conservativehome--2020-05-14--Henry Hill: As predicted, the ‘four nations’ approach to Covid-19 is falling apart

At the end of April , this column suggested that it might prove extremely tricky to maintain a coordinated approach to lockdown across the United Kingdom as the exigencies of the crisis eased .
Following the Prime Minister ’ s announcement of a shift in strategy on Sunday , this has happened .
Edinburgh , Cardiff , and Belfast have all disavowed the new ‘ Stay Alert ’ formulation .
All claim the Boris Johnson failed to consult them on the change , although in his weekend statement he claimed he had .
Whatever the truth of it , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reminder of how far devolution has advanced .
The de-alignment of lockdown rules is seeing ‘ hard borders ’ crop up not just in the Irish Sea ( see below ) but on the mainland too .
In Wales this has taken an ugly turn , with the Western Mail running an angry and explicitly anti-English message on its front page .
The Scottish Nationalists have not been far behind , with one of their MPs calling for the border to be policed – despite senior officers explicitly disavowing the idea – and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not let the crisis slow its plotting for independence .
For devolution ’ s champions , such as Kenny Farquharson , this is the project ’ s coming-of-age moment : the day when politicians and voters realised the true extent to which the constitution has been transformed by two decades of ‘ more powers ’ .
( Of course , devolution ’ s opponents hope this is true . )
But it isn ’ t quite that simple : Mark Drakeford can talk piously about proceeding with ‘ maximum caution ’ , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the economic policies which make lockdown viable .
The Treasury has so far guaranteed the future of furlough to Scottish ministers , but there is obvious potential for tension if devolution ends up meaning that devolved ministers can spend Treasury cash without any accountability for it .
Kawczynski clashes with colleagues over call for debate on abolishing the Welsh Parliament Speaking of tension , Daniel Kawczynski set the cat amongst the pigeons this week when he suggested on Twitter that the fallout of the pandemic should spur a debate about the future of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of a statement on the Government ’ s plan to ease lockdown , the Shrewsbury MP said : “ However , one area which does need more attention is the adverse impact of the growing split between London and the devolved assemblies on border communities such as mine .
This pandemic has really exposed how far devolution has gone towards picking apart our United Kingdom – it ’ s time for a rethink.
” This sparked a backlash from some Welsh colleagues , with Craig Williams writing a letter suggesting that this is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and describing the Assembly as “ the fundamentals of Welsh democracy ” .
But Kawczynski has apparently received quiet support from other Tory MPs , and has no intention of backing down .
According to Bubble Wales , he ’ s been invited to address a Tory association in South Wales when lockdown is over .
Johnson stood for the Conservative leadership on the position that no Prime Minister could possibly sign up to a deal which placed an EU border inside the United Kingdom .
Once he one he abandoned this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ throw any extra paperwork “ in the bin ” and that there would be no disruption .
Now that has been abandoned too .
After coming under increasing pressure from Brussels over its plans to honour the Irish Protocol , the Government has confirmed that there will now be border checks at three Northern Irish ports .
In the event that UK ends up leaving the transition period without a high-alignment agreement , there is the serious prospect of this new border creating tangible barriers to trade within the United Kingdom .
With @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t getting the attention it otherwise would , but it ’ s a reminder that the Prime Minister ’ s unionist problems aren ’ t confined to the mainland .
The Labour leader has come under pressure to take action after a group of activists posted a tribute to Bobby Sands , the Provisional IRA terrorist who died whilst on hunger strike in 1981 .
Victims of the troubles have written to Sir Keir to demand an investigation into London Young Labour , which described Sands as a “ prisoner of war ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fight for an end to imperialism for a free and united Ireland .
”

‘Four Nations’ approach to Covid-19 breaks down
At the end of April, this column suggested that it might prove extremely tricky to maintain a coordinated approach to lockdown across the United Kingdom as the exigencies of the crisis eased.
Following the Prime Minister’s announcement of a shift in strategy on Sunday, this has happened. Edinburgh, Cardiff, and Belfast have all disavowed the new ‘Stay Alert’ formulation. All claim the Boris Johnson failed to consult them on the change, although in his weekend statement he claimed he had.
Whatever the truth of it, the result has been a dramatic, eye-opening reminder of how far devolution has advanced. The de-alignment of lockdown rules is seeing ‘hard borders’ crop up not just in the Irish Sea (see below) but on the mainland too.
In Wales this has taken an ugly turn, with the Western Mail running an angry and explicitly anti-English message on its front page. The Scottish Nationalists have not been far behind, with one of their MPs calling for the border to be policed – despite senior officers explicitly disavowing the idea – and the Times reports that the party has not let the crisis slow its plotting for independence.
For devolution’s champions, such as Kenny Farquharson, this is the project’s coming-of-age moment: the day when politicians and voters realised the true extent to which the constitution has been transformed by two decades of ‘more powers’. (Of course, devolution’s opponents hope this is true.)
But it isn’t quite that simple: Mark Drakeford can talk piously about proceeding with ‘maximum caution’, but it’s the Treasury which controls the economic policies which make lockdown viable. The Treasury has so far guaranteed the future of furlough to Scottish ministers, but there is obvious potential for tension if devolution ends up meaning that devolved ministers can spend Treasury cash without any accountability for it.
Kawczynski clashes with colleagues over call for debate on abolishing the Welsh Parliament
Speaking of tension, Daniel Kawczynski set the cat amongst the pigeons this week when he suggested on Twitter that the fallout of the pandemic should spur a debate about the future of devolution in Wales. At the end of a statement on the Government’s plan to ease lockdown, the Shrewsbury MP said:
“However, one area which does need more attention is the adverse impact of the growing split between London and the devolved assemblies on border communities such as mine. This pandemic has really exposed how far devolution has gone towards picking apart our United Kingdom – it’s time for a rethink.”
This sparked a backlash from some Welsh colleagues, with Craig Williams writing a letter suggesting that this is not the time for such a debate, and describing the Assembly as “the fundamentals of Welsh democracy”.
But Kawczynski has apparently received quiet support from other Tory MPs, and has no intention of backing down. According to Bubble Wales, he’s been invited to address a Tory association in South Wales when lockdown is over.
Government confirms Johnson’s capitulation on an Irish Sea border
Johnson stood for the Conservative leadership on the position that no Prime Minister could possibly sign up to a deal which placed an EU border inside the United Kingdom.
Once he one he abandoned this position, but insisted that business could throw any extra paperwork “in the bin” and that there would be no disruption.
Now that has been abandoned too. After coming under increasing pressure from Brussels over its plans to honour the Irish Protocol, the Government has confirmed that there will now be border checks at three Northern Irish ports. In the event that UK ends up leaving the transition period without a high-alignment agreement, there is the serious prospect of this new border creating tangible barriers to trade within the United Kingdom.
With Covid-19 dominating the headlines this isn’t getting the attention it otherwise would, but it’s a reminder that the Prime Minister’s unionist problems aren’t confined to the mainland.
Starmer under pressure to expel pro-IRA activists
The Labour leader has come under pressure to take action after a group of activists posted a tribute to Bobby Sands, the Provisional IRA terrorist who died whilst on hunger strike in 1981.
Victims of the troubles have written to Sir Keir to demand an investigation into London Young Labour, which described Sands as a “prisoner of war” and added that: “We continue to fight for an end to imperialism for a free and united Ireland.”


conservativehome--2020-05-14--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Northern Ireland Veterans Commissioner – a

Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Northern Ireland Veterans Commissioner – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
“ The Institute was established as a Crown Non-Departmental Public Body , independent of Government and employer-led with a mandate set by Ministers .
The Institute is playing a vital role in continuing the apprenticeship and technical education reform process and works on behalf of employers to support the delivery of high quality apprenticeships and T @ @ @ @ @ @ @ apprentices or learners to be confident that their apprenticeship or T Level is of high quality , respected and will help them to build a career with a clear market value.
” “ Led by the Non-Executive Chair , the Crown Commercial Service ( CCS ) Board is responsible for the oversight of the operation of CCS , with emphasis on its strategic direction , management control , and corporate governance .
All Non-Executive Board Members are expected to contribute to decisions covering the strategy for the organisation and the overall direction of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counsel , advice and challenge .
We are seeking an exceptional individual to join our Board as a Non-Executive Director and Chair of the Technology and Digital Transformation Committee to support progression of our transformation journey… To complement our existing Board we are particularly interested in hearing from individuals who bring recent experience in leading large scale digital transformation in either the private or public sector.
” “ The CCRC ’ s role is to investigate and review cases where it is alleged that a miscarriage of justice may have occurred in relation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The CCRC is entrusted with the exercise of wide-ranging , and sometimes intrusive , statutory powers .
Commissioners are supported by senior managers , legal and investigations advisers , casework and administrative staff .
Investigations are mainly carried out by CCRC staff but CCRC can require others , such as the police , to carry out investigations on its behalf… Commissioners may be called on to provide specialist advice depending on their background and expertise .
Commissioners may also be involved in the training of staff and of fellow Commissioners ; again , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ As a non-executive director , you will play an active role on the board of SLC , supporting the SLC Executive Team and SLC Chair to deliver the company ’ s portfolio of priorities , overcome challenges and exploit opportunities , including the continued growth of its customer base , delivery of recommendations from the Tailored Review ( Annex 3 ) and implementation of the Review of Post-18 Education .
A key element of the role will be to work with the board to ensure that the resources and skills available to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on its delivery obligations .
The SLC administers the data underpinning one of Government ’ s major assets : the Student Loan book .
This data supports the sale of tranches of loans to monetise that asset for the benefit of the exchequer and taxpayers ( £3.6bn raised to date ) .
There may be other opportunities to realise the value , in the widest sense , of the SLC ’ s data in the future.
” “ The Northern Ireland Veterans Commissioner will be a visible leader and exemplar , establishing a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ future service provision for veterans in Northern Ireland which supports the realisation of the ambition shared across the United Kingdom to be the best place in the world to be a veteran .
The Commissioner must balance this strategic vision with managing short and long-term priorities , while remaining sensitive to the unique political and historical context in Northern Ireland .
The Commissioner will be influential with others and work constructively with senior stakeholders , from public sector organisations and the ex-service sector , to support improved outcomes through collaboration and negotiation.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ SSAC ) is an independent statutory advisory body , funded by the Department for Work and Pensions ( DWP ) .
It has the following statutory functions : to perform , on behalf of both the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions and Parliament , a mandatory scrutiny of most of the proposed secondary legislation that underpins the social welfare system ; and to provide advice and assistance to the Secretary of State , whether in response to a specific request from the UK Government or on its own initiative .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ secondary legislation , the Committee ’ s general advisory functions are deployed to : inform the Committee ’ s work , improving members ’ ability to scrutinise regulations and provide independent advice to Ministers ; add value to the debate on a topic that is of current interest to Government and stakeholders ; and stimulate debate of a specific topic within the Committee and amongst stakeholders.
” “ The Independent Review of Prevent will deliver on the Government ’ s commitment set out in the Counter Terrorism and Border Security Act 2019 and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Prevent strategy , as set out in CONTEST June 2018 .
We are seeking a highly talented individual of unquestionable independence , integrity and credibility , who can demonstrate his or her ability to exercise sound judgment and analysis at pace and under pressure , with close public and ministerial scrutiny .
This is high profile and public-facing role , so we are seeking to appoint a credible and talented Independent Reviewer who is confident engaging with a wide range of interested parties , from civil society and community organisations , to Ministers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration provides independent scrutiny of the UK ’ s border and immigration functions , providing security , confidence and assurance as to their effectiveness and efficiency .
They report annually to the Home Secretary and their reports are placed before Parliament .
Leading a team of approximately 30 staff you will strive to continually improve the UK ’ s approach to the Border , Immigration and Citizenship System .
Candidates will have experience of working successfully at a senior level , ideally within a regulation or enforcement arena @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appreciate the importance and opportunity that this role presents .
Excellent communication skills , decisiveness , independence and unquestionable integrity will be essential .
”

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
Institute for Apprenticeships and Technical Education – Non-Executive Board Member
“The Institute was established as a Crown Non-Departmental Public Body, independent of Government and employer-led with a mandate set by Ministers. The Institute is playing a vital role in continuing the apprenticeship and technical education reform process and works on behalf of employers to support the delivery of high quality apprenticeships and T Levels in England. The Institute enables apprentices or learners to be confident that their apprenticeship or T Level is of high quality, respected and will help them to build a career with a clear market value.”
Time: 2 days per month on average
Remuneration: £15,000 per annum.
Closes: 15 May
– – – – – – – – – –
Crown Commercial Service – Non-Executive Directors
“Led by the Non-Executive Chair, the Crown Commercial Service (CCS) Board is responsible for the oversight of the operation of CCS, with emphasis on its strategic direction, management control, and corporate governance. All Non-Executive Board Members are expected to contribute to decisions covering the strategy for the organisation and the overall direction of the business, adding value by offering counsel, advice and challenge. We are seeking an exceptional individual to join our Board as a Non-Executive Director and Chair of the Technology and Digital Transformation Committee to support progression of our transformation journey… To complement our existing Board we are particularly interested in hearing from individuals who bring recent experience in leading large scale digital transformation in either the private or public sector.”
Time: Approx 2-3 days per month.
Remuneration: £15,000 per annum.
Closes: 17 May
– – – – – – – – – –
Criminal Cases Review Commission – Commissioners
“The CCRC’s role is to investigate and review cases where it is alleged that a miscarriage of justice may have occurred in relation to conviction, sentence or both. The CCRC is entrusted with the exercise of wide-ranging, and sometimes intrusive, statutory powers. Commissioners are supported by senior managers, legal and investigations advisers, casework and administrative staff. Investigations are mainly carried out by CCRC staff but CCRC can require others, such as the police, to carry out investigations on its behalf… Commissioners may be called on to provide specialist advice depending on their background and expertise. Commissioners may also be involved in the training of staff and of fellow Commissioners; again, depending on the expertise they bring.”
Time: Min. 52 days per annum.
Remuneration: £358 per diem.
Closes: 18 May
– – – – – – – – – –
Student Loans Company Board – Non-Executive Directors
“As a non-executive director, you will play an active role on the board of SLC, supporting the SLC Executive Team and SLC Chair to deliver the company’s portfolio of priorities, overcome challenges and exploit opportunities, including the continued growth of its customer base, delivery of recommendations from the Tailored Review (Annex 3) and implementation of the Review of Post-18 Education. A key element of the role will be to work with the board to ensure that the resources and skills available to the Company are commensurate with and focussed on its delivery obligations. The SLC administers the data underpinning one of Government’s major assets: the Student Loan book. This data supports the sale of tranches of loans to monetise that asset for the benefit of the exchequer and taxpayers (£3.6bn raised to date). There may be other opportunities to realise the value, in the widest sense, of the SLC’s data in the future.”
Time: Two days per month.
Remuneration: £12,000, up to £17,000.
Closes: 19 May
– – – – – – – – – –
Northern Ireland Office – Northern Ireland Veterans Commissioner
“The Northern Ireland Veterans Commissioner will be a visible leader and exemplar, establishing a strong network and creating a vision of future service provision for veterans in Northern Ireland which supports the realisation of the ambition shared across the United Kingdom to be the best place in the world to be a veteran. The Commissioner must balance this strategic vision with managing short and long-term priorities, while remaining sensitive to the unique political and historical context in Northern Ireland. The Commissioner will be influential with others and work constructively with senior stakeholders, from public sector organisations and the ex-service sector, to support improved outcomes through collaboration and negotiation.”
Time: Approx. 110 days per annum.
Remuneration: £306 per diem plus expenses.
Closes: 22 May
– – – – – – – – – –
Social Security Advisory Committee – Chair
“The Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC) is an independent statutory advisory body, funded by the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP). It has the following statutory functions: to perform, on behalf of both the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions and Parliament, a mandatory scrutiny of most of the proposed secondary legislation that underpins the social welfare system; and to provide advice and assistance to the Secretary of State, whether in response to a specific request from the UK Government or on its own initiative. In addition to the scrutiny of proposals for secondary legislation, the Committee’s general advisory functions are deployed to: inform the Committee’s work, improving members’ ability to scrutinise regulations and provide independent advice to Ministers; add value to the debate on a topic that is of current interest to Government and stakeholders; and stimulate debate of a specific topic within the Committee and amongst stakeholders.”
Time: Five days per month.
Remuneration: £22,000 per annum.
Closes: 01 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Home Office – Independent Reviewer of Prevent
“The Independent Review of Prevent will deliver on the Government’s commitment set out in the Counter Terrorism and Border Security Act 2019 and will critically examine and report on the Prevent strategy, as set out in CONTEST June 2018. We are seeking a highly talented individual of unquestionable independence, integrity and credibility, who can demonstrate his or her ability to exercise sound judgment and analysis at pace and under pressure, with close public and ministerial scrutiny. This is high profile and public-facing role, so we are seeking to appoint a credible and talented Independent Reviewer who is confident engaging with a wide range of interested parties, from civil society and community organisations, to Ministers and local practitioners.”
Time: Five days per month.
Remuneration: £140,000 pro rata.
Closes: 01 June
– – – – – – – – – –
Home Office – Independent Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration
“The Independent Chief Inspector of Borders and Immigration provides independent scrutiny of the UK’s border and immigration functions, providing security, confidence and assurance as to their effectiveness and efficiency. They report annually to the Home Secretary and their reports are placed before Parliament. Leading a team of approximately 30 staff you will strive to continually improve the UK’s approach to the Border, Immigration and Citizenship System. Candidates will have experience of working successfully at a senior level, ideally within a regulation or enforcement arena. Whatever your background, you will appreciate the importance and opportunity that this role presents. Excellent communication skills, decisiveness, independence and unquestionable integrity will be essential.”
Time: Full-time.
Remuneration: £130,000
Closes: 06 June


conservativehome--2020-05-14--If you thought staying in lockdown was hard, wait until you see what trying to get out of it is like

If you thought staying in lockdown was hard, wait until you see what trying to get out of it is like. But here’s how Johnson could do it.

The Prime Minister ’ s broadcast to the nation last Sunday evening featured five main slides .
The first showed the Government ’ s five Coronavirus tests .
The second , the words : “ Covid Alert level = R ( rate of infection ) + number of infections ” .
The third displayed this R level applied to a kind of speedometer , with the lowest of five bands coloured green and the highest red – with restrictions on the public kicking in as the dial needle approached the red band .
( There was later a variant which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the United Kingdom with assorted Coronavirus hotspots . )
The fourth showed those green to red level levels in bar form , with each described as an “ alert level ” .
The fifth showed an uneven hump with a long slope , like a wave , which represented a gradual slide from severe to less severe constraints on public activity .
The point of all this description is to show that although , at one level , Ryan Price is right ( “ what do you want , a full handbook @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
” ) , and much of Boris Johnson ’ s new plan is simply common sense , at another it is all just a bit more challenging .
With its accompanying dials , bars , humps and speedometers , easing a lockdown will be more tricky for Ministers than simply imposing one .
The where you ’ re going to of the plan may be straighforward , but the how to get there is more complicated .
So if you thought that the Government ’ s task has been difficult so far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coronavirus has been controversial , you ain ’ t seen nothing yet .
The Prime Minister suggested on Sunday that we have collectively reached the top of the mountain , and now face the daunting prospect of the climb down .
But the way we see it , the British people may not yet have staggered even to the outcrops of K2 – since the prospect of a vaccine , or effective treatments , or herd immunity remain shrouded in mist at the summit ( though there may be good news on antibody @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the next stage of the climb winded , for three main reasons .
First , for one that can ’ t reasonably be claimed to have been their fault .
Namely , that the playbook prepared for government when the pandemic came was a flu-style one , into which the idea of herd immunity was written , rather than a Sars-type one , which would stress testing and tracing , and the quarantining of those infected .
Second , for taking up a mass tracing and testing policy towards the end of last @ @ @ @ @ @ @ virus outbreak began to gather critical mass in Britain , in its third iteration of policy .
The date of the change is a matter of record and can ’ t credibly be disputed .
The third reason is perhaps the most exhausting and certainly as yet unproven .
It is the claim that Ministers and the NHS , in preparing hospital beds for an influx of virus cases , emptied them by sending a mass of infected but untested patients to die in care homes , thus sending UK death rates to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ international tables are riddled with problems and , for the rest , we shall see what the eventual inquiry brings with it .
What ’ s certain as this third phase of dealing with the Coronavirus begins ( we ’ ve had almost normal ; then abnormal ; now , “ the new normal ” ) – the Government has less room for manoeuvre than it did before .
True , most voters appreciate the scale of the problem , aren ’ t lost in the Twitter echo chamber , and don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will not have forgotten that he has been through intensive care himself recently – and so is literally leading from the front .
Nonetheless , the lotus-eating experience of furlough – for some , anyway – can ’ t ultimately shut out the brutal economics of Covid-19 , with its further waves of blighted schooling , bankruptcies , illness and job losses to come .
The tower of the Conservative poll lead may be built on sand .
And Keir Starmer leads a more effective if unscrupulous Opposition At any rate , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and , though it may not be able afford many more mistakes , the good news is that the path it has chosen may take us all nearer where we need to go .
That ’ s to say , if not to the top of the mountain , then at least higher up its slopes .
Much will depend on whether Ministers can make testing and tracking work .
Some believe that the app is a kind of technological red herring , and that the real issue is that the Government may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than it needs .
It may be that this calculation is wrong , or that Ministers are able to scale up numbers quickly , or that the incidence of cases falls swiftly .
In which case , there will be an adequate England-wide capacity to test , track and quarantine .
But though the capability would be national in its scope , the applicability wouldn ’ t necessarily have to be .
For testing on large scale would show the R-rates that matter : in other words , not a single UK-wide figure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but different local ones , showing where the virus is replicating fastest and among whom .
This would allow the opening-up of much of the economy on a regional , area or local basis .
Such a process would side-step the sterile debate about lockdown : after all , South Korea , on which the Government is modelling its policy , has been more limited .
Admittedly , we are starting with higher levels of the virus .
But if the testing plan works , lockdown could stop being a national all-or-nothing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one .
How would the transfer of people from fully lockdowned areas to partially lockdowned ones be managed – with the risk of local R-rates being driven up again ?
In part by opening some sectors and facilities , such as schools , before others , such as restaurants and hotels .
Though movement might well still happen on a significant scale .
Which tees up a big debate : is it better for the whole UK ( or at least England ) to move uniformally in lockstep at the pace of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slows desperately-need economic revival – or to allow the ones that are less seriously affected to stride ahead , and move substantially out of shutdown ?
If the testing , tracing and quarantine policy works , this is a debate that is surely bound to happen .
It would be more to the practical point than another : whether the NHS now has enough capacity to cope with any second or subsequent waves ?
Bernard Jenkin , citing statistics , says no .
Raghib Ali , with his epidemiological experience , isn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Johnson has been rougher than it was at the end of February .
And one can see how his political enemies – the Remaniac residue ; Starmer ; Nicola Sturgeon ; his internal opponents – are setting him up for failure .
But there is opportunity as well as danger : a path if not to conquering the virus then at least to checking it .

The Prime Minister’s broadcast to the nation last Sunday evening featured five main slides. The first showed the Government’s five Coronavirus tests. The second, the words: “Covid Alert level = R (rate of infection) + number of infections”.
The third displayed this R level applied to a kind of speedometer, with the lowest of five bands coloured green and the highest red – with restrictions on the public kicking in as the dial needle approached the red band. (There was later a variant which showed this slide set against a map of the United Kingdom with assorted Coronavirus hotspots.)
The fourth showed those green to red level levels in bar form, with each described as an “alert level”. The fifth showed an uneven hump with a long slope, like a wave, which represented a gradual slide from severe to less severe constraints on public activity.
The point of all this description is to show that although, at one level, Ryan Price is right (“what do you want, a full handbook, to tell you what to do?”), and much of Boris Johnson’s new plan is simply common sense, at another it is all just a bit more challenging.
With its accompanying dials, bars, humps and speedometers, easing a lockdown will be more tricky for Ministers than simply imposing one. The where you’re going to of the plan may be straighforward, but the how to get there is more complicated.
So if you thought that the Government’s task has been difficult so far, or that its handling of the Coronavirus has been controversial, you ain’t seen nothing yet. The Prime Minister suggested on Sunday that we have collectively reached the top of the mountain, and now face the daunting prospect of the climb down.
But the way we see it, the British people may not yet have staggered even to the outcrops of K2 – since the prospect of a vaccine, or effective treatments, or herd immunity remain shrouded in mist at the summit (though there may be good news on antibody tests). And Ministers come to the next stage of the climb winded, for three main reasons.
First, for one that can’t reasonably be claimed to have been their fault. Namely, that the playbook prepared for government when the pandemic came was a flu-style one, into which the idea of herd immunity was written, rather than a Sars-type one, which would stress testing and tracing, and the quarantining of those infected.
Second, for taking up a mass tracing and testing policy towards the end of last month, some eight weeks after the virus outbreak began to gather critical mass in Britain, in its third iteration of policy. The date of the change is a matter of record and can’t credibly be disputed.
The third reason is perhaps the most exhausting and certainly as yet unproven. It is the claim that Ministers and the NHS, in preparing hospital beds for an influx of virus cases, emptied them by sending a mass of infected but untested patients to die in care homes, thus sending UK death rates to the top of the league.
These international tables are riddled with problems and, for the rest, we shall see what the eventual inquiry brings with it. What’s certain as this third phase of dealing with the Coronavirus begins (we’ve had almost normal; then abnormal; now, “the new normal”) – the Government has less room for manoeuvre than it did before.
True, most voters appreciate the scale of the problem, aren’t lost in the Twitter echo chamber, and don’t envy Johnson his task: many will not have forgotten that he has been through intensive care himself recently – and so is literally leading from the front.
Nonetheless, the lotus-eating experience of furlough – for some, anyway – can’t ultimately shut out the brutal economics of Covid-19, with its further waves of blighted schooling, bankruptcies, illness and job losses to come. The tower of the Conservative poll lead may be built on sand. And Keir Starmer leads a more effective if unscrupulous Opposition
At any rate, the Government has now settled on a route and, though it may not be able afford many more mistakes, the good news is that the path it has chosen may take us all nearer where we need to go. That’s to say, if not to the top of the mountain, then at least higher up its slopes.
Much will depend on whether Ministers can make testing and tracking work. Some believe that the app is a kind of technological red herring, and that the real issue is that the Government may be planning for some 30,000 fewer trackers than it needs.
It may be that this calculation is wrong, or that Ministers are able to scale up numbers quickly, or that the incidence of cases falls swiftly. In which case, there will be an adequate England-wide capacity to test, track and quarantine. But though the capability would be national in its scope, the applicability wouldn’t necessarily have to be.
For testing on large scale would show the R-rates that matter: in other words, not a single UK-wide figure, the use of which is limited, but different local ones, showing where the virus is replicating fastest and among whom. This would allow the opening-up of much of the economy on a regional, area or local basis.
Such a process would side-step the sterile debate about lockdown: after all, South Korea, on which the Government is modelling its policy, has been more limited. Admittedly, we are starting with higher levels of the virus. But if the testing plan works, lockdown could stop being a national all-or-nothing business, and become a local mix-and-match one.
How would the transfer of people from fully lockdowned areas to partially lockdowned ones be managed – with the risk of local R-rates being driven up again? In part by opening some sectors and facilities, such as schools, before others, such as restaurants and hotels. Though movement might well still happen on a significant scale.
Which tees up a big debate: is it better for the whole UK (or at least England) to move uniformally in lockstep at the pace of the most virus-threatened areas – even if that slows desperately-need economic revival – or to allow the ones that are less seriously affected to stride ahead, and move substantially out of shutdown?
If the testing, tracing and quarantine policy works, this is a debate that is surely bound to happen. It would be more to the practical point than another: whether the NHS now has enough capacity to cope with any second or subsequent waves? Bernard Jenkin, citing statistics, says no. Raghib Ali, with his epidemiological experience, isn’t so sure.
The political weather for Johnson has been rougher than it was at the end of February. And one can see how his political enemies – the Remaniac residue; Starmer; Nicola Sturgeon; his internal opponents – are setting him up for failure. But there is opportunity as well as danger: a path if not to conquering the virus then at least to checking it.


Coronavirus Count

Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 229,705 ( Up from 226,463 ) .
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 33,186 ( Up from 32,692 ) .
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases : 3,242 ( Down from 3,403 ) .
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths : 494 ( Down from 627 ) .
From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk to the UK has been raised to high ” – From the Government ’ s website Number of coronavirus ( COVID-19 ) cases and risk in the UK .
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD : THE UK GOVERNMENT ’ S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY See here .
New as of Monday May 11 .
GUIDANCE : FURTHER BUSINESSES AND PREMISES TO CLOSE See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
HOW EVERYONE CAN HELP STOP THE CORONAVIRUS ( SOCIAL DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
STAY AT HOME @ @ @ @ @ @ @ SELF-DISTANCING ) See here .
Republished on Monday March 23 .
See here .
Published on Monday March 23 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR WORKERS ON WHAT AND HOW THEY CAN CLAIM See here .
Published on Friday March 20 .
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS , TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW See here .
Published on Saturday March 28 .
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS • Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
• Always wash your hands when you get home @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
• Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve ( not your hands ) when you cough or sneeze .
• Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
• Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell .
The symptoms of coronavirus are : However , these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness .
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common , such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do .
Use this service if : • You think you might have coronavirus .
• In the last 14 days you ’ ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers .
• You ’ ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus .
• In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours .
• In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ your area ) or 0845 46 47 .
• Do not go to a GP surgery , pharmacy or hospital .
• What the coronavirus is , how it ’ s spread and how to avoid catching it – Government NHS website overview .
• Stay at home advice and how to manage self-isolation .
( All information taken from Government sources .
Updated as of 7.00 on Thursday May 14th . )

HEADLINE FACTS
Total number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 292,950 (Up from 291,409).
Total number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 41,481 (Up from 41,279).
Daily number of lab-confirmed UK cases: 1,541 (Up from 1,266).
Daily number of COVID-19 associated UK deaths: 202 (Up from 151).
England total cases: 156,410 (Up from 156,018 ).
England total deaths: 37,069 (Up from 36,883).
England death rate: 279.4 (Was 278.7).
Scotland total cases: 15,709 (Up from 15,682).
Scotland total deaths: 2,439 (Up from 2,434).
Scotland death rate: 288.9 (Was 288.4).
Wales total cases: 14,658 (Up from 14,581).
Wales total deaths: 1,435 (Up from 1,425).
Wales death rate: 467.0 (Was 464.6)
Northern Ireland total cases: 4,838 (Up from 4,822)
Northern Ireland total deaths: 538 (Up from 537).
Northern Ireland death rate: 257.1 (Was 256.3).
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
DAILY NUMBER OF COVID-19 ASSOCIATED DEATHS BY DATE REPORTED
DAILY NUMBER OF LAB-CONFIRMED ENGLAND CASES
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
RISK
“The risk to the UK has been raised to high” –
From the Government’s website Number of coronavirus (COVID-19) cases and risk in the UK.
– – –
NHS VOLUNTEER RESPONDER FORM
See here
(The Government’s scheme to recruit 250,000 volunteers.)
– – –
OUR PLAN TO REBUILD: THE UK GOVERNMENT’S COVID-19 RECOVERY STRATEGY
See here. New as of Monday May 11.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON THE LOCKDOWN.
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SHIELDING AND PROTECTING PEOPLE WHO ARE CLINICALLY EXTREMELY VULNERABLE FROM COVID-19
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE ON SOCIAL DISTANCING
See here. New as of Tuesday June 2.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: GENERAL ADVICE
See here.
GOVERNMENT WEBSITE: FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS. WHAT YOU CAN DO AND CAN’T DO
See here.
GOVERNMENT GUIDANCE FOR LANDLORDS, TENANTS AND LOCAL AUTHORITIES NEW
See here. Published on Saturday March 28.
– – –
HOW TO AVOID CATCHING OR SPREADING CORONAVIRUS
Wash your hands with soap and water often – do this for at least 20 seconds .
Always wash your hands when you get home or into work .
Use hand sanitiser gel if soap and water are not available .
Cover your mouth and nose with a tissue or your sleeve (not your hands) when you cough or sneeze .
Put used tissues in the bin straight away and wash your hands afterwards .
Try to avoid close contact with people who are unwell.
SYMPTOMS
The symptoms of coronavirus are:
A cough.
A high temperature.
Shortness of breath.
However, these symptoms do not necessarily mean you have the illness.
The symptoms are similar to other illnesses that are much more common, such as cold and flu.
USING 111
NHS 111 has an online coronavirus service that can tell you if you need medical help and advise you what to do.
Use this service if:
You think you might have coronavirus.
In the last 14 days you’ve been to a country or area with a high risk of coronavirus – see the coronavirus advice for travellers.
You’ve been in close contact with someone with coronavirus.
In Scotland call your GP or NHS 24 on 111 out of hours.
In Wales call 111 (if available in your area) or 0845 46 47.
In Northern Ireland call 111.
Do not go to a GP surgery, pharmacy or hospital.
FURTHER LINKS TO GOVERNMENT ADVICE
– – –
(All information taken from Government sources.
Updated as of 19.00 on Friday June 12.)


conservativehome--2020-05-14--Stephen Booth: On the Northern Ireland Protocol, the UK’s negotiating hand is stronger than people t

Stephen Booth: On the Northern Ireland Protocol, the UK’s negotiating hand is stronger than people think

Since the Coronavirus outbreak , Brexit has understandably been on the backburner but we are entering another crucial phase in the coming month .
This week marks the penultimate round of UK-EU negotiations over the future relationship before a high-level summit in June , which will take stock of progress .
June 30 is the formal deadline for agreeing an extension to the transition period , currently due to end on December 31 , after which the UK-EU relationship will be based on a new trade agreement or World Trade Organisation ( WTO ) terms .
At this stage , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ if not all , on the EU side now accept the UK ’ s repeated declarations that it will not seek an extension to the transition period under any circumstances .
Interestingly , Sir Keir Starmer , perhaps mindful of his need to rebuild the ‘ red wall ’ , does not see any political capital in demanding one .
The June summit is also significant because the Government has said previously that if little progress on reaching a deal appears to have been made by then , the UK will turn its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relationship on WTO terms .
This doesn ’ t necessarily mean UK-EU talks would come to a firm halt .
But the UK could certainly switch emphasis to No Deal implementation and potentially an acceleration of trade talks with other partners , such as the United States , with which negotiations commenced last week .
In recent days , we have also seen that the Northern Irish question yet again threatens to poison the well of the future relationship negotiations .
The UK has rejected the EU ’ s repeated demand to retain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ checks and controls on goods crossing the Irish Sea after the end of the transition .
Technically separate from the future relationship talks , the dispute is a proxy for wider disagreements about the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol established under the Withdrawal Agreement , which have the capacity to spill over and sow mistrust on both sides .
There remains much work for the Joint Committee overseeing implementation of the Protocol to do and the EU clearly harbours fears that the UK is soft-peddling .
However , as Michael Gove , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joint Committee , recently set out in evidence to the House of Lords ’ EU committee , translating the legal text into practical arrangements was always going to be a difficult challenge since many questions were left open .
Too often throughout the Brexit process , the EU ’ s technocratic approach has failed to consider the delicate politics of Northern Ireland and the demand for a Belfast office is another example .
The Protocol gives Northern Ireland special economic status .
It will be in the UK ’ s customs territory and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s independent trade policy .
However , in order to avoid a new border with the Republic , goods “ at risk ” of ending up in the EU single market , rather than being consumed in Northern Ireland , must be subject to the correct EU tariffs and regulations .
There are new reports that the UK may be enhancing existing inspection posts at ports but the UK ’ s clear desire is for any checks to be minimal .
Article 12 of the Protocol states that “ UK authorities shall @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but EU representatives can request to be present at any customs or regulatory inspections .
Hence , from the EU ’ s point of view , the need for the Belfast office .
EU officials argue that the proposal for an office had been discussed over a year ago without major UK objections .
However , ministers and advisers in Theresa May ’ s government point out that , in 2019 , the proposal was for a point of contact in all devolved nations for consular and business activities , not an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ border .
Indeed , Article 12 ’ s stipulation that any checks or controls be carried out only by UK authorities has a long history .
In February 2018 , the European Commission published a draft withdrawal agreement which , to deliver the backstop , proposed keeping Northern Ireland within the EU customs territory and a provision for UK-EU joint controls at Northern Irish ports .
This , remember , is the proposal that Theresa May said no British Prime Minster could ever accept .
It is clear that any monitoring of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ must be ad hoc and based on information exchange , rather than routine and constant EU supervision , which would be an unacceptable infringement of UK sovereignty .
The Protocol simply does not provide a legal basis for the permanent presence the EU appears to be seeking .
More broadly , the Government is right to point out that the Protocol will only be sustainable if there is broad-based , cross-community political consent for it in Northern Ireland .
It is worth noting that Article 16 of the Protocol allows either party to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ event that its application leads to “ serious economic , societal or environmental difficulties ” or to “ diversion of trade ” .
Michel Barnier previously recognised the need to de-dramatise the Northern Ireland issue and this would be welcome now , since the core issues remain political rather than economic .
However , if the EU insists on checks that fulfil the letter of the EU ’ s customs code , there is potential for a major crisis .
Meanwhile , this week ’ s round of UK-EU talks follows accusations from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Phil Hogan – that the UK is failing to engage constructively in the three main areas on which the talks hinge : the so-called level playing field , fisheries policy and governance of the agreements .
The UK rejects the assertion and says it has now shared legal texts on its proposals for a comprehensive trade agreement and a new fisheries agreement .
These issues are unlikely to be resolved until the deadline forces politicians on both sides to make strategic choices .
No doubt a deal will require some compromise on both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wolfgang Munchau has pointed out , “ The UK may be the smaller country , but it can secure its chief negotiating goal of regulatory independence unilaterally by walking out .
The EU can not do the same.
” Agree or disagree with that goal , but the UK ’ s priority is crystal clear .
What is the EU ’ s primary objective ?
We know the EU wants to safeguard its internal market , but it does not need to do so by exporting its regime of state aid regulation to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is currently demanding .
Maintenance of existing EU fishing quotas is a precondition for a UK trade deal , but the EU can not effectively secure any of these rights if there is no agreement .
The Northern Irish Protocol can only function effectively with the cooperation of the UK .
With the UK now playing hardball , the EU ’ s leverage appears to be waning .

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange.
Since the Coronavirus outbreak, Brexit has understandably been on the backburner but we are entering another crucial phase in the coming month.
This week marks the penultimate round of UK-EU negotiations over the future relationship before a high-level summit in June, which will take stock of progress.
June 30 is the formal deadline for agreeing an extension to the transition period, currently due to end on December 31, after which the UK-EU relationship will be based on a new trade agreement or World Trade Organisation (WTO) terms. At this stage, either outcome remains plausible.
Many, if not all, on the EU side now accept the UK’s repeated declarations that it will not seek an extension to the transition period under any circumstances.
Interestingly, Sir Keir Starmer, perhaps mindful of his need to rebuild the ‘red wall’, does not see any political capital in demanding one.
The June summit is also significant because the Government has said previously that if little progress on reaching a deal appears to have been made by then, the UK will turn its attention to domestic preparation for an EU relationship on WTO terms.
This doesn’t necessarily mean UK-EU talks would come to a firm halt.
But the UK could certainly switch emphasis to No Deal implementation and potentially an acceleration of trade talks with other partners, such as the United States, with which negotiations commenced last week.
In recent days, we have also seen that the Northern Irish question yet again threatens to poison the well of the future relationship negotiations.
The UK has rejected the EU’s repeated demand to retain a permanent office in Belfast to monitor checks and controls on goods crossing the Irish Sea after the end of the transition.
Technically separate from the future relationship talks, the dispute is a proxy for wider disagreements about the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol established under the Withdrawal Agreement, which have the capacity to spill over and sow mistrust on both sides.
There remains much work for the Joint Committee overseeing implementation of the Protocol to do and the EU clearly harbours fears that the UK is soft-peddling.
However, as Michael Gove, the UK’s representative on the Joint Committee, recently set out in evidence to the House of Lords’ EU committee, translating the legal text into practical arrangements was always going to be a difficult challenge since many questions were left open.
Too often throughout the Brexit process, the EU’s technocratic approach has failed to consider the delicate politics of Northern Ireland and the demand for a Belfast office is another example.
The Protocol gives Northern Ireland special economic status. It will be in the UK’s customs territory and will therefore be subject to the UK’s independent trade policy.
However, in order to avoid a new border with the Republic, goods “at risk” of ending up in the EU single market, rather than being consumed in Northern Ireland, must be subject to the correct EU tariffs and regulations.
There are new reports that the UK may be enhancing existing inspection posts at ports but the UK’s clear desire is for any checks to be minimal.
Article 12 of the Protocol states that “UK authorities shall be responsible” for ensuring procedural compliance, but EU representatives can request to be present at any customs or regulatory inspections.
Hence, from the EU’s point of view, the need for the Belfast office.
EU officials argue that the proposal for an office had been discussed over a year ago without major UK objections.
However, ministers and advisers in Theresa May’s government point out that, in 2019, the proposal was for a point of contact in all devolved nations for consular and business activities, not an office to implement a politically controversial customs border.
Indeed, Article 12’s stipulation that any checks or controls be carried out only by UK authorities has a long history.
In February 2018, the European Commission published a draft withdrawal agreement which, to deliver the backstop, proposed keeping Northern Ireland within the EU customs territory and a provision for UK-EU joint controls at Northern Irish ports.
This, remember, is the proposal that Theresa May said no British Prime Minster could ever accept.
It is clear that any monitoring of the UK’s implementation of customs procedures must be ad hoc and based on information exchange, rather than routine and constant EU supervision, which would be an unacceptable infringement of UK sovereignty.
The Protocol simply does not provide a legal basis for the permanent presence the EU appears to be seeking.
More broadly, the Government is right to point out that the Protocol will only be sustainable if there is broad-based, cross-community political consent for it in Northern Ireland.
It is worth noting that Article 16 of the Protocol allows either party to apply “safeguard measures” in the event that its application leads to “serious economic, societal or environmental difficulties” or to “diversion of trade”.
Michel Barnier previously recognised the need to de-dramatise the Northern Ireland issue and this would be welcome now, since the core issues remain political rather than economic.
However, if the EU insists on checks that fulfil the letter of the EU’s customs code, there is potential for a major crisis.
Meanwhile, this week’s round of UK-EU talks follows accusations from Brussels – including Barnier and Trade Commissioner Phil Hogan – that the UK is failing to engage constructively in the three main areas on which the talks hinge: the so-called level playing field, fisheries policy and governance of the agreements.
The UK rejects the assertion and says it has now shared legal texts on its proposals for a comprehensive trade agreement and a new fisheries agreement.
These issues are unlikely to be resolved until the deadline forces politicians on both sides to make strategic choices.
No doubt a deal will require some compromise on both sides but as the Financial Times’ Wolfgang Munchau has pointed out, “The UK may be the smaller country, but it can secure its chief negotiating goal of regulatory independence unilaterally by walking out. The EU cannot do the same.”
Agree or disagree with that goal, but the UK’s priority is crystal clear.
What is the EU’s primary objective?
We know the EU wants to safeguard its internal market, but it does not need to do so by exporting its regime of state aid regulation to the UK by treaty, as it is currently demanding.
Maintenance of existing EU fishing quotas is a precondition for a UK trade deal, but the EU cannot effectively secure any of these rights if there is no agreement.
The Northern Irish Protocol can only function effectively with the cooperation of the UK.
With the UK now playing hardball, the EU’s leverage appears to be waning.


conservativehome--2020-05-14--Paul Mercer: Local government enters the Zoom era

Cllr Paul Mercer is a councillor on Charnwood Borough Council and is the Lead Member for Housing in the Cabinet .
He is writing in a personal capacity .
The majority of large companies and banks , as well as many smaller ones , were quick to realise the potential offered by video conferencing .
Not only did it mean that it was no longer necessary to travel to meetings , but one did not even have to be in an office .
Today , it is rare to find corporate headquarters which do not have the facilities to hold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been slow to realise the potential of this technology and , hopefully , one of the changes that will occur as a consequence of covid-19 is an acceptance not only that it offers cost savings but , properly implemented , could result in far greater efficiency and accountability .
Charnwood , like many other councils , moved its email platform to Microsoft 365 ( as it is now called ) but deactivated the Teams video conferencing function .
On several occasions , I asked why this had been done but never received @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that councillors had to be at meetings in order to vote .
This was correct , although the Government has now modified the legislation .
However , the majority of our meetings did not involve voting and there is no reason why members could not be remotely involved in discussions even if they were not physically present .
As often is the case with local government , the reason councils have not embraced video conferencing may have had more to do with an unwillingness to implement change , however much better the alternative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ working .
Whereas companies may be driven by a profit motive , or the requirement to communicate with colleagues overseas , local government did not have an urgent need to use video conferencing , so never explored the opportunities available .
Covid-19 changed all of this and we moved to introduce Teams .
By now , many of those who had been using video conferencing had realised that although Teams was a secure system , it had limitations and rivals , most notably Zoom .
As Charnwood attempted to roll out Teams it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appropriate , but we were told that there were ‘ security issues ’ .
The two essential problems with Zoom appeared to be a lack of encryption , which has since been corrected , and anecdotal reports that Zoom meetings had received unexpected visitors .
At the corporate level , where sensitive issues might be discussed , there were legitimate concerns with the early versions of Zoom , but these have been addressed .
At a local government level , where most committee meetings are open to the public , and those running @ @ @ @ @ @ @ part , the threat was negligible .
At a cabinet level , we held our first remote meeting using Teams and although it worked , the limitation of only four participants being visible made it difficult to have a coherent discussion .
This meeting coincided with Boris Johnson holding his first virtual Cabinet meeting and it was noted that he was using Zoom .
The basic version of Zoom is free , although meetings are restricted to 40 minutes , so our subsequent informal Cabinet meetings have successfully used the Zoom subscription package @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to implement Teams , is now using Zoom for meetings .
Video conferencing offers local government far more than just the ability to continue functioning during a crisis , and as businesses have already discovered , it can be of significant benefit in the future .
It is possible that some of these advantages to members might be resisted by officers .
The first , and most obvious , is that it means members and officers are no longer required to travel to meetings .
Although Charnwood is large in terms of population @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but late afternoon traffic often means that members spend a long time travelling , not only taking up time but also adding to carbon emissions .
Secondly , it might mean that more people who might otherwise have been reluctant to stand for election might consider becoming councillors .
Most of our meetings take place in the early evening and the need to travel might have discouraged potential councillors with disabilities , families , or work commitments from getting elected .
Thirdly , it offers the opportunity to subject policy to far greater @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enthusiastic councillors on its scrutiny committees , they are often presented with so many documents it is often impossible to read all of them before meetings , let alone give policies proper consideration .
As the lead member responsible for housing , I have always welcomed scrutiny because it gives a chance to ensure that I understand the policies and that the officers are capable of defending them .
With more councillors able to attend these meetings it should , hopefully , lead to far greater rigour in this scrutiny process .
Fourthly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Our meetings are generally restricted to two hours and often truncated with important issues sometimes not being properly discussed .
With officers and members being able to join in from home without time spent travelling to and from meetings , more time could be dedicated to discussions without taking up any more of our members ’ or officers ’ evenings .
Finally , because these meetings can be livestreamed and archived , it offers the public the ability to monitor closely what is happening , as well as local journalists the ability to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Beyond the democratic structure , video conferencing means that we can start to consider whether we need so much office space for staff and for meetings .
Already , some officers have told me that although homeworking can be difficult at first , they are beginning to appreciate its advantages and , they believe , it makes them more productive while having a better work-life balance .
This , in turn , is likely to have many benefits including reduced costs to individuals as well as a reduction in stress and an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to which video-conferencing is now being used by government and industry as a consequence of covid-19 means that the technology is likely to evolve quickly and become more effective .
This offers local government a huge opportunity to become more transparent , more cost-effective , and more democratic , but it is one which needs to be grasped by councillors and supported by the Government for it to achieve its full potential .

Cllr Paul Mercer is a councillor on Charnwood Borough Council and is the Lead Member for Housing in the Cabinet. He is writing in a personal capacity.
The majority of large companies and banks, as well as many smaller ones, were quick to realise the potential offered by video conferencing. Not only did it mean that it was no longer necessary to travel to meetings, but one did not even have to be in an office. Today, it is rare to find corporate headquarters which do not have the facilities to hold remote meetings. Unfortunately, local government has been slow to realise the potential of this technology and, hopefully, one of the changes that will occur as a consequence of covid-19 is an acceptance not only that it offers cost savings but, properly implemented, could result in far greater efficiency and accountability.
Charnwood, like many other councils, moved its email platform to Microsoft 365 (as it is now called) but deactivated the Teams video conferencing function. On several occasions, I asked why this had been done but never received a clear answer other than being told that councillors had to be at meetings in order to vote. This was correct, although the Government has now modified the legislation. However, the majority of our meetings did not involve voting and there is no reason why members could not be remotely involved in discussions even if they were not physically present.
As often is the case with local government, the reason councils have not embraced video conferencing may have had more to do with an unwillingness to implement change, however much better the alternative was, if the existing system was working. Whereas companies may be driven by a profit motive, or the requirement to communicate with colleagues overseas, local government did not have an urgent need to use video conferencing, so never explored the opportunities available. Covid-19 changed all of this and we moved to introduce Teams. By now, many of those who had been using video conferencing had realised that although Teams was a secure system, it had limitations and rivals, most notably Zoom.
As Charnwood attempted to roll out Teams it was suggested that Zoom would be more appropriate, but we were told that there were ‘security issues’. The two essential problems with Zoom appeared to be a lack of encryption, which has since been corrected, and anecdotal reports that Zoom meetings had received unexpected visitors. At the corporate level, where sensitive issues might be discussed, there were legitimate concerns with the early versions of Zoom, but these have been addressed. At a local government level, where most committee meetings are open to the public, and those running the meetings knew everyone who is taking part, the threat was negligible.
At a cabinet level, we held our first remote meeting using Teams and although it worked, the limitation of only four participants being visible made it difficult to have a coherent discussion. This meeting coincided with Boris Johnson holding his first virtual Cabinet meeting and it was noted that he was using Zoom. The basic version of Zoom is free, although meetings are restricted to 40 minutes, so our subsequent informal Cabinet meetings have successfully used the Zoom subscription package. The council itself, having struggled to implement Teams, is now using Zoom for meetings.
Video conferencing offers local government far more than just the ability to continue functioning during a crisis, and as businesses have already discovered, it can be of significant benefit in the future. It is possible that some of these advantages to members might be resisted by officers.
The first, and most obvious, is that it means members and officers are no longer required to travel to meetings. Although Charnwood is large in terms of population it covers a relatively small area, but late afternoon traffic often means that members spend a long time travelling, not only taking up time but also adding to carbon emissions.
Secondly, it might mean that more people who might otherwise have been reluctant to stand for election might consider becoming councillors. Most of our meetings take place in the early evening and the need to travel might have discouraged potential councillors with disabilities, families, or work commitments from getting elected.
Thirdly, it offers the opportunity to subject policy to far greater scrutiny by members. Although Charnwood has enthusiastic councillors on its scrutiny committees, they are often presented with so many documents it is often impossible to read all of them before meetings, let alone give policies proper consideration. As the lead member responsible for housing, I have always welcomed scrutiny because it gives a chance to ensure that I understand the policies and that the officers are capable of defending them. With more councillors able to attend these meetings it should, hopefully, lead to far greater rigour in this scrutiny process.
Fourthly, it allows for longer meetings. Our meetings are generally restricted to two hours and often truncated with important issues sometimes not being properly discussed. With officers and members being able to join in from home without time spent travelling to and from meetings, more time could be dedicated to discussions without taking up any more of our members’ or officers’ evenings.
Finally, because these meetings can be livestreamed and archived, it offers the public the ability to monitor closely what is happening, as well as local journalists the ability to cover meetings without being there in person.
Beyond the democratic structure, video conferencing means that we can start to consider whether we need so much office space for staff and for meetings. Already, some officers have told me that although homeworking can be difficult at first, they are beginning to appreciate its advantages and, they believe, it makes them more productive while having a better work-life balance. This, in turn, is likely to have many benefits including reduced costs to individuals as well as a reduction in stress and an improvement in mental health.
The extent to which video-conferencing is now being used by government and industry as a consequence of covid-19 means that the technology is likely to evolve quickly and become more effective. This offers local government a huge opportunity to become more transparent, more cost-effective, and more democratic, but it is one which needs to be grasped by councillors and supported by the Government for it to achieve its full potential.


conservativehome--2020-05-14--The teaching unions are wrong to campaign against reopening schools

This week , the Department of Health announced it wants primary schools to prepare to reopen on June 1 ; news that must , presumably , be music to some parents ’ ears .
But there was huge outrage across the newspapers .
Others leapt upon the substandard performance of Osama Rahman , Chief Scientific Adviser for the Department of Education ( DfE ) , who admitted the department had “ not done any modelling ” for risks at a committee hearing .
In a joint statement , they accused the government of “ showing a lack of understanding about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ within schools ” .
The National Education Union deemed the proposals “ reckless ” , and its joint General Secretary advised schools not to “ engage in planning meetings ” .
Paul White , General Secretary of the National Association of Head Teachers , has even said the plans were “ wildly optimistic , to the point of being irresponsible ” .
But the only thing irresponsible has been their exaggerated rhetoric , which will only serve to frighten parents , and prevent the UK from moving forward sensibly .
Make no mistake @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teachers and even children themselves may have fears about the reopening of schools .
This is a deadly disease that can spread in crowded settings .
There are still many unknowns – and it ’ s important to be cautious .
Even so , we ’ ve reached the point where people aren ’ t taking in the wider statistical evidence on schools ( nor what ’ s happening where they ’ ve been opening in other countries – despite the media saying we should copy Europe the other 99 per cent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that has become increasingly clear is that children do not appear to be badly affected by the disease as adults – if they show symptoms at all .
There have been cases of an inflammatory resembling Kawasaki Disease .
Despite the newspapers heavily covering it , it is rare by all indications .
For the overall population , the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies has expressed a “ high risk of confidence that the severity of the disease in children is lower than in adults and a moderately high degree of confidence that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ susceptible to it.
” Similarly , the World Health Organisation ’ s ( WHO ) advises in its guidance on schools that : “ [ S ] erious illness due to COVID-19 is seen infrequently in children ” and “ there have been rare cases of critical illness.
” Of course , we can never totally reassure loving parents that there is no risk – but the words “ high degree of confidence ” and “ rare ” are significant , comforting words from the scientific community .
Even more interestingly , there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not transmit as much as initially thought in schools .
There ’ s a tendency to assume that – because schools have lots of children – the disease will be passed around quickly , and brought back to parents , grandparents and other loved ones .
But there ’ s evidence that this is not the case .
The WHO has said : “ To date , there have been few educational institutions involved in COVID-19 outbreaks , but from these studies , it appears that disease transmission was primarily related to social @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transmission within classrooms .
These studies also suggest that the introduction of the virus was likely to be an adult member of staff.
” And this is backed up by the Health Information and Quality Authority ( HIQA ) , whose recent study concluded that “ children are not substantially contributing to the spread of COVID-19 in their household or in schools.
” Furthermore , one Australian study examined the potential spread from 18 confirmed ( nine students , nine staff members ) cases to over 800 contacts in 15 different schools .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ contracted COVID-19 from the initial school cases .
Although the HIQA says its evidence is “ limited ” , it ’ s poignant in light of trends ( or non-trends ) elsewhere in Europe .
If children were super spreaders , one would perhaps expect there to be immediate and stark epidemiological patterns from Norway and Denmark , whose schools opened a month ago .
There have been no obvious news reports if so .
Adult to adult contact seems the big danger .
In writing all this , one does not profess @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
No one knows everything about Coronavirus , and the opening of schools does have to slow , and careful .
But it ’ s hard to see how the DfE can go further on its protective plans – in light of the risks identified .
It has already told schools to cut down classroom sizes , and stagger break and lunch times – in case there are infections – along with other measures .
The National Education Union thinks this is “ reckless ” .
What seems more reckless , however , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk .
Their continued closure risks other huge societal problems , all of which seem to be downplayed – astonishingly – by the Left and liberals .
Indeed , yesterday in the House of Commons , Layla Moran , said to Gavin Williams , “ To what extent has getting parents back to work been the main drivers ( of reopening schools ) ?
’ As if this was a terrible crime .
Health will always be paramount .
But it doesn ’ t make economic or societal concerns trivial .
In fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the crisis where secondary factors have become dangerous in themselves .
Children missing out on education is a terrible thing .
And just as bad is their parents being economically incapacitated because of it .
These , in turn , have dreadful consequences on people ’ s lives , some of which extend to health .
So it is not as easy as the unions , and many others , have made out .
Reopening the economy for adults is an extremely difficult balance – because they have heightened risk , especially older @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high confidence ” that children are safe , we must press ahead with schools going back to normal .
That is “ following the science ” , not being reckless .

This week, the Department of Health announced it wants primary schools to prepare to reopen on June 1; news that must, presumably, be music to some parents’ ears.
But there was huge outrage across the newspapers.
“[N]ot so fast”, warned The Guardian.
Others leapt upon the substandard performance of Osama Rahman, Chief Scientific Adviser for the Department of Education (DfE), who admitted the department had “not done any modelling” for risks at a committee hearing.
Educational unions were raging.
In a joint statement, they accused the government of “showing a lack of understanding about the dangers of the spread of coronavirus within schools”.
Individually they went further…
The National Education Union deemed the proposals “reckless”, and its joint General Secretary advised schools not to “engage in planning meetings”.
Paul White, General Secretary of the National Association of Head Teachers, has even said the plans were “wildly optimistic, to the point of being irresponsible”.
But the only thing irresponsible has been their exaggerated rhetoric, which will only serve to frighten parents, and prevent the UK from moving forward sensibly.
Make no mistake, one completely understands why parents, teachers and even children themselves may have fears about the reopening of schools.
This is a deadly disease that can spread in crowded settings.
There are still many unknowns – and it’s important to be cautious.
Even so, we’ve reached the point where people aren’t taking in the wider statistical evidence on schools (nor what’s happening where they’ve been opening in other countries – despite the media saying we should copy Europe the other 99 per cent of the time).
The first thing that has become increasingly clear is that children do not appear to be badly affected by the disease as adults – if they show symptoms at all.
There have been cases of an inflammatory resembling Kawasaki Disease. Despite the newspapers heavily covering it, it is rare by all indications.
For the overall population, the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies has expressed a “high risk of confidence that the severity of the disease in children is lower than in adults and a moderately high degree of confidence that children aged up to 11 are less susceptible to it.”
Similarly, the World Health Organisation’s (WHO) advises in its guidance on schools that: “[S]erious illness due to COVID-19 is seen infrequently in children” and “there have been rare cases of critical illness.”
Of course, we can never totally reassure loving parents that there is no risk – but the words “high degree of confidence” and “rare” are significant, comforting words from the scientific community.
(As an aside, it would help, in many ways, if there was more discussion around risks other than Covid-19 – to put the disease into perspective.)
Even more interestingly, there’s a suggestion the virus may not transmit as much as initially thought in schools.
There’s a tendency to assume that – because schools have lots of children – the disease will be passed around quickly, and brought back to parents, grandparents and other loved ones.
But there’s evidence that this is not the case.
The WHO has said: “To date, there have been few educational institutions involved in COVID-19 outbreaks, but from these studies, it appears that disease transmission was primarily related to social events linked to university life rather than transmission within classrooms. These studies also suggest that the introduction of the virus was likely to be an adult member of staff.”
And this is backed up by the Health Information and Quality Authority (HIQA), whose recent study concluded that “children are not substantially contributing to the spread of COVID-19 in their household or in schools.”
Furthermore, one Australian study examined the potential spread from 18 confirmed (nine students, nine staff members) cases to over 800 contacts in 15 different schools. It found that no member of staff contracted COVID-19 from the initial school cases.
Although the HIQA says its evidence is “limited”, it’s poignant in light of trends (or non-trends) elsewhere in Europe.
If children were super spreaders, one would perhaps expect there to be immediate and stark epidemiological patterns from Norway and Denmark, whose schools opened a month ago. There have been no obvious news reports if so.
Adult to adult contact seems the big danger.
In writing all this, one does not profess to be Einstein, nor an oracle.
No one knows everything about Coronavirus, and the opening of schools does have to slow, and careful.
But it’s hard to see how the DfE can go further on its protective plans – in light of the risks identified.
It has already told schools to cut down classroom sizes, and stagger break and lunch times – in case there are infections – along with other measures.
The National Education Union thinks this is “reckless”.
What seems more reckless, however, is not reopening schools – by exaggerating risk.
Their continued closure risks other huge societal problems, all of which seem to be downplayed – astonishingly – by the Left and liberals.
Indeed, yesterday in the House of Commons, Layla Moran, said to Gavin Williams, “To what extent has getting parents back to work been the main drivers (of reopening schools)?’ As if this was a terrible crime.
Health will always be paramount. But it doesn’t make economic or societal concerns trivial.
In fact, we are at a stage in the crisis where secondary factors have become dangerous in themselves.
Children missing out on education is a terrible thing.
And just as bad is their parents being economically incapacitated because of it.
These, in turn, have dreadful consequences on people’s lives, some of which extend to health.
So it is not as easy as the unions, and many others, have made out.
Reopening the economy for adults is an extremely difficult balance – because they have heightened risk, especially older generations.
But when scientists have “high confidence” that children are safe, we must press ahead with schools going back to normal.
That is “following the science”, not being reckless.


conservativehome--2020-05-14--Why the Government is keen to get the Commons sitting again

There is such a surreal symmetry to the latest row between the Government and the parliamentary authorities that if it appeared in fiction it would feel rather contrived .
Having previously been accused of trying to bypass the legislature by proroguing Parliament , this ministry is apparently now trying to drag MPs back into Westminster against their will .
That at least is the tone of much of the press coverage following Jacob Rees-Mogg ’ s declaration in the Chamber that he hoped not to extend the special provisions allowing for a ‘ virtual Parliament ’ beyond the upcoming recess @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was rebuked by the Speaker , who insisted that the Commons would operate in line with Public Health England ’ s advice .
What ’ s the rush to get the Commons sitting again ?
Cynics suggest that the Prime Minister feels he might fare better at PMQs with the usual chorus of loyal MPs behind him , but Rees-Mogg has been clear that appropriate social distancing will remain in place .
Others suspect it may simply be that the Leader of the House , a traditionalist , wishes to avoid normalising virtual @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are also legitimate grounds for concern about how effective the current arrangements really .
As Sir John Redwood pointed out in a recent piece , various elements of normal procedure , including interventions , questions to ministers , and points of order , are currently impossible or restricted .
The need to schedule people in to a limited-capacity Chamber or a Zoom call has robbed the Commons of much spontaneity , and four hours of pre-programmed and isolated speeches are a pale shadow of a proper second reading debate .
Nor is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Rees-Mogg , the new measures have created bottlenecks which are making it extremely difficult for the Government to get its legislative agenda , comprising both its manifesto commitments and emergency pandemic responses , through the Commons .
Given the amount of concern at the onset of the crisis about the need for proper scrutiny of the various emergency provisions being introduced to handle Covid-19 , it seems reasonable to be concerned about whether the current jury-rigged arrangements are fit to be more than a very temporary stop-gap if they are forcing ministers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use of which has been hotly contested – to stay on top of the crisis .
Such worries are not restricted to unabashed traditionalists , either .
Jess Phillips , writing recently in the Independent , also speaks of how much she ‘ hates ’ the virtual parliament and the barriers it erects to effective scrutiny .
Beyond that , Rees-Mogg also wants Parliament to set an example at a time when the Government is trying to encourage people who can do so safely to return to work .
It will not help @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reactivate the economy , this reasoning runs , if MPs are refusing to return to their own workplace .
Spurring people to work whilst Parliament continues to operate remotely also risks giving the potentially toxic impression that there ’ s one rule for the governed and another for the government .
But there is a danger that an over-hasty return could backfire .
The striking story of the Prime Minister himself falling seriously ill helped to make Britain one of the most pro-lockdown countries anywhere .
Another spate of highly-visible cases in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to persuade Brits to leave theirs .
Yet government sources insist that Parliament can resume business in a Covid-responsible manner .
It may create new bottlenecks – divisions would certainly take longer – but the upside would be increased capacity , improved scrutiny , and reducing the routine use of emergency powers .

There is such a surreal symmetry to the latest row between the Government and the parliamentary authorities that if it appeared in fiction it would feel rather contrived.
Having previously been accused of trying to bypass the legislature by proroguing Parliament, this ministry is apparently now trying to drag MPs back into Westminster against their will.
That at least is the tone of much of the press coverage following Jacob Rees-Mogg’s declaration in the Chamber that he hoped not to extend the special provisions allowing for a ‘virtual Parliament’ beyond the upcoming recess, which ends in June. He was rebuked by the Speaker, who insisted that the Commons would operate in line with Public Health England’s advice.
What’s the rush to get the Commons sitting again? Cynics suggest that the Prime Minister feels he might fare better at PMQs with the usual chorus of loyal MPs behind him, but Rees-Mogg has been clear that appropriate social distancing will remain in place. Others suspect it may simply be that the Leader of the House, a traditionalist, wishes to avoid normalising virtual participation in the Commons.
But there are also legitimate grounds for concern about how effective the current arrangements really. As Sir John Redwood pointed out in a recent piece, various elements of normal procedure, including interventions, questions to ministers, and points of order, are currently impossible or restricted.
The need to schedule people in to a limited-capacity Chamber or a Zoom call has robbed the Commons of much spontaneity, and four hours of pre-programmed and isolated speeches are a pale shadow of a proper second reading debate.
Nor is the problem merely one of scrutiny. According to Rees-Mogg, the new measures have created bottlenecks which are making it extremely difficult for the Government to get its legislative agenda, comprising both its manifesto commitments and emergency pandemic responses, through the Commons.
Given the amount of concern at the onset of the crisis about the need for proper scrutiny of the various emergency provisions being introduced to handle Covid-19, it seems reasonable to be concerned about whether the current jury-rigged arrangements are fit to be more than a very temporary stop-gap if they are forcing ministers to rely on emergency mechanisms – the use of which has been hotly contested – to stay on top of the crisis.
Such worries are not restricted to unabashed traditionalists, either. Jess Phillips, writing recently in the Independent, also speaks of how much she ‘hates’ the virtual parliament and the barriers it erects to effective scrutiny.
Beyond that, Rees-Mogg also wants Parliament to set an example at a time when the Government is trying to encourage people who can do so safely to return to work. It will not help ministers’ efforts to re-open schools and reactivate the economy, this reasoning runs, if MPs are refusing to return to their own workplace. Spurring people to work whilst Parliament continues to operate remotely also risks giving the potentially toxic impression that there’s one rule for the governed and another for the government.
But there is a danger that an over-hasty return could backfire. The striking story of the Prime Minister himself falling seriously ill helped to make Britain one of the most pro-lockdown countries anywhere. Another spate of highly-visible cases in the House could make it harder than ever to persuade Brits to leave theirs.
Yet government sources insist that Parliament can resume business in a Covid-responsible manner. It may create new bottlenecks – divisions would certainly take longer – but the upside would be increased capacity, improved scrutiny, and reducing the routine use of emergency powers.


conservativehome--2020-05-15--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Northern Ireland Veterans Commissioner – a