ position, that the vote belongs to everyone resident in Scotland at the time of a referendum, means that a recent immigrant with little or no knowledge of the stakes involved is privileged over Scots living elsewhere in the UK, and over all other British. The immigrant, if s/he intends to become a permanent resident, should have a vote: but so should first-generation Scots living in England, Wales or Northern Ireland, while British citizens as a whole should be included – with a voice rather than a vote (since it is right that Scots should decide the future of their nation).”
In his conclusion, Lloyd insists that “sharp, informed argument can undermine the rhetorical tropes of the nationalists”, who have generally managed to avoid critical debate at their own conferences.
Nor was the UK’s referendum on leaving the EU distinguished for the quality of its argument. For the most part it consisted of an exchange of insults. Lloyd tells this story, of which most of us will be able to give our own versions:
“Though I had heard much of his private contempt on various occasions, I was still shocked to hear a highly regarded Irish historian say, at a social occasion, that those who had voted for Brexit were ‘scum’. I objected to the description: he reaffirmed it. We both turned away from each other.”
Lloyd urges Unionists to learn from the tough questions posed by the Canadian federal government in the late 1990s to the Parti Quebecois, which pushed home the lesson that “a narrow vote taken as a basis for independence would open up endless conflict”.
In Lloyd’s view, “where a vote for the non-status quo is a momentous one, the majority should be at least 60 per cent”.
He touches briefly but admiringly on the leadership of Ruth Davidson, who revived the Scottish Conservatives by pursuing a clear, Unionist line, and could not be dismissed as an upper-class twit, an agent of the evil English imperialists, bent on subverting and wrecking Scotland.
Margaret Thatcher comes into the story a bit more than Davidson. Lloyd observes that her defeat of the National Union of Mineworkers, and the collapse in the 1980s of what was left of Scotland’s heavy industries, meant the Labour Party could no longer present itself convincingly as the defender of skilled Scottish workers, a role the SNP in due course managed to grasp for itself.
Lloyd rightly refrains from speculating how successful or otherwise Boris Johnson, “this politician-chameleon”, will be at defending the Union. Johnson’s personality does not appeal to the Scots, and he may come to fulfill the SNP’s “need for a detested enemy”, but it is also possible the Nationalists will make themselves even more detestable by the viciousness of their attacks on him.
Once the pandemic is over, reviving the neglected towns of northern England is rightly seen as a vital task for the Conservatives if they are to hold on to the seats taken off the Labour Party.
But the Conservatives must not forget about Scotland. To see off the SNP means convincing the Scots that their nation will be prouder, more prosperous, united and Scottish, within the United Kingdom, than it would be by tearing up the Act of Union.