conservativehome--2020-08-24--If Hall really wants to defend the BBC, he should confirm the Proms’ traditional line-up

When I last wrote about the BBC , back in May , I pointed out one of the big advantages enjoyed by the Corporation in its battle with the rather ragged forces of the ‘ Defund the BBC ’ brigade .
This is the sheer breadth of its coverage .
Full-spectrum attacks on the BBC , motivated by unhappiness with some of its political coverage , mustvlook very strange to the huge numbers of people who mostly experience only its drama or entertainment programming .
But I also pointed out that this was no grounds for complacency .
The collapse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ embolden its critics in the parliamentary Conservative Party .
The long-term security of an institution depends on it commanding strong bipartisan support .
Which is why it is so strange , with so many potential opponents circling in the water , that the BBC has allowed itself to get embroiled in a row over whether or not to cut popular , patriotic songs from the line-up of Last Night of the Proms.This is precisely the kind of thing which is likely to cut through with people who aren ’ t keeping track of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ panel .
It isn ’ t yet quite clear what the motivation is .
According to the Times , the team overseeing the programme are “ concerned about how to strike a sombre tone during a global pandemic and how to respond to the ongoing debates over race equality.
” There are also questions over whether some of these tunes can be performed effectively without the usual massed choir and audience .
But if that really is the reason , it was extremely foolish to let that get muddled up with talk about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And there is something chillingly cynical about the conductor ’ s reported belief that ‘ a ceremony without an audience is the perfect moment to bring change.
’ Coming as it does alongside the National Trust ’ s announcement of huge cuts to its programme – and the planned conversion of many of its country houses into ‘ venues for hire ’ – it feeds an impression that the institutions charged with maintaining parts of our national heritage playing fast and loose with that responsibility .
Previous Conservative governments have shied away @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but such attitudes will not prevail forever .
Tony Hall , the outgoing Director General , clearly recognises that the Corporation needs to be fought for and is in the news today selling it as ‘ the nation ’ s voice ’ .
His cause would be much better served by confirming that the Last Night of the Proms will feature its traditional line-up , and the Corporation ’ s huge resources will be bent to the task of finding innovative ways to deliver it if required .

When I last wrote about the BBC, back in May, I pointed out one of the big advantages enjoyed by the Corporation in its battle with the rather ragged forces of the ‘Defund the BBC’ brigade.
This is the sheer breadth of its coverage. Full-spectrum attacks on the BBC, motivated by unhappiness with some of its political coverage, must look very strange to the huge numbers of people who mostly experience only its drama or entertainment programming.
But I also pointed out that this was no grounds for complacency. The collapse in trust amongst Conservative voters will only embolden its critics in the parliamentary Conservative Party. The long-term security of an institution depends on it commanding strong bipartisan support.
Which is why it is so strange, with so many potential opponents circling in the water, that the BBC has allowed itself to get embroiled in a row over whether or not to cut popular, patriotic songs from the line-up of Last Night of the Proms.This is precisely the kind of thing which is likely to cut through with people who aren’t keeping track of the ideological balance of the Question Time panel.
It isn’t yet quite clear what the motivation is. According to the Times, the team overseeing the programme are “concerned about how to strike a sombre tone during a global pandemic and how to respond to the ongoing debates over race equality.”
There are also questions over whether some of these tunes can be performed effectively without the usual massed choir and audience. But if that really is the reason, it was extremely foolish to let that get muddled up with talk about the ‘Black Lives Matter proms’. And there is something chillingly cynical about the conductor’s reported belief that ‘a ceremony without an audience is the perfect moment to bring change.’
Coming as it does alongside the National Trust’s announcement of huge cuts to its programme – and the planned conversion of many of its country houses into ‘venues for hire’ – it feeds an impression that the institutions charged with maintaining parts of our national heritage playing fast and loose with that responsibility.
Previous Conservative governments have shied away from grasping the nettle of BBC reform, but such attitudes will not prevail forever. Tony Hall, the outgoing Director General, clearly recognises that the Corporation needs to be fought for and is in the news today selling it as ‘the nation’s voice’.
His cause would be much better served by confirming that the Last Night of the Proms will feature its traditional line-up, and the Corporation’s huge resources will be bent to the task of finding innovative ways to deliver it if required.


conservativehome--2020-08-24--School re-openings. When it comes to strategic communications, Johnson can learn from Sunak.

There is reason to believe that most schools will open for the start of the new term – if not all at once , at least early in September .
This is because parents are more responsive ( hopefully and the unions less obstructive ( certainly ) .
First , parents .
It may be that the fall in Coronavirus hospitalisation and death numbers ; the coming end of furlough ; difficulties in balancing working from home with caring from home ; and , above all , a creeping realisation of the damage that non-schooling does to children ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unions .
It looks as though a shift in parental opinion , and that the apparent fall in the lethality of Covid-19 , has had an effect .
The NAS/UWT says that the statement issued by Government medical officers “ adds weight to the Prime Minister ’ s message that there is a moral duty to reopen schools ” .
Even the National Education Union is now advising union representatives “ to seek meetings with school leaders in order to discuss plans for full opening ” .
So there is a plausible case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Gavin Williamson , who can ’ t now be an effective spokesman for re-openings , won ’ t substantially delay re-openings .
Proof that Downing Street believes that his reputation among parents is shot comes in the form of Boris Johnson getting out on the front foot and taking the communications lead .
“ It ’ s vitally important that we get our children back into the classroom to learn and to be with their friends .
Nothing will have a greater effect on the life chances of our children than returning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And Number Ten seems to have grasped the message that what ’ s needed now is a strategic communications plan .
Part of such a plan for any Government is the recognition that politicians aren ’ t the best-placed people to convince sceptical voters .
In this case , Downing Street gets it – quoting a statement from Chris Whitty and the other chief medical officers .
“ We are confident in the extensive evidence that there is an exceptionally small risk of children of primary or secondary school age dying from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This is a welcome shift of gear .
You may not trust the medical officers , but many people will do so – more than they will the Government ’ s Ministers , anyway .
But the Prime Minister is not out of the educational woods , and Williamson is in no position to help guide him .
For what happens if the Coronavirus returns during the winter , death numbers and hospitalisations rise , local lockdowns intensify , and many workers are confined to home ?
Or if , heaven help us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( to which we are opposed if , as is now the case , the threat to the NHS is remote ) .
In these circumstances , pressure will grow to close schools , most likely on a local , area or regional basis .
It is hard to see how they will function if teachers in certain areas are locked down .
And parents may start keeping their children at home in any event .
In these circumstances , Number Ten will need to act more energetically over online learning than it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been very patchy – with the private sector outperforming the public .
There will always be a need for face-to-face teaching in education , and younger children must learn how to socialise .
But online learning is a growing presence , and Covid-19 will speed it up .
Ministers should be looking at Tom Tugendhat ’ s ideas for helping to fund parents to buy teaching online .
In these circumstances , Downing Street will also have to dust down its fledgling communications strategy .
Mobilising scientists is good , but deploying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even better .
Michael Gove reached a similar conclusion in Opposition , as he contemplated the push by John Patten , Education Secretary under John Major , for school opt-outs from local authority control .
It faltered , together with plans for curriculum reform .
Patten had worked top-down and Gove , on academisation , worked botttom-up , at least in part – by encouraging the free schools movement , and legislating to assist it .
If the Government runs into schools trouble this winter , it will need to mobilise voices who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pupils getting to school with passion and expertise .
These should include inspirational teachers , such as Katharine Birbalsingh .
Plus school providers , such as Ark ; or not-for-profit organisations such as Parents as First Teachers .
“ One mum on Mumsnet is worth a hundred Ministers , ” one adviser told ConHome .
Number Ten , rather than the Education Department , will have to take the lead if a crisis arises , if only because Williamson is unlikely to be in a position to persuade non-MPs to pitch in .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Downing Street could learn more broadly from the Treasury , in any event – now .
Rishi Sunak ’ s popularity won ’ t last forever .
But he is effective not only because he is giving people what they want ( currently ) , or because he is a crisp , well-briefed and direct interviewee .
Never mind , for a moment , the cute graphics , with his signature on them ; or the photo of a young , dynamic Chancellor beavering away at his desk , wearing a hoodie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ team have developed an way of packaging their offers .
So schemes designed to help business access money more quickly are “ bounceback loans ” .
Sunak ’ s plan to boost the hospitality industry is “ eat out to help out ” .
Were other departments as disciplined in their communications , Ministers would govern more effectively .
Meanwhile , the Government will need to clear the airwaves and studios for women Ministers , such as Vicky Ford , since mothers will be a key target audience during the coming weeks .

There is reason to believe that most schools will open for the start of the new term – if not all at once, at least early in September. This is because parents are more responsive (hopefully and the unions less obstructive (certainly).
First, parents. It may be that the fall in Coronavirus hospitalisation and death numbers; the coming end of furlough; difficulties in balancing working from home with caring from home; and, above all, a creeping realisation of the damage that non-schooling does to children’s life has cut through.
Second, unions. It looks as though a shift in parental opinion, and that the apparent fall in the lethality of Covid-19, has had an effect. The NAS/UWT says that the statement issued by Government medical officers “adds weight to the Prime Minister’s message that there is a moral duty to reopen schools”.
Even the National Education Union is now advising union representatives “to seek meetings with school leaders in order to discuss plans for full opening”. So there is a plausible case for believing that the political damage done to Gavin Williamson, who can’t now be an effective spokesman for re-openings, won’t substantially delay re-openings.
Proof that Downing Street believes that his reputation among parents is shot comes in the form of Boris Johnson getting out on the front foot and taking the communications lead.
“It’s vitally important that we get our children back into the classroom to learn and to be with their friends. Nothing will have a greater effect on the life chances of our children than returning to school,” he says today. And Number Ten seems to have grasped the message that what’s needed now is a strategic communications plan.
Part of such a plan for any Government is the recognition that politicians aren’t the best-placed people to convince sceptical voters. In this case, Downing Street gets it – quoting a statement from Chris Whitty and the other chief medical officers.
“We are confident in the extensive evidence that there is an exceptionally small risk of children of primary or secondary school age dying from COVID-19,” they now say.
This is a welcome shift of gear. You may not trust the medical officers, but many people will do so – more than they will the Government’s Ministers, anyway. But the Prime Minister is not out of the educational woods, and Williamson is in no position to help guide him.
For what happens if the Coronavirus returns during the winter, death numbers and hospitalisations rise, local lockdowns intensify, and many workers are confined to home? Or if, heaven help us, there is a second national shutdown (to which we are opposed if, as is now the case, the threat to the NHS is remote).
In these circumstances, pressure will grow to close schools, most likely on a local, area or regional basis. It is hard to see how they will function if teachers in certain areas are locked down.
And parents may start keeping their children at home in any event. In these circumstances, Number Ten will need to act more energetically over online learning than it has done to date. The quality has been very patchy – with the private sector outperforming the public.
There will always be a need for face-to-face teaching in education, and younger children must learn how to socialise. But online learning is a growing presence, and Covid-19 will speed it up. Ministers should be looking at Tom Tugendhat’s ideas for helping to fund parents to buy teaching online.
In these circumstances, Downing Street will also have to dust down its fledgling communications strategy. Mobilising scientists is good, but deploying teachers, parents and educationalists would be even better.
Michael Gove reached a similar conclusion in Opposition, as he contemplated the push by John Patten, Education Secretary under John Major, for school opt-outs from local authority control. It faltered, together with plans for curriculum reform.
Patten had worked top-down and Gove, on academisation, worked botttom-up, at least in part – by encouraging the free schools movement, and legislating to assist it. If the Government runs into schools trouble this winter, it will need to mobilise voices who can put the social justice case for pupils getting to school with passion and expertise.
These should include inspirational teachers, such as Katharine Birbalsingh. Plus school providers, such as Ark; or not-for-profit organisations such as Parents as First Teachers.
“One mum on Mumsnet is worth a hundred Ministers,” one adviser told ConHome. Number Ten, rather than the Education Department, will have to take the lead if a crisis arises, if only because Williamson is unlikely to be in a position to persuade non-MPs to pitch in.
And when it comes to strategic communications, Downing Street could learn more broadly from the Treasury, in any event – now. Rishi Sunak’s popularity won’t last forever. But he is effective not only because he is giving people what they want (currently), or because he is a crisp, well-briefed and direct interviewee.
Never mind, for a moment, the cute graphics, with his signature on them; or the photo of a young, dynamic Chancellor beavering away at his desk, wearing a hoodie.
More to the point, his team have developed an way of packaging their offers. So schemes designed to help business access money more quickly are “bounceback loans”. Sunak’s plan to boost the hospitality industry is “eat out to help out”.
Were other departments as disciplined in their communications, Ministers would govern more effectively. Meanwhile, the Government will need to clear the airwaves and studios for women Ministers, such as Vicky Ford, since mothers will be a key target audience during the coming weeks.


conservativehome--2020-08-24--Neil O’Brien: The next algorithm disaster – coming to a Conservative constituency near you. This tim

Neil O’Brien: The next algorithm disaster – coming to a Conservative constituency near you. This time, it’s housing growth.

Algorithms have been in the news , not for good reasons .
One lesson from the A-levels row is that principles which seem reasonable can lead to outcomes you don ’ t expect .
Another algorithm ’ s coming down the tracks : the new formula for how many houses must be built in different places .
There are few with higher stakes .
I wrote about the housing White Paper in my last column : it proposes not just to change the methodology for assessing housing need , but also to make a standard methodology compulsory for the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we don ’ t like the results of the new algorithm , we ’ ll have blocked off the emergency exits .
The new algorithm is set out here .
It ’ s not particularly easy to read .
For example , one of many factors is set out in bullet point 30 : Clear enough for you ?
I thought it might be a while before we saw what the new algorithm would produce in practice .
But Lichfields , the planning consultancy , has translated the algorithm into what it would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the formula spits out can be compared to the number of homes actually being delivered over recent years , or to the numbers in the current ( optional ) national formula .
Whichever way you look at it , it ’ s controversial .
I ’ ve long argued we should concentrate more development in inner urban areas , for various reasons I ’ ll come back to below .
But this algorithm doesn ’ t do that – at least not outside London .
In the capital , the algorithm would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the rest of England the formula takes the numbers down in labour-run urban areas , while taking them dramatically up in shire and suburban areas which tend to be conservative controlled .
Overall , the algorithm proposes a south-centric model of growth for Britain ( with some growth in the midlands ) .
If we compare the algorithm to recent delivery , the South East has been delivering just over 39,000 homes a year , and will be expected to increase that to just over 61,000 , a 57 per cent increase .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 43 per cent increase , the East Midlands a 33 per cent increase , the West Midlands a 25 per cent increase and the South West a 24 per cent increase .
For the North East , North West and Yorkshire , the numbers the algorithm proposes are lower overall than the numbers delivered over recent years .
But as with A-levels , the devil ’ s in the detail .
The really controversial changes are within regions , where the algorithm suggests jacking up numbers for shires , while taking them down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ national formula to the proposal , we can see this for most large cities .
The number for Birmingham comes down 15 per cent , while the rest of the West Midlands goes up 52 per cent .
Numbers for Leicester go down 35 per cent .
The rest of Leicestershire goes up 105 per cent .
Nottingham goes down 22 per cent , the rest of Nottinghamshire goes up 48 per cent .
Southampton goes down 17 per cent , Portsmouth down 15 per cent and Basingstoke down 23 per cent , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up 39 per cent .
Wealthy Bristol would see some growth ( 5 per cent ) but much lower than the rest of Gloucester , Somerset and Wiltshire ( 47 per cent ) .
It ’ s the same story up north .
Leeds down 14 per cent , Sheffield down 19 per cent , and Bradford down 29 per cent .
But the East Riding up 34 per cent , North Yorkshire up 80 per cent , and North East Lincolnshire up 123 per cent .
In the north west the core @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) and Liverpool ( -26 per cent ) see huge falls , while the areas around them shoot up .
In Greater Manchester , for example , the growth is shifted to the blue suburbs and shires .
Outer parts go up : Wigan up 10 per cent , Bury , up 12 per cent , and Rochdale up 97 per cent .
And areas to the south and north of the conurbation up much further : Cheshire up 108 per cent , while Blackburn , Hyndburn , Burnley and the Ribble Valley @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But it isn ’ t just that the numbers in the new formula are lower than the old formula for urban areas .
In many cases the new formula suggests a lower number than their recent rate of delivery .
This is true of Sheffield ( 12 per cent below actual delivery ) , Leeds ( 16 per cent ) , Bradford ( 23 per cent ) , the entire North East ( 28 per cent ) , Nottingham ( 30 per cent ) , Manchester , ( 31 per cent ) , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Liverpool ( 59 per cent ) .
The new formula seems to assume we are going to level down our cities , not level up .
It ’ s true that there ’ s another step between the Housing Need Assessment which this algorithm produces and the final housing target , which can be reduced a bit to account for delivery constraints like greenbelt .
But if we go with this algorithm unamended , outside London most Conservative MPs will be seeing large increases in the housing targets for their constituencies , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ targets reduced .
Is this what we want ?
Leaving aside the politics , I think not .
Compared to the rest of Europe , the UK has much less dense cities .
Places like Dundee , Glasgow , Liverpool , Sunderland , Birkenhead , Hull and Newcastle all had smaller populations in 2017 than 1981 , while places like Birmingham and Manchester weren ’ t much bigger .
Our cities have untapped potential , many went through a period of shrinkage and have space , and there are health and environmental reasons @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dense urban areas , people are more likely to walk or cycle – and in the UK , people in cities walk twice as far as those in villages each year .
This reduces public transport costs and improves health .
Denser cities can sustain better public transport and so cut car congestion and time spent travelling .
As well as reducing pollution from transport , denser cities reduce energy use and pollution because flats and terraced homes are much more energy efficient .
I ’ m not sure the draft algorithm is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The document in which it is set out says that “ the Government has heard powerful representations that the current formula underestimates demand for housing in the growing cities in the Northern Powerhouse by being based on historic trends.
” But the algorithm seems to do the exact opposite .
There may be technical reasons why things aren ’ t working out : there ’ s lots of ways to measure affordability… differences between residence-based and workplace-based income measures… there were certain caps in the old model , population projections have changed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bigger issue is this .
There ’ s no “ objective ” way of calculating how many homes are “ needed ” in an area .
While there are ways of carving up the numbers that are seen as more or less fair , ultimately a vision is required .
Projections of population growth are circular : the projected population growth for the farmland between Bletchley and Stony Stratford would ’ ve been pretty low before we built Milton Keynes there .
Likewise the forecast for the derelict Docklands of the early 1980s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the future need not resemble the past .
Though it took a huge effort , Germany raised East Germans from 40 per cent to just 14 per cent per cent below the national average income since reunification .
That ’ s levelling up .
Do we want to continue to concentrate growth in the South East ?
Do we want European-style denser cities , or for them to sprawl out a bit more ?
An algorithm can help deliver a vision : but it ’ s not the same as one .

Neil O’Brien is MP for Harborough.
Algorithms have been in the news, not for good reasons. One lesson from the A-levels row is that principles which seem reasonable can lead to outcomes you don’t expect. Another algorithm’s coming down the tracks: the new formula for how many houses must be built in different places. There are few with higher stakes.
I wrote about the housing White Paper in my last column: it proposes not just to change the methodology for assessing housing need, but also to make a standard methodology compulsory for the first time. In other words, if we don’t like the results of the new algorithm, we’ll have blocked off the emergency exits.
The new algorithm is set out here. It’s not particularly easy to read. For example, one of many factors is set out in bullet point 30:
Adjustment Factor = [( Local affordability factor t = 0 – 4 4) x 0.25) + (Local affordability ratio t = 0 – Local affordability ratio t = 10) x 0.25] +1 Where t = 0 is current yearr and t = -10 is 10 years back.
Clear enough for you?
I thought it might be a while before we saw what the new algorithm would produce in practice. But Lichfields, the planning consultancy, has translated the algorithm into what it would mean for local authorities.
The numbers that the formula spits out can be compared to the number of homes actually being delivered over recent years, or to the numbers in the current (optional) national formula. Whichever way you look at it, it’s controversial.
I’ve long argued we should concentrate more development in inner urban areas, for various reasons I’ll come back to below. But this algorithm doesn’t do that – at least not outside London. In the capital, the algorithm would indeed increase numbers substantially.
But in the rest of England the formula takes the numbers down in labour-run urban areas, while taking them dramatically up in shire and suburban areas which tend to be conservative controlled.
Overall, the algorithm proposes a south-centric model of growth for Britain (with some growth in the midlands).
If we compare the algorithm to recent delivery, the South East has been delivering just over 39,000 homes a year, and will be expected to increase that to just over 61,000, a 57 per cent increase. The East of England would see a 43 per cent increase, the East Midlands a 33 per cent increase, the West Midlands a 25 per cent increase and the South West a 24 per cent increase.
For the North East, North West and Yorkshire, the numbers the algorithm proposes are lower overall than the numbers delivered over recent years. But as with A-levels, the devil’s in the detail.
The really controversial changes are within regions, where the algorithm suggests jacking up numbers for shires, while taking them down in urban areas. Comparing the existing national formula to the proposal, we can see this for most large cities.
The number for Birmingham comes down 15 per cent, while the rest of the West Midlands goes up 52 per cent.
Numbers for Leicester go down 35 per cent. The rest of Leicestershire goes up 105 per cent.
Nottingham goes down 22 per cent, the rest of Nottinghamshire goes up 48 per cent.
Southampton goes down 17 per cent, Portsmouth down 15 per cent and Basingstoke down 23 per cent, but the rest of Hampshire would go up 39 per cent.
Wealthy Bristol would see some growth (5 per cent) but much lower than the rest of Gloucester, Somerset and Wiltshire (47 per cent).
It’s the same story up north. Leeds down 14 per cent, Sheffield down 19 per cent, and Bradford down 29 per cent. But the East Riding up 34 per cent, North Yorkshire up 80 per cent, and North East Lincolnshire up 123 per cent.
In the north west the core cities of Manchester (-37 per cent) and Liverpool (-26 per cent) see huge falls, while the areas around them shoot up. In Greater Manchester, for example, the growth is shifted to the blue suburbs and shires. Outer parts go up: Wigan up 10 per cent, Bury, up 12 per cent, and Rochdale up 97 per cent. And areas to the south and north of the conurbation up much further: Cheshire up 108 per cent, while Blackburn, Hyndburn, Burnley and the Ribble Valley together go up 149 per cent.
But it isn’t just that the numbers in the new formula are lower than the old formula for urban areas. In many cases the new formula suggests a lower number than their recent rate of delivery. This is true of Sheffield (12 per cent below actual delivery), Leeds (16 per cent), Bradford (23 per cent), the entire North East (28 per cent), Nottingham (30 per cent), Manchester, (31 per cent), Leicester, (32 per cent) and Liverpool (59 per cent). The new formula seems to assume we are going to level down our cities, not level up.
It’s true that there’s another step between the Housing Need Assessment which this algorithm produces and the final housing target, which can be reduced a bit to account for delivery constraints like greenbelt.
But if we go with this algorithm unamended, outside London most Conservative MPs will be seeing large increases in the housing targets for their constituencies, while many Labour MPs see their local targets reduced. Is this what we want?
Leaving aside the politics, I think not. Compared to the rest of Europe, the UK has much less dense cities.
Places like Dundee, Glasgow, Liverpool, Sunderland, Birkenhead, Hull and Newcastle all had smaller populations in 2017 than 1981, while places like Birmingham and Manchester weren’t much bigger. Our cities have untapped potential, many went through a period of shrinkage and have space, and there are health and environmental reasons to prefer urban growth too.
In dense urban areas, people are more likely to walk or cycle – and in the UK, people in cities walk twice as far as those in villages each year. This reduces public transport costs and improves health.
Denser cities can sustain better public transport and so cut car congestion and time spent travelling. As well as reducing pollution from transport, denser cities reduce energy use and pollution because flats and terraced homes are much more energy efficient.
I’m not sure the draft algorithm is even doing what Ministers wanted it to. The document in which it is set out says that “the Government has heard powerful representations that the current formula underestimates demand for housing in the growing cities in the Northern Powerhouse by being based on historic trends.”
But the algorithm seems to do the exact opposite.
There may be technical reasons why things aren’t working out: there’s lots of ways to measure affordability… differences between residence-based and workplace-based income measures… there were certain caps in the old model, population projections have changed and so on.
However, the bigger issue is this.
There’s no “objective” way of calculating how many homes are “needed” in an area. While there are ways of carving up the numbers that are seen as more or less fair, ultimately a vision is required.
Projections of population growth are circular: the projected population growth for the farmland between Bletchley and Stony Stratford would’ve been pretty low before we built Milton Keynes there.
Likewise the forecast for the derelict Docklands of the early 1980s. While there are real economic constraints, the future need not resemble the past.
Though it took a huge effort, Germany raised East Germans from 40 per cent to just 14 per cent per cent below the national average income since reunification. That’s levelling up.
Do we want to continue to concentrate growth in the South East? Do we want European-style denser cities, or for them to sprawl out a bit more? An algorithm can help deliver a vision: but it’s not the same as one.


conservativehome--2020-08-24--Judy Terry: Councillors should do more to recruit school governors

Judy Terry is a marketing professional and a former local councillor in Suffolk .
Now would be a good time for local authorities to launch a campaign to recruit more school governors .
In particular , it is important to encourage greater cultural diversity in many areas .
Schools and colleges have had a difficult year , trying to deliver the best education , whilst responding to the Covid-19 crisis .
There will be significant challenges ahead , when thousands of children across all age groups have been unable to engage with any online learning and parents have struggled with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ between helping with homework and teaching complex mathematics or a foreign language !
When schools return in September , children ’ s knowledge and progress will have to be individually evaluated , to bring them up to the appropriate educational standards for their age .
Inevitably , some may have to drop back a year , adding pressure on Head Teachers ( HT ) , who will have to decide how this can be managed , when space ( for social distancing ) will be at a premium .
This means that school @ @ @ @ @ @ @ helping and supporting – and challenging – the HT and staff , potentially assuming greater responsibility for specific areas of oversight , as they would at other times of crisis , establishing sub-committees .
With a shortage of governors nationally , now is an opportunity for parents , as well as community volunteers to put themselves forward ; local businesses should also encourage their young staff to sign up , increasing their communication and management skills .
Finance , legal , and property expertise are often in short supply on governance boards , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ school management .
Fresh faces , with fresh ideas , are essential in enabling schools to adapt to changing circumstances , and raise standards , especially if schools have failed in recent Ofsted inspections .
Under normal circumstances , each governor would adopt particular projects , building on their own interests , working with staff , to ensure that agreed policies and strategies , both local and national , are complied with , and developed .
Raising aspiration and achievement is at the heart of good governance ; Ofsted expects governors to have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s priorities in delivering a broad educational experience for all children – and will interview them in considerable depth accordingly .
For example , governors allocated to Special Educational Needs ( SEN ) , a complex and demanding specialism , with wide implications for mental health and child protection , will be required to demonstrate progress in meeting clear objectives .
The best outcomes require children to be fully integrated into school life as much as possible , allowing them to maximise their abilities and future independence .
Being a governor is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reading in primaries or , using their own qualifications , assist with maths , music , art , or the sciences .
They can also introduce new initiatives , with the HT ’ s approval – why don ’ t schools teach touch typing , when everyone uses a computer nowadays , and it is so much faster ?
Encouraging new experiences is all-important , especially in deprived areas .
So , at weekends , some governors coach youngsters in various games , building relationships with clubs and other schools , including private @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Governors with a passion for culture and the arts build relationships with other organisations , whilst helping with drama productions and concerts .
Outside space is a benefit for good mental health , and if their own site is restricted , schools may take on an allotment to share with children and their families , growing vegetables and teaching simple healthy recipes .
Governors can also make a real difference by being aware of – and securing – additional funding from charities , community funds , and the lottery , to meet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ From a young age , children need to be aware of the potential career opportunities which could be available to them in manufacturing , wind farms , engineering , industry , hospitality , conservation and the professions – as well as the Armed Services .
Raising awareness encourages aspiration and builds confidence .
Although too many HTs reject the idea , this means inviting people from across a broad range of specialisms to come into school , including primaries , meeting pupils and teachers , to explain their work and the particular skills @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not the only solution , especially when youngsters have no plans for life after getting a degree ; technical colleges are the route to apprenticeships and life skills with good earning potential .
Governors can also be mentors , introducing young people to employers and sharing their own experiences in building a career .
With the Government ’ s promises to invest millions in upgrading school premises , property management is another key issue .
Local authorities tend to have superficial information , so governors with appropriate professional knowledge can take the lead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and safety plan , instead of just responding to property emergencies .
It is better value for money , especially for older buildings ; local architects and construction companies are usually keen to provide free advice , whilst the Fire Service will also do safety checks .
Keeping young people safe also means securing physical boundaries around schools , and educating them about the dangers of becoming involved in criminal groups .
With county lines , this is a considerable challenge , so having a good relationship with parent groups and police neighbourhood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can help , by monitoring and developing an understanding of the issues which have to be addressed ; older children can become police cadets .
Everyone deserves the best possible education , introducing them to a lifetime of learning and enjoyment , as well as utilising their talents in rewarding careers .
Although unpaid , being a school governor is a significant contribution to society and local communities .
So , for those tempted , the first step is to read the Government ’ s excellent document which sets out the expected governors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be DBS-approved ( Disclosure & Barring Service ) and can make their own application ( costing £23 ) .
They may then approach their chosen school directly , consult the local education authority for advice , or complete the application form on the Government ’ s website .
Once appointed , there is plenty of good training available and regular updates on current and new legislation as well as a platform for sharing best practice .
Local councillors are often invited to join a governing board , but it is important to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be a distraction during decision-making ; acting in the best interests of the children and the school must always be a priority , regardless of one ’ s own political views .

Judy Terry is a marketing professional and a former local councillor in Suffolk.
Now would be a good time for local authorities to launch a campaign to recruit more school governors. In particular, it is important to encourage greater cultural diversity in many areas.
Schools and colleges have had a difficult year, trying to deliver the best education, whilst responding to the Covid-19 crisis. There will be significant challenges ahead, when thousands of children across all age groups have been unable to engage with any online learning and parents have struggled with home-schooling. There is a big difference between helping with homework and teaching complex mathematics or a foreign language!
When schools return in September, children’s knowledge and progress will have to be individually evaluated, to bring them up to the appropriate educational standards for their age. Inevitably, some may have to drop back a year, adding pressure on Head Teachers (HT), who will have to decide how this can be managed, when space (for social distancing) will be at a premium.
This means that school governors will have an enhanced role, helping and supporting – and challenging – the HT and staff, potentially assuming greater responsibility for specific areas of oversight, as they would at other times of crisis, establishing sub-committees.
With a shortage of governors nationally, now is an opportunity for parents, as well as community volunteers to put themselves forward; local businesses should also encourage their young staff to sign up, increasing their communication and management skills. Finance, legal, and property expertise are often in short supply on governance boards, yet that knowledge is key to professional school management. Fresh faces, with fresh ideas, are essential in enabling schools to adapt to changing circumstances, and raise standards, especially if schools have failed in recent Ofsted inspections.
Under normal circumstances, each governor would adopt particular projects, building on their own interests, working with staff, to ensure that agreed policies and strategies, both local and national, are complied with, and developed. Raising aspiration and achievement is at the heart of good governance; Ofsted expects governors to have a detailed understanding of a school’s priorities in delivering a broad educational experience for all children – and will interview them in considerable depth accordingly.
For example, governors allocated to Special Educational Needs (SEN), a complex and demanding specialism, with wide implications for mental health and child protection, will be required to demonstrate progress in meeting clear objectives. The best outcomes require children to be fully integrated into school life as much as possible, allowing them to maximise their abilities and future independence.
Being a governor is a major commitment, but many help with reading in primaries or, using their own qualifications, assist with maths, music, art, or the sciences. They can also introduce new initiatives, with the HT’s approval – why don’t schools teach touch typing, when everyone uses a computer nowadays, and it is so much faster?
Encouraging new experiences is all-important, especially in deprived areas. So, at weekends, some governors coach youngsters in various games, building relationships with clubs and other schools, including private schools, to broaden opportunities beyond football. Governors with a passion for culture and the arts build relationships with other organisations, whilst helping with drama productions and concerts. Outside space is a benefit for good mental health, and if their own site is restricted, schools may take on an allotment to share with children and their families, growing vegetables and teaching simple healthy recipes.
Governors can also make a real difference by being aware of – and securing – additional funding from charities, community funds, and the lottery, to meet specific plans for projects and trips.
From a young age, children need to be aware of the potential career opportunities which could be available to them in manufacturing, wind farms, engineering, industry, hospitality, conservation and the professions – as well as the Armed Services. Raising awareness encourages aspiration and builds confidence.
Although too many HTs reject the idea, this means inviting people from across a broad range of specialisms to come into school, including primaries, meeting pupils and teachers, to explain their work and the particular skills needed for future employment. University is not the only solution, especially when youngsters have no plans for life after getting a degree; technical colleges are the route to apprenticeships and life skills with good earning potential. Governors can also be mentors, introducing young people to employers and sharing their own experiences in building a career.
With the Government’s promises to invest millions in upgrading school premises, property management is another key issue. Local authorities tend to have superficial information, so governors with appropriate professional knowledge can take the lead in devising a fully costed co-ordinated maintenance and safety plan, instead of just responding to property emergencies. It is better value for money, especially for older buildings; local architects and construction companies are usually keen to provide free advice, whilst the Fire Service will also do safety checks.
Keeping young people safe also means securing physical boundaries around schools, and educating them about the dangers of becoming involved in criminal groups. With county lines, this is a considerable challenge, so having a good relationship with parent groups and police neighbourhood teams is a huge benefit. Governors can help, by monitoring and developing an understanding of the issues which have to be addressed; older children can become police cadets.
Everyone deserves the best possible education, introducing them to a lifetime of learning and enjoyment, as well as utilising their talents in rewarding careers. Although unpaid, being a school governor is a significant contribution to society and local communities.
So, for those tempted, the first step is to read the Government’s excellent document which sets out the expected governors’ skills and responsibilities. They need to be DBS-approved (Disclosure & Barring Service) and can make their own application (costing £23).
They may then approach their chosen school directly, consult the local education authority for advice, or complete the application form on the Government’s website. Once appointed, there is plenty of good training available and regular updates on current and new legislation as well as a platform for sharing best practice.
Local councillors are often invited to join a governing board, but it is important to keep politics out of school because it can be a distraction during decision-making; acting in the best interests of the children and the school must always be a priority, regardless of one’s own political views.


conservativehome--2020-08-24--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Chair of Innovate UK – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
“ Joint Nature Conservation Committee ( JNCC ) Framework Document provides the legal , administrative and financial framework within which the Joint Committee operates and the specific functions of the Committee and the Chair .
As Chair you will be responsible to the Defra Secretary of State for the leadership , direction and effectiveness of JNCC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with Defra and the Devolved Administrations .
You will be the primary contact with Ministers for the Committee .
You will provide visible leadership and vision for JNCC , setting strategic and operational direction , ensuring good governance and , together with the Joint Committee , holding the executive to account.
” “ Environmental Standards Scotland will be established , initially , on a non-statutory basis from January 2021 .
It will transition to a statutory , independent body over the course of 2021 .
The Board will initially comprise of the Chair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Standards Scotland becomes established as a statutory organisation , further board appointments are expected .
Members of the Board of Environmental Standards Scotland will shape how the Board performs its role , including by exercising judgement on what information to monitor ; selecting environmental concerns for initial review and for detailed investigation ; resolving these through agreement with public authorities , where possible ; and , highlighting any significant issues to Ministers.
” Time : 8-10 days per month initially , ~4 per month thereafter .
“ This role is therefore an extraordinary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the success of the BFI and the wider British film/screen industry , and who has a track record of board leadership , to support the next chapter of British film and the continued success of the screen sectors .
The selected Board Chair will be expected to work alongside the recently appointed CEO in shaping and delivering an emerging vision for the sectors ’ recovery from Covid-19 , and long-term success thereafter .
To do so , the selected Board Chair must have achieved leadership stature in the film industry , business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , or government.
” Time : Up to two days per month .
“ The Secretary of State for Digital , Culture , Media and Sport is seeking to appoint an outstanding individual to be Chair of the National Lottery Community Fund .
Applications are welcomed from underrepresented groups to ensure the National Lottery Community Fund reflects the diverse society it serves .
The Fund is currently supporting communities across the UK to adjust to and recover from the coronavirus crisis .
It is also a time when the Fund has gone through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ making it well placed to deliver our ambitious plans to achieve the Fund ’ s purpose : supporting people and communities thrive .
The Fund has many of the building blocks in place to add even greater value to civil society and public life .
Our contribution is as varied as it is vital.
” Time : Up to two days per week .
“ The Charity Commission has a clear purpose : to ensure charity can thrive and inspire trust so that people can improve lives and strengthen society .
To help @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proud commitment to represent the public interest in charity , and meet the challenges we face , in the autumn of 2018 the Board set an ambitious five-year strategic plan… The Secretary of State for the Department of Digital , Culture , Media and Sport , the Rt Hon Oliver Dowden MP , wishes to appoint a Board member to the Charity Commission for England and Wales .
A vacancy for a Non-Executive Director will be created when one member completes their term in October 2020 .
This is a senior role requiring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ skills to support the Chair in providing strategic leadership and oversight of the Charity Commission .
” “ Her Majesty ’ s Chief Inspector of the Crown Prosecution Service is supported by an inspectorate : Her Majesty ’ s Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate ( HMCPSI ) .
The inspectorate provides independently assessed evidence about the operation , efficiency , and effectiveness of the public prosecutors ( the Crown Prosecution Service ( CPS ) and the Serious Fraud Office ( SFO ) ) .
The purpose of this is to provide the evidence needed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ held to account and to improve , thereby strengthening the public ’ s trust in the prosecution process .
Her Majesty ’ s Chief Inspector and the inspectorate may inspect other prosecuting authorities by invitation.
” “ The Forensic Science Regulator ensures that the provision of forensic science services across the criminal justice system is subject to an appropriate regime of scientific quality standards .
They are responsible for : identifying the requirement for new or improved quality standards ; leading on the development of new standards ; and where necessary , providing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ forensic science services can demonstrate compliance with common standards .
The successful candidate will ideally have a substantial background in operating at a senior level in a relevant field , encompassing at least one of the following : leadership in a forensic , or related , scientific discipline ; the development and application of quality standards in a scientific or technical environment ; the regulatory process involving scientific standards ; or the criminal justice system.
” “ The Commissioner operates as a corporation sole , sponsored by the Department for Education and is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Education .
The Commissioner ’ s primary function is promoting and protecting the rights of children in England .
The legislative basis for the office of Children ’ s Commissioner is in Part 1 and Schedule 1 of the Children Act 2004 .
This establishes the independence of the office and the six year tenure of the post holder .
The legislation relating to the Children ’ s Commissioner is permissive , allowing significant flexibility for the Commissioner to determine how best to carry out his or her primary function of promoting and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Commissioner is not an Ombudsman and , in general , can not conduct investigations into the case of an individual child.
” “ We are seeking an inspirational leader with extensive business experience , international standing and a proven track record to lead Innovate UK as its Executive Chair .
The central priority of Innovate UK , under a new Executive Chair , will be to transition from a grant funding body to an agency focused on transforming the UK ’ s innovation capacity and capability , taking full advantage of its considerable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chair will be expected to actively strengthen the organisation ’ s position within key markets , providing impactful thought leadership to the UK ’ s innovation system .
As the pivotal funding body for business R & D , especially for start-ups and SMEs across the country , the Executive Chair will be expected to develop and implement system wide strategies for investment that promote the UK as a global leader in R & D and technologies of the future.
” Remuneration : £180,000 per annum base , up to £37,500 performance-related .

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
Joint Nature Conservation Committee – Chair
“Joint Nature Conservation Committee (JNCC) Framework Document provides the legal, administrative and financial framework within which the Joint Committee operates and the specific functions of the Committee and the Chair. As Chair you will be responsible to the Defra Secretary of State for the leadership, direction and effectiveness of JNCC in line with strategies and plans agreed with Defra and the Devolved Administrations. You will be the primary contact with Ministers for the Committee. You will provide visible leadership and vision for JNCC, setting strategic and operational direction, ensuring good governance and, together with the Joint Committee, holding the executive to account.”
Time: 2.5 days per week.
Remuneration: £40,059 per annum.
Closes: 03 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Environmental Standards Scotland – Chair/Members
“Environmental Standards Scotland will be established, initially, on a non-statutory basis from January 2021. It will transition to a statutory, independent body over the course of 2021. The Board will initially comprise of the Chair and two other members. Once Environmental Standards Scotland becomes established as a statutory organisation, further board appointments are expected. Members of the Board of Environmental Standards Scotland will shape how the Board performs its role, including by exercising judgement on what information to monitor; selecting environmental concerns for initial review and for detailed investigation; resolving these through agreement with public authorities, where possible; and, highlighting any significant issues to Ministers.”
Time: 8-10 days per month initially, ~4 per month thereafter.
Remuneration: £300/£200 per diem.
Closes: 03 September
– – – – – – – – – –
British Film Institute (BFI) – Chair
“This role is therefore an extraordinary opportunity for an individual who is passionate about the success of the BFI and the wider British film/screen industry, and who has a track record of board leadership, to support the next chapter of British film and the continued success of the screen sectors. The selected Board Chair will be expected to work alongside the recently appointed CEO in shaping and delivering an emerging vision for the sectors’ recovery from Covid-19, and long-term success thereafter. To do so, the selected Board Chair must have achieved leadership stature in the film industry, business, a major charitable or cultural institution, or government.”
Time: Up to two days per month.
Remuneration: Expenses.
Closes: 05 September
– – – – – – – – – –
National Lottery Community Fund – Chair of the Board
“The Secretary of State for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport is seeking to appoint an outstanding individual to be Chair of the National Lottery Community Fund. Applications are welcomed from underrepresented groups to ensure the National Lottery Community Fund reflects the diverse society it serves. The Fund is currently supporting communities across the UK to adjust to and recover from the coronavirus crisis. It is also a time when the Fund has gone through a period of investment and development, making it well placed to deliver our ambitious plans to achieve the Fund’s purpose: supporting people and communities thrive. The Fund has many of the building blocks in place to add even greater value to civil society and public life. Our contribution is as varied as it is vital.”
Time: Up to two days per week.
Remuneration: £40,000 per annum plus expenses.
Closes: 07 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Charity Commission – Board Member
“The Charity Commission has a clear purpose: to ensure charity can thrive and inspire trust so that people can improve lives and strengthen society. To help us meet that purpose, fulfil our proud commitment to represent the public interest in charity, and meet the challenges we face, in the autumn of 2018 the Board set an ambitious five-year strategic plan… The Secretary of State for the Department of Digital, Culture, Media and Sport, the Rt Hon Oliver Dowden MP, wishes to appoint a Board member to the Charity Commission for England and Wales. A vacancy for a Non-Executive Director will be created when one member completes their term in October 2020. This is a senior role requiring someone with the necessary experience and non-executive skills to support the Chair in providing strategic leadership and oversight of the Charity Commission. ”
Time: Approx. 24 days per year.
Remuneration: £350 per diem plus expenses.
Closes: 13 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Her Majesty’s Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate – Chief Inspector
“Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of the Crown Prosecution Service is supported by an inspectorate: Her Majesty’s Crown Prosecution Service Inspectorate (HMCPSI). The inspectorate provides independently assessed evidence about the operation, efficiency, and effectiveness of the public prosecutors (the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) and the Serious Fraud Office (SFO)). The purpose of this is to provide the evidence needed to allow the public prosecutors to be held to account and to improve, thereby strengthening the public’s trust in the prosecution process. Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector and the inspectorate may inspect other prosecuting authorities by invitation.”
Time: Full time.
Remuneration: £125,000 per annum.
Closes: 14 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Home Office – Forensic Science Regulator
“The Forensic Science Regulator ensures that the provision of forensic science services across the criminal justice system is subject to an appropriate regime of scientific quality standards. They are responsible for: identifying the requirement for new or improved quality standards; leading on the development of new standards; and where necessary, providing advice and guidance so that providers of forensic science services can demonstrate compliance with common standards. The successful candidate will ideally have a substantial background in operating at a senior level in a relevant field, encompassing at least one of the following: leadership in a forensic, or related, scientific discipline; the development and application of quality standards in a scientific or technical environment; the regulatory process involving scientific standards; or the criminal justice system.”
Time: 3-4 days per week.
Remuneration: £96,000 per annum FTE.
Closes: 14 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Department for Education – Children’s Commissioner for England
“The Commissioner operates as a corporation sole, sponsored by the Department for Education and is appointed by the Secretary of State for Education. The Commissioner’s primary function is promoting and protecting the rights of children in England. The legislative basis for the office of Children’s Commissioner is in Part 1 and Schedule 1 of the Children Act 2004. This establishes the independence of the office and the six year tenure of the post holder. The legislation relating to the Children’s Commissioner is permissive, allowing significant flexibility for the Commissioner to determine how best to carry out his or her primary function of promoting and protecting children’s rights. The Commissioner is not an Ombudsman and, in general, cannot conduct investigations into the case of an individual child.”
Time: Full time.
Remuneration: £120-130,000 per annum.
Closes: 18 September
– – – – – – – – – –
Innovate UK – Chair
“We are seeking an inspirational leader with extensive business experience, international standing and a proven track record to lead Innovate UK as its Executive Chair. The central priority of Innovate UK, under a new Executive Chair, will be to transition from a grant funding body to an agency focused on transforming the UK’s innovation capacity and capability, taking full advantage of its considerable growth in budget. The new Executive Chair will be expected to actively strengthen the organisation’s position within key markets, providing impactful thought leadership to the UK’s innovation system. As the pivotal funding body for business R&D, especially for start-ups and SMEs across the country, the Executive Chair will be expected to develop and implement system wide strategies for investment that promote the UK as a global leader in R&D and technologies of the future.”
Time: Full time, ‘other arrangements considered’.
Remuneration: £180,000 per annum base, up to £37,500 performance-related.
Closes: 28 September


conservativehome--2020-08-24--WATCH: Johnson fronts the drive to get children back to school next week

Now is the time to get kids back to school .
pic.twitter.com/yMxw595KUr

Now is the time to get kids back to school. pic.twitter.com/yMxw595KUr
— Boris Johnson (@BorisJohnson) August 24, 2020


conservativehome--2020-08-25--The next BBC Chairman? Send for Charles Moore.

The BBC ’ s pusillanimous decision to have not only Rule Britannia !
, but Land of Hope and Glory , played rather than sung during Last Night of the Proms is the worst of both worlds .
It won ’ t do enough to appease a tiny woke minority , but is more than sufficient to anger a lot of people .
The best summary of the decision to date is in today ’ s Times : “ white guys in a panic ” .
The decision comes as Boris Johnson broods over the coming decision about the BBC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ names are being floated as runners-and-riders .
Most look very speculative .
Almost certainly , those writing won ’ t have much hard information , if any – given the Prime Minister ’ s propensity to play his cards not so much close to his chest as stuffed up his vest .
All that said , two intriguing names stand out from those punted .
Put them together , and an old rivalry is newly re-ignited .
The first is Andrew Neil – Chairman of Press Holdings Group ( which owns the Spectator @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , former Editor of the Sunday Times…and the BBC ’ s most effective political interviewer .
The second is Charles Moore – Former editor of the Spectator , the Sunday Telegraph and the Daily Telegraph , Margaret Thatcher ’ s biographer…and a committed critic not only of the Corporation but of the licence fee itself .
The two men have something of a history : Neil edited the Sunday Times at the same time as Moore did the Sunday Telegraph , the best part of 25 years ago .
Both are right of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chalk-and-cheese difference in flavour .
Moore is a high Tory , who can ’ t see an institution without wanting to shore it up .
Neil is a low one , who can ’ t see one without itching to tear it down .
It is part of the binding genius of Thatcherism that both men rose with it and were at home with it .
Of the two , the first may be unavailable and the second judged unsuitable .
Neil would know more than a bit about the corporation from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and swagger would shake it up .
But he is reported to be involved in a new centre-right TV enterprise to rival Sky News .
Moore was once fined for refusing to pay the licence fee .
If a Neil appointment would have senior BBC managers heading for the doors , a Moore one would see them running for the hills .
( On the advice of Dominic Cummings and others , the Prime Minister swerved a TV interview with the Neil during last December ’ s election campaign .
Cummings argued that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into a lather , most voters wouldn ’ t even notice the row .
The election result suggests that he was right . )
ConservativeHome is not in favour of making of making the licence fee voluntary , but believes that the Corporation is losing its way , and urgently needs to re-connect with its Reithian vocation .
As the Last Night of the Proms fiasco shows , the BBC ’ s problems are not confined to , or even demonstrated by , its news coverage .
Rather , it is of orientating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including the majority that voted Leave in 2016 , and Britain outside central London , where much of the Corporation ’ s senior management is based .
Like him or not , Moore understands Reith ’ s inheritance , and would be more than capable of applying its ideals to ( especially ) education , drama , the regions , and programming as whole .
Finally , being Chairman of the Corporation is not to be confused with being its Director-General .
Moore , Neil or whoever would be operating at one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Neil but flourished at the Telegraph titles under Moore .
This bit of personal history will of course have no bearing whatsoever on any decision that he will take .

The BBC’s pusillanimous decision to have not only Rule Britannia!, but Land of Hope and Glory, played rather than sung during Last Night of the Proms is the worst of both worlds.
It won’t do enough to appease a tiny woke minority, but is more than sufficient to anger a lot of people. The best summary of the decision to date is in today’s Times: “white guys in a panic”.
The decision comes as Boris Johnson broods over the coming decision about the BBC’s next Chairman. Lots of names are being floated as runners-and-riders. Most look very speculative.
Almost certainly, those writing won’t have much hard information, if any – given the Prime Minister’s propensity to play his cards not so much close to his chest as stuffed up his vest.
All that said, two intriguing names stand out from those punted. Put them together, and an old rivalry is newly re-ignited.
The first is Andrew Neil – Chairman of Press Holdings Group (which owns the Spectator), founding Chairman of Sky TV, former Editor of the Sunday Times…and the BBC’s most effective political interviewer.
The second is Charles Moore – Former editor of the Spectator, the Sunday Telegraph and the Daily Telegraph, Margaret Thatcher’s biographer…and a committed critic not only of the Corporation but of the licence fee itself.
The two men have something of a history: Neil edited the Sunday Times at the same time as Moore did the Sunday Telegraph, the best part of 25 years ago.
Both are right of centre in politics, but of a chalk-and-cheese difference in flavour. Moore is a high Tory, who can’t see an institution without wanting to shore it up. Neil is a low one, who can’t see one without itching to tear it down.
It is part of the binding genius of Thatcherism that both men rose with it and were at home with it. Of the two, the first may be unavailable and the second judged unsuitable.
Neil would know more than a bit about the corporation from the inside, and his energy, intelligence and swagger would shake it up. But he is reported to be involved in a new centre-right TV enterprise to rival Sky News.
Moore was once fined for refusing to pay the licence fee. If a Neil appointment would have senior BBC managers heading for the doors, a Moore one would see them running for the hills.
(On the advice of Dominic Cummings and others, the Prime Minister swerved a TV interview with the Neil during last December’s election campaign.
Cummings argued that though the Twitter class might foam itself into a lather, most voters wouldn’t even notice the row. The election result suggests that he was right.)
ConservativeHome is not in favour of making of making the licence fee voluntary, but believes that the Corporation is losing its way, and urgently needs to re-connect with its Reithian vocation.
As the Last Night of the Proms fiasco shows, the BBC’s problems are not confined to, or even demonstrated by, its news coverage.
Rather, it is of orientating it towards the nation as a whole, including the majority that voted Leave in 2016, and Britain outside central London, where much of the Corporation’s senior management is based.
Like him or not, Moore understands Reith’s inheritance, and would be more than capable of applying its ideals to (especially) education, drama, the regions, and programming as whole.
Finally, being Chairman of the Corporation is not to be confused with being its Director-General. Moore, Neil or whoever would be operating at one remove.
Johnson left the Spectator under Neil but flourished at the Telegraph titles under Moore. This bit of personal history will of course have no bearing whatsoever on any decision that he will take.


conservativehome--2020-08-25--Greig Baker: Council borrowing was meant to fund public works improvements – not speculative investm

Greig Baker: Council borrowing was meant to fund public works improvements – not speculative investments

Greig Baker is the Chairman of the Canterbury Conservatives Association .
The ice edges of Norwegian glaciers that have held their secrets for millennia are being slowly forced back by searing temperatures .
As the white stuff disappears , archaeologists are being presented with Viking walking sticks , weapons , and even human remains that haven ’ t seen daylight in generations .
While the summer sunshine is also beating down on our own villages and towns , it is the COVID-inspired lockdown , rather than the unseasonal weather , that is lifting the veil on some of our Local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the discoveries are often just as grisly as anything you might find in a Norseman ’ s fjord .
Worse , our Councils ’ artefacts have little to do with some ancient Danegeld and everything to do with the pound in your pocket right now .
Because the national lockdown has revealed the flaws in ludicrously ambitious gambles taken by many Councils that decided to become speculative property investors , placing bets on your behalf with debt doled out by the ‘ Public Works Loan Board ’ , or PWLB .
The PWLB @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a start , it has , until recently , been formally led by twelve Commissioners on behalf of the Crown , using powers dating back to 1875 .
More importantly , it also takes a rather unusual approach to approving loans to Councils asking to take out debt on your behalf : there is no assessment of a Council ’ s ability to repay ; no investigation into how the money will be used ; and no paper trail , because all applications have to be made by phone with funds normally issued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the deal , the PWLB lets Councils take out large loans at cheaper-than-market rates – normally around 1.91 per cent for a 5 year loan and around 2.45 per cent for a 45 year loan .
Unsurprisingly , Councils have been rushing headlong into these new debt deals .
It is not uncommon for the PWLB to issue more than 1,000 loans a year , taking the outstanding principal owed by Councils to more than £85.7 billion at the last count .
Now , the cost of COVID might have taken some of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but when you get up around the £90 billion figure , then pretty soon you ’ re talking real money ( actually , about £1,400 of new debt for every individual woman , man and child in the country ) .
That debt is not evenly spread between Councils , either , since a few have chosen to make their own mountains out of it .
A handful of Local Authorities with existing extensive PWLB debt are the most likely to apply for additional loans – partly because of their familiarity with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reliance upon it .
The National Audit Office reports that 80 per cent of the cumulative PWLB spending used to buy commercial property is done by only 14 per cent of Local Authorities .
And that ’ s where the real rub lies .
The PWLB was originally established to fund essential capital projects specific to local areas .
But some of our more ‘ inventive ’ Councils have been using these loans to gamble on commercial property purchases ( incredibly , often outside their local patch ) , hoping that the rent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The most active of these Councils have really been getting stuck in , with a handful ramping up their median gross external borrowing levels from three per cent of their spending power in 2015-16 to 756 per cent of their spending power in 2018-19 .
To put that in practical terms , one Council with gross annual income of about £70 million took on £380 million of debt to fund just one deal – effectively making them major property speculators that only dabble in public services .
There are three big problems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most voters don ’ t know it is happening – and they probably wouldn ’ t appreciate their Council taking on risky debts to drive up local property prices if they did .
The NAO warns there is “ insufficient transparency and reporting to elected members or the public ; limited internal challenge to decision making ; [ and ] reduced governance to enable faster decision-making ” .
That can ’ t be good .
Second , the Council Officers designing these debt-funded speculations , and the Councillors signing them off , rarely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ re getting into .
Using vast amounts of debt to buy commercial property on the high street – when online shopping was already changing the business case for it , even before visitors were locked down and locked out – must rank up there with Gordon selling the gold as an astute investment decision .
They have been betting on red when the roulette ball has been comfortably settled on black for some time .
And third , like a racetrack loser hoping for one last chance to get back level , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will claim Whitehall did not give them enough money in the first place and , worse , turn to taxpayers across the country to bail them out .
Thankfully , the new Government is starting to get a handle on things and introduce some accountability to what has been a worryingly opaque system .
As of this year , the Treasury has assumed effective control of the PWLB and HMG is trying to ensure investments focus on housing , infrastructure , and front-line services .
It has also warned Councils that they should @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before they come a cropper .
To be fair , some Councils are also looking at alternative sources of cash , such as issuing debt themselves through a new Municipal Bonds Agency – though this obviously still carries significant risk for the taxpaying public .
In addition , I ’ d like to see a cultural change .
If Councils feel they really have to borrow to boost their area , they could use that money to attract and retain private investment – for example , by continuing the suspension of Business Rates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the parking that the public has already paid for ( twice ) .
Local Authorities could even remove their own incentive to fund speculation with debt by simply spending less .
In my day job , I run a political intelligence agency and we try to help clients see what ’ s coming around the corner .
For four years , we have been writing briefings about what would happen when the next downturn revealed Councils ’ use of PWLB debt and the knock-on effect on Local Authorities ’ ability to fund local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) on infrastructure projects , and create a positive environment for local businesses to flourish and genuinely create wealth for local communities .
Sadly , that downturn has now come on the heels of a virus .
COVID-19 , like some contagious version of melting Scandinavian ice , is going to reveal a lot about local public finances that people would have preferred stayed hidden .
It ’ s worth remembering that state employees , as admirable as some are , rarely have special investment insights .
In fact , they are just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and , newly denuded by lockdown , some of their choices about what to do with your money are looking pretty silly .
As archaeologists root around in the Norwegian sludge , I ’ m reminded of the legend that the Viking god Odin gave an eye in return for knowledge .
Now we know how some Councils spend our money , I fear it will cost us an arm and a leg .

Greig Baker is a former Chairman of the Canterbury Conservatives Association.
The ice edges of Norwegian glaciers that have held their secrets for millennia are being slowly forced back by searing temperatures. As the white stuff disappears, archaeologists are being presented with Viking walking sticks, weapons, and even human remains that haven’t seen daylight in generations. While the summer sunshine is also beating down on our own villages and towns, it is the COVID-inspired lockdown, rather than the unseasonal weather, that is lifting the veil on some of our Local Authorities’ age-old secrets. Unfortunately, the discoveries are often just as grisly as anything you might find in a Norseman’s fjord.
Worse, our Councils’ artefacts have little to do with some ancient Danegeld and everything to do with the pound in your pocket right now. Because the national lockdown has revealed the flaws in ludicrously ambitious gambles taken by many Councils that decided to become speculative property investors, placing bets on your behalf with debt doled out by the ‘Public Works Loan Board’, or PWLB.
The PWLB is different to most lenders. For a start, it has, until recently, been formally led by twelve Commissioners on behalf of the Crown, using powers dating back to 1875. More importantly, it also takes a rather unusual approach to approving loans to Councils asking to take out debt on your behalf: there is no assessment of a Council’s ability to repay; no investigation into how the money will be used; and no paper trail, because all applications have to be made by phone with funds normally issued within two days. To further sweeten the deal, the PWLB lets Councils take out large loans at cheaper-than-market rates – normally around 1.91 per cent for a 5 year loan and around 2.45 per cent for a 45 year loan.
Unsurprisingly, Councils have been rushing headlong into these new debt deals. It is not uncommon for the PWLB to issue more than 1,000 loans a year, taking the outstanding principal owed by Councils to more than £85.7 billion at the last count. Now, the cost of COVID might have taken some of the shock out of such figures, but when you get up around the £90 billion figure, then pretty soon you’re talking real money (actually, about £1,400 of new debt for every individual woman, man and child in the country).
That debt is not evenly spread between Councils, either, since a few have chosen to make their own mountains out of it. A handful of Local Authorities with existing extensive PWLB debt are the most likely to apply for additional loans – partly because of their familiarity with the system and partly because of their growing reliance upon it. The National Audit Office reports that 80 per cent of the cumulative PWLB spending used to buy commercial property is done by only 14 per cent of Local Authorities.
And that’s where the real rub lies. The PWLB was originally established to fund essential capital projects specific to local areas. But some of our more ‘inventive’ Councils have been using these loans to gamble on commercial property purchases (incredibly, often outside their local patch), hoping that the rent from private tenants would cover overspending elsewhere. The most active of these Councils have really been getting stuck in, with a handful ramping up their median gross external borrowing levels from three per cent of their spending power in 2015-16 to 756 per cent of their spending power in 2018-19. To put that in practical terms, one Council with gross annual income of about £70 million took on £380 million of debt to fund just one deal – effectively making them major property speculators that only dabble in public services.
There are three big problems with all of this.
First, most voters don’t know it is happening – and they probably wouldn’t appreciate their Council taking on risky debts to drive up local property prices if they did. The NAO warns there is “insufficient transparency and reporting to elected members or the public; limited internal challenge to decision making; [and] reduced governance to enable faster decision-making”. That can’t be good.
Second, the Council Officers designing these debt-funded speculations, and the Councillors signing them off, rarely have any particular idea what they’re getting into. Using vast amounts of debt to buy commercial property on the high street – when online shopping was already changing the business case for it, even before visitors were locked down and locked out – must rank up there with Gordon selling the gold as an astute investment decision. They have been betting on red when the roulette ball has been comfortably settled on black for some time.
And third, like a racetrack loser hoping for one last chance to get back level, as things go belly up, profligate Councils will claim Whitehall did not give them enough money in the first place and, worse, turn to taxpayers across the country to bail them out.
Thankfully, the new Government is starting to get a handle on things and introduce some accountability to what has been a worryingly opaque system. As of this year, the Treasury has assumed effective control of the PWLB and HMG is trying to ensure investments focus on housing, infrastructure, and front-line services. It has also warned Councils that they should stop making “speculative commercial investments” before they come a cropper.
To be fair, some Councils are also looking at alternative sources of cash, such as issuing debt themselves through a new Municipal Bonds Agency – though this obviously still carries significant risk for the taxpaying public.
In addition, I’d like to see a cultural change. If Councils feel they really have to borrow to boost their area, they could use that money to attract and retain private investment – for example, by continuing the suspension of Business Rates or resisting the temptation to charge for the parking that the public has already paid for (twice). Local Authorities could even remove their own incentive to fund speculation with debt by simply spending less.
In my day job, I run a political intelligence agency and we try to help clients see what’s coming around the corner. For four years, we have been writing briefings about what would happen when the next downturn revealed Councils’ use of PWLB debt and the knock-on effect on Local Authorities’ ability to fund local amenities, spend (and spend effectively) on infrastructure projects, and create a positive environment for local businesses to flourish and genuinely create wealth for local communities. Sadly, that downturn has now come on the heels of a virus.
COVID-19, like some contagious version of melting Scandinavian ice, is going to reveal a lot about local public finances that people would have preferred stayed hidden. It’s worth remembering that state employees, as admirable as some are, rarely have special investment insights. In fact, they are just ordinary people, perhaps even your neighbours and, newly denuded by lockdown, some of their choices about what to do with your money are looking pretty silly.
As archaeologists root around in the Norwegian sludge, I’m reminded of the legend that the Viking god Odin gave an eye in return for knowledge. Now we know how some Councils spend our money, I fear it will cost us an arm and a leg.


conservativehome--2020-08-27--Henry Hill: SNP abandon ‘economic case for independence’ as GERS reveals that they don’t have one

Kate Forbes , the SNP Finance Secretary , has announced that the Scottish Government have abandoned plans to publish an annual ‘ economic case for independence ’ , the Herald reports .
She claimed that the Covid-19 pandemic was the reason for abandoning the proposal ( whilst of course insisting that it simultaneously demonstrated why Scotland should be independent ) .
However , it may also have something to do with the publication of the annual ‘ Government Expenditure and Revenue Scotland ’ ( GERS ) figures , which show that the ‘ Union dividend ’ Scots enjoy from being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ £2,000 per person .
According to the report , £15.1 billion more spent on public services in Scotland than was raised in taxation – an increase of more than £2 billion on last year ’ s deficit , and one which adds up to 8.6 per cent of Scottish GDP .
This has led to warnings from economic experts that separation from the rest of the UK could ( indeed , probably would ) require a deep austerity programme to bring Scottish expenditure in line with revenues , especially in the event that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and didn ’ t have recourse to their own central bank .
Unionists such as Jim Gallagher and Murdo Fraser have also not been shy about pointing out the difficulties this poses for the SNP : “ It is important to stress that the great bulk of the fiscal transfer is represented by higher per capita public spending in Scotland , not by lower tax revenues .
So even if the Scottish economy performed in line with the UK average , and the tax take here was equivalent , there would still be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for every person .
This gives the lie to the Nationalist response to Gers , which is that , with independence , the Scottish economy could grow more rapidly ” .
Yet the key question has to be : will this matter ?
To date the Scottish Government ’ s poll ratings – and as a result , signalled support for independence – appears almost entirely impervious to awkward questions about its actual performance .
Just this week Jeane Freeman , their Health Secretary , announced that she was going to stand down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election in the face of mounting pressure over claims that the Scottish Government pushed health boards to send elderly patients to care homes at the start of the pandemic .
According to the Press & Journal : “ The transfer of elderly , untested patients from hospital has been linked to the high number of Scottish care home deaths.
” Elsewhere we read about how Scottish ministers handed £30 million of public money to a ferry company on the brink of collapse , and that MSPs are having to fight to get hold @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the Alex Salmond scandal .
Yet despite this , Nicola Sturgeon and the SNP continue to poll well .
There are at least signs that the Unionists are starting to take the work of taking down the Nationalists more seriously .
Douglas Ross , echoing Ruth Davidson , has now said that pro-UK campaigners made a mistake by demobilising in 2014 , when they ought to have pressed their advantage .
As a result , the separatists were given space to remobilise and ( thanks to the cowardly and counter-productive Vow ) @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Courier reports him as now promising “ an unrelenting war on the SNP ” .
Meanwhile Michael Gove , who is heading up the Government ’ s work on the Union , has started openly asking questions about things such as what the franchise should be in a hypothetical second referendum – much to the displeasure of the other side .
• The preservation of the Union must be a major priority of Government – Norman Tebbit , Conservative Progress • You can ’ t fight for the Union on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Site • Welsh Conservatives should call ourselves Conservatives and Unionists on the ballot paper – Siôn Davies , Blue Beyond • Scottish Labour ’ s plight also hurts the cause of the Union – Sebastian Payne , FT

Scottish Government abandons ‘economic case for independence’
Kate Forbes, the SNP Finance Secretary, has announced that the Scottish Government have abandoned plans to publish an annual ‘economic case for independence’, the Herald reports.
She claimed that the Covid-19 pandemic was the reason for abandoning the proposal (whilst of course insisting that it simultaneously demonstrated why Scotland should be independent).
However, it may also have something to do with the publication of the annual ‘Government Expenditure and Revenue Scotland’ (GERS) figures, which show that the ‘Union dividend’ Scots enjoy from being part of the UK is now almost £2,000 per person. According to the report, £15.1 billion more spent on public services in Scotland than was raised in taxation – an increase of more than £2 billion on last year’s deficit, and one which adds up to 8.6 per cent of Scottish GDP.
This has led to warnings from economic experts that separation from the rest of the UK could (indeed, probably would) require a deep austerity programme to bring Scottish expenditure in line with revenues, especially in the event that the Nationalists tried to stick with Sterling and didn’t have recourse to their own central bank.
Unionists such as Jim Gallagher and Murdo Fraser have also not been shy about pointing out the difficulties this poses for the SNP:
“It is important to stress that the great bulk of the fiscal transfer is represented by higher per capita public spending in Scotland, not by lower tax revenues. So even if the Scottish economy performed in line with the UK average, and the tax take here was equivalent, there would still be a fiscal transfer required of over £1,600 for every person. This gives the lie to the Nationalist response to Gers, which is that, with independence, the Scottish economy could grow more rapidly”.
Yet the key question has to be: will this matter? To date the Scottish Government’s poll ratings – and as a result, signalled support for independence – appears almost entirely impervious to awkward questions about its actual performance.
Just this week Jeane Freeman, their Health Secretary, announced that she was going to stand down from Holyrood at next year’s election in the face of mounting pressure over claims that the Scottish Government pushed health boards to send elderly patients to care homes at the start of the pandemic. According to the Press & Journal: “The transfer of elderly, untested patients from hospital has been linked to the high number of Scottish care home deaths.”
Elsewhere we read about how Scottish ministers handed £30 million of public money to a ferry company on the brink of collapse, and that MSPs are having to fight to get hold of important documents related to the inquiry into the Alex Salmond scandal. Yet despite this, Nicola Sturgeon and the SNP continue to poll well.
There are at least signs that the Unionists are starting to take the work of taking down the Nationalists more seriously. Douglas Ross, echoing Ruth Davidson, has now said that pro-UK campaigners made a mistake by demobilising in 2014, when they ought to have pressed their advantage. As a result, the separatists were given space to remobilise and (thanks to the cowardly and counter-productive Vow) seize control of the narrative once again. The Courier reports him as now promising “an unrelenting war on the SNP”.
Meanwhile Michael Gove, who is heading up the Government’s work on the Union, has started openly asking questions about things such as what the franchise should be in a hypothetical second referendum – much to the displeasure of the other side.
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