conservativehome--2020-12-10--Calling Conservatives: New public appointments announced. Chair of Sport England – and more

Eight years ago , the TaxPayers ’ Alliance reported that “ in the last year , five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories ” .
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party , compared to less than a third for the Conservatives .
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts , over time , the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments .
One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number as Labour supporters .
To help remedy this , each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies , so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented .
“ The Sports Grounds Safety Authority ( SGSA ) was established by statute as an Arms Length Public Body in 2011 taking on the full responsibilities of its predecessor body , The Football Licensing Authority .
The SGSA is the safety regulator for football grounds in England and Wales and the UK Government ’ s independent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three core functions of the SGSA are : to issues licences to league and international football grounds in England and Wales to allow them to permit spectators to watch matches and to oversee local authorities in their duties to sports grounds safety and safety certification ; provide strategic support for sports grounds , governing bodies and others , both in the UK and internationally ; set and raise standards globally through developing guidance , particularly the Guide to Safety at Sports Grounds ( Green Guide ) .
” Time : Up to two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is committed to improving the lived experience of social housing tenants and will publish the Social Housing White Paper shortly .
The Regulator plays a key role in protecting and empowering social housing tenants through a robust regulatory framework , and will therefore have a key role to play in delivering the reforms set out in the White Paper .
This will be an exciting and challenging time to join the organisation , leading transformational change to the way the Regulator works with the wider social housing sector .
All of this is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a new Chair of the regulator .
The role will require ensuring the organisation continues to deliver in these more challenging times , whilst ensuring that going forward it can respond and evolve to future policy changes and significant cultural change in the organisation.
” Time : Up to two days per week .
“ The Chair is accountable to the MOD Sponsor ( and ultimately to the Permanent Secretary and Ministers ) for the performance and effective operation of the OPA Board .
The OPA Board Chair sets the Board ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advising the Sponsor about the high-level business issues affecting OPA .
The Chair is responsible for : providing advice to the Sponsor and wider MOD on OPA ’ s strategic direction , objectives and risks , business performance and governance arrangements ; leading the Board to provide support and challenge to the OPA CEO and Executive Team regarding their performance , delivery consistent with the OPA strategic direction and assurance of risk management ; ensuring that the Board is effective , including assessing the performance of the Board and its NEDs , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ typically through an annual board effectiveness review ; and when considering re-appointments… ” “ The Pensions Regulator ( TPR ) is the public body that protects workplace pensions in the UK .
TPR works with employers and those running pension schemes so that people can save safely for their retirement .
TPR aims to be a strong , visible regulator that builds people ’ s confidence in pensions .
TPR is a public body sponsored by the Department for Work and Pensions ( DWP ) .
It has around 750 staff and is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the Financial Conduct Authority , which regulates personal pension schemes , and with other public bodies .
TPR is responsible for : protecting people ’ s savings in workplace pensions ; improving the way that workplace pension schemes are run ; reducing the risk of pension schemes ending up in the Pension Protection Fund ( PPF ) ; making sure employers balance the needs of their defined benefit pension scheme with growing their business ; making sure employers enrol their staff into a pension scheme and pay money into it ( known @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” “ Applications are encouraged from all sections of the community to help ensure that the Sport England board is representative of the diverse society it serves .
Sport England is a government-funded Non-Departmental Public Body and National Lottery distributor .
It is responsible for supporting , growing and advocating for grassroots sport and physical activity in England in line with its statutory objectives as set out in its Royal Charter .
Its vision is to ensure that everyone , regardless of their age , background or level of ability feels able to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it takes its strategic lead from the government ’ s sport and physical activity strategy Sporting Future : A New Strategy for an Active Nation .
The Chair will be responsible for overseeing the final stages of implementation of Sport England ’ s current Towards an Active Nation strategy ( 2017-2021 ) , and the final stages of development and roll-out of its new strategy for 2021-2025 , in close collaboration with the Deputy Chair , Chief Executive , and Executive Team.
” Time : Up to 2 days per week .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( FRC ) is to promote transparency and integrity in business .
These are cornerstones to generating public trust and confidence in UK business and help attract investment in successful companies that provide jobs , create prosperity and generate economic growth .
The FRC sets the UK Corporate Governance & Stewardship Codes which aim to make investors more accountable to their clients and beneficiaries .
The FRC also sets standards for accounting , auditing and actuarial work .
As the UK ’ s independent regulator and Competent Authority for Audit it monitors , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ promote the quality of corporate reporting and audit .
It also operates independent enforcement arrangements for accountants and actuaries.
” “ UK Shared Business Services Ltd ( UK SBS ) is a non-profit making company limited by shares .
It was established in 2007 by the UK Research Councils as part of a drive for greater value for money .
The Company provides HR & Payroll , Finance , Procurement and IT services to its owners the Department for Business , Energy & Industrial Strategy ( BEIS ) , UK Research and Innovation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clients .
It is recognised by the Cabinet Office as a government shared service provider and forms part of the Shared Service Strategy for Government… This is an exciting , interesting and challenging time for UK SBS ; the newly appointed Chair will provide strong leadership to guide the Company through this transformation , delivering leading-edge shared services to multiple clients at the best value and providing our end-users with the high-quality user experience they have become accustomed to in the digital age.
” “ With rapid progress in the development of new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transforming the strategic road network .
They need to demonstrate that they can meet the government ’ s commitment to zero carbon and within its committed timescales .
They also need to exploit the full potential of the digital revolution , both in their delivery , and in communications with road users and stakeholders .
That is why HE are now delivering £27.4 billion of investment between 2020 and 2025 to improve the road network ( RIS2 ) .
This is an exciting opportunity to join the Board of an organisation which keeps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Highways England at an exciting time , with the opportunity to help shape the future of the organisation and ensure its continued success .
This will mean supporting the executive team in developing the organisation to be equipped for the immediate supply chain , technology and workplace transformation Highways England faces.
” Bank of England – External Member of the Financial Policy Committee “ The FPC is responsible for identifying , monitoring and taking action to remove or reduce systemic risks with a view to protecting and enhancing the resilience of the UK @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a secondary objective to support the Government ’ s economic policies.The FPC has wide-ranging powers of recommendation and can direct the Prudential Regulation Authority and the Financial Conduct Authority to take action to address systemic risks to financial stability .
The appointment of external members to the FPC is designed to ensure that the Committee benefits from thinking and expertise in addition to that existing inside the Bank of England , and to provide constructive challenge during the Committee ’ s deliberations .
Each member of the FPC should have expertise in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ External members will be independent – they will not represent or lobby for individual groups , interests or sectors.
” “ Schools Adjudicators are office holders appointed by the Secretary of State for Education to make decisions about a range of matters relating to publicly funded schools in England .
They are statutory office holders appointed under section 25 of the School Standards and Framework Act 1998 .
The main function of the Schools Adjudicators is to rule on objections to and referrals about determined school admission arrangements of all state funded schools @ @ @ @ @ @ @ arrangements conform with the requirements relating to admissions and if they do not conform , in what respect they do not conform… There are currently ten Schools Adjudicators , including the Chief Schools Adjudicator .
They are appointed for their ability to act impartially , independently and objectively .
Their role is to look afresh at all cases referred to them and consider each case on its merits in the light of the legislation , the Statutory Guidance for Decision Makers on Statutory Proposals and the School Admissions Code .
”

Eight years ago, the TaxPayers’ Alliance reported that “in the last year, five times more Labour people were appointed to public bodies than Tories”.
It currently reports that almost half of avowedly political appointees last year owed their allegiance to Labour Party, compared to less than a third for the Conservatives.
Despite the selection of some Party members or supporters to fill important posts, over time, the Conservatives have punched beneath their weight when it comes to public appointments. One of the reasons seems to be that Tories simply don’t apply in the same number as Labour supporters.
To help remedy this, each week we put up links to some of the main public appointments vacancies, so that qualified Conservatives can be aware of the opportunities presented.
– – – – – – – – – –
Sports Grounds Safety Authority – Chair
“The Sports Grounds Safety Authority (SGSA) was established by statute as an Arms Length Public Body in 2011 taking on the full responsibilities of its predecessor body, The Football Licensing Authority. The SGSA is the safety regulator for football grounds in England and Wales and the UK Government’s independent advisor on sports grounds safety. The three core functions of the SGSA are: to issues licences to league and international football grounds in England and Wales to allow them to permit spectators to watch matches and to oversee local authorities in their duties to sports grounds safety and safety certification; provide strategic support for sports grounds, governing bodies and others, both in the UK and internationally; set and raise standards globally through developing guidance, particularly the Guide to Safety at Sports Grounds (Green Guide).”
Time: Up to two days per week.
Remuneration: £36,260 per annum, plus expenses.
Closes: 08 December
– – – – – – – – – –
Regulator of Social Housing – Chair
“This Government is committed to improving the lived experience of social housing tenants and will publish the Social Housing White Paper shortly. The Regulator plays a key role in protecting and empowering social housing tenants through a robust regulatory framework, and will therefore have a key role to play in delivering the reforms set out in the White Paper. This will be an exciting and challenging time to join the organisation, leading transformational change to the way the Regulator works with the wider social housing sector. All of this is likely to provide a challenging task for a new Chair of the regulator. The role will require ensuring the organisation continues to deliver in these more challenging times, whilst ensuring that going forward it can respond and evolve to future policy changes and significant cultural change in the organisation.”
Time: Up to two days per week.
Remuneration: £65,000 per annum, plus expenses.
Closes: 13 December
– – – – – – – – – –
Oil & Pipeline Agency – Chair
“The Chair is accountable to the MOD Sponsor (and ultimately to the Permanent Secretary and Ministers) for the performance and effective operation of the OPA Board. The OPA Board Chair sets the Board’s agenda and has a personal role in advising the Sponsor about the high-level business issues affecting OPA. The Chair is responsible for: providing advice to the Sponsor and wider MOD on OPA’s strategic direction, objectives and risks, business performance and governance arrangements; leading the Board to provide support and challenge to the OPA CEO and Executive Team regarding their performance, delivery consistent with the OPA strategic direction and assurance of risk management; ensuring that the Board is effective, including assessing the performance of the Board and its NEDs, and making recommendations on areas of development, typically through an annual board effectiveness review; and when considering re-appointments…”
Time: 30 days per week.
Remuneration: £27,000 per annum, plus expenses.
Closes: 14 December
– – – – – – – – – –
The Pension Agency – Chair
“The Pensions Regulator (TPR) is the public body that protects workplace pensions in the UK. TPR works with employers and those running pension schemes so that people can save safely for their retirement. TPR aims to be a strong, visible regulator that builds people’s confidence in pensions. TPR is a public body sponsored by the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP). It has around 750 staff and is based in Brighton. TPR works closely with the Financial Conduct Authority, which regulates personal pension schemes, and with other public bodies. TPR is responsible for: protecting people’s savings in workplace pensions; improving the way that workplace pension schemes are run; reducing the risk of pension schemes ending up in the Pension Protection Fund (PPF); making sure employers balance the needs of their defined benefit pension scheme with growing their business; making sure employers enrol their staff into a pension scheme and pay money into it (known as ‘automatic enrolment’).”
Time: Two days per week.
Remuneration: £73,840 per annum.
Closes: 14 December
– – – – – – – – – –
Sport England – Chair
“Applications are encouraged from all sections of the community to help ensure that the Sport England board is representative of the diverse society it serves. Sport England is a government-funded Non-Departmental Public Body and National Lottery distributor. It is responsible for supporting, growing and advocating for grassroots sport and physical activity in England in line with its statutory objectives as set out in its Royal Charter. Its vision is to ensure that everyone, regardless of their age, background or level of ability feels able to engage in sport and physical activity and it takes its strategic lead from the government’s sport and physical activity strategy Sporting Future: A New Strategy for an Active Nation. The Chair will be responsible for overseeing the final stages of implementation of Sport England’s current Towards an Active Nation strategy (2017-2021), and the final stages of development and roll-out of its new strategy for 2021-2025, in close collaboration with the Deputy Chair, Chief Executive, and Executive Team.”
Time: Up to 2 days per week.
Remuneration: £40,000 per annum.
Closes: 21 December
– – – – – – – – – –
Financial Reporting Council – Chair
“The mission of the Financial Reporting Council (FRC) is to promote transparency and integrity in business. These are cornerstones to generating public trust and confidence in UK business and help attract investment in successful companies that provide jobs, create prosperity and generate economic growth. The FRC sets the UK Corporate Governance & Stewardship Codes which aim to make investors more accountable to their clients and beneficiaries. The FRC also sets standards for accounting, auditing and actuarial work. As the UK’s independent regulator and Competent Authority for Audit it monitors, and takes action where necessary, to promote the quality of corporate reporting and audit. It also operates independent enforcement arrangements for accountants and actuaries.”
Time: 1.5 days per week.
Remuneration: £75,000 per annum, plus expenses.
Closes: 03 January
– – – – – – – – – –
UK Shared Business Services Ltd – Chair
“UK Shared Business Services Ltd (UK SBS) is a non-profit making company limited by shares. It was established in 2007 by the UK Research Councils as part of a drive for greater value for money. The Company provides HR & Payroll, Finance, Procurement and IT services to its owners the Department for Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy (BEIS), UK Research and Innovation (UKRI) and other public sector clients. It is recognised by the Cabinet Office as a government shared service provider and forms part of the Shared Service Strategy for Government… This is an exciting, interesting and challenging time for UK SBS; the newly appointed Chair will provide strong leadership to guide the Company through this transformation, delivering leading-edge shared services to multiple clients at the best value and providing our end-users with the high-quality user experience they have become accustomed to in the digital age.”
Time: Max 36 days per annum.
Remuneration: £575 per annum, plus expenses.
Closes: 03 January
– – – – – – – – – –
Highways England – Chair
“With rapid progress in the development of new technologies, Highways England are modernising and transforming the strategic road network. They need to demonstrate that they can meet the government’s commitment to zero carbon and within its committed timescales. They also need to exploit the full potential of the digital revolution, both in their delivery, and in communications with road users and stakeholders. That is why HE are now delivering £27.4 billion of investment between 2020 and 2025 to improve the road network (RIS2). This is an exciting opportunity to join the Board of an organisation which keeps England moving. You would be joining Highways England at an exciting time, with the opportunity to help shape the future of the organisation and ensure its continued success. This will mean supporting the executive team in developing the organisation to be equipped for the immediate supply chain, technology and workplace transformation Highways England faces.”
Time: 24/27 days per annum
Remuneration: £25,000 per annum/plus £3,000 for chairing.
Closes: 08 January
– – – – – – – – – –
Bank of England – External Member of the Financial Policy Committee
“The FPC is responsible for identifying, monitoring and taking action to remove or reduce systemic risks with a view to protecting and enhancing the resilience of the UK financial system. The FPC also has a secondary objective to support the Government’s economic policies.The FPC has wide-ranging powers of recommendation and can direct the Prudential Regulation Authority and the Financial Conduct Authority to take action to address systemic risks to financial stability. The appointment of external members to the FPC is designed to ensure that the Committee benefits from thinking and expertise in addition to that existing inside the Bank of England, and to provide constructive challenge during the Committee’s deliberations. Each member of the FPC should have expertise in the field of financial services and economics. External members will be independent – they will not represent or lobby for individual groups, interests or sectors.”
Time: 23 days per quarter.
Remuneration: £97,200.
Closes: 11 January
– – – – – – – – – –
Department for Education – Schools Adjudicator
“Schools Adjudicators are office holders appointed by the Secretary of State for Education to make decisions about a range of matters relating to publicly funded schools in England. They are statutory office holders appointed under section 25 of the School Standards and Framework Act 1998. The main function of the Schools Adjudicators is to rule on objections to and referrals about determined school admission arrangements of all state funded schools; this involves establishing whether or not arrangements conform with the requirements relating to admissions and if they do not conform, in what respect they do not conform… There are currently ten Schools Adjudicators, including the Chief Schools Adjudicator. They are appointed for their ability to act impartially, independently and objectively. Their role is to look afresh at all cases referred to them and consider each case on its merits in the light of the legislation, the Statutory Guidance for Decision Makers on Statutory Proposals and the School Admissions Code.”
Time: Part-time.
Remuneration: £355 per diem/£58 per hour.
Closes: 29 January


conservativehome--2020-12-10--When does the talking stop being talks?

When does the talking stop being talks?

Earlier this week , we listed four possible outcomes from Boris Johnson ’ s visit to Brussels : triumph , sellout , last-ditch gamble , or simply showing willing before talks collapse .
We omitted a fifth : talking followed by more talking .
The new deadline for deal or No Deal is Sunday – with claims that Parliament could sit as late as December 31 to approve any deal that might be agreed .
Why shouldn ’ t the two sides of the table just talk and talk and talk , in the manner of the to-and-fro which eventually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the New Year until an agreement is reached ?
The obvious retort is that under the terms of the Withdrawal Agreement , the transition period ends in the new year , and that ’ s that ( unless someome somewhere is proposing a quickfire limited renegotiation with Parliamentary approval to follow , which would be easier floated than done ) , Which raises the question of whether talks would stop in the event of No Deal .
Well , the UK and the EU are scarcely going to delete each other ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But contact is a very different thing from negotiation .
Our best guess is that if the negotiation ends on Sunday , both sides will nonetheless agree to “ keep talking ” , for all the imminence of January 1 .
Neither will want to take the blame for ending talks ( with Joe Biden , or anyone else ) .
But such talks might well be honoured more in the breach than the observance .
This could depend , in turn , on how acrimoniously the present negotiation ends .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have avoided blamemongering , but it ’ s very hard indeed to see that lasting if the negotiation ends .
Furthermore , Michel Barnier is due to retire at the end of January since , according to the European Commission ’ s staff rules , he must retire at 70 ( a milestone he is due to reach on January 9th ) .
His willingness or otherwise to stay on appears to be unknown .
Whether technically he would receive a new mandate would be less important than the EU ’ s willingness @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way .
That would depend on the EU being prepared to move from its present position , especially on the level playing field impasse , or else the UK doing so , or both .
You must judge for yourself how likely this would be on either side amidst an aftermath of name-calling and mudslinging from both sides of the channel .
Nonetheless , any standoff will eventually end .
Sooner or later , there will be talks about talks .
And then , at some point , talks – with the two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A deal , No Deal : these come and go .
But for politicians , talking is forever .

Earlier this week, we listed four possible outcomes from Boris Johnson’s visit to Brussels: triumph, sellout, last-ditch gamble, or simply showing willing before talks collapse. We omitted a fifth: talking followed by more talking.
The new deadline for deal or No Deal is Sunday – with claims that Parliament could sit as late as December 31 to approve any deal that might be agreed.
Why shouldn’t the two sides of the table just talk and talk and talk, in the manner of the to-and-fro which eventually resulted in the Belfast Agreement – on into the New Year until an agreement is reached?
The obvious retort is that under the terms of the Withdrawal Agreement, the transition period ends in the new year, and that’s that (unless someome somewhere is proposing a quickfire limited renegotiation with Parliamentary approval to follow, which would be easier floated than done),
Which raises the question of whether talks would stop in the event of No Deal. Well, the UK and the EU are scarcely going to delete each other’s phone numbers from their address books. But contact is a very different thing from negotiation.
Our best guess is that if the negotiation ends on Sunday, both sides will nonetheless agree to “keep talking”, for all the imminence of January 1. Neither will want to take the blame for ending talks (with Joe Biden, or anyone else).
But such talks might well be honoured more in the breach than the observance. This could depend, in turn, on how acrimoniously the present negotiation ends.
So far, the UK and the EU have avoided blamemongering, but it’s very hard indeed to see that lasting if the negotiation ends.
Furthermore, Michel Barnier is due to retire at the end of January since, according to the European Commission’s staff rules, he must retire at 70 (a milestone he is due to reach on January 9th).
His willingness or otherwise to stay on appears to be unknown. Whether technically he would receive a new mandate would be less important than the EU’s willingness to change its approach in any significant way.
That would depend on the EU being prepared to move from its present position, especially on the level playing field impasse, or else the UK doing so, or both.
You must judge for yourself how likely this would be on either side amidst an aftermath of name-calling and mudslinging from both sides of the channel.
Nonetheless, any standoff will eventually end. Sooner or later, there will be talks about talks. And then, at some point, talks – with the two parties back round the negotiating table.
A deal, No Deal: these come and go. But for politicians, talking is forever.


conservativehome--2020-12-10--“Frank discussion.” The Prime Minister’s statement on yesterday evening’s Brexit trade negotiation s

“Frank discussion.” The Prime Minister’s statement on yesterday evening’s Brexit trade negotiation summit.

“ The Prime Minister and President von der Leyen met for dinner in Brussels this evening .
“ The leaders @ @ @ @ @ the state of play in the negotiations .
They acknowledged that the situation remained very @ @ @ @ @ major differences between the two sides .
“ They agreed that Chief Negotiators would continue @ @ @ @ @ days and that a firm decision should be taken about the future of the talks @ @ @ @ @ Prime Minister is determined not to leave any route to a fair deal untested , @ @ @ @ @ the independence and sovereignty of the UK.
” “ We had a lively & interesting @ @ @ @ @ play on outstanding issues .
We understand each other ’ s positions .
They remain @ @ @ @

“The Prime Minister and President von der Leyen met for dinner in Brussels this evening.
“The leaders had a frank discussion about the state of play in the negotiations. They acknowledged that the situation remained very difficult and there were still major differences between the two sides.
“They agreed that Chief Negotiators would continue talks over the next few days and that a firm decision should be taken about the future of the talks by Sunday.
“The Prime Minister is determined not to leave any route to a fair deal untested, but any agreement must respect the independence and sovereignty of the UK.”
Ursual von der Leyen says:
“We had a lively & interesting discussion on the state of play on outstanding issues. We understand each other’s positions. They remain far apart.”


conservativehome--2020-12-10--Stephen Booth: The Northern Ireland Protocol deal – an improvement on what the EU envisaged a year a

Stephen Booth: The Northern Ireland Protocol deal – an improvement on what the EU envisaged a year ago

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange .
Despite a succession of seemingly “ make or break ” moments , what is becoming clear is that the only Brexit deadline that matters is 31 December , when the transition period legally ends .
Nevertheless , there was an important Brexit breakthrough this week .
The UK and the EU announced on Tuesday that they had reached an “ agreement in principle ” to resolve disputes over the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol .
Yesterday , Michael Gove set out the contours of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Fuller details , via legal text , are expected in the coming days .
The settlement is important for a number of reasons .
Under the terms of the UK-EU Withdrawal Agreement reached last year , the Protocol is due to come into force on 1 January 2021 , irrespective of there being a UK-EU trade deal or not .
The Protocol gives Northern Ireland a special economic status – within the UK ’ s customs territory , but in regulatory alignment with the EU Single Market for goods .
However , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the UK and the EU had different interpretations of what this framework should entail in practice .
Brussels insisted on a maximalist interpretation of strict adherence to EU border processes , whereas the UK wanted a light-touch approach , minimising any impact on trade across the Irish Sea .
Agreeing how to resolve these differences – within a Joint Committee , co-chaired by Gove and Maroš Šefčovič , European Commission Vice-President – was theoretically distinct from a wider UK-EU trade deal .
In practice , however , differences over the Protocol have , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the trade negotiations .
In September , the Prime Minister complained that the EU was using its maximalist interpretation of the Protocol to “ exert leverage against the UK in our negotiations for a free trade agreement.
” Hence the Government proposed unilateral powers in the Internal Market Bill , which would have had the effect of overriding aspects of the Protocol , as a “ safety net ” in the absence of a negotiated settlement .
The UK move was controversial but , at the very least , it did not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and – significantly – this deal holds irrespective of a wider UK-EU FTA .
Ultimately , the Government is now satisfied that it has secured enough on the Protocol to remove the controversial clauses from the Internal Market Bill .
It remains to be seen what implications this agreement will have for the wider trade relationship .
On the one hand , it builds goodwill and removes a significant hurdle to a UK-EU trade deal .
Equally , it reduces the risk of an acrimonious no deal , reducing the political cost of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Most importantly , the deal has practical implications for businesses and consumers in Northern Ireland .
The risk of getting this wrong was starkly underlined by Northern Ireland ’ s First and Deputy First Ministers jointly writing to the EU last month .
They described the “ unacceptable ” and “ real threat ” to food supplies being shipped to Northern Irish supermarkets from Great Britain if flexibility wasn ’ t provided .
Under this agreement , supermarkets will be given a “ grace period ” of at least three months to ensure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ireland do not face disruption from 1 January .
This will give supermarkets time to adapt their systems to comply with new procedures , so that checks can be risk-based .
Chilled meats , sausages , mince and unfrozen prepared meals – which are prohibited and restricted from entering the EU from third countries – will be permitted for a period of time , pending a review by both sides .
The EU is briefing that , once this derogation period has elapsed , Northern Irish supermarkets will have to source these products @ @ @ @ @ @ @ UK would counter that this is actually a reciprocal issue , since the EU has a strong interest in exporting similar products to the UK .
Notably , Gove said in his statement that these derogations would provide time “ for reciprocal agreements between the UK and EU on agri-food to be discussed in the months ahead.
” Such agreements could fall within the scope of an FTA or stand alone .
For example , the EU has such an agreement with New Zealand , which reduces the need for checks .
Meanwhile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all goods imported into Northern Ireland from Great Britain would be considered “ at risk ” of entering the EU , so should attract tariffs .
However , the UK and the EU have reportedly agreed a trusted trade scheme that would see 98 per cent of businesses exempted from tariffs , which could be particularly significant if there is no UK-EU trade deal .
The other two per cent could apply for rebates if they can prove goods will stay in Northern Ireland .
The trusted trade scheme would be subject to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ three-and-a-half years after the Protocol comes into effect , deliberately timed to precede the first vote of the Northern Ireland Assembly , under the “ consent mechanism ” on whether or not the trade provisions of the Protocol should be continued .
The EU and UK have also agreed that exit summary declarations for goods going from Northern Ireland to Great Britain will not be required and the information will instead be generated from data held by shipping companies .
This removes a potential bureaucratic hurdle for NI exporters .
Under the terms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ goods sector is subject to EU state aid rules .
There has been concern that this provision could lead to “ reach back ” into Great Britain , affecting firms with only a peripheral link to Northern Ireland .
Under the terms of the deal , Gove said , GB firms will stay outside these state aid rules where there is no “ genuine and direct ” link to Northern Ireland , and no “ real foreseeable ” impact on NI-EU trade .
Finally , another point of contention had been the EU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Northern Ireland to monitor the implementation of checks , which will be carried out by UK officials .
The compromise is that EU officials will be based in temporary office space .
“ There will be no Belfast ‘ mini-embassy ’ or mission , ” Gove said .
It is true to say that many Northern Irish Unionists “ wouldn ’ t have started from here.
” Nevertheless , the DUP ’ s statement on the agreement might be described as unenthusiastic but calm .
The devil will be in the details @ @ @ @ @ @ @ discussion .
Indeed , the DUP ’ s statement implicitly reminds the Government that Article 16 of the Protocol allows either party to take “ appropriate safeguards ” unilaterally if its application leads to “ serious economic , societal or environmental difficulties ” .
This would be an option open to the UK in the event of future disputes .
However , pragmatism is a sounder basis for a lasting settlement on this issue .
And , taken together , these measures are clearly a major improvement on the Protocol as envisioned by @ @ @ @ @ @

Stephen Booth is Head of the Britain in the World Project at Policy Exchange.
Despite a succession of seemingly “make or break” moments, what is becoming clear is that the only Brexit deadline that matters is 31 December, when the transition period legally ends.
Nevertheless, there was an important Brexit breakthrough this week. The UK and the EU announced on Tuesday that they had reached an “agreement in principle” to resolve disputes over the implementation of the Northern Ireland Protocol. Yesterday, Michael Gove set out the contours of the agreement in the House of Commons. Fuller details, via legal text, are expected in the coming days.
The settlement is important for a number of reasons.
Under the terms of the UK-EU Withdrawal Agreement reached last year, the Protocol is due to come into force on 1 January 2021, irrespective of there being a UK-EU trade deal or not. The Protocol gives Northern Ireland a special economic status – within the UK’s customs territory, but in regulatory alignment with the EU Single Market for goods. However, it was clear from the outset that the UK and the EU had different interpretations of what this framework should entail in practice.
Brussels insisted on a maximalist interpretation of strict adherence to EU border processes, whereas the UK wanted a light-touch approach, minimising any impact on trade across the Irish Sea.
Agreeing how to resolve these differences – within a Joint Committee, co-chaired by Gove and Maroš Šefčovič, European Commission Vice-President – was theoretically distinct from a wider UK-EU trade deal. In practice, however, differences over the Protocol have, up to this week, been linked to the trade negotiations.
In September, the Prime Minister complained that the EU was using its maximalist interpretation of the Protocol to “exert leverage against the UK in our negotiations for a free trade agreement.” Hence the Government proposed unilateral powers in the Internal Market Bill, which would have had the effect of overriding aspects of the Protocol, as a “safety net” in the absence of a negotiated settlement.
The UK move was controversial but, at the very least, it did not prevent an agreement within the Joint Committee and – significantly – this deal holds irrespective of a wider UK-EU FTA. Ultimately, the Government is now satisfied that it has secured enough on the Protocol to remove the controversial clauses from the Internal Market Bill.
It remains to be seen what implications this agreement will have for the wider trade relationship. On the one hand, it builds goodwill and removes a significant hurdle to a UK-EU trade deal. Equally, it reduces the risk of an acrimonious no deal, reducing the political cost of such an outcome for both sides.
Most importantly, the deal has practical implications for businesses and consumers in Northern Ireland. The risk of getting this wrong was starkly underlined by Northern Ireland’s First and Deputy First Ministers jointly writing to the EU last month. They described the “unacceptable” and “real threat” to food supplies being shipped to Northern Irish supermarkets from Great Britain if flexibility wasn’t provided.
Under this agreement, supermarkets will be given a “grace period” of at least three months to ensure food supplies from Great Britain to Northern Ireland do not face disruption from 1 January. This will give supermarkets time to adapt their systems to comply with new procedures, so that checks can be risk-based.
Chilled meats, sausages, mince and unfrozen prepared meals – which are prohibited and restricted from entering the EU from third countries – will be permitted for a period of time, pending a review by both sides. The EU is briefing that, once this derogation period has elapsed, Northern Irish supermarkets will have to source these products locally or from the Republic. The UK would counter that this is actually a reciprocal issue, since the EU has a strong interest in exporting similar products to the UK.
Notably, Gove said in his statement that these derogations would provide time “for reciprocal agreements between the UK and EU on agri-food to be discussed in the months ahead.” Such agreements could fall within the scope of an FTA or stand alone. For example, the EU has such an agreement with New Zealand, which reduces the need for checks.
Meanwhile, the EU had previously insisted that all goods imported into Northern Ireland from Great Britain would be considered “at risk” of entering the EU, so should attract tariffs. However, the UK and the EU have reportedly agreed a trusted trade scheme that would see 98 per cent of businesses exempted from tariffs, which could be particularly significant if there is no UK-EU trade deal. The other two per cent could apply for rebates if they can prove goods will stay in Northern Ireland.
The trusted trade scheme would be subject to a review, or sunset clause, three-and-a-half years after the Protocol comes into effect, deliberately timed to precede the first vote of the Northern Ireland Assembly, under the “consent mechanism” on whether or not the trade provisions of the Protocol should be continued.
The EU and UK have also agreed that exit summary declarations for goods going from Northern Ireland to Great Britain will not be required and the information will instead be generated from data held by shipping companies. This removes a potential bureaucratic hurdle for NI exporters.
Under the terms of the Protocol, the Northern Irish goods sector is subject to EU state aid rules. There has been concern that this provision could lead to “reach back” into Great Britain, affecting firms with only a peripheral link to Northern Ireland. Under the terms of the deal, Gove said, GB firms will stay outside these state aid rules where there is no “genuine and direct” link to Northern Ireland, and no “real foreseeable” impact on NI-EU trade.
Finally, another point of contention had been the EU’s request for a dedicated mission in Northern Ireland to monitor the implementation of checks, which will be carried out by UK officials. The compromise is that EU officials will be based in temporary office space. “There will be no Belfast ‘mini-embassy’ or mission,” Gove said.
It is true to say that many Northern Irish Unionists “wouldn’t have started from here.” Nevertheless, the DUP’s statement on the agreement might be described as unenthusiastic but calm. The devil will be in the details and some issues remain subject to further discussion. Indeed, the DUP’s statement implicitly reminds the Government that Article 16 of the Protocol allows either party to take “appropriate safeguards” unilaterally if its application leads to “serious economic, societal or environmental difficulties”. This would be an option open to the UK in the event of future disputes.
However, pragmatism is a sounder basis for a lasting settlement on this issue. And, taken together, these measures are clearly a major improvement on the Protocol as envisioned by the EU a year ago.


conservativehome--2020-12-10--Samer Bagaeen: Why isn’t integrated healthcare the norm?

Cllr Samer Bagaeen represents Hove Park on Brighton and Hove Council .
He is a Visiting Professor of Planning at the Institute of Urban Economy , Universidad Esan , in Lima , Peru .
We must get a better understanding of how our health funding is put to use to serve the residents of our town and cities and rural areas .
The key word is commissioning .
This is the process by which health and care services are planned , purchased and monitored .
Curiously , they are planned , purchased , and monitored by more or less the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ purchase !
This range of activities includes , obviously , the following : assessing needs , planning services , procuring services , and monitoring quality .
The concept of commissioning was introduced into the NHS in the early 1990s , when reforms separated the purchasing of services from their delivery , creating some kind of an ‘ internal market ’ .
The argument was that forcing providers to compete for resources would encourage greater efficiency , responsiveness , and innovation .
It did not and these arrangements have continued to evolve over time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remit of the organisations that commission care .
The current arrangements were introduced by the Health and Social Care Act 2012 .
In budget terms , and this is where some local politicians get the wrong end of the stick , the largest part of the NHS England ’ s budget is allocated to what we know as clinical commissioning groups , or CCGs , or groups of local GPs practices .
In 2018/19 , these CCGs spent £85.4 billion out of the £112.7 billion that NHS England spent on the day-to-day running @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was not theirs to start with , it was taken off the local government funding settlement .
When CCGs were first established in 2013 , there were 211 of them .
Over time though , their number has changed and continues to do so .
There have , for example , been some 10 formal mergers , reducing their number to 191 ( April 2019 ) with more proposed for 2020 had it not been that the pandemic , a double edged sword , got in the way .
The CCGs are responsible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and emergency care , acute care , mental health services , and community services .
These groups of local GP practices are managed through governing bodies that include , surprise surprise , GPs , other clinicians such as nurses and secondary care consultants , patient representatives , general managers from the NHS and local authority representatives .
One might think the CCGs are therefore not very democratic or accountable given the huge budgets they manage .
NHS England ’ s total spending on direct commissioning in 2018/19 was £24.5 billion and most of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teams .
For where I sit in the South East , NHS England and NHS Improvement South East are one of seven regional teams , covering the counties of Kent , Surrey , Sussex , Oxfordshire , Berkshire , Buckinghamshire , Hampshire and the Isle of Wight .
Sitting across the table from the CCGs are the Local Authorities who are responsible for commissioning publicly funded social care services .
This includes services to people in their own care homes as well as residential care services .
In 2017/18 , total expenditure on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ £21.3 billion .
Since 2013 , local authorities have also been responsible for commissioning many public health services including sexual health services , health visitors , school nursing and addiction services , and in 2019/20 , the public health grant to local authorities was ring fenced at £3.1 billion .
Within local authorities , health and wellbeing boards , where I sit for example , are formal committees that bring together local authority and NHS representatives to collaborate .
One of their responsibilities is carrying out joint needs assessments with CCGs and developing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local population .
In Brighton & Hove , a resident , John Kapp , who ’ s a keen health observer and one of the few residents always there with questions to members of the Health and Wellbeing Board , recently exposed what he called ‘ Fake news ’ promoted by the Leader of Brighton and Hove City Council who wrote in the local newspaper , the Argus : “ Councils have lost one in two pounds in real terms funding since Tory cuts began in 2010 .
The National Audit Office report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of government funding has fallen by a staggering 53 per cent in real terms.
” This is fake , John argued , because it ignored the history and context described here .
It took , he said , no account of the transfer from 2013 onwards of the health budget to the 219 CCGs .
The amount devolved in England is now about £90 billion per annum , he notes , of which the Brighton and Hove CCG receives some £470 million per annum .
Together with the Brighton and Hove City Council @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this makes the total devolved for local decision making £1,230m per annum .
Should this money , John asks , be devolved to the Brighton and Hove Health and Wellbeing Board in order for locally elected democratic representatives to be able to call the CCG to account for getting best value , instead of regarding it a ‘ partnership ’ body ?
This is probably the only way to integrate health and social care by filling the apparent , but clear , democratic deficit .
Some local authorities have inched towards this and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also vice versa , and some areas have made joint appointments across the two organisations – for example , in Tameside and Glossop , the CCG accountable officer is also the chief executive of the local authority .
Systems integration at its very best !
In some other places across England , devolution is also being used to support system-wide approaches to commissioning and our newly created National Preparedness Commission in England would do well to take off the blinkers and take notice of this .
The most prominent example of this is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ authorities and other local bodies have come together to take responsibility for the entire local health and care budget as opposed to the business as usual , you do your thing and I ’ ll do mine .
These arrangements were enacted through an agreement between the Greater Manchester Combined Authority , NHS England and CCGs .
A key ask here is that service delivery after the pandemic must change so that integrated health provision is , well , more integrated .
And more importantly , more accountable .
In Wigan , under @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the NHS , the Council and other partners in Wigan borough are working together in the Healthier Wigan Partnership to make health and social care services better for residents .
Wigan Council and NHS Wigan Borough CCG are continuing to change the way they commission local health and care services by working together , and from April 2019 , began to commission local services as if we are one organisation .
One good vehicle for this has been the appointment of a single Council/CCG Director of Finance .
There is also an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for delivering this commitment to integration .
It is a joint committee between Wigan Borough CCG and Wigan Council .
Members of the committee are from the CCG ’ s Governing Body and Council ’ s Cabinet .
One of the many questions we therefore need to ask is if this arrangement provides better , more integrated services to residents , why is it not the norm ?

Cllr Samer Bagaeen represents Hove Park on Brighton and Hove Council. He is a Visiting Professor of Planning at the Institute of Urban Economy, Universidad Esan, in Lima, Peru.
We must get a better understanding of how our health funding is put to use to serve the residents of our town and cities and rural areas. The key word is commissioning. This is the process by which health and care services are planned, purchased and monitored. Curiously, they are planned, purchased, and monitored by more or less the same people who plan, commission and purchase! This range of activities includes, obviously, the following: assessing needs, planning services, procuring services, and monitoring quality.
The concept of commissioning was introduced into the NHS in the early 1990s, when reforms separated the purchasing of services from their delivery, creating some kind of an ‘internal market’.
The argument was that forcing providers to compete for resources would encourage greater efficiency, responsiveness, and innovation. It did not and these arrangements have continued to evolve over time with several changes to the structure and remit of the organisations that commission care. The current arrangements were introduced by the Health and Social Care Act 2012.
In budget terms, and this is where some local politicians get the wrong end of the stick, the largest part of the NHS England’s budget is allocated to what we know as clinical commissioning groups, or CCGs, or groups of local GPs practices. In 2018/19, these CCGs spent £85.4 billion out of the £112.7 billion that NHS England spent on the day-to-day running of the health service. This money was not theirs to start with, it was taken off the local government funding settlement.
When CCGs were first established in 2013, there were 211 of them. Over time though, their number has changed and continues to do so. There have, for example, been some 10 formal mergers, reducing their number to 191 (April 2019) with more proposed for 2020 had it not been that the pandemic, a double edged sword, got in the way.
The CCGs are responsible for commissioning most NHS services including urgent and emergency care, acute care, mental health services, and community services. These groups of local GP practices are managed through governing bodies that include, surprise surprise, GPs, other clinicians such as nurses and secondary care consultants, patient representatives, general managers from the NHS and local authority representatives.
One might think the CCGs are therefore not very democratic or accountable given the huge budgets they manage. NHS England’s total spending on direct commissioning in 2018/19 was £24.5 billion and most of their commissioning function is delivered through regional teams. For where I sit in the South East, NHS England and NHS Improvement South East are one of seven regional teams, covering the counties of Kent, Surrey, Sussex, Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Hampshire and the Isle of Wight.
Sitting across the table from the CCGs are the Local Authorities who are responsible for commissioning publicly funded social care services. This includes services to people in their own care homes as well as residential care services. In 2017/18, total expenditure on adult social care by local authorities was £21.3 billion.
Since 2013, local authorities have also been responsible for commissioning many public health services including sexual health services, health visitors, school nursing and addiction services, and in 2019/20, the public health grant to local authorities was ring fenced at £3.1 billion.
Within local authorities, health and wellbeing boards, where I sit for example, are formal committees that bring together local authority and NHS representatives to collaborate. One of their responsibilities is carrying out joint needs assessments with CCGs and developing joint health and wellbeing strategies for the local population.
In Brighton & Hove, a resident, John Kapp, who’s a keen health observer and one of the few residents always there with questions to members of the Health and Wellbeing Board, recently exposed what he called ‘Fake news’ promoted by the Leader of Brighton and Hove City Council who wrote in the local newspaper, the Argus:
“Councils have lost one in two pounds in real terms funding since Tory cuts began in 2010. The National Audit Office report that in Brighton and Hove the amount of government funding has fallen by a staggering 53 per cent in real terms.”
This is fake, John argued, because it ignored the history and context described here. It took, he said, no account of the transfer from 2013 onwards of the health budget to the 219 CCGs. The amount devolved in England is now about £90 billion per annum, he notes, of which the Brighton and Hove CCG receives some £470 million per annum. Together with the Brighton and Hove City Council total annual budget of £760 million, this makes the total devolved for local decision making £1,230m per annum.
Should this money, John asks, be devolved to the Brighton and Hove Health and Wellbeing Board in order for locally elected democratic representatives to be able to call the CCG to account for getting best value, instead of regarding it a ‘partnership’ body? This is probably the only way to integrate health and social care by filling the apparent, but clear, democratic deficit.
Some local authorities have inched towards this and transferred some commissioning responsibilities to CCGs but also vice versa, and some areas have made joint appointments across the two organisations – for example, in Tameside and Glossop, the CCG accountable officer is also the chief executive of the local authority. Systems integration at its very best!
In some other places across England, devolution is also being used to support system-wide approaches to commissioning and our newly created National Preparedness Commission in England would do well to take off the blinkers and take notice of this. The most prominent example of this is Greater Manchester, where CCGs, local authorities and other local bodies have come together to take responsibility for the entire local health and care budget as opposed to the business as usual, you do your thing and I’ll do mine. These arrangements were enacted through an agreement between the Greater Manchester Combined Authority, NHS England and CCGs.
A key ask here is that service delivery after the pandemic must change so that integrated health provision is, well, more integrated. And more importantly, more accountable.
In Wigan, under the banner of ‘Healthier Wigan’, the NHS, the Council and other partners in Wigan borough are working together in the Healthier Wigan Partnership to make health and social care services better for residents. Wigan Council and NHS Wigan Borough CCG are continuing to change the way they commission local health and care services by working together, and from April 2019, began to commission local services as if we are one organisation. One good vehicle for this has been the appointment of a single Council/CCG Director of Finance. There is also an Integrated Commissioning Committee being the formal committee for delivering this commitment to integration. It is a joint committee between Wigan Borough CCG and Wigan Council. Members of the committee are from the CCG’s Governing Body and Council’s Cabinet.
One of the many questions we therefore need to ask is if this arrangement provides better, more integrated services to residents, why is it not the norm?


conservativehome--2020-12-10--WATCH: Johnson tells business to prepare for No Deal (again.)

Now is the time for the public and businesses to get ready for the Australian option on January 1st .
@

Now is the time for the public and businesses to get ready for the Australian option on January 1st. pic.twitter.com/lLJfmIy9XI
— Boris Johnson (@BorisJohnson) December 10, 2020


conservativehome--2020-12-10--WATCH: Mordaunt – “We cannot accept a deal at any cost”

`` We can not accept a deal at any cost.. the only deal that is possible is one that is @ @ @ @ @ Cabinet Office minister Penny Mordaunt updates MPs on the UK 's efforts to get a @ @ @ @ @ https : //t.co/rvSdASos8P pic.twitter.com/qPLTAmZQCk

"We cannot accept a deal at any cost.. the only deal that is possible is one that is compatible with our sovereignty"
Cabinet Office minister Penny Mordaunt updates MPs on the UK's efforts to get a trade deal with the EU https://t.co/rvSdASos8P pic.twitter.com/qPLTAmZQCk
— BBC Politics (@BBCPolitics) December 10, 2020


conservativehome--2020-12-11--Does cross-party support for the Mali mission signal a new consensus on deploying troops overseas?

Earlier this month John Healey , the Shadow Defence Secretary , wrote for this site demanding that the Government explain to Parliament its reasons for deploying 300 British troops to Mali as part of the ongoing United Nations peacekeeping mission there .
By good fortune , an official announcement about the decision was forthcoming the same day : “ 300 UK troops have arrived in Mali as part of the UN ’ s peacekeeping mission , primarily drawn from the Light Dragoons alongside the Royal Anglian Regiment and supported by specialist trades from across the Armed Forces .
The UK @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reconnaissance capability , conducting patrols to gather intelligence and engage with the local population to help the UN respond to threats from violent extremism , and weak governance.
” In numbers terms this is a relatively small part of the 14,000-strong UN operation , although it is apparently providing a critical capability .
Nor are the dragoons the first British troops on the ground in the Sahel .
James Heappey , the Armed Forces Minister , pointed out in his statement to the House of Commons that we are also providing helicopter support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and at over personnel , very substantial ) French operation in the country .
But it is still significant .
Heappey told MPs that “ it is important to stress that deploying to MINUSMA does not come without risk ” , and Healey that “ Labour strongly support this commitment of UK troops to the UN peacekeeping mission in Mali , and we do so with eyes wide open to the risks they face ” .
There is a real danger of British casualties from this deployment , and it marks the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ committed ‘ boots on the ground ’ ( except for special forces ) to a new theatre .
Does this reflect a slow rebuilding of cross-party political will to deploy the Armed Forces ?
David Cameron tried to do so in Syria , but was prevented by Ed Miliband ’ s gamesmanship .
Perhaps it is in recognition of the consequences of that decision that Healey stresses Labour ’ s recognition of the interwoven humanitarian , development , and security cases for deploying now .

Earlier this month John Healey, the Shadow Defence Secretary, wrote for this site demanding that the Government explain to Parliament its reasons for deploying 300 British troops to Mali as part of the ongoing United Nations peacekeeping mission there.
By good fortune, an official announcement about the decision was forthcoming the same day:
“300 UK troops have arrived in Mali as part of the UN’s peacekeeping mission, primarily drawn from the Light Dragoons alongside the Royal Anglian Regiment and supported by specialist trades from across the Armed Forces. The UK Task Force will provide a highly specialised reconnaissance capability, conducting patrols to gather intelligence and engage with the local population to help the UN respond to threats from violent extremism, and weak governance.”
In numbers terms this is a relatively small part of the 14,000-strong UN operation, although it is apparently providing a critical capability. Nor are the dragoons the first British troops on the ground in the Sahel. James Heappey, the Armed Forces Minister, pointed out in his statement to the House of Commons that we are also providing helicopter support to Operation Barkhane, the separate (and at over personnel, very substantial) French operation in the country.
But it is still significant. Heappey told MPs that “it is important to stress that deploying to MINUSMA does not come without risk”, and Healey that “Labour strongly support this commitment of UK troops to the UN peacekeeping mission in Mali, and we do so with eyes wide open to the risks they face”. There is a real danger of British casualties from this deployment, and it marks the first time since Iraq that the UK has committed ‘boots on the ground’ (except for special forces) to a new theatre.
Does this reflect a slow rebuilding of cross-party political will to deploy the Armed Forces? David Cameron tried to do so in Syria, but was prevented by Ed Miliband’s gamesmanship. Perhaps it is in recognition of the consequences of that decision that Healey stresses Labour’s recognition of the interwoven humanitarian, development, and security cases for deploying now.


conservativehome--2020-12-11--ConservativeHome presents ‘The North’s Economic Recovery – an evening with the NRG’

Given that it is a year on from 2019 ’ s stunning electoral gains in the former Red Wall , our next live online event is particularly timely .
We hope you ’ ll join us for The North ’ s Economic Recovery – an evening with the NRG .
Our editor , Paul Goodman , will be joined by a panel of three prominent MPs from the Northern Research Group – Jake Berry MP , Dehenna Davison MP and John Stevenson MP – at 6pm on Thursday 17th December , via Zoom .
Since its foundation earlier this year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ voice on the backbenches , and we are fortunate to be joined by three of its leading lights .
This event will provide an opportunity for viewers and politicians alike to explore the challenges and opportunities facing the Conservative Party in the North of England .
As well as putting ConservativeHome readers ’ questions to the panel , we ’ ll be discussing topics including : How will the ‘ levelling up ’ agenda translate into hard policy ?
What should the Government ’ s approach be to help the North recover from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ?
Where and when will the new infrastructure promised in the 2019 manifesto be built ?
As ever , this event is free to take part in – please click here to sign up for your ticket , and feel free to share the link with your friends , family and fellow activists .

Given that it is a year on from 2019’s stunning electoral gains in the former Red Wall, our next live online event is particularly timely. We hope you’ll join us for The North’s Economic Recovery – an evening with the NRG.
Our editor, Paul Goodman, will be joined by a panel of three prominent MPs from the Northern Research Group – Jake Berry MP, Dehenna Davison MP and John Stevenson MP – at 6pm on Thursday 17th December, via Zoom.
Since its foundation earlier this year, the NRG has become an important voice on the backbenches, and we are fortunate to be joined by three of its leading lights. This event will provide an opportunity for viewers and politicians alike to explore the challenges and opportunities facing the Conservative Party in the North of England.
As well as putting ConservativeHome readers’ questions to the panel, we’ll be discussing topics including:
How will the ‘levelling up’ agenda translate into hard policy? What should the Government’s approach be to help the North recover from the economic damage inflicted by the pandemic? Where and when will the new infrastructure promised in the 2019 manifesto be built?
As ever, this event is free to take part in – please click here to sign up for your ticket, and feel free to share the link with your friends, family and fellow activists.


conservativehome--2020-12-11--An alternative history. Remain won the referendum, and it settled nothing. May is PM with no majorit

An alternative history. Remain won the referendum, and it settled nothing. May is PM with no majority. Another election looms.

The percentages we are familiar with were reversed .
Remain won the EU referendum by 52 per cent to 48 per cent .
And it settled nothing – for three main reasons .
First , David Cameron ’ s EU deal stood , since Britain voted to stay , and disillusion with it swiftly set in – most notoriously because the EU institutions refused Cameron the use of the “ emergency break ” on immigration that he had negotiated ; which in any case was a break not on numbers but on welfare , and which in any event didn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pledge that EU migrants would have to pay into the system for four years before they became eligible to receive welfare .
Second , it soon became evident that whatever Cameron meant by a UK exemption from “ ever-closer union ” , also a part of his deal , was very different from what many voters , most Conservative members , lots of Tory MPs and a fair number of Ministers understood by it .
For example , there was a dickens of a row over the EU ’ s 1.8 trillion euro @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coming under pressure from the backbenches to join Poland and Hungary in threatening a veto .
Third , UKIP is still bobbing around today on about 15 per cent , roughly where it was in the run-up to the 2016 referendum .
Nigel Farage is looking to exploit resentment about Covid restrictions among small businesses and the private sector amidst his unyielding calls for a second referendum : like Nicola Sturgeon on Scottish independence , he wants a re-run .
That might not matter were it not for the political context .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and no 2019 one , either – just about .
Post-referendum , the Conservative 2015 majority of 12 was whittled down to five .
Cameron wasn ’ t able after his narrow 2015 election win to get much through Parliament pre-referendum ( remember those backbench revolts on disability benefits , Sunday trading , tax credits , academisation and much else ) .
After the result , his room for manoeuvre shrank further – with a sore , bruised and angry European Research Group acting as a constant thorn in his side .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Prime Minister in 2017 .
He had said that he would not contest a third general election as Conservative leader and kept his word .
His efforts to heal the Tory wounds post-referendum did not succeed , despite the appointment of Boris Johnson as Defence Secretary .
The collective self-inflicted wound of the 2017 Conservative leadership election put pay to any prospect of it .
For Johnson , his standing with the Tory grassroots boosted further by “ my openness to a second referendum ” , was carved out of the membership stage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ George Osborne Commons operation .
He was not one of the two candidates to go forward to the members .
Osborne was one of them , but a big slice of activists blamed him both for “ Remain ’ s referendum lies ” and for Johnson ’ s absence from the ballot .
So the other candidate is Conservative leader and Prime Minister today : namely , Theresa May – demoted by Cameron to Leader of the House post-referendum for not sticking to the Remain script during it , but now in place @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she “ could foresee circumstances ” in which a second referendum might be justified .
She is now under further pressure to deliver one after her disastrous general election of last spring , in which a manifesto commitment on social care backfired , removing her majority .
Osborne left the Commons last summer , is the recently-appointed Editor of the Sunday Times , has eight other jobs of one sort of another , and is somehow also heading up next year ’ s COP26 climate summit on behalf of the UK .
Johnson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spectacular rows with Philip Hammond , the Chancellor , over his department ’ s budget – almost as vituperative as those between Farage and Douglas Carswell , who held on to his Clacton seat last summer , and has been joined by five other UKIP MPs .
As we write , May , in consultation with David Frost , her new Chief of Staff , and Stephen Parkinson , her Political Secretary , is drawing up “ five tests for future EU membership ” .
Hammond is fighting , in concert with Rory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and a body of other committed Cabinet Remainers , to ensure that these are designed so that the UK can never leave .
Johnson is fighting back , with Michael Gove , a rehabilitated Liam Fox and others to ensure that they are .
The ERG is working closely with Carswell and is in semi-open revolt .
Nicola Sturgeon is dangling possible support for a second EU referendum as the price for a second referendum on Scottish independence .
Jeremy Corbyn , widely praised in Westminster for his “ masterly inactivity ” during @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at support for the first only to be persistently contradicted by John McDonnell , now Labour ’ s Deputy Leader .
Another election soon can not be ruled out… The point we are laboriously making is that in most alternative universes there is no agreed EU membership settlement in Britain – to be contrasted with the present trade talks impasse and the possibility of No Deal .
There is only a continuing political crisis which Cameron ’ s referendum win failed to settle .
The great story of the UK ’ s contested @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on , because geography , politics and culture dictate the nature of it .

The percentages we are familiar with were reversed. Remain won the EU referendum by 52 per cent to 48 per cent. And it settled nothing – for three main reasons.
First, David Cameron’s EU deal stood, since Britain voted to stay, and disillusion with it swiftly set in – most notoriously because the EU institutions refused Cameron the use of the “emergency break” on immigration that he had negotiated; which in any case was a break not on numbers but on welfare, and which in any event didn’t meet the 2015 Conservative Manifesto pledge that EU migrants would have to pay into the system for four years before they became eligible to receive welfare.
Second, it soon became evident that whatever Cameron meant by a UK exemption from “ever-closer union”, also a part of his deal, was very different from what many voters, most Conservative members, lots of Tory MPs and a fair number of Ministers understood by it. For example, there was a dickens of a row over the EU’s 1.8 trillion euro Covid Recovery Fund – with the Government coming under pressure from the backbenches to join Poland and Hungary in threatening a veto.
Third, UKIP is still bobbing around today on about 15 per cent, roughly where it was in the run-up to the 2016 referendum. Nigel Farage is looking to exploit resentment about Covid restrictions among small businesses and the private sector amidst his unyielding calls for a second referendum: like Nicola Sturgeon on Scottish independence, he wants a re-run. That might not matter were it not for the political context.
For there was no 2017 general election, and no 2019 one, either – just about. Post-referendum, the Conservative 2015 majority of 12 was whittled down to five. Cameron wasn’t able after his narrow 2015 election win to get much through Parliament pre-referendum (remember those backbench revolts on disability benefits, Sunday trading, tax credits, academisation and much else). After the result, his room for manoeuvre shrank further – with a sore, bruised and angry European Research Group acting as a constant thorn in his side.
In any event, Cameron stood down as Prime Minister in 2017. He had said that he would not contest a third general election as Conservative leader and kept his word. His efforts to heal the Tory wounds post-referendum did not succeed, despite the appointment of Boris Johnson as Defence Secretary. The collective self-inflicted wound of the 2017 Conservative leadership election put pay to any prospect of it.
For Johnson, his standing with the Tory grassroots boosted further by “my openness to a second referendum”, was carved out of the membership stage of the contest by a characteristically ruthless George Osborne Commons operation. He was not one of the two candidates to go forward to the members. Osborne was one of them, but a big slice of activists blamed him both for “Remain’s referendum lies” and for Johnson’s absence from the ballot.
So the other candidate is Conservative leader and Prime Minister today: namely, Theresa May – demoted by Cameron to Leader of the House post-referendum for not sticking to the Remain script during it, but now in place. Her pitch to members was that she “could foresee circumstances” in which a second referendum might be justified. She is now under further pressure to deliver one after her disastrous general election of last spring, in which a manifesto commitment on social care backfired, removing her majority.
Osborne left the Commons last summer, is the recently-appointed Editor of the Sunday Times, has eight other jobs of one sort of another, and is somehow also heading up next year’s COP26 climate summit on behalf of the UK. Johnson is still Defence Secretary, engaged in spectacular rows with Philip Hammond, the Chancellor, over his department’s budget – almost as vituperative as those between Farage and Douglas Carswell, who held on to his Clacton seat last summer, and has been joined by five other UKIP MPs.
As we write, May, in consultation with David Frost, her new Chief of Staff, and Stephen Parkinson, her Political Secretary, is drawing up “five tests for future EU membership”. Hammond is fighting, in concert with Rory Stewart, Amber Rudd, David Gauke and a body of other committed Cabinet Remainers, to ensure that these are designed so that the UK can never leave. Johnson is fighting back, with Michael Gove, a rehabilitated Liam Fox and others to ensure that they are. The ERG is working closely with Carswell and is in semi-open revolt.
Nicola Sturgeon is dangling possible support for a second EU referendum as the price for a second referendum on Scottish independence. Jeremy Corbyn, widely praised in Westminster for his “masterly inactivity” during the 2016 referendum campaign, keeps hinting at support for the first only to be persistently contradicted by John McDonnell, now Labour’s Deputy Leader. Another election soon cannot be ruled out…
The point we are laboriously making is that in most alternative universes there is no agreed EU membership settlement in Britain – to be contrasted with the present trade talks impasse and the possibility of No Deal.
There is only a continuing political crisis which Cameron’s referendum win failed to settle. The great story of the UK’s contested relationship with the rest of Europe goes on, because geography, politics and culture dictate the nature of it.


conservativehome--2020-12-11--Iain Dale: Brexit. In the short-term, a bumpy ride.  In the medium, a massive success – that’s my in

Iain Dale: Brexit. In the short-term, a bumpy ride.  In the medium, a massive success – that’s my instinct, anyway

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith .
The one thing Britain and the EU are united on is that they both want a deal – but not at any cost .
As I write , we seem to be no nearer a deal with the EU now than we were a week ago .
Neither side seems willing to move on any of the three main areas of contention .
So in retrospect , I am not sure what the point of the dinner on Wednesday night was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a half years the EU doesn ’ t understand what our bottom line is , I ’ m not sure a three hour conversation over a Turbot was going to change anything .
It ’ s clear that the EU does not appreciate what being a sovereign country means , and if they don ’ t understand it now , they probably never will .
I ’ ve always approached these talks from the premise that sensible people will , in the end , come to a sensible deal , which is satisfactory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what happens in the real world .
Or at least it used to .
Yes , you get to the last minute of the last hour , and there ’ s a great deal of brinkmanship involved , but you get there in the end .
But sadly , at the moment , it looks difficult to see a pathway to a deal .
There is a minority of Brexiteers which actively wants No Deal .
I ’ ve never been one of them .
However , I can ’ t deny that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the journalist in me – will be fascinated to see what happens if it comes to pass .
All sorts of doom-mongers will predict that we will go to hell in a hand cart , just as they did when we didn ’ t join the Euro .
My instinct – and that is all it is – is that in the medium term the UK will become a massive success , but I can ’ t prove it .
In the meantime , it ’ s going to be a very bumpy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see that in the last League Table of Cabinet Ministers , in which the ConHome panel of Party members , Liz Truss emerged as the top rated minister .
Over the last year , she has kept a much lower profile than usual , and quietly got on with her job of reaching trade agreements with other countries .
And on Wednesday , Singapore became the 22nd country to reach a post Brexit trade deal which will come into effect on January 1st .
Truss has confounded Remainer critics who insisted that no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be prepared to roll over their EU trade agreements .
Expect quite a few more to be signed over the next few weeks , but most of the bigger ones have already been done .
One statistic which I wasn ’ t aware of is that the 40 different agreements we were part of as EU member states accounted for only 11 per cent of our total trade .
Add this to the 44 per cent of our trade we do with the EU , and you can see that 45 per cent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under the auspices of the World Trade Organisation – and 40 per cent of that is with the United States .
A word of praise for whoever organised the Comms on Tuesday for the first vaccinations .
I ’ m told it was all handled by NHS England , and they did a fantastic job .
The pictures from Coventry hospital told their own story .
They weren ’ t intrusive , and the elderly people interviewed said exactly the right things to encourage us all to get the vaccination .
It was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to be vaccinated to be William Shakespeare from Warwick .
I almost expected him to look at the camera and say : ‘ my vaccine , my vaccine , my kingdom for a vaccine ’ .
I also want to issue a word of praise for Nadhim Zahawi , the newly appointed Minister for Vaccine Deployment .
The rollout of the vaccine programme is one of the most difficult logistical challenges which any government has faced outside of wartime .
His role will no doubt be to unblock any bottlenecks , and occasionally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s been one of the unsung heroes of Conservative governments since the days of David Cameron .
Quite how he is still only a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State is a mystery .
He ’ s always been a minister who Downing Street can count on not to drop a bollock , and I have dubbed him the ‘ Minister for Sticky Wickets ’ .
If there ’ s any justice in this world , he ought to be a sure fire bet for promotion in the forthcoming reshuffle .
I wouldn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ into the Cabinet as Business Secretary .

Iain Dale presents the evening show on LBC Radio and the For the Many podcast with Jacqui Smith.
The one thing Britain and the EU are united on is that they both want a deal – but not at any cost.
As I write, we seem to be no nearer a deal with the EU now than we were a week ago. Neither side seems willing to move on any of the three main areas of contention.
So in retrospect, I am not sure what the point of the dinner on Wednesday night was. If, after, four and a half years the EU doesn’t understand what our bottom line is, I’m not sure a three hour conversation over a Turbot was going to change anything.
It’s clear that the EU does not appreciate what being a sovereign country means, and if they don’t understand it now, they probably never will. I’ve always approached these talks from the premise that sensible people will, in the end, come to a sensible deal, which is satisfactory to both sides. That’s what happens in the real world.
Or at least it used to. Yes, you get to the last minute of the last hour, and there’s a great deal of brinkmanship involved, but you get there in the end.
But sadly, at the moment, it looks difficult to see a pathway to a deal. There is a minority of Brexiteers which actively wants No Deal. I’ve never been one of them. However, I can’t deny that the devil in me – or perhaps the journalist in me – will be fascinated to see what happens if it comes to pass.
All sorts of doom-mongers will predict that we will go to hell in a hand cart, just as they did when we didn’t join the Euro. My instinct – and that is all it is – is that in the medium term the UK will become a massive success, but I can’t prove it. In the meantime, it’s going to be a very bumpy ride indeed.
– – – – – – – – – –
I was interested to see that in the last League Table of Cabinet Ministers, in which the ConHome panel of Party members, Liz Truss emerged as the top rated minister.
Over the last year, she has kept a much lower profile than usual, and quietly got on with her job of reaching trade agreements with other countries. And on Wednesday, Singapore became the 22nd country to reach a post Brexit trade deal which will come into effect on January 1st.
Truss has confounded Remainer critics who insisted that no more than a handful of countries would be prepared to roll over their EU trade agreements. Expect quite a few more to be signed over the next few weeks, but most of the bigger ones have already been done.
One statistic which I wasn’t aware of is that the 40 different agreements we were part of as EU member states accounted for only 11 per cent of our total trade. Add this to the 44 per cent of our trade we do with the EU, and you can see that 45 per cent of our trade is conducted with countries under the auspices of the World Trade Organisation – and 40 per cent of that is with the United States.
– – – – – – – – – –
A word of praise for whoever organised the Comms on Tuesday for the first vaccinations. I’m told it was all handled by NHS England, and they did a fantastic job.
The pictures from Coventry hospital told their own story. They weren’t intrusive, and the elderly people interviewed said exactly the right things to encourage us all to get the vaccination.
It was a lovely touch for the first man to be vaccinated to be William Shakespeare from Warwick. I almost expected him to look at the camera and say: ‘my vaccine, my vaccine, my kingdom for a vaccine’.
I also want to issue a word of praise for Nadhim Zahawi, the newly appointed Minister for Vaccine Deployment. The rollout of the vaccine programme is one of the most difficult logistical challenges which any government has faced outside of wartime.
His role will no doubt be to unblock any bottlenecks, and occasionally knock a few heads together. He’s been one of the unsung heroes of Conservative governments since the days of David Cameron. Quite how he is still only a Parliamentary Under Secretary of State is a mystery.
He’s always been a minister who Downing Street can count on not to drop a bollock, and I have dubbed him the ‘Minister for Sticky Wickets’. If there’s any justice in this world, he ought to be a sure fire bet for promotion in the forthcoming reshuffle. I wouldn’t bet against him going straight into the Cabinet as Business Secretary.


conservativehome--2020-12-11--James Palmer: How devolution can bost innovation and economic growth

James Palmer is the directly elected Mayor of Cambridgeshire and Peterborough .
The job of combined authorities is to increase economic prosperity for the people they serve .
Devolution means powers and money are passed into local control , where , combined with local support and specialist knowledge , it can be put to best use .
As part of our devolution deal in 2017 , we signed an agreement with central government to double local “ Valued Added ” by 2042 .
As I see it , we also have a responsibility to our entire region , not just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the majority of that output ; to make sure growth and opportunities are spread evenly and fairly , not just in selected areas .
At the Cambridgeshire & Peterborough Combined Authority , we achieve this through supporting business growth , housing development , better transport , and enhanced education in every corner of the region .
Maximising the great potential in areas that could well be described as “ left behind ” and in major need of “ levelling up ” .
Our ability to contribute to the UK economy is huge ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ £22 billion .
Before COVID-19 , we had already seen local growth over and above expected levels because of interventions we have made .
Imagine if the output of Cambridge could be matched across the entire Cambridgeshire and Peterborough region ?
Last week , I went in front of the Housing , Communities and Local Government Committee to give evidence on the progress of devolution , where I was asked about the challenges and opportunities that come with Combined Authorities .
Extraordinary national challenges , including COVID-19 and the EU transition , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a kick back against further devolution .
Despite this , we have managed to achieve exceptional things .
Things that would not be possible without a Combined Authority to set a vision and show leadership for the entire region .
By their nature , Combined Authorities are collaborative .
Unlike local or national government , decision making requires cross-party consensus .
We changed our governance structure so that elected members sit on all our committees , to represent the views of their constituents in co-designing local policies and develop knowledge and expertise in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our own levelling up agenda by providing more adult education opportunities in the north of the county , typically ‘ left behind ’ areas of low economic opportunity .
We have got spades in the ground and second phase funding from government to deliver a new University for Peterborough , a project which had been going nowhere for over 20 years until the Combined Authority took over , just a couple of years ago .
Our pioneering transport projects including the CAM Metro , will better connect the north of the region with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the wealth and opportunities that exist there .
Given the events of the Covid-19 response , Government may think Combined Authorities are a problem to manage and be disinclined to trust us further , but I genuinely believe we can be a crucial part of the Covid Recovery .
Through partnership working , we can be more agile in meeting the needs of the region .
When Covid-19 hit , we responded quickly in collaboration with our Business Board – formerly the Cambridgeshire and Greater Peterborough Local Enterprise Partnership – investing almost £6 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and medium businesses that were just missing out on government schemes .
Our action led to the protection of 500 jobs and created a further 270 jobs during the first national lockdown .
At the Committee I was asked my views on what additional powers we need to deliver , particularly fiscal devolution .
I believe we could perform even better for the region and contribute more to the UK economy if we were given that resource .
At present , we are required to go cap in hand to central government whenever @ @ @ @ @ @ @ often only granted on a short term basis .
This is understandable ; if a Combined Authority is not responsible with its funding , Central Government shoulders the responsibility and foots the bill .
Devolution of fundraising powers from central government would provide stable , long term funding , allow us to plan for and deliver on strategic projects that would revolutionise our region and ensure we hold a stake in responsible management of our resources .
It is both an opportunity and a responsibility .
It is my belief that because of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of land in Cambridge and Cambridgeshire as a whole , we can raise money to deliver on ambitious large scale infrastructure projects such as the Cambridgeshire Autonomous through the power of the Cambridge economy alone .
Mechanisms such as Land Value Capture , Tax Incremental Funding , Devolved Taxation Powers and the long-term ring fencing of increased business rates revenues due to growth would allow us to raise billions of pounds in finance that could be invested in better public transport , employment-focussed education opportunities and affordable housing .
If we are to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-19 and burst past it , we will need to embrace innovation and deliver differently .
The Government must look at the massive opportunities that we have in this country to transform how we deliver major infrastructure .
While I speak of examples in Cambridgeshire and Peterborough , this could be replicated across the UK .
It is not only a different route of delivery , but a better route of delivery , on things that will improve people ’ s lives – which is , at the end of the day , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ job .

James Palmer is the directly elected Mayor of Cambridgeshire and Peterborough.
The job of combined authorities is to increase economic prosperity for the people they serve. Devolution means powers and money are passed into local control, where, combined with local support and specialist knowledge, it can be put to best use.
As part of our devolution deal in 2017, we signed an agreement with central government to double local “Valued Added” by 2042. As I see it, we also have a responsibility to our entire region, not just the major economic centres that make up the majority of that output; to make sure growth and opportunities are spread evenly and fairly, not just in selected areas.
At the Cambridgeshire & Peterborough Combined Authority, we achieve this through supporting business growth, housing development, better transport, and enhanced education in every corner of the region. Maximising the great potential in areas that could well be described as “left behind” and in major need of “levelling up”.
Our ability to contribute to the UK economy is huge; in 2017 it was measured to be £22 billion. Before COVID-19, we had already seen local growth over and above expected levels because of interventions we have made. Imagine if the output of Cambridge could be matched across the entire Cambridgeshire and Peterborough region?
Last week, I went in front of the Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee to give evidence on the progress of devolution, where I was asked about the challenges and opportunities that come with Combined Authorities.
Extraordinary national challenges, including COVID-19 and the EU transition, has led to a centralisation of powers and a kick back against further devolution. Despite this, we have managed to achieve exceptional things. Things that would not be possible without a Combined Authority to set a vision and show leadership for the entire region.
By their nature, Combined Authorities are collaborative. Unlike local or national government, decision making requires cross-party consensus. We changed our governance structure so that elected members sit on all our committees, to represent the views of their constituents in co-designing local policies and develop knowledge and expertise in these areas.
We have delivered on our own levelling up agenda by providing more adult education opportunities in the north of the county, typically ‘left behind’ areas of low economic opportunity. We have got spades in the ground and second phase funding from government to deliver a new University for Peterborough, a project which had been going nowhere for over 20 years until the Combined Authority took over, just a couple of years ago. Our pioneering transport projects including the CAM Metro, will better connect the north of the region with the south, helping to crack open the wealth and opportunities that exist there.
Given the events of the Covid-19 response, Government may think Combined Authorities are a problem to manage and be disinclined to trust us further, but I genuinely believe we can be a crucial part of the Covid Recovery. Through partnership working, we can be more agile in meeting the needs of the region. When Covid-19 hit, we responded quickly in collaboration with our Business Board – formerly the Cambridgeshire and Greater Peterborough Local Enterprise Partnership – investing almost £6 million of funding into over 170 small and medium businesses that were just missing out on government schemes. Our action led to the protection of 500 jobs and created a further 270 jobs during the first national lockdown.
At the Committee I was asked my views on what additional powers we need to deliver, particularly fiscal devolution. I believe we could perform even better for the region and contribute more to the UK economy if we were given that resource.
At present, we are required to go cap in hand to central government whenever we need additional funding, which is often only granted on a short term basis. This is understandable; if a Combined Authority is not responsible with its funding, Central Government shoulders the responsibility and foots the bill. Devolution of fundraising powers from central government would provide stable, long term funding, allow us to plan for and deliver on strategic projects that would revolutionise our region and ensure we hold a stake in responsible management of our resources. It is both an opportunity and a responsibility.
It is my belief that because of the strength of the economy and value of land in Cambridge and Cambridgeshire as a whole, we can raise money to deliver on ambitious large scale infrastructure projects such as the Cambridgeshire Autonomous through the power of the Cambridge economy alone. Mechanisms such as Land Value Capture, Tax Incremental Funding, Devolved Taxation Powers and the long-term ring fencing of increased business rates revenues due to growth would allow us to raise billions of pounds in finance that could be invested in better public transport, employment-focussed education opportunities and affordable housing.
If we are to recover the significant economic growth lost to Covid-19 and burst past it, we will need to embrace innovation and deliver differently. The Government must look at the massive opportunities that we have in this country to transform how we deliver major infrastructure. While I speak of examples in Cambridgeshire and Peterborough, this could be replicated across the UK. It is not only a different route of delivery, but a better route of delivery, on things that will improve people’s lives – which is, at the end of the day, the only reason I took on this job.