conservativehome--2020-06-18--Garvan Walshe: How will Netanyahu – the world’s greatest political escapologist – get out of this la

Garvan Walshe: How will Netanyahu – the world’s greatest political escapologist – get out of this latest trap?

Garvan Walshe is a former National and International Security Policy Adviser to the Conservative Party .
Blocked by coalition partners to his left , denounced as a sell-out by the settlers on the right , risking the ire of his new Arab friends and an expensive dispute with Brussels , Netanyahu won ’ t be the first Jew hung out to dry by Donald Trump .
Back in ancient times BC – that is , “ before Covid ” – Trump put together a Middle East peace plan inspired by his past as a real estate developer .
The plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an important win for Netanyahu , opening up the chance to formally annex land before a peace agreement was concluded with the Palestinians .
Previously , formal annexation ( though not , of course , de facto Israeli control ) , would only come at the end , as part of agreed land swaps .
As ever , this was more than a strategic gain , it would also allow Netanyahu to rally his base against the purported left-wing plot to remove him by having him tried for corruption .
Having used Covid-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a coalition government , and mistakenly believing the disease was under control ( a new outbreak has put Israel ’ s health system on the backfoot again ) , Bibi now turned back to annexation , and promised to unveil his plan by July 1 .
Things are not however going to plan .
The first obstacle is Gantz himself .
Gantz has the support of Netanyahu ’ s greatest enemy beginning with the letter “ I ” – the Israel Defence Forces , of which he used to be Chief of Staff @ @ @ @ @ @ @ women who will bear the brunt of the renewed Palestinian uprising annexation is expected to provoke .
Gantz has said he ’ s not opposed to annexation in principle , but appears to have worked out how to use the Americans to stymie it .
He will only support annexation if the Americans are on board , and the Americans will only do so if it is accompanied by Israel recognising a Palestinian state .
Israel ’ s right-wing opposition parties are distinctly unhappy about that .
Unable to see that gaining acceptance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ biggest opportunity for them to overcome the Oslo Accords which prevent it , they are using it to solidify their position against Netanyahu .
The problem they have identified is the recognition of a Palestinian state , which they are against accepting even on the very minimal territory it will be granted .
One can ’ t entirely blame them .
They , of all people , know that borders can be changed over time through determined political activity .
His third problem is diplomatic .
Netanyahu has been pursuing a normalisation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ considerable success .
Israel now cooperates well with Egypt , and has even developed a reasonable working relationship with Saudi Arabia .
Though it is based on a shared opposition to Iran and as well as skepticism towards Arabs voting , it does at least require some lip service to be paid to the most theoretical of peace processes with the Palestinians .
Annexation could damage that relationship .
Another headache is provided by the EU , which could well impose sanctions .
The visit to Amman last week by Heiko Maas , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the danger here .
While Germany is the EU ’ s strongest defender of Israel , for obvious historical reasons , the one thing it can not countenance is the unilateral amendment of borders , for the same historical reasons .
Meanwhile , even Russia , with typical consistency , has declared itself opposed to the land grab .
Finally , if earlier in the year , Trump stood a decent chance of being reelected ; he is now in deep trouble .
As I write the Εconomist ’ s presidential poll predictor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 270 electoral votes needed .
A Biden administration , to say nothing of the even more Democratic Congress that would accompany his victory , is expected to be hostile .
It seems the time for a full-dress annexation , yielding what Israeli hawks call “ defensible borders , ” is running out , but Netanyahu would not be the world ’ s greatest political escapologist if he didn ’ t find a way through .
It may lie through a group of settlements known as Gush Etzion , in the Judean hills south @ @ @ @ @ @ @ settled by Zionists before Israel ’ s independence , but were taken by Arab forces in 1948 , and only rebuilt after Israel occupied the West bank in 1967 .
This history provides a figleaf to justify their formal incorporation into Israel and allow the US , EU and Saudi Arabia to pretend it doesn ’ t establish a precedent , and a figleaf is all Netanyahu ever needs to conjure up a convincing story .

Garvan Walshe is a former National and International Security Policy Adviser to the Conservative Party.
Blocked by coalition partners to his left, denounced as a sell-out by the settlers on the right, risking the ire of his new Arab friends and an expensive dispute with Brussels, Netanyahu won’t be the first Jew hung out to dry by Donald Trump.
Back in ancient times BC – that is, “before Covid” – Trump put together a Middle East peace plan inspired by his past as a real estate developer. The plan itself was absurd, but it contained an important win for Netanyahu, opening up the chance to formally annex land before a peace agreement was concluded with the Palestinians.
Previously, formal annexation (though not, of course, de facto Israeli control), would only come at the end, as part of agreed land swaps. As ever, this was more than a strategic gain, it would also allow Netanyahu to rally his base against the purported left-wing plot to remove him by having him tried for corruption.
Having used Covid-19 to manoeuvre his rival Benny Gantz into a coalition government, and mistakenly believing the disease was under control (a new outbreak has put Israel’s health system on the backfoot again), Bibi now turned back to annexation, and promised to unveil his plan by July 1.
Things are not however going to plan. The first obstacle is Gantz himself. Gantz has the support of Netanyahu’s greatest enemy beginning with the letter “I” – the Israel Defence Forces, of which he used to be Chief of Staff. For it is IDF men and women who will bear the brunt of the renewed Palestinian uprising annexation is expected to provoke.
Gantz has said he’s not opposed to annexation in principle, but appears to have worked out how to use the Americans to stymie it. He will only support annexation if the Americans are on board, and the Americans will only do so if it is accompanied by Israel recognising a Palestinian state.
Israel’s right-wing opposition parties are distinctly unhappy about that. Unable to see that gaining acceptance of the principle of annexation is the biggest opportunity for them to overcome the Oslo Accords which prevent it, they are using it to solidify their position against Netanyahu. The problem they have identified is the recognition of a Palestinian state, which they are against accepting even on the very minimal territory it will be granted.
One can’t entirely blame them. They, of all people, know that borders can be changed over time through determined political activity.
His third problem is diplomatic. Netanyahu has been pursuing a normalisation of diplomacy with Arab kings and dictators to considerable success. Israel now cooperates well with Egypt, and has even developed a reasonable working relationship with Saudi Arabia.
Though it is based on a shared opposition to Iran and as well as skepticism towards Arabs voting, it does at least require some lip service to be paid to the most theoretical of peace processes with the Palestinians. Annexation could damage that relationship.
Another headache is provided by the EU, which could well impose sanctions. The visit to Amman last week by Heiko Maas, Germany’s Foreign Minister, emphasised the danger here. While Germany is the EU’s strongest defender of Israel, for obvious historical reasons, the one thing it cannot countenance is the unilateral amendment of borders, for the same historical reasons. Meanwhile, even Russia, with typical consistency, has declared itself opposed to the land grab.
Finally, if earlier in the year, Trump stood a decent chance of being reelected; he is now in deep trouble. As I write the Εconomist’s presidential poll predictor has him winning just 197 of the 270 electoral votes needed. A Biden administration, to say nothing of the even more Democratic Congress that would accompany his victory, is expected to be hostile.
It seems the time for a full-dress annexation, yielding what Israeli hawks call “defensible borders,” is running out, but Netanyahu would not be the world’s greatest political escapologist if he didn’t find a way through.
It may lie through a group of settlements known as Gush Etzion, in the Judean hills south of Jerusalem. These had originally been settled by Zionists before Israel’s independence, but were taken by Arab forces in 1948, and only rebuilt after Israel occupied the West bank in 1967. This history provides a figleaf to justify their formal incorporation into Israel and allow the US, EU and Saudi Arabia to pretend it doesn’t establish a precedent, and a figleaf is all Netanyahu ever needs to conjure up a convincing story.


conservativehome--2020-06-18--Mark Pengelly and Ayesha Azad: In Woking, the technological revolution will continue after the crisi

Mark Pengelly and Ayesha Azad: In Woking, the technological revolution will continue after the crisis has ended

Mark Pengelly is a community activist and Conservative campaigner .
Ayesha Azad is Deputy Leader of Woking Borough Council .
In the closing chapters of HG Wells ’ War of the Worlds , the narrator walks bleary eyed through the streets of London .
He sees people going about their business amid the bombed-out streets , but a subtle change had taken place .
“ Their faces seemed all with one of two expressions – a leaping exultation and energy or a grim resolution.
” Like Wells ’ narrator , the country is now tentatively stepping out into the light @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to meet with others from up to six households , and to visit car showrooms and outdoor markets in England since June 1st .
This won ’ t be an easy process .
The last few months have been truly traumatic for the whole UK , particularly those whose friends and families have been directly affected by the coronavirus outbreak .
And while the public health crisis appears to be gradually easing , the economic and social ruin is just beginning .
It ’ s hard to think of positive things that can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we are living through , but we can think of two things we hope will endure from this crisis .
One is an increased use of technology .
It was encouraging to see pictures of the UK ’ s first virtual cabinet meeting spread across the newspapers at the end of March .
Since then it has been just as pleasing to see both Westminster and local government continuing their activities remotely .
Teleconferencing and videoconferencing have been widely used among businesses for decades , but local and central government is often all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , to an excessive degree .
Woking Borough Council is regularly holding Zoom meetings to ensure statutory decisions are being made and appropriate scrutiny is taking place .
Technology is very much allowing the democratic process to take place .
Some people have expressed valid concerns about the security of such tools , which certainly should be addressed .
Others will argue in-person meetings offer higher quality communication , which is true .
But neither should cause us to ignore the flexibility technology affords .
Whether in local government , parliamentary committees , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s a strong case for making greater use of these tools to allow wider participation and more transparent decision-making .
The second trend that will endure from this crisis is even more important and has been propelled , somewhat ironically , by the first .
Modern technology has enabled the heavy flow of information between countries and continents , but in these dark times , it has arguably proven more effective at keeping us in touch with our dearest relatives and closest neighbours .
Across the land , people have discovered with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ live .
Councils like Woking have sprung into action to house the homeless in suitable accommodation , feed the hungry with meals on wheels , and assist vulnerable residents , while making sure vital community services are not impeded .
The council is also working with mental health charity Mind to develop staff expertise in mental health so they can recognize , understand , and respond to the wider wellbeing needs of residents .
Local authorities such as ours have helped extend more than £13 million of coronavirus-related business support to local businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Housing , Communities and Local Government , Robert Jenrick , has called local councils “ the unsung heroes ” of the crisis .
At the same time , ordinary people have sacrificed their spare time to help others in abundance .
We ’ ve seen groups of volunteers across our borough supply groceries or give other assistance to those who are vulnerable or socially isolating .
The local mosque has started a coronavirus self-isolation support project , offering food and other help to all people affected by the crisis .
Local businesses and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ space , and even staff , to assist the council in helping residents .
Local charities are finding new ways of connecting with clients and offering them support .
Grateful residents and business have given free boxes of gifts as a way of thanking volunteers and key workers .
Regular claps for the NHS express a deep and justified sense of gratitude at the heroism of our doctors , nurses and other key workers across various fields .
In these challenging times , the community here in Woking is rallying around .
Through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weekly newspaper – now delivered free to all households – the council is shining a spotlight on the positive things happening around the borough , showing how people are making the best of things and keeping them updated on important local news .
When the 75th anniversary of VE Day arrived on May 8 , it was celebrated on our socially distanced streets amid an almost wartime spirit of cohesion .
In Woking and the country at large , people feel more closely connected to their neighbourhoods , towns , cities and nations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their demise , Edmund Burke ’ s “ little platoons ” are alive and well .
Whether this is Wells ’ “ leaping exultation ” or “ grim resolution ” , the renewed sense of belonging is a change that Conservatives should welcome .

Mark Pengelly is a community activist and Conservative campaigner. Ayesha Azad is Deputy Leader of Woking Borough Council.
In the closing chapters of HG Wells’ War of the Worlds, the narrator walks bleary eyed through the streets of London. He sees people going about their business amid the bombed-out streets, but a subtle change had taken place. “Their faces seemed all with one of two expressions – a leaping exultation and energy or a grim resolution.”
Like Wells’ narrator, the country is now tentatively stepping out into the light, with people being allowed outdoors, to meet with others from up to six households, and to visit car showrooms and outdoor markets in England since June 1st.
This won’t be an easy process. The last few months have been truly traumatic for the whole UK, particularly those whose friends and families have been directly affected by the coronavirus outbreak. And while the public health crisis appears to be gradually easing, the economic and social ruin is just beginning.
It’s hard to think of positive things that can issue from a disaster like the one we are living through, but we can think of two things we hope will endure from this crisis.
One is an increased use of technology. It was encouraging to see pictures of the UK’s first virtual cabinet meeting spread across the newspapers at the end of March. Since then it has been just as pleasing to see both Westminster and local government continuing their activities remotely.
Teleconferencing and videoconferencing have been widely used among businesses for decades, but local and central government is often all about “showing up” – sometimes, to an excessive degree.
Woking Borough Council is regularly holding Zoom meetings to ensure statutory decisions are being made and appropriate scrutiny is taking place. Technology is very much allowing the democratic process to take place.
Some people have expressed valid concerns about the security of such tools, which certainly should be addressed. Others will argue in-person meetings offer higher quality communication, which is true. But neither should cause us to ignore the flexibility technology affords. Whether in local government, parliamentary committees, or in constituency Conservative associations, there’s a strong case for making greater use of these tools to allow wider participation and more transparent decision-making.
The second trend that will endure from this crisis is even more important and has been propelled, somewhat ironically, by the first.
Modern technology has enabled the heavy flow of information between countries and continents, but in these dark times, it has arguably proven more effective at keeping us in touch with our dearest relatives and closest neighbours.
Across the land, people have discovered with fresh eyes the communities in which they live. Councils like Woking have sprung into action to house the homeless in suitable accommodation, feed the hungry with meals on wheels, and assist vulnerable residents, while making sure vital community services are not impeded. The council is also working with mental health charity Mind to develop staff expertise in mental health so they can recognize, understand, and respond to the wider wellbeing needs of residents.
Local authorities such as ours have helped extend more than £13 million of coronavirus-related business support to local businesses to date. Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government, Robert Jenrick, has called local councils “the unsung heroes” of the crisis.
At the same time, ordinary people have sacrificed their spare time to help others in abundance. We’ve seen groups of volunteers across our borough supply groceries or give other assistance to those who are vulnerable or socially isolating. The local mosque has started a coronavirus self-isolation support project, offering food and other help to all people affected by the crisis. Local businesses and partnerships have been distributing food and providing space, and even staff, to assist the council in helping residents.
Local charities are finding new ways of connecting with clients and offering them support. Grateful residents and business have given free boxes of gifts as a way of thanking volunteers and key workers. Regular claps for the NHS express a deep and justified sense of gratitude at the heroism of our doctors, nurses and other key workers across various fields.
In these challenging times, the community here in Woking is rallying around. Through its #WeAreWoking campaign and the local weekly newspaper – now delivered free to all households – the council is shining a spotlight on the positive things happening around the borough, showing how people are making the best of things and keeping them updated on important local news.
When the 75th anniversary of VE Day arrived on May 8, it was celebrated on our socially distanced streets amid an almost wartime spirit of cohesion. In Woking and the country at large, people feel more closely connected to their neighbourhoods, towns, cities and nations than ever before. Contrary to rumors of their demise, Edmund Burke’s “little platoons” are alive and well.
Whether this is Wells’ “leaping exultation” or “grim resolution”, the renewed sense of belonging is a change that Conservatives should welcome.


conservativehome--2020-06-18--WATCH: Hancock has bad news on the App and better news on testing

WATCH : Hancock has bad news on the App and better news on testing

WATCH LIVE: #Coronavirus press conference (18 June 2020)
Speakers:
🔵 @MattHancock, @DHSCgovuk Secretary
🔵 @DidoHarding, Executive Chair NHS Test and Trace
❓Ask your question at the press conference: https://t.co/AciuhAKREC https://t.co/MG54Ox7Z1C
— UK Prime Minister (@10DowningStreet) June 18, 2020


conservativehome--2020-06-18--Why Conservatives must get Britain’s nightlife going

Yesterday there was troublesome news for Westminster ’ s drinking aficionados .
The council has reportedly been planning to ban drinking outside for fear of Covid-19 spikes .
Although the council appears to have since u-turned on its decision , the debacle highlights a wider point about Britain ’ s nightlife .
Pubs , clubs and bars desperately need releasing from oppressive regulation .
Indeed , it was troubled business owners themselves that most resisted the move .
For much of the public , the plight of this sector is not an obvious problem .
But the differences are stark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Europe , as to how regulated our bars are – with some of the lamest closing times .
It ’ s a reality that has challenged UK businesses for years , but will become even worse given the fragility of the industry under Covid-19 .
One problematic type of regulation is the Late Night Levy , which was introduced in 2011 .
It allows councils to charge a tax on businesses which serve alcohol between midnight and 6am .
Even though there are nuances to how it can be applied – in 2017 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ councils can target “ specific geographical locations ” – it essentially punishes bars from staying open , rendering more flexible licensing laws largely redundant .
There ’ s also the Public Spaces Protection Order , introduced in 2014 under the Anti-social Behaviour , Crime and Policing Act .
This is an awful piece of legislation , leaving it up to individuals councils to decide what activities they find problematic – and yes , that can include a couple of beers outside with friends .
Many people , particularly youngsters , will know all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a practical level .
It ’ s the bouncer telling you to stand closer to the pub , lest you accidentally touch a bit of a pavement ( the horror ! )
; the lights coming up in the bar when you ’ re in the middle of a drink , as well as the complete dearth of clubs in the capital .
Despite Sadiq Khan appointing Amy Lamé as his “ Night Czar ” in 2016 to give nightlife a boost , it ’ s not obvious how she helped at all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ projects , such as a “ Women ’ s Night Safety Summit ” , whatever that is… Therefore it must fall upon the Conservatives to save the rave .
The Night Time Industries Association has fought hard to highlight the potential of this sector .
It estimates that the industry accounts for over eight per cent of the UK ’ s employment , and £66 billion per year .
The figures could be given an enormous boost all the more with reconsideration of the regulations .
One idea to boost trading was floated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ month , who recommended that we should make it “ easier , faster and cheaper for restaurants , bars and shops to trade on the pavement.
” And why not ?
Anything we can do to spur these businesses on is vital .
All the more so because of the pandemic .
It ’ s workers in casual jobs , such as bar work , that are most at risk .
Businesses that employ them need all the support they can get – and some of that should be regulatory revisions , not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to this , of course , is that councils are simply protecting local residents from noise , disruption and the rest .
But I believe this concern has been over-inflated ; we ’ re talking about “ residential ” areas such as Soho , whose nightlife is gradually being eradicated .
The trade-off has gone too far , killing off fantastic economic opportunities to appease the noise-sensitive ( who shouldn ’ t really live in busy cities anyway ) .
On nightlife we should aim to be more like Berlin , Barcelona and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ liberal attitude and competitive clubbing sector ( the clubs in Ibiza are beautiful ) , all the more so when planning our post-Brexit future .
Part of keeping Britain as an attractive destination means having exciting places to go to on a night out .
It is a huge draw to foreign students , who contribute much to our economy .
And frankly , the public deserves better than the current conditions .
It ’ s ridiculous to have such early closing times , especially in the capital .
Boris Johnson has already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but the even sinful of us would like to know what ’ s happening to our pubs long-term .
Rethinking this sector isn ’ t only the right thing to do , it would be immensely popular among a nation that loves a pint and has had nothing but Netflix since March .
Bringing back the party , should be the Conservatives ’ next move .

Yesterday there was troublesome news for Westminster’s drinking aficionados. The council has reportedly been planning to ban drinking outside for fear of Covid-19 spikes.
Although the council appears to have since u-turned on its decision, the debacle highlights a wider point about Britain’s nightlife. Pubs, clubs and bars desperately need releasing from oppressive regulation. Indeed, it was troubled business owners themselves that most resisted the move.
For much of the public, the plight of this sector is not an obvious problem. But the differences are stark between the UK and other parts of Europe, as to how regulated our bars are – with some of the lamest closing times.
It’s a reality that has challenged UK businesses for years, but will become even worse given the fragility of the industry under Covid-19.
One problematic type of regulation is the Late Night Levy, which was introduced in 2011. It allows councils to charge a tax on businesses which serve alcohol between midnight and 6am.
Even though there are nuances to how it can be applied – in 2017, the levy was changed so that councils can target “specific geographical locations” – it essentially punishes bars from staying open, rendering more flexible licensing laws largely redundant.
There’s also the Public Spaces Protection Order, introduced in 2014 under the Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act. This is an awful piece of legislation, leaving it up to individuals councils to decide what activities they find problematic – and yes, that can include a couple of beers outside with friends.
Many people, particularly youngsters, will know all too well the effects of regulations on a practical level. It’s the bouncer telling you to stand closer to the pub, lest you accidentally touch a bit of a pavement (the horror!); the lights coming up in the bar when you’re in the middle of a drink, as well as the complete dearth of clubs in the capital.
Despite Sadiq Khan appointing Amy Lamé as his “Night Czar” in 2016 to give nightlife a boost, it’s not obvious how she helped at all – apparently more preoccupied with politically correct projects, such as a “Women’s Night Safety Summit”, whatever that is… Therefore it must fall upon the Conservatives to save the rave.
The Night Time Industries Association has fought hard to highlight the potential of this sector. It estimates that the industry accounts for over eight per cent of the UK’s employment, and £66 billion per year. The figures could be given an enormous boost all the more with reconsideration of the regulations.
One idea to boost trading was floated by Nicholas Boys Smith in ConservativeHome last month, who recommended that we should make it “easier, faster and cheaper for restaurants, bars and shops to trade on the pavement.” And why not? Anything we can do to spur these businesses on is vital.
All the more so because of the pandemic. It’s workers in casual jobs, such as bar work, that are most at risk. Businesses that employ them need all the support they can get – and some of that should be regulatory revisions, not threats from officious councils.
The counter-argument to this, of course, is that councils are simply protecting local residents from noise, disruption and the rest.
But I believe this concern has been over-inflated; we’re talking about “residential” areas such as Soho, whose nightlife is gradually being eradicated. The trade-off has gone too far, killing off fantastic economic opportunities to appease the noise-sensitive (who shouldn’t really live in busy cities anyway).
On nightlife we should aim to be more like Berlin, Barcelona and other parts of Europe – with a liberal attitude and competitive clubbing sector (the clubs in Ibiza are beautiful), all the more so when planning our post-Brexit future.
Part of keeping Britain as an attractive destination means having exciting places to go to on a night out. It is a huge draw to foreign students, who contribute much to our economy.
And frankly, the public deserves better than the current conditions. It’s ridiculous to have such early closing times, especially in the capital.
Boris Johnson has already promised a review into sin taxes, but the even sinful of us would like to know what’s happening to our pubs long-term.
Rethinking this sector isn’t only the right thing to do, it would be immensely popular among a nation that loves a pint and has had nothing but Netflix since March.
Bringing back the party, should be the Conservatives’ next move.


conservativehome--2020-06-18--Henry Hill: Scottish schools face a full year of disruption, and the DUP clash with teaching unions

The Scottish Government has suggested that pupils could face part-time schooling for up to a year and the cancellation of a second set of exams , the Times reports .
EIS , the main Scottish teaching union , has been fighting very hard against proposals to properly re-open schools .
The SNP ’ s proposals for ‘ blended learning ’ , which will see some pupils spend as little as one day per week in class , have been attacked by commentators as setting “ up a generation of children to fail ” .
…as DUP MP says teachers are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Meanwhile Sammy Wilson , the Democratic Unionist MP for East Antrim , has claimed that teaching unions are trying to find excuses for their members not to do their jobs as the battle over re-opening schools rages across the country .
According to the News Letter , he said that : “ They want to avoid doing the job which they ’ re paid to do , which is to teach the children .
They ’ ve engaged in what I can only describe as political manoeuvrings to try and avoid doing their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have disparaged all of those teachers who worked very hard during the lockdown.
” Wilson , himself a former teacher , made the comments after the Ulster Teachers ’ Union attacked Peter Weir MLA , the DUP education minister in the Stormont cabinet .
The Government has hit back at the claim by Mark Drakeford , the First Minister of Wales , that it did not communicate with him in weeks during the current Covid-19 crisis .
At a recent press conference the First Minister claimed not to have spoken with Boris Johnson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Downing Street has pointed out that Michael Gove was in regular contact with Drakeford throughout the period in question .
This week , the Welsh Government has come under increasing pressure to ease its own lockdown policies , which have fallen out of step with those in England .
There are concerns that it could damage the Welsh economy if locals cross into England to shop .
In other sad news , Mohammed Asghar , a Conservative member of the Welsh Parliament , passed away this week at the age of 74 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ was first returned as a representative of Plaid Cymru at the 2007 election before joining the Conservatives in 2008 , claiming that he felt ‘ out of tune ’ with the nationalists on account of his unionism and royalism .
He was the first-ever AM from a minority background , and the first to cross the floor .
A couple of weeks ago , I asked if the Prime Minister ’ s latest series of appointments to the Scottish Office showed that he was taking the threat of the SNP more seriously .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ be being excessively vigilant – at yesterday ’ s PMQs he alleged that Alistair Carmichael was trying to bring about an independent Scotland .
In fact Carmichael is not only the Liberal Democrat MP for Orkney and Shetland and the longest-serving unionist Member of Parliament currently representing a Scottish seat , but served as Scottish Secretary under the Coalition .
This misstep might be entertaining , but there is real danger in conflating the SNP with Scotland .
Johnson would do well to try and memorise at least the list of non-Nationalist Scottish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bout .
It isn ’ t terribly long .
SNP chiefs accused of ‘ breaking own rules ’ over ‘ sex pest MP ’ An former ‘ senior Nat ’ has accused the SNP of breaking its internal rules by delaying a disciplinary hearing for Derek MacKay , according to the Sun .
MacKay was Finance Secretary in the Scottish Government until he was forced to resign after it emerged that he had ‘ bombarded ’ a 16-year-old boy with ‘ creepy messages ’ .
Andy Doig , an independent councillor , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ secretary to enquire about the delay , claiming that it is ‘ unprecedented ’ for there to be a four-month delay between a member being suspended and the case being investigated .
Doig quit the SNP after 38 years after “ denying accusations of sexism and homophobia .
”

Scottish schools faced extended Covid-19 disruption…
The Scottish Government has suggested that pupils could face part-time schooling for up to a year and the cancellation of a second set of exams, the Times reports.
EIS, the main Scottish teaching union, has been fighting very hard against proposals to properly re-open schools. The SNP’s proposals for ‘blended learning’, which will see some pupils spend as little as one day per week in class, have been attacked by commentators as setting “up a generation of children to fail”.
(Labour blogger Ian Smart has done a good two-part blog on how the teaching establishment has comprehensively outmanoeuvred the SNP.)
…as DUP MP says teachers are looking for reasons to keep schools shut
Meanwhile Sammy Wilson, the Democratic Unionist MP for East Antrim, has claimed that teaching unions are trying to find excuses for their members not to do their jobs as the battle over re-opening schools rages across the country.
According to the News Letter, he said that: “They want to avoid doing the job which they’re paid to do, which is to teach the children. They’ve engaged in what I can only describe as political manoeuvrings to try and avoid doing their job, and in doing so they have disparaged all of those teachers who worked very hard during the lockdown.”
Wilson, himself a former teacher, made the comments after the Ulster Teachers’ Union attacked Peter Weir MLA, the DUP education minister in the Stormont cabinet.
Downing Street rejects First Minister’s claim of radio silence
The Government has hit back at the claim by Mark Drakeford, the First Minister of Wales, that it did not communicate with him in weeks during the current Covid-19 crisis.
At a recent press conference the First Minister claimed not to have spoken with Boris Johnson since the end of May. But Downing Street has pointed out that Michael Gove was in regular contact with Drakeford throughout the period in question.
This week, the Welsh Government has come under increasing pressure to ease its own lockdown policies, which have fallen out of step with those in England. There are concerns that it could damage the Welsh economy if locals cross into England to shop.
In other sad news, Mohammed Asghar, a Conservative member of the Welsh Parliament, passed away this week at the age of 74.
Known as ‘Oscar’, he was first returned as a representative of Plaid Cymru at the 2007 election before joining the Conservatives in 2008, claiming that he felt ‘out of tune’ with the nationalists on account of his unionism and royalism. He was the first-ever AM from a minority background, and the first to cross the floor.
Johnson mistakes Lib Dem for a Nationalist
A couple of weeks ago, I asked if the Prime Minister’s latest series of appointments to the Scottish Office showed that he was taking the threat of the SNP more seriously.
If so, it appears he might be being excessively vigilant – at yesterday’s PMQs he alleged that Alistair Carmichael was trying to bring about an independent Scotland.
In fact Carmichael is not only the Liberal Democrat MP for Orkney and Shetland and the longest-serving unionist Member of Parliament currently representing a Scottish seat, but served as Scottish Secretary under the Coalition.
This misstep might be entertaining, but there is real danger in conflating the SNP with Scotland. Johnson would do well to try and memorise at least the list of non-Nationalist Scottish MPs ahead of next week’s bout. It isn’t terribly long.
SNP chiefs accused of ‘breaking own rules’ over ‘sex pest MP’
An former ‘senior Nat’ has accused the SNP of breaking its internal rules by delaying a disciplinary hearing for Derek MacKay, according to the Sun.
MacKay was Finance Secretary in the Scottish Government until he was forced to resign after it emerged that he had ‘bombarded’ a 16-year-old boy with ‘creepy messages’.
Andy Doig, an independent councillor, has written to the party’s national secretary to enquire about the delay, claiming that it is ‘unprecedented’ for there to be a four-month delay between a member being suspended and the case being investigated. Doig quit the SNP after 38 years after “denying accusations of sexism and homophobia.”


conservativehome--2020-06-19--The shake-up that the Government needs to rescue education for a generation of children

On Tuesday , the Treasury dug up £120 million for children ’ s summer meals ( a mere droplet in the over £300 billion total that it may spend this year as a consequence of the virus ) .
Today , it has found £1 billion for their education – £300 million of it to help tutor the most disadvantaged pupils .
We have yet to see the details of how it will be spent ; Gavin Williamson will lead this evening ’ s press conference .
Downing Street seems to have grasped that the continued closure of most schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – now that the threat to the NHS has receded , at least for the moment .
For the education double-whammy is both political and economic .
Politically , Boris Johnson can ’ t even begin to start “ levelling-up ” Britain if most children are missing school , and the socialisation as well as the teaching it brings , with the disadvantaged suffering most .
Seven hundred thousand children may be doing no study at all .
Economically , parents can ’ t work properly at home , let alone go to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children at home .
There will be no tax revenue-generating , wealth-providing growth if the economy has one hand behind its back .
Worse , Ministers can ’ t be certain what Covid-19 will be doing , come the autumn .
If the struggle against it really is like a war , it ’ s an unusual and perhaps a unique one to fight – like a struggle against a hidden terrorist force , whose location , durability and strength is unknown .
The evidence we have suggests that the virus is in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the moment ) , and that the Government can carry on dismantling the lockdown over the summer , even if infection numbers rise .
But they could do so more rapidly in the autumn or , more likely , the winter .
The Prime Minister must therefore grapple not only with these uncertainties , but with two consequences .
First , he can ’ t force teachers to teach .
Second , he can ’ t compel parents to send children to school .
This education problem is not unique to Britain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recently on this site about how it ’ s at work in other countries .
Having dumped Williamson in it by suggesting the impossible – namely , squaring the return of primary pupils by the end of this term with classes that have halved in size – Johnson will have to be less sweeping and more focused this time round .
Number Ten is illness-weakened , overstretched , short of time – the summer term ends in roughly a month – media-battered , exhausted and crisis-hit : see today ’ s other leading @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is in part a distraction : the NHS App plan collapse .
Downing Street can ’ t do everything at once , and must thus make a strategic choice .
It can either focus exclusively on getting schools open , or at least on the provision of education for pupils by the start of the autumn term ; or else try too to launch a national educational programme over the summer .
The latter would mean finding premises , volunteers and systems in short order , not to mention trying to ensure that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the most agile parents with the sharpest elbows win out , while those who are disengaged from education , and whose children are thus more likely to be too , lose .
Knowing what we know about the capacities of government , even at the best of times , we are doubtful whether what Johnson would call an oven-ready system can be cooked up in roughly a month .
Focusing on September is more practicable .
Which means one of two broad ways forward .
We hope that by September the two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be expanded , that the halving of classroom sizes will be no more , and that schools will therefore be able to return to a condition as near normality as is possible .
If they can ’ t , then either other buildings and premises will have to found in short order , or else Ministers will have no alternative , if they want to avoid rotas , but to push for online learning in the same structured way throughout the school day that much of the private sector is providing .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the teaching unions are likely to be no less exacting about teaching in empty libraries or sports centres , or working online for each school day , than they have been so far about the re-opening of schools – with damaging consequences .
If the Prime Minister is to issue an instruction to re-open , he will need to prepare the ground .
That means at least one big Monday education speech very soon .
Not about reform , the future of universities , a shift to technical education or any other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crafted as an appeal to parents .
He must try to move them from a presumption of not sending their children to school to one of doing so .
At the same time , he will have to ensure that Downing Street will listen to the Education Secretary no less than it speaks to him , and ask himself whether Williamson ’ s credibility as a salesman is shot .
We repeat : the Education Secretary has a home insight into schools that some of his colleagues lack ( his wife is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about trying to get them working again by pulling at many of the right levers : praising teachers , and stressing the role that education plays in increasing life chances .
If he is to be moved , Number Ten will have to work more closely with his successor .
As a rule , this site is against rapid promotions , prizing presentational skills above departmental experience , and asking Ministers to make a leap up which may be too much of a stretch .
But these are unusual circumstances , and we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ministers .
One wasn ’ t educated in Britain at all until she was 16 ; the other started out at work in a car factory in Merseyside .
That ’ s Kemi Badenoch and Gillian Keegan respectively .
One ’ s broadly from the party ’ s right and the other from its left .
Badenoch has found the right blend of grasp and toughness over race and riots ; Keegan is a junior Minister in the department and will know how some of its wheels work .
Whether Williamson stays or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the Chancellor all know that getting education going again is not only key to delivering levelling-up but also to salvaging the economy .
There are less than three months until the autumn term begins and the Government is short of time .

On Tuesday, the Treasury dug up £120 million for children’s summer meals (a mere droplet in the over £300 billion total that it may spend this year as a consequence of the virus). Today, it has found £1 billion for their education – £300 million of it to help tutor the most disadvantaged pupils.
We have yet to see the details of how it will be spent; Gavin Williamson will lead this evening’s press conference. Downing Street seems to have grasped that the continued closure of most schools is now its number one Coronavirus-induced problem – now that the threat to the NHS has receded, at least for the moment.
For the education double-whammy is both political and economic. Politically, Boris Johnson can’t even begin to start “levelling-up” Britain if most children are missing school, and the socialisation as well as the teaching it brings, with the disadvantaged suffering most. Seven hundred thousand children may be doing no study at all.
Economically, parents can’t work properly at home, let alone go to a workplace, if they have young children at home. There will be no tax revenue-generating, wealth-providing growth if the economy has one hand behind its back.
Worse, Ministers can’t be certain what Covid-19 will be doing, come the autumn. If the struggle against it really is like a war, it’s an unusual and perhaps a unique one to fight – like a struggle against a hidden terrorist force, whose location, durability and strength is unknown.
The evidence we have suggests that the virus is in retreat, the NHS is secure (for the moment), and that the Government can carry on dismantling the lockdown over the summer, even if infection numbers rise. But they could do so more rapidly in the autumn or, more likely, the winter.
The Prime Minister must therefore grapple not only with these uncertainties, but with two consequences. First, he can’t force teachers to teach. Second, he can’t compel parents to send children to school. This education problem is not unique to Britain: see Charlotte Gill’s piece recently on this site about how it’s at work in other countries.
Having dumped Williamson in it by suggesting the impossible – namely, squaring the return of primary pupils by the end of this term with classes that have halved in size – Johnson will have to be less sweeping and more focused this time round.
Number Ten is illness-weakened, overstretched, short of time – the summer term ends in roughly a month – media-battered, exhausted and crisis-hit: see today’s other leading story, from which the education announcement is in part a distraction: the NHS App plan collapse.
Downing Street can’t do everything at once, and must thus make a strategic choice. It can either focus exclusively on getting schools open, or at least on the provision of education for pupils by the start of the autumn term; or else try too to launch a national educational programme over the summer.
The latter would mean finding premises, volunteers and systems in short order, not to mention trying to ensure that the likely doesn’t happen – that the most agile parents with the sharpest elbows win out, while those who are disengaged from education, and whose children are thus more likely to be too, lose.
Knowing what we know about the capacities of government, even at the best of times, we are doubtful whether what Johnson would call an oven-ready system can be cooked up in roughly a month. Focusing on September is more practicable. Which means one of two broad ways forward.
We hope that by September the two metre rule is relaxed, that bubbles can be expanded, that the halving of classroom sizes will be no more, and that schools will therefore be able to return to a condition as near normality as is possible.
If they can’t, then either other buildings and premises will have to found in short order, or else Ministers will have no alternative, if they want to avoid rotas, but to push for online learning in the same structured way throughout the school day that much of the private sector is providing.
Readers will have spotted the obvious: that the teaching unions are likely to be no less exacting about teaching in empty libraries or sports centres, or working online for each school day, than they have been so far about the re-opening of schools – with damaging consequences.
If the Prime Minister is to issue an instruction to re-open, he will need to prepare the ground. That means at least one big Monday education speech very soon. Not about reform, the future of universities, a shift to technical education or any other policy matter. But, rather, crafted as an appeal to parents.
He must try to move them from a presumption of not sending their children to school to one of doing so. At the same time, he will have to ensure that Downing Street will listen to the Education Secretary no less than it speaks to him, and ask himself whether Williamson’s credibility as a salesman is shot.
We repeat: the Education Secretary has a home insight into schools that some of his colleagues lack (his wife is a primary school teacher), and went about trying to get them working again by pulling at many of the right levers: praising teachers, and stressing the role that education plays in increasing life chances.
If he is to be moved, Number Ten will have to work more closely with his successor. As a rule, this site is against rapid promotions, prizing presentational skills above departmental experience, and asking Ministers to make a leap up which may be too much of a stretch.
But these are unusual circumstances, and we tentatively float the names of two junior Ministers. One wasn’t educated in Britain at all until she was 16; the other started out at work in a car factory in Merseyside. That’s Kemi Badenoch and Gillian Keegan respectively.
One’s broadly from the party’s right and the other from its left. Badenoch has found the right blend of grasp and toughness over race and riots; Keegan is a junior Minister in the department and will know how some of its wheels work.
Whether Williamson stays or goes, both he, Prime Minister and the Chancellor all know that getting education going again is not only key to delivering levelling-up but also to salvaging the economy. There are less than three months until the autumn term begins and the Government is short of time.


conservativehome--2020-06-19--Profile: Black people in Britain, and whether this is an irretrievably racist or a wonderful country

“ Would you write a profile of black people in Britain.
” Seldom has a request from the editor of ConservativeHome filled me with greater perplexity .
I consulted a young white woman who has been on several of the Black Lives Matter demonstrations .
She warned me , as she would warn any 62-year-old white man : “ You have to understand that you will never understand.
” Next I consulted a black woman , a writer who has lived for many years in Harlesden , in north-west London .
She said : At the 2011 census , 67 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ identified themselves as BAME – Black , Asian and Minority Ethnic .
About a fifth of the ward ’ s 17,162 people described themselves as Black Caribbean , another fifth as Black African , and there are also substantial numbers of Portuguese and Brazilians , with Portuguese and Somali the foreign languages one is most likely to hear .
My friend the writer did what she could to help : “ I do know that the local black teenagers in Harlesden are constantly being stopped by the police for no reason .
Many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ roughed up ’ by the police .
“ I also feel that school teachers have low expectations of Caribbean youngsters and will not push or challenge them to achieve academically .
Teachers are often scared of black boys and find it easier to leave them to their own devices .
Leaving teenage boys to their own devices is never a good idea .
“ Black girls have an easier time of it at school as the predominantly female teaching staff do not feel so threatened by girls .
As a result , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the boys .
“ But just as you ’ re about to say such and such a group ( Ghanaians ) are achieving academically and such and such a group ( Afro Caribbeans ) are not doing so well , you ’ ll read the opposite statistics from some other source .
It ’ s such a fluid subject.
” Few writers about blacks in Britain attempt to convey that fluidity – the sense that things are changing , and even the categories in which we think are dissolving or evolving .
One @ @ @ @ @ @ @ generalisations , moralities , and an overwhelming urge to condemn anyone who ventures , no matter how politely , to question the line being taken .
Which puts a writer like myself in a difficult position .
One of my many defects is a desire not to give unnecessary offence .
If only I enjoyed annoying people , I would be better known .
When I reviewed Afua Hirsch ’ s book , BRIT ( ish ) : On Race , Identity and Belonging , for ConHome , I argued at the end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not a racial but a political characteristic , so the House of Commons is “ the essential British institution ” .
It goes against the grain to write a profile of black people in Britain , or indeed of white people in Britain , as if we can divide ourselves along racial lines .
When the late Richard West used to visit South Africa in the apartheid era , and was asked to state on some form what race he belonged to , he would write “ human ” .
But the House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ questions about race .
On Tuesday , Kemi Badenoch , the Minister for Equalities , made a statement in the House on the latest report by Public Health England into the impact of COVID-19 on BAME groups .
The report found : In her statement , Badenoch said : Rupa Huq ( Lab , Ealing Central and Acton ) quoted a placard she had seen at a Black Lives Matter demonstration , “ Being black should not be a death sentence ” , and called for “ a detailed plan ” from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not just look like a box-ticking exercise ” .
The Commons is working out what the argument is about , and so are the political parties .
Boris Johnson , to whom it comes naturally to preach a gospel of hope rather than moral condemnation , will with the help of Badenoch and others promise that racism can be dealt with and our country become ever more wonderful , with black Britons ever more successful along with everyone else .
Badenoch herself , stiffening at any suggestion from the Opposition that Britain is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to address the disparities highlighted ” .
So what is the evidence ?
In the last few years , the Government has commissioned half a dozen reports into what is actually happening .
The reader of these reports is presented , unfortunately , with an almost irresistible temptation to cherry-pick from them the evidence to support whatever view he or she already holds .
Space does not allow for examination of all the reports , but here is one of the most important and informative .
In January 2016 , the Prime Minister @ @ @ @ @ @ @ MP ( Lab , Tottenham ) to investigate evidence of possible bias against black and other ethnic minority defendants in the criminal justice system .
This work received strong support from Theresa May , who on becoming Prime MInister in July 2016 , said she would fight “ the burning injustice ” that “ if you ’ re black , you ’ re treated more harshly by the criminal justice system than if you ’ re white ” .
The Lammy Review was published in September 2017 .
Its opening lines could have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on to say that “ our justice system bucks the trend ” , for those who are “ charged , tried and punished are still disproportionately likely to come from minority communities ” : Lammy freely admits that this is not a simple story : “ The focus of the review is on BAME people , but I recognise the complexity of that term .
Some groups are heavily over-represented in prison – for example Black people make up around 3 per cent of the general population but accounted for 12 per cent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 20 per cent of children in custody .
Other groups , such as Mixed ethnic adult prisoners , are also over-represented , although to a lesser degree.The proportion of prisoners who are Asian is lower than the general population but , within categories such as ‘ Asian ’ or ‘ Black ’ there is considerable diversity , with some groups thriving while others struggle .
This complexity mirrors the story in other areas of public life .
In schools , for example , BAME achievement has risen but not in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outperform almost every other group , while Pakistani children are more likely to struggle .
Black African children achieve better GCSE exam results , on average , than Black Caribbean children .
Wherever possible this report seeks to draw out similar nuances in the justice system.
” He hopes his recommendations “ will benefit white working class men , women , boys and girls too ” , and offers some international comparisons : These figures constitute a warning against supposing that deep-seated inequalities are likely to be caused entirely by defects in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ make that error : Lammy goes onto remark that “ trust in the CJS is essential ” : When Lammy ’ s report came out , Munira Mirza , profiled recently on ConHome , had stopped working for Boris Johnson at City Hall , and was yet to take up the role she accepted last summer as Director of Johnson ’ s Policy Unit at Number Ten .
She subjected the report to scathing analysis : “ Lammy claimed his report ‘ clearly shows BAME individuals still face bias — including overt discrimination @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ … this is not what the statistics in his report revealed at all .
Rather , they showed the Crown Prosecution Service ’ s decision-making was broadly proportionate , once other factors were taken into account .
Jury conviction rates were similar across ethnic groups at between 66 and 68 per cent .
In some measures , BAME groups actually had more favourable treatment compared with whites .
It is true that in the area of rape and domestic abuse , black and ‘ Chinese and other ’ groups had disproportionate rates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ called for more research to understand why .
But if racial bias were a problem throughout the system , one would expect the overall conviction rates to reflect this .
By and large they don ’ t .
“ In fact , the detail of Lammy ’ s report concedes that there are many reasons outside the criminal justice system for the ethnic disparities it describes… there are many social and economic factors that go a long way to explain these ethnic disparities .
It makes no sense to blame racism or the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system .
Differences in racial outcomes are not the same thing as institutional racism any more than the fact that far more men than women are incarcerated is evidence of institutional sexism.
” So in her opinion , by undermining defendants ’ trust in lawyers , the anti-racist lobby groups are harming the very people on whose behalf they campaign .
Blaise Pascal remarks somewhere on the danger of mistaking a part of the truth for the whole .
One ’ s error is not to believe something which is wrong , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is also true .
It seems to me there is truth on both sides of this argument .
The nuances to which Lammy refers get lost once combat is joined .
It ought to be possible to believe both that racism is a serious problem , and that in many ways , whether one is black or white , this is a wonderful country in which to live .
Instead each side strives to put its own righteousness , and its opponents ’ depravity , beyond question .
Perhaps any readers on either @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get to the end of this article , and are dissatisfied by the modest conclusion that has been reached , will be content to agree with the young white woman whom I consulted at the start : “ You have to understand that you will never understand .
”

“Would you write a profile of black people in Britain.” Seldom has a request from the editor of ConservativeHome filled me with greater perplexity.
I consulted a young white woman who has been on several of the Black Lives Matter demonstrations. She warned me, as she would warn any 62-year-old white man: “You have to understand that you will never understand.”
Next I consulted a black woman, a writer who has lived for many years in Harlesden, in north-west London. She said:
“How can anyone write a profile of black people in Britain? Black people? Somalis, Nigerians, St Lucians, Brazilians, Canadians, Guyanese – there are so many nationalities, languages, religions, customs, cultures – can they even tentatively be labelled one cohesive group? “In London a typical schoolchild will tell you, ‘My mum’s half Thai and half Ibo, she was born in Swansea but grew up in Hong Kong, and my dad’s half Latvian and half Jamaican, he was born in Paris but he grew up in Kenya.’ Is this child black? White? Label free?
At the 2011 census, 67 per cent of the population of Harlesden identified themselves as BAME – Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic. About a fifth of the ward’s 17,162 people described themselves as Black Caribbean, another fifth as Black African, and there are also substantial numbers of Portuguese and Brazilians, with Portuguese and Somali the foreign languages one is most likely to hear.
My friend the writer did what she could to help:
“I do know that the local black teenagers in Harlesden are constantly being stopped by the police for no reason. Many innocent young men I know have been ‘roughed up’ by the police. “I also feel that school teachers have low expectations of Caribbean youngsters and will not push or challenge them to achieve academically. Teachers are often scared of black boys and find it easier to leave them to their own devices. Leaving teenage boys to their own devices is never a good idea. “Black girls have an easier time of it at school as the predominantly female teaching staff do not feel so threatened by girls. As a result, the girls achieve ridiculously higher grades than the boys. “But just as you’re about to say such and such a group (Ghanaians) are achieving academically and such and such a group (Afro Caribbeans) are not doing so well, you’ll read the opposite statistics from some other source. It’s such a fluid subject.”
Few writers about blacks in Britain attempt to convey that fluidity – the sense that things are changing, and even the categories in which we think are dissolving or evolving.
One is instead presented with competing snapshots, generalisations, moralities, and an overwhelming urge to condemn anyone who ventures, no matter how politely, to question the line being taken.
Which puts a writer like myself in a difficult position. One of my many defects is a desire not to give unnecessary offence. If only I enjoyed annoying people, I would be better known.
When I reviewed Afua Hirsch’s book, BRIT(ish): On Race, Identity and Belonging, for ConHome, I argued at the end of the piece that being British is not a racial but a political characteristic, so the House of Commons is “the essential British institution”.
It goes against the grain to write a profile of black people in Britain, or indeed of white people in Britain, as if we can divide ourselves along racial lines.
When the late Richard West used to visit South Africa in the apartheid era, and was asked to state on some form what race he belonged to, he would write “human”.
But the House of Commons is now much preoccupied by questions about race. On Tuesday, Kemi Badenoch, the Minister for Equalities, made a statement in the House on the latest report by Public Health England into the impact of COVID-19 on BAME groups. The report found:
“An analysis of survival among confirmed COVID-19 cases showed that, after accounting for the effect of sex, age, deprivation and region, people of Bangladeshi ethnicity had around twice the risk of death when compared to people of White British ethnicity. People of Chinese, Indian, Pakistani, Other Asian, Caribbean and Other Black ethnicity had between 10 and 50 per cent higher risk of death when compared to White British.”
In her statement, Badenoch said:
“If we want to resolve the disparities identified in the PHE report, it is critical that we accurately understand the causes, based on empirical analysis of the facts and not preconceived positions.”
Alison Thewliss (SNP, Glasgow Central) put it to Badenoch:
“it is one thing to say that black lives matter and quite another to force black people and people from BAME backgrounds out to work who have no choice other than to go to work because they have no recourse to public funds. No recourse to public funds is a racist policy. Will she abolish it now?” Badenoch retorted – the clip can be watched here: “I must push back on some of what the hon. Lady said. It is wrong to conflate all black people with recent immigrants and assume, which is what she just said, that we all have to pay a surcharge. That is wrong. I am a black woman who is out to work. My employer—[Interruption.] This House has done everything it can to make sure that I am following the guidelines and that all of us are. It is absolutely wrong to try to conflate lots of different issues and merge them into one, just so that it can get traction in the press. I go back—[Interruption.] I go back to what I said in my original statement. It is not right for us to use confected outrage. We need courage to say the right things, and we need to be courageous in order to calm down racial tensions, not inflame them just so that we have something to put on social media.”
Rupa Huq (Lab, Ealing Central and Acton) quoted a placard she had seen at a Black Lives Matter demonstration, “Being black should not be a death sentence”, and called for “a detailed plan” from the Government, “so that this does not just look like a box-ticking exercise”.
Badenoch replied:
“I agree that we cannot be seen to be doing a box-ticking exercise, but we also should not just accept statements such as ‘being black is a death sentence’ in this country. It is not true, although it is true there are disparities and other factors that can make outcomes worse. Let us look at that, but let us not in this House use statements such as ‘being black is a death sentence’. Young people out there hear that, do not understand the context and then continue to believe that they live in a society that is against them, when actually this is one of the best countries in the world in which to be a black person.”
The Commons is working out what the argument is about, and so are the political parties. Boris Johnson, to whom it comes naturally to preach a gospel of hope rather than moral condemnation, will with the help of Badenoch and others promise that racism can be dealt with and our country become ever more wonderful, with black Britons ever more successful along with everyone else.
Badenoch herself, stiffening at any suggestion from the Opposition that Britain is irretrievably racist, promises “evidence-based action to address the disparities highlighted”.
So what is the evidence? In the last few years, the Government has commissioned half a dozen reports into what is actually happening.
The reader of these reports is presented, unfortunately, with an almost irresistible temptation to cherry-pick from them the evidence to support whatever view he or she already holds.
Space does not allow for examination of all the reports, but here is one of the most important and informative.
In January 2016, the Prime Minister, David Cameron, commissioned David Lammy MP (Lab, Tottenham) to investigate evidence of possible bias against black and other ethnic minority defendants in the criminal justice system.
This work received strong support from Theresa May, who on becoming Prime MInister in July 2016, said she would fight “the burning injustice” that “if you’re black, you’re treated more harshly by the criminal justice system than if you’re white”.
The Lammy Review was published in September 2017. Its opening lines could have been written by Badenoch:
“Across England and Wales, people from minority ethnic backgrounds are breaking through barriers. More students from Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) backgrounds are achieving in school and going to university. There is a growing BAME middle class. Powerful, high-profile institutions, like the House of Commons, are slowly becoming more diverse.”
Lammy went on to say that “our justice system bucks the trend”, for those who are “charged, tried and punished are still disproportionately likely to come from minority communities”:
“Despite making up just 14 per cent of the population, BAME men and women make up 25 per cent of prisoners, while over 40 per cent of young people in custody are from BAME backgrounds.”
Lammy freely admits that this is not a simple story:
“The focus of the review is on BAME people, but I recognise the complexity of that term. Some groups are heavily over-represented in prison – for example Black people make up around 3 per cent of the general population but accounted for 12 per cent of adult prisoners in 2015/16; and more than 20 per cent of children in custody. Other groups, such as Mixed ethnic adult prisoners, are also over-represented, although to a lesser degree.The proportion of prisoners who are Asian is lower than the general population but, within categories such as ‘Asian’ or ‘Black’ there is considerable diversity, with some groups thriving while others struggle. This complexity mirrors the story in other areas of public life. In schools, for example, BAME achievement has risen but not in a uniform way. Chinese and Indian pupils outperform almost every other group, while Pakistani children are more likely to struggle. Black African children achieve better GCSE exam results, on average, than Black Caribbean children. Wherever possible this report seeks to draw out similar nuances in the justice system.”
He hopes his recommendations “will benefit white working class men, women, boys and girls too”, and offers some international comparisons:
“In France, Muslims make up an estimated eight per cent of the population and between a quarter and a half of the prison population. In America, one in 35 African American men are incarcerated, compared with one in 214 White men. In Canada, indigenous adults make up three per cent of the population but 25 per cent of the prison population. In Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander prisoners make up two per cent of the population, but 27 per cent of prisoners. In New Zealand, Maoris make up 15 per cent of the population, but more than 50 per cent of the prisoners.”
These figures constitute a warning against supposing that deep-seated inequalities are likely to be caused entirely by defects in the criminal justice system. Nor does Lammy make that error:
“many of the causes of BAME over-representation lie outside the CJS, as do the answers to it. People from a black background are more than twice as likely to live in poverty than those from a white background. Black children are more than twice as likely to grow up in a lone parent family. Black and Mixed ethnic boys are more likely than White boys to be permanently excluded from school and to be arrested as a teenager. These issues start long before a young man or woman ever enters a plea decision, goes before a magistrate or serves a prison sentence.”
Lammy goes onto remark that “trust in the CJS is essential”:
“The reason that so many BAME defendants plead not guilty, forgoing the opportunity to reduce sentences by up to a third, is that they see the system in terms of ‘them and us’. Many do not trust the promises made to them by their own solicitors, let alone the officers in a police station warning them to admit guilt.”
When Lammy’s report came out, Munira Mirza, profiled recently on ConHome, had stopped working for Boris Johnson at City Hall, and was yet to take up the role she accepted last summer as Director of Johnson’s Policy Unit at Number Ten.
She subjected the report to scathing analysis:
“Lammy claimed his report ‘clearly shows BAME individuals still face bias — including overt discrimination — in parts of the justice system’… this is not what the statistics in his report revealed at all. Rather, they showed the Crown Prosecution Service’s decision-making was broadly proportionate, once other factors were taken into account. Jury conviction rates were similar across ethnic groups at between 66 and 68 per cent. In some measures, BAME groups actually had more favourable treatment compared with whites. It is true that in the area of rape and domestic abuse, black and ‘Chinese and other’ groups had disproportionate rates of prosecution, and the report rightly called for more research to understand why. But if racial bias were a problem throughout the system, one would expect the overall conviction rates to reflect this. By and large they don’t. “In fact, the detail of Lammy’s report concedes that there are many reasons outside the criminal justice system for the ethnic disparities it describes… there are many social and economic factors that go a long way to explain these ethnic disparities. It makes no sense to blame racism or the failings of professionals in the criminal justice system. Differences in racial outcomes are not the same thing as institutional racism any more than the fact that far more men than women are incarcerated is evidence of institutional sexism.”
In Mirza’s view,
“When anti-racist lobby groups criticise the authorities for their racism, it is not surprising that BAME communities start to believe they cannot trust their own professional solicitors. They then make decisions that might harm their chances in the justice system.”
So in her opinion, by undermining defendants’ trust in lawyers, the anti-racist lobby groups are harming the very people on whose behalf they campaign.
Blaise Pascal remarks somewhere on the danger of mistaking a part of the truth for the whole. One’s error is not to believe something which is wrong, but to fail to believe something else which is also true.
It seems to me there is truth on both sides of this argument. The nuances to which Lammy refers get lost once combat is joined.
It ought to be possible to believe both that racism is a serious problem, and that in many ways, whether one is black or white, this is a wonderful country in which to live.
Instead each side strives to put its own righteousness, and its opponents’ depravity, beyond question.
Perhaps any readers on either side of the argument who have managed to get to the end of this article, and are dissatisfied by the modest conclusion that has been reached, will be content to agree with the young white woman whom I consulted at the start: “You have to understand that you will never understand.”


conservativehome--2020-06-19--Iain Dale: “Winston Churchill gave voice to the nation’s courage and Vera Lynn gave voice to its hea

Iain Dale: “Winston Churchill gave voice to the nation’s courage and Vera Lynn gave voice to its heart”

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith .
“ We did it !
” trilled the Labour Party Twitter account , insinuating that it was Labour who had forced the Government ’ s U-turn on free school meals during the school summer holidays .
They later claimed credit for discovering the atom , plus a cure for cancer , as well as a vaccine to prevent Coronavirus and the mix for Cadbury ’ s Crème Eggs .
Absolute muppets .
Anyone with half a political brain could have spotted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Tuesday .
It was Marcus ( or was it Daniel ? )
Rashford who tipped them over the top , with his eloquent exposition of his own experience of free school meals and the impact that they had on his family .
Rashford ’ s power of persuasion was a classic example of using logic , emotion and the sheer force of argument to make his case .
It was patently genuine , and without exaggeration .
He didn ’ t indulge in over the top language or try to portray the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There was no anti-Boris Johnson rhetoric .
He was cool , calm and collected .
I wonder how many former Remain campaign managers were thinking to themselves : “ If only we had adopted those tactics ” ?
Eh , Alastair Campbell ?
Andrew Adonis ?
Anna Soubry ?
Quite what Boris Johnson was thinking when he admitted at the Government ’ s Tuesday press conference that he only knew about Marcus Rashford ’ s campaign shortly before he gave way to it , God only knows .
Assuming it is true , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t blame him at all .
I don ’ t expect the Prime Minister to be trawling social media all day .
But I certainly expect his communications advisers to a ) know what ’ s going on and b ) to alert the Prime Minister to it .
Is that too much to ask ?
The death of Dame Vera Lynn is yet another sign that our links to the World War II generation are loosening as every year passes .
She wasn ’ t just the Forces ’ Sweetheart @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sweetheart .
I described her yesterday as a “ very Great Briton ” and I think it ’ s a description she would have both loved and rejected .
Gyles Brandreth said yesterday that Winston Churchill gave voice to the nation ’ s courage and Vera Lynn gave voice to its heart .
Even now , whenever I listen to “ We ’ ll Meet Again ” , my eyes become moist .
I was born in 1962 but even then , 17 years after the war ended , the country was still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we ’ d buzz round the playgrounds pretending to be Spitfires bombing the Germans .
War films and programmes about the war dominated the three TV channels .
As time passes , things change and current generations regard the 1930s and 1940s as a distant age , with precious little relevance to the 2020s .
It ’ s understandable , but so very wrong .
In terms of public figures , the Queen is now the nation ’ s symbolic link to those times .
When she departs this mortal coil , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that symbolises the link between the 2020s and World War Two has been severed .
Earlier this week , I came close to quitting Twitter .
It has become an absolute sewer .
I used to think that the internet was a great democratising phenomenon and in many ways it is , since it allows people to air their views to others in a way that wasn ’ t possible previously .
Unfortunately , it also gives a platform to the bigots , racists and dregs of society .
And when you have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do or say attracts the bile of the bitter and twisted .
The trouble is that I need Twitter to do what I do .
I could just use it as a marketing medium and just post tweets about my radio show or writing , but how boring that would be .
My trouble is that I won ’ t let a lie stand .
If someone insults me or lies about me , I feel I need to set the record straight .
Sometimes it results in a meeting of minds , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an escalation .
But am I just supposed to lie back and take it ?
I address these issues in my forthcoming book Why can ’ t we all just get along ?
, but I feel that increasingly on Twitter that I am failing to live up to the very advice I give at the end of the book .
The Germans have a phrase ‘ Immer mit der Ruhe ’ .
It translates as : ‘ Keep Calm ’ .
A bit difficult when someone insists that you ’ ve turned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ woke socialist .
Or worse .

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith.
“We did it!” trilled the Labour Party Twitter account, insinuating that it was Labour who had forced the Government’s U-turn on free school meals during the school summer holidays.
They later claimed credit for discovering the atom, plus a cure for cancer, as well as a vaccine to prevent Coronavirus and the mix for Cadbury’s Crème Eggs.
Absolute muppets. Anyone with half a political brain could have spotted the inevitability of what the Government announced on Tuesday.
It was Marcus (or was it Daniel?) Rashford who tipped them over the top, with his eloquent exposition of his own experience of free school meals and the impact that they had on his family.
Rashford’s power of persuasion was a classic example of using logic, emotion and the sheer force of argument to make his case. It was patently genuine, and without exaggeration. He didn’t indulge in over the top language or try to portray the Tories as evil, heartless bastards.
There was no anti-Boris Johnson rhetoric. He was cool, calm and collected. I wonder how many former Remain campaign managers were thinking to themselves: “If only we had adopted those tactics”? Eh, Alastair Campbell? Andrew Adonis? Anna Soubry?
– – – – – – – – – –
Quite what Boris Johnson was thinking when he admitted at the Government’s Tuesday press conference that he only knew about Marcus Rashford’s campaign shortly before he gave way to it, God only knows.
Assuming it is true, you have to wonder why. I don’t blame him at all. I don’t expect the Prime Minister to be trawling social media all day. But I certainly expect his communications advisers to a) know what’s going on and b) to alert the Prime Minister to it. Is that too much to ask?
– – – – – – – – – –
The death of Dame Vera Lynn is yet another sign that our links to the World War II generation are loosening as every year passes.
She wasn’t just the Forces’ Sweetheart. She was the nation’s sweetheart. I described her yesterday as a “very Great Briton” and I think it’s a description she would have both loved and rejected.
Gyles Brandreth said yesterday that Winston Churchill gave voice to the nation’s courage and Vera Lynn gave voice to its heart. Even now, whenever I listen to “We’ll Meet Again”, my eyes become moist. I was born in 1962 but even then, 17 years after the war ended, the country was still dominated by it.
At primary school, we’d buzz round the playgrounds pretending to be Spitfires bombing the Germans. War films and programmes about the war dominated the three TV channels. As time passes, things change and current generations regard the 1930s and 1940s as a distant age, with precious little relevance to the 2020s.
It’s understandable, but so very wrong. In terms of public figures, the Queen is now the nation’s symbolic link to those times. When she departs this mortal coil, it will be as if a rope that symbolises the link between the 2020s and World War Two has been severed.
– – – – – – – – – –
Earlier this week, I came close to quitting Twitter. It has become an absolute sewer.
I used to think that the internet was a great democratising phenomenon and in many ways it is, since it allows people to air their views to others in a way that wasn’t possible previously.
Unfortunately, it also gives a platform to the bigots, racists and dregs of society. And when you have a large Twitter following, anything you do or say attracts the bile of the bitter and twisted.
The trouble is that I need Twitter to do what I do. I could just use it as a marketing medium and just post tweets about my radio show or writing, but how boring that would be.
My trouble is that I won’t let a lie stand. If someone insults me or lies about me, I feel I need to set the record straight. Sometimes it results in a meeting of minds, but too often it just results in an escalation.
But am I just supposed to lie back and take it? I address these issues in my forthcoming book Why can’t we all just get along?, but I feel that increasingly on Twitter that I am failing to live up to the very advice I give at the end of the book.
The Germans have a phrase ‘Immer mit der Ruhe’. It translates as: ‘Keep Calm’. A bit difficult when someone insists that you’ve turned into some sort of virtue signalling, woke socialist. Or worse.


conservativehome--2020-06-19--Are the Police and Crime Commissioners doomed to fail?

“ We would like to support the Government , ” says Sir Keir Starmer in one of his favoured soundbites .
“ But they make it difficult for us to do so.
” A tone of responsible opposition – more in disappointment than in anger .
There might be some scepticism about such sentiments .
But when it comes to Police and Crime Commissioners , the phrase encapsulates my sincere view .
When David Cameron brought in the reform I was an enthusiastic supporter .
So was Mark Wallace .
True , there was little fanfare from the media when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was passed in 2011 , or interest from the voters when the first PCC elections were held a year later .
But I hoped that in time the radical nature of this change would become apparent .
That real accountability , the power to sack chief constables , would ensure that police cut crime , provided value for money , and pursued the priorities that reflected the wishes of the public .
There have been some successes .
Many PCCs have written for this site to record some tangible achievements .
They have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been assisted – PCCs have helped the police work together with the NHS and local authorities to better cope with such challenges as mental illness and drug addiction .
Stephen Greenhalgh was the Deputy Mayor for Policing and Crime in London during Boris Johnson ’ s second term as Mayor .
This really meant that Greenhalgh was carrying out the PCC role for London .
While the budget was cut , the number of front line police officers was maintained and crime fell .
Progress was made outside the capital too .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ but soon ditched that policy .
Before the PCCs we had Police Authorities – they were expensive talking shops .
Chief constables would go along to the meetings but they didn ’ t need to take any notice of what was said .
The Police Authorities were toothless .
So while the arrangements we have now are an improvement that is setting the bar pretty low .
But among those of us who remember that PCCs exist , there has been great frustration that they haven ’ t made their presence felt .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ were being constantly sacked .
Also simply for a chief constable to be aware of this possibility must , to paraphrase Samuel Johnson , “ concentrate the mind wonderfully.
” Yet for this power never to have been used does suggest a lack of rigour .
It is hardly as if it is obvious that all is going well .
In recent months we had the police in Derbyshire denouncing people for taking a walk in the countryside .
In February we had Extinction Rebellion protestors dig up a lawn at Trinity College @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nothing to impede the vandalism .
Then we have had the failure of the police to protect statues and public monuments .
We had Ben-Julian Harrington , Chief Constable , of Essex , make the pathetic comment about “ trying to protect property if that ’ s the right thing to do ” – while adding that it was not a priority .
This followed the appeasement of the mob in Bristol by Andy Marsh , the Avon and Somerset Chief Constable , with the statue of Edward Colston being pulled down .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Avon and Somerset you can smash away at any statue or war memorial to your heart ’ s content , but elsewhere you can expect to be arrested and prosecuted that would be one thing .
If the PCC for Avon and Somerset ( an independent called Sue Mounstevens ) wished to see the rule of law upheld , then she could advise Marsh that if he was unable or unwilling to do so , she would find a Chief Constable who would .
Should Mounstevens favour a policy of mob rule then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disagree , can choose another PCC when they go to the polls in May next year .
That is part of the answer .
That we get the policing we deserve .
The democratic remedy is there should we be willing to take it .
As Conservatives , we can do our bit by ensuring we select strong PCC candidates – both in terms of their ability and their beliefs .
Those who feel that the political parties have not come up to scratch with the candidates they make available can put themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bit more to it though .
The media seem to think that just as interesting as Harrington being the chief constable of Essex is that he is “ the National Police Chiefs ’ Council lead for public order ” .
They are shrewd to do so .
The NPCC is not just a trade union for the chief constables .
It ’ s much worse than that .
It provides national “ coordination ” for police strategy and law enforcement .
It is a replacement body of the Association of Chief Police Officers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Police Act 1996 .
It has statutory force and acts to neuter the localism that is the whole point of the PCCs .
While Cameron was a true believer in police accountability , he trusted Theresa May , his Home Secretary , to deliver .
This proved a mistake , as she did not believe in it .
Though she could scarcely refuse altogether , the result was an emaciated version .
Home Office officials were allowed to bring in constraints in the small print to help ensure that centralisation , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There is plenty wrong with policing in the United States but there is great scope to allow an initiative to be tried out in one area to see if it works .
Rudy Giuliani applying the “ broken windows theory ” in New York was a famous example .
Should PCCs have the power to vary sentencing along with policing priorities ?
To return to the US model we have capital punishment in Missouri and Montana but not in Maine or Michigan .
That might be going a bit far .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Surely we should go beyond our minor local byelaws varying the level of fines for dropping litter in parks .
So rather than a retreat , the answer is to advance .
The National Police Chiefs ’ Council should be abolished .
The trend towards giving PCCs power over fire services is welcome – the potential for greater efficiency from joint working being pretty obvious .
A test on the changes needed would be for Priti Patel , the Home Secretary , to make a speech urging PCCs to exercise a far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prevented from taking the bold measures need to defeat crime then those obstacles should be removed .
Police accountability has not failed .
It has not yet been properly tried .

“We would like to support the Government,” says Sir Keir Starmer in one of his favoured soundbites. “But they make it difficult for us to do so.” A tone of responsible opposition – more in disappointment than in anger. There might be some scepticism about such sentiments. But when it comes to Police and Crime Commissioners, the phrase encapsulates my sincere view. When David Cameron brought in the reform I was an enthusiastic supporter. So was Mark Wallace. True, there was little fanfare from the media when the Police Reform and Social Responsibility Act was passed in 2011, or interest from the voters when the first PCC elections were held a year later. But I hoped that in time the radical nature of this change would become apparent. That real accountability, the power to sack chief constables, would ensure that police cut crime, provided value for money, and pursued the priorities that reflected the wishes of the public.
There have been some successes. Many PCCs have written for this site to record some tangible achievements. They have helped push through innovation. Joined-up Government has been assisted – PCCs have helped the police work together with the NHS and local authorities to better cope with such challenges as mental illness and drug addiction. Stephen Greenhalgh was the Deputy Mayor for Policing and Crime in London during Boris Johnson’s second term as Mayor. This really meant that Greenhalgh was carrying out the PCC role for London. While the budget was cut, the number of front line police officers was maintained and crime fell. Progress was made outside the capital too. Initially, Labour proposed scrapping the PCCs but soon ditched that policy. Before the PCCs we had Police Authorities – they were expensive talking shops. Chief constables would go along to the meetings but they didn’t need to take any notice of what was said. The Police Authorities were toothless. So while the arrangements we have now are an improvement that is setting the bar pretty low.
But among those of us who remember that PCCs exist, there has been great frustration that they haven’t made their presence felt. It would be alarming if chief constables were being constantly sacked. Also simply for a chief constable to be aware of this possibility must, to paraphrase Samuel Johnson, “concentrate the mind wonderfully.” Yet for this power never to have been used does suggest a lack of rigour. It is hardly as if it is obvious that all is going well. In recent months we had the police in Derbyshire denouncing people for taking a walk in the countryside. In February we had Extinction Rebellion protestors dig up a lawn at Trinity College, Cambridge – with the police doing nothing to impede the vandalism.
Then we have had the failure of the police to protect statues and public monuments. We had Ben-Julian Harrington, Chief Constable, of Essex, make the pathetic comment about “trying to protect property if that’s the right thing to do” – while adding that it was not a priority. This followed the appeasement of the mob in Bristol by Andy Marsh, the Avon and Somerset Chief Constable, with the statue of Edward Colston being pulled down.
If the message had been that in Avon and Somerset you can smash away at any statue or war memorial to your heart’s content, but elsewhere you can expect to be arrested and prosecuted that would be one thing. If the PCC for Avon and Somerset (an independent called Sue Mounstevens) wished to see the rule of law upheld, then she could advise Marsh that if he was unable or unwilling to do so, she would find a Chief Constable who would. Should Mounstevens favour a policy of mob rule then her electorate, should they happen to disagree, can choose another PCC when they go to the polls in May next year.
That is part of the answer. That we get the policing we deserve. The democratic remedy is there should we be willing to take it. As Conservatives, we can do our bit by ensuring we select strong PCC candidates – both in terms of their ability and their beliefs. Those who feel that the political parties have not come up to scratch with the candidates they make available can put themselves forward as independents.
There is a bit more to it though. The media seem to think that just as interesting as Harrington being the chief constable of Essex is that he is “the National Police Chiefs’ Council lead for public order”. They are shrewd to do so. The NPCC is not just a trade union for the chief constables. It’s much worse than that. It provides national “coordination” for police strategy and law enforcement. It is a replacement body of the Association of Chief Police Officers, which was established under Section 22A of the Police Act 1996. It has statutory force and acts to neuter the localism that is the whole point of the PCCs.
While Cameron was a true believer in police accountability, he trusted Theresa May, his Home Secretary, to deliver. This proved a mistake, as she did not believe in it. Though she could scarcely refuse altogether, the result was an emaciated version. Home Office officials were allowed to bring in constraints in the small print to help ensure that centralisation, group think, and political correctness prevailed.
There is plenty wrong with policing in the United States but there is great scope to allow an initiative to be tried out in one area to see if it works. Rudy Giuliani applying the “broken windows theory” in New York was a famous example.
Should PCCs have the power to vary sentencing along with policing priorities? To return to the US model we have capital punishment in Missouri and Montana but not in Maine or Michigan. That might be going a bit far. But some greater local decision-making would be welcome. Surely we should go beyond our minor local byelaws varying the level of fines for dropping litter in parks.
So rather than a retreat, the answer is to advance. The National Police Chiefs’ Council should be abolished. The trend towards giving PCCs power over fire services is welcome – the potential for greater efficiency from joint working being pretty obvious.
A test on the changes needed would be for Priti Patel, the Home Secretary, to make a speech urging PCCs to exercise a far greater role. Where the PCCs are prevented from taking the bold measures need to defeat crime then those obstacles should be removed.
Police accountability has not failed. It has not yet been properly tried.


conservativehome--2020-06-19--WATCH: Williamson wants every child back at school in September. But is that for five days a week as

WATCH: Williamson wants every child back at school in September. But is that for five days a week as previously?

WATCH : Williamson wants every child back at school in September .
But is that for five days a week @ @ @

WATCH LIVE: #coronavirus press conference (19 June 2020)
Speaker: @GavinWilliamson, @Educationgovuk Secretary
❓Ask your question at the press conference https://t.co/AciuhAKREC ❓ https://t.co/fKFtEAXk6p
— UK Prime Minister (@10DowningStreet) June 19, 2020