freebeacon--2020-02-22--How Tara McGowan Became the Elizabeth Holmes of Politics

As Democrats go to the polls in Nevada Saturday , many fear a redux of the still-inconclusive Iowa caucuses .
In the days since the start of that historic catastrophe , news reports have blamed the Iowa Democratic Party 's inaccurate figures on a smartphone app developed by Shadow Inc. , a `` progressive '' technology firm .
Shadow , in turn , has been linked to a nonprofit , ACRONYM , out of which has spun a complex network of private and public entities infused with millions in Democratic dark money .
At the center of that network sits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her early 30s , McGowan has been heralded as a rising star in Democratic Party politics .
Her résumé is peppered with names from Barack Obama to Hillary Clinton to Tom Steyer .
A fawning profile in the online magazine Ozy called her the `` Democrats ' most dangerous digital strategist . ''
Her ACRONYM network was meant to be the party 's high-tech solution to its crushing 2016 defeat .
In response , McGowan 's fellow Democrats have sunk at least tens of millions into her ventures , which promise to build @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cutting-edge online creative media '' ; McGowan has made it clear that she wants millions more .
Although she once told investors not to `` measure our success by how many Politico articles we ’ re mentioned in , '' she has until recently revelled in press attention , posing for glossy photos in the New York Times and proudly explaining the elaborate structure of her pro-Democrat news operation , Courier Newsroom .
She has also publicly paraded her superstar funders , going out of her way to tie ACRONYM to Dollar Shave @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on its launch .
In the wake of the Iowa fiasco , however , McGowan has been forced to pivot from image boosting to damage control , putting distance between herself and Shadow in a way that has done more to raise alarm than assuage it .
Funders who once heaped cash on her are starting to ask whether McGowan 's startup is really the next big thing , or if the whole operation has been their version of Theranos , the tech firm that raised millions on a miracle technology it could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rightly or wrongly believe about her is that she ’ s in some ways the Elizabeth Holmes of politics , '' one Democratic operative with extensive campaign experience told the Washington Free Beacon .
`` She convinced a lot of people that she knew what she was doing , and perhaps doesn ’ t . ''
A closer look at ACRONYM reveals a hybrid structure that is more start-up than traditional political organization .
Connected to it is a PAC , Pacronym , as well as a for-profit subsidiary , Lockwood Strategy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ consultancy '' that consults for both McGowan 's network and outside clients .
She also set up other private firms , including Shadow and the news outlet Courier Newsroom .
Nonprofits like ACRONYM and political action committees like Pacronym are subject to a host of transparency laws .
Private entities like Lockwood and Shadow , however , have no such reporting requirements .
Such a structure is `` not unheard of , '' Anna Massoglia , a researcher at the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics , told the Free Beacon , but it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other opaque for-profit entities can effectively operate as a black box with little or no disclosure , only disseminating the information they choose to publicly release , '' she said .
McGowan has leaned on that black box .
One potential benefit : PACs and tax-exempt organizations are obligated to disclose significant payments to employees , but private firms are not .
Only one person appears to list Lockwood Strategy as her current employer on LinkedIn : Tara McGowan .
ACRONYM 's most recent financial disclosure , covering 2017 , shows McGowan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as president and CEO .
ACRONYM did not respond to questions about how much McGowan is paid , or which component of its structure—ACRONYM , Pacronym , Lockwood , or otherwise—was paying her .
Although Massoglia said she could not comment on ACRONYM in particular , she explained that `` it is not uncommon for politically active ‘ dark money ' nonprofits to pay individuals working for the group through firms , potentially hiding details of the amount paid and the individuals being paid . ''
McGowan 's salary is a mystery to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the McGowan network .
FEC records show that Pacronym has received $ 300,000 in contributions from ACRONYM which , in turn , transferred $ 1 million to Lockwood .
Employees move freely as well—LinkedIn shows 45 current Acronym employees , at least one of whom used to work at Lockwood .
Shadow Inc. CEO Gerard Niemira is a former COO of ACRONYM .
The Iowa fiasco demonstrates another reason for this structure : When a piece of the network fails , it can be lopped off .
McGowan immediately worked to distance ACRONYM @ @ @ @ @ @ @ independent company , '' scrubbing references from ACRONYM 's website and claiming to be just one of many investors .
But an old press release explicitly states that ACRONYM `` acquired '' Groundbase , the firm whose technology ACRONYM then placed under the aegis of Shadow , which it also `` launched . ''
As recently as a week before the Iowa caucuses , McGowan claimed on her podcast that ACRONYM was Shadow 's `` sole investor . ''
McGowan 's attempts to distance ACRONYM from Shadow have , however , only raised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reason she did that , '' the Democratic operative said of the distancing , is that `` there must be some recognition that if donors or others try to take her complicated structure and unwind it , they would find out that it ’ s a lot of smoke and mirrors .
That must be the concern she had , which is why she tried to lie about that . ''
Regardless of why ACRONYM is structured as it is , the result is the same : a black box that neither investors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ peer into .
`` Federal campaign finance law has struggled to keep pace with issues posed by new technologies , '' Massoglia said .
`` The Iowa Democratic Party using a firm affiliated with a dark money group is just one example of the lack of disclosure and clarity around this issue . ''
ACRONYM , then , could be as newfangled as McGowan promised .
That newness comes not in the form of initiatives to `` build progressive power '' —those appear to be faltering .
Rather , it comes in complex @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dollars can be made to disappear .
Barack Obama was , as a Vox retrospective put it , our `` first digital president . ''
A data-driven campaign led to a technocratic administration with deep ties to Silicon Valley .
Obama 's world ran on the allure and mystery of tech .
That 's where Tara McGowan got her start .
After college and stints in journalism and on Capitol Hill , McGowan found her calling as a `` digital producer '' for Obama 's 2012 reelection campaign , building content focused on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experience appears to have left a mark : McGowan has `` Yes , we can '' tattooed on her arm , and she joined other Obama campaign veterans in a pro-Hillary Clinton video asking America to `` do it for Obama . ''
McGowan has repeated the Silicon Valley tropes that were a hallmark of her time in the Obama world , selling well-heeled Democratic donors on `` invest [ ing ] in digital-first tools '' and `` disruptors who are committed to leveraging digital to reach voters . ''
Such language recalls @ @ @ @ @ @ @ technology to confront the biggest challenges that America faces , '' hosted Google at the White House over 400 times , and who post-presidency dropped in on a sports analytics conference .
Obama 's 2012 victory launched McGowan , who went to work building digital ads for Steyer .
In 2016 , she became the first digital director for Priorities USA , a super PAC that spent hundreds of millions on Clinton 's failed 2016 campaign .
McGowan 's experience perfectly positioned her to sell Democrats on a Silicon Valley rebrand .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dollar Shave Club CEO Michael Dubin , McGowan launched ACRONYM .
The idea was simple : use `` cutting-edge online creative media and marketing campaigns '' ( read : well-targeted Facebook ads ) to win elections .
That sort of verbiage , typical in the venture capital world , was a part of ACRONYM 's DNA .
A 2018 investor pitch letter says McGowan and co. are building `` digital infrastructure '' and that they `` understand the power of coordination , '' `` encourage and facilitate [ coordination ] where we can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' and it of course reminds readers that `` ‘ digital ' is an adjective , not a noun . ''
This packaging reinforces McGowan 's high-tech image .
Her sleek pitch worked , and McGowan attracted investment from Hollywood moguls like Steven Spielberg and J.J. Abrams , major unions like AFSCME , and hedgefund billionaires like Donald Sussman and George Soros .
Fundraising success has let McGowan expand aggressively .
Her latest goal is an `` unprecedented '' $ 75 million to target President Donald Trump with digital ads in 2020 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , she looked set to do it .
Now , however , donors may be taking a closer look , asking whether McGowan 's high-tech operation is really able to deliver what she claims .
Ninety percent of start-ups fail .
Democratic donors have bought into Tara McGowan 's network as though it 's the next Facebook ; how do they know it 's not the next Theranos ?
ACRONYM did not respond to questions about how it measures success , but McGowan 's past statements offer clues .
In her 2018 investor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election of Virginia governor Ralph Northam ( D. ) , for which ACRONYM orchestrated nearly $ 3 million in ad spending .
Responding to the Iowa fiasco , McGowan highlighted progressive victories in `` more than 60 state and federal elections . ''
Successes are usually framed in terms of effort—the number of ads placed or voters registered—rather than effect .
It 's hard to judge how much of an impact McGowan 's network actually had on any given election—just because it was involved does not mean it had an effect .
Federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ buys , with Pacronym transferring $ 1 million to its private sibling in the 2018 cycle .
Lockwood , in turn , reported a total of $ 719,000 in independent expenditures paid for by Pacronym and others ( not all money went toward such expenditures , which accounts for the discrepancy ) .
Federally , those expenditures were funneled toward eight races , of which ACRONYM 's candidates won six .
The organization 's $ 147,000 in spending could not defeat Rep. Vernon Buchanan ( R. , Fla. ) , nor could $ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bill Nelson .
If these numbers are confusing , imagine how an investor must feel .
McGowan 's network has struggled to branch out from digital advertising .
After Iowa , Shadow 's reputation appears permanently tarnished .
The Nevada Democratic Party has announced that it will not be using Shadow 's software in its caucus—its version had problems too .
Both Pete Buttigieg 's and Joe Biden 's campaigns also purchased Shadow software ; they did not respond to questions about their experience with it .
The failure of Shadow 's software @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As one tech writer noted , the development team consisted of one senior engineer without mobile app experience and a coterie of `` very recent coding school graduates , '' two of whom recently worked `` as a prep cook for Starbucks and receptionist at Regus . ''
The software was built in less than two months and was largely untested before the caucus .
McGowan 's news operation , Courier , appears to have a small footprint .
The outfit is intended to fund `` local '' newsrooms in swing states @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of local news .
According to Bloomberg News , McGowan sought $ 25 million for sites in six states , although as of now , there are only three .
Neither ACRONYM nor Courier responded to a request for comment , but independent metrics indicate that while the project is audacious , its impact is minimal .
All three sites have epically low traffic .
The Dogwood , based in Virginia , has the highest rank on web service Alexa 's listing of sites , at number 2,276,925—by way of comparison , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ news in central Utah , ranks as 49,184 .
The sites do similarly poorly on social media : Both Up North News , which covers Wisconsin , and the Copper Courier , based in Arizona , have under 700 followers on Twitter .
The Dogwood , based in Virginia , fairs slightly better with about 7,000 followers but commands a substantially smaller following than many newssites .
This minimal footprint reflects Courier 's tiny size .
The Dogwood appears to have just three employees , UNN has four , and the Courier does @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are currently more job openings on Courier 's `` about '' page than people employed by the newsrooms .
In other words , Courier Newsroom seems a bit like Shadow—a seat-of-the-pants operation light on manpower .
But it is hard to know : As with the rest of McGowan 's operation , details hide behind a thick veil of legal obfuscation .
Just like Lockwood , the media operation lacks the reporting obligations that ACRONYM and Pacronym both have .
This means that the $ 25 million McGowan raised for Courier , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 campaigns paid Shadow , have vanished into thin air .

She said she could give Democrats a Silicon Valley upgrade. But are her plans made of glass?
As Democrats go to the polls in Nevada Saturday, many fear a redux of the still-inconclusive Iowa caucuses. In the days since the start of that historic catastrophe, news reports have blamed the Iowa Democratic Party's inaccurate figures on a smartphone app developed by Shadow Inc., a "progressive" technology firm. Shadow, in turn, has been linked to a nonprofit, ACRONYM, out of which has spun a complex network of private and public entities infused with millions in Democratic dark money.
At the center of that network sits one woman: Tara McGowan.
In her early 30s, McGowan has been heralded as a rising star in Democratic Party politics. Her résumé is peppered with names from Barack Obama to Hillary Clinton to Tom Steyer. A fawning profile in the online magazine Ozy called her the "Democrats' most dangerous digital strategist." Her ACRONYM network was meant to be the party's high-tech solution to its crushing 2016 defeat.
In response, McGowan's fellow Democrats have sunk at least tens of millions into her ventures, which promise to build "digital infrastructure" and leverage "cutting-edge online creative media"; McGowan has made it clear that she wants millions more. Although she once told investors not to "measure our success by how many Politico articles we’re mentioned in," she has until recently revelled in press attention, posing for glossy photos in the New York Times and proudly explaining the elaborate structure of her pro-Democrat news operation, Courier Newsroom. She has also publicly paraded her superstar funders, going out of her way to tie ACRONYM to Dollar Shave Club CEO and millionaire cofounder Michael Dubin on its launch.
In the wake of the Iowa fiasco, however, McGowan has been forced to pivot from image boosting to damage control, putting distance between herself and Shadow in a way that has done more to raise alarm than assuage it. Funders who once heaped cash on her are starting to ask whether McGowan's startup is really the next big thing, or if the whole operation has been their version of Theranos, the tech firm that raised millions on a miracle technology it couldn't deliver.
"What some people rightly or wrongly believe about her is that she’s in some ways the Elizabeth Holmes of politics," one Democratic operative with extensive campaign experience told the Washington Free Beacon. "She convinced a lot of people that she knew what she was doing, and perhaps doesn’t."
The House That Tara Built
A closer look at ACRONYM reveals a hybrid structure that is more start-up than traditional political organization. Connected to it is a PAC, Pacronym, as well as a for-profit subsidiary, Lockwood Strategy, a "digital creative and media campaign consultancy" that consults for both McGowan's network and outside clients. She also set up other private firms, including Shadow and the news outlet Courier Newsroom.
Nonprofits like ACRONYM and political action committees like Pacronym are subject to a host of transparency laws. Private entities like Lockwood and Shadow, however, have no such reporting requirements. Such a structure is "not unheard of," Anna Massoglia, a researcher at the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics, told the Free Beacon, but it does raise red flags.
"LLCs and other opaque for-profit entities can effectively operate as a black box with little or no disclosure, only disseminating the information they choose to publicly release," she said.
McGowan has leaned on that black box. One potential benefit: PACs and tax-exempt organizations are obligated to disclose significant payments to employees, but private firms are not. Only one person appears to list Lockwood Strategy as her current employer on LinkedIn: Tara McGowan. ACRONYM's most recent financial disclosure, covering 2017, shows McGowan collecting just $16,667 in her capacity as president and CEO.
ACRONYM did not respond to questions about how much McGowan is paid, or which component of its structure—ACRONYM, Pacronym, Lockwood, or otherwise—was paying her. Although Massoglia said she could not comment on ACRONYM in particular, she explained that "it is not uncommon for politically active 'dark money' nonprofits to pay individuals working for the group through firms, potentially hiding details of the amount paid and the individuals being paid." McGowan's salary is a mystery to the public.
Money circulates freely in the McGowan network. FEC records show that Pacronym has received $300,000 in contributions from ACRONYM which, in turn, transferred $1 million to Lockwood. Employees move freely as well—LinkedIn shows 45 current Acronym employees, at least one of whom used to work at Lockwood. Shadow Inc. CEO Gerard Niemira is a former COO of ACRONYM.
The Iowa fiasco demonstrates another reason for this structure: When a piece of the network fails, it can be lopped off. McGowan immediately worked to distance ACRONYM from Shadow, labeling it an "independent company," scrubbing references from ACRONYM's website and claiming to be just one of many investors. But an old press release explicitly states that ACRONYM "acquired" Groundbase, the firm whose technology ACRONYM then placed under the aegis of Shadow, which it also "launched." As recently as a week before the Iowa caucuses, McGowan claimed on her podcast that ACRONYM was Shadow's "sole investor."
McGowan's attempts to distance ACRONYM from Shadow have, however, only raised more questions.
"I think the reason she did that," the Democratic operative said of the distancing, is that "there must be some recognition that if donors or others try to take her complicated structure and unwind it, they would find out that it’s a lot of smoke and mirrors. That must be the concern she had, which is why she tried to lie about that."
Regardless of why ACRONYM is structured as it is, the result is the same: a black box that neither investors nor the public are fully empowered to peer into.
"Federal campaign finance law has struggled to keep pace with issues posed by new technologies," Massoglia said. "The Iowa Democratic Party using a firm affiliated with a dark money group is just one example of the lack of disclosure and clarity around this issue."
ACRONYM, then, could be as newfangled as McGowan promised. That newness comes not in the form of initiatives to "build progressive power"—those appear to be faltering. Rather, it comes in complex legal structures, by which millions of dollars can be made to disappear.
The Birth of a Start-Up
Barack Obama was, as a Vox retrospective put it, our "first digital president." A data-driven campaign led to a technocratic administration with deep ties to Silicon Valley. Obama's world ran on the allure and mystery of tech.
That's where Tara McGowan got her start. After college and stints in journalism and on Capitol Hill, McGowan found her calling as a "digital producer" for Obama's 2012 reelection campaign, building content focused on LGBT and women's issues. The experience appears to have left a mark: McGowan has "Yes, we can" tattooed on her arm, and she joined other Obama campaign veterans in a pro-Hillary Clinton video asking America to "do it for Obama."
McGowan has repeated the Silicon Valley tropes that were a hallmark of her time in the Obama world, selling well-heeled Democratic donors on "invest[ing] in digital-first tools" and "disruptors who are committed to leveraging digital to reach voters." Such language recalls a president who promised to "harness technology to confront the biggest challenges that America faces," hosted Google at the White House over 400 times, and who post-presidency dropped in on a sports analytics conference.
Obama's 2012 victory launched McGowan, who went to work building digital ads for Steyer. In 2016, she became the first digital director for Priorities USA, a super PAC that spent hundreds of millions on Clinton's failed 2016 campaign.
McGowan's experience perfectly positioned her to sell Democrats on a Silicon Valley rebrand. In 2017, with the backing of millionaire Dollar Shave Club CEO Michael Dubin, McGowan launched ACRONYM. The idea was simple: use "cutting-edge online creative media and marketing campaigns" (read: well-targeted Facebook ads) to win elections.
That sort of verbiage, typical in the venture capital world, was a part of ACRONYM's DNA. A 2018 investor pitch letter says McGowan and co. are building "digital infrastructure" and that they "understand the power of coordination," "encourage and facilitate [coordination] where we can to maximize limited resources and impact," and it of course reminds readers that "'digital' is an adjective, not a noun." This packaging reinforces McGowan's high-tech image.
Her sleek pitch worked, and McGowan attracted investment from Hollywood moguls like Steven Spielberg and J.J. Abrams, major unions like AFSCME, and hedgefund billionaires like Donald Sussman and George Soros. Fundraising success has let McGowan expand aggressively. Her latest goal is an "unprecedented" $75 million to target President Donald Trump with digital ads in 2020. Before Iowa came crashing down around her, she looked set to do it. Now, however, donors may be taking a closer look, asking whether McGowan's high-tech operation is really able to deliver what she claims.
Metrics for Success
Ninety percent of start-ups fail. Democratic donors have bought into Tara McGowan's network as though it's the next Facebook; how do they know it's not the next Theranos?
ACRONYM did not respond to questions about how it measures success, but McGowan's past statements offer clues. In her 2018 investor pitch, her major win was the election of Virginia governor Ralph Northam (D.), for which ACRONYM orchestrated nearly $3 million in ad spending. Responding to the Iowa fiasco, McGowan highlighted progressive victories in "more than 60 state and federal elections." Successes are usually framed in terms of effort—the number of ads placed or voters registered—rather than effect.
It's hard to judge how much of an impact McGowan's network actually had on any given election—just because it was involved does not mean it had an effect. Federal election data show Lockwood Strategy making ad buys, with Pacronym transferring $1 million to its private sibling in the 2018 cycle. Lockwood, in turn, reported a total of $719,000 in independent expenditures paid for by Pacronym and others (not all money went toward such expenditures, which accounts for the discrepancy). Federally, those expenditures were funneled toward eight races, of which ACRONYM's candidates won six. The organization's $147,000 in spending could not defeat Rep. Vernon Buchanan (R., Fla.), nor could $90,000 help reelect former Florida Democratic senator Bill Nelson.
If these numbers are confusing, imagine how an investor must feel.
McGowan's network has struggled to branch out from digital advertising.
After Iowa, Shadow's reputation appears permanently tarnished. The Nevada Democratic Party has announced that it will not be using Shadow's software in its caucus—its version had problems too. Both Pete Buttigieg's and Joe Biden's campaigns also purchased Shadow software; they did not respond to questions about their experience with it.
The failure of Shadow's software is linked to an apparently slapdash operation. As one tech writer noted, the development team consisted of one senior engineer without mobile app experience and a coterie of "very recent coding school graduates," two of whom recently worked "as a prep cook for Starbucks and receptionist at Regus." The software was built in less than two months and was largely untested before the caucus.
McGowan's news operation, Courier, appears to have a small footprint. The outfit is intended to fund "local" newsrooms in swing states, pushing pro-Democrat messaging under the guise of local news. According to Bloomberg News, McGowan sought $25 million for sites in six states, although as of now, there are only three.
Neither ACRONYM nor Courier responded to a request for comment, but independent metrics indicate that while the project is audacious, its impact is minimal. All three sites have epically low traffic. The Dogwood, based in Virginia, has the highest rank on web service Alexa's listing of sites, at number 2,276,925—by way of comparison, a site like the Daily Herald, covering news in central Utah, ranks as 49,184. The sites do similarly poorly on social media: Both Up North News, which covers Wisconsin, and the Copper Courier, based in Arizona, have under 700 followers on Twitter. The Dogwood, based in Virginia, fairs slightly better with about 7,000 followers but commands a substantially smaller following than many newssites.
This minimal footprint reflects Courier's tiny size. The Dogwood appears to have just three employees, UNN has four, and the Courier does not even publish a masthead. There are currently more job openings on Courier's "about" page than people employed by the newsrooms.
In other words, Courier Newsroom seems a bit like Shadow—a seat-of-the-pants operation light on manpower.
But it is hard to know: As with the rest of McGowan's operation, details hide behind a thick veil of legal obfuscation. Just like Lockwood, the media operation lacks the reporting obligations that ACRONYM and Pacronym both have. This means that the $25 million McGowan raised for Courier, and the $150,000 state Democratic parties and 2020 campaigns paid Shadow, have vanished into thin air.


freebeacon--2020-02-22--Supreme Court Lifts Last Bar To Trump Immigration Rule, Over Furious Sotomayor Dissent

Justice Sonia Sotomayor handed down a ferocious dissent Friday after the Supreme Court lifted the final barrier to a Trump administration rule that withholds green cards from immigrants dependent on government services .
At issue in Friday ’ s case was the so-called public charge rule .
Federal immigration law provides that immigrants should not receive permanent legal status if they are likely to become `` a public charge . ''
The government has traditionally defined a public charge as a person dependent on a cash assistance program .
The Trump administration ’ s rule expands that definition to include @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stamps .
The vote was five to four and tracked familiar ideological lines .
The Court did not give an explanation for its decision , as is typical of such orders .
In dissent , Sotomayor said the Trump administration has been bringing cases to the Supreme Court prematurely by exploiting procedural rules .
`` Claiming one emergency after another , the government has recently sought stays in an unprecedented number of cases , demanding immediate attention and consuming limited Court resources in each , '' Sotomayor wrote .
`` And with each @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cries of urgency ring increasingly hollow . ''
`` It is hard to say what is more troubling : that the government would seek this extraordinary relief seemingly as a matter of course , or that the Court would grant it , '' she wrote .
The Supreme Court blocked two nationwide injunctions from New York that barred enforcement of the new policy on Jan. 27 .
One final injunction , which applied in the state of Illinois , remained in effect after that decision .
The government filed an emergency stay application @ @ @ @ @ @ @ injunction on Feb. 13 .
The Court ’ s Friday order means the government can enforce the rule in Illinois—which has almost 2 million immigrants—while litigation continues .
Sotomayor compared the conservative majority ’ s approach to the government ’ s stay applications with those brought by death row inmates .
She accused the Court of showing greater solicitude for Trump than convicts on the brink of execution .
The government must show it will suffer irreparable harm to obtain an emergency stay .
As Sotomayor saw Friday ’ s case , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ temporary inability to enforce its policy .
The consequence facing capital convicts , on the other hand , is death , she argued .
`` I fear that this disparity in treatment erodes the fair and balanced decision-making process that this Court must strive to protect , '' Sotomayor added .
She also needled the government for changing its own definition of irreparable harm .
The government asked the Court to lift the New York injunctions because of their nationwide scope .
Here , the injunction is of a much smaller scale .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , therefore , boils down to an inability to enforce its immigration goals , possibly in only the immediate term , in one of 50 states , '' she wrote .
Before President Donald Trump took office , the government rarely sought emergency stays from the Supreme Court .
The Bush and Obama administrations combined filed just eight stay applications with the justices .
Including Friday ’ s case , the Trump administration has sought emergency stays on 24 occasions .
The justices have granted the government ’ s request 11 times , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of his travel sanctions and use military funds for border wall construction while litigation continues in the lower courts .
The cause of the increase in stay applications is much debated .
Attorney General William Barr said the recent proliferation of nationwide injunctions is to blame during a 2019 speech to the American Law Institute .
According to Justice Department estimates , courts issued just 27 nationwide injunctions in the entire 20th century .
By comparison , judges have entered 40 nationwide injunctions against the Trump administration .
`` When a nationwide injunction @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Justice Department has little choice but to seek emergency relief , '' Barr said .
`` No one benefits from emergency litigation—not the government , not the plaintiffs , not the courts .
But the alternative is for the government to wait months or years for appeals to run their course before the executive may implement its policy at all . ''

Justice Sonia Sotomayor handed down a ferocious dissent Friday after the Supreme Court lifted the final barrier to a Trump administration rule that withholds green cards from immigrants dependent on government services.
At issue in Friday’s case was the so-called public charge rule. Federal immigration law provides that immigrants should not receive permanent legal status if they are likely to become "a public charge." The government has traditionally defined a public charge as a person dependent on a cash assistance program. The Trump administration’s rule expands that definition to include other forms of non-cash assistance like food stamps.
The vote was five to four and tracked familiar ideological lines. The Court did not give an explanation for its decision, as is typical of such orders. In dissent, Sotomayor said the Trump administration has been bringing cases to the Supreme Court prematurely by exploiting procedural rules.
"Claiming one emergency after another, the government has recently sought stays in an unprecedented number of cases, demanding immediate attention and consuming limited Court resources in each," Sotomayor wrote. "And with each successive application, of course, its cries of urgency ring increasingly hollow."
"It is hard to say what is more troubling: that the government would seek this extraordinary relief seemingly as a matter of course, or that the Court would grant it," she wrote.
The Supreme Court blocked two nationwide injunctions from New York that barred enforcement of the new policy on Jan. 27. One final injunction, which applied in the state of Illinois, remained in effect after that decision.
The government filed an emergency stay application asking the justices to lift the Illinois injunction on Feb. 13. The Court’s Friday order means the government can enforce the rule in Illinois—which has almost 2 million immigrants—while litigation continues.
Sotomayor compared the conservative majority’s approach to the government’s stay applications with those brought by death row inmates. She accused the Court of showing greater solicitude for Trump than convicts on the brink of execution.
The government must show it will suffer irreparable harm to obtain an emergency stay. As Sotomayor saw Friday’s case, the only consequence to the government was a temporary inability to enforce its policy. The consequence facing capital convicts, on the other hand, is death, she argued.
"I fear that this disparity in treatment erodes the fair and balanced decision-making process that this Court must strive to protect," Sotomayor added.
She also needled the government for changing its own definition of irreparable harm. The government asked the Court to lift the New York injunctions because of their nationwide scope. Here, the injunction is of a much smaller scale.
"The government’s professed harm, therefore, boils down to an inability to enforce its immigration goals, possibly in only the immediate term, in one of 50 states," she wrote.
Before President Donald Trump took office, the government rarely sought emergency stays from the Supreme Court. The Bush and Obama administrations combined filed just eight stay applications with the justices. Including Friday’s case, the Trump administration has sought emergency stays on 24 occasions.
The justices have granted the government’s request 11 times, allowing Trump to enforce a tailored version of his travel sanctions and use military funds for border wall construction while litigation continues in the lower courts.
The cause of the increase in stay applications is much debated. Attorney General William Barr said the recent proliferation of nationwide injunctions is to blame during a 2019 speech to the American Law Institute. According to Justice Department estimates, courts issued just 27 nationwide injunctions in the entire 20th century. By comparison, judges have entered 40 nationwide injunctions against the Trump administration.
"When a nationwide injunction constrains a significant executive policy, the Justice Department has little choice but to seek emergency relief," Barr said. "No one benefits from emergency litigation—not the government, not the plaintiffs, not the courts. But the alternative is for the government to wait months or years for appeals to run their course before the executive may implement its policy at all."


freebeacon--2020-02-22--Betting the House on Red: Odds Favor Sanders in Nevada Amid Claims of Russian Backing

LAS VEGAS — Sin City is a most poetic setting to observe the Democratic Party 's ongoing struggle to nominate a challenger for President Donald J. Trump , the Las Vegas of human beings , whose name looms over the lustrous strip like the eyes of Dr. T.J. Eckleburg .
In a city which boasts an economy fueled by bored rich people setting their money on fire , it 's only fitting that nearly all the premium advertising—digital billboards and television spots—is promoting billionaire candidates Tom Steyer and Michael Bloomberg .
The latter is n't even on the ballot in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most capitalist of venues , a socialist ( Bernie Sanders ) is almost certain to claim victory , an outcome that would solidify his status as the safest bet to win the nomination of a party to which he does n't belong and does n't seem to like very much .
`` We 're taking on Donald Trump and the Republican establishment , and we are taking on the Democratic establishment , '' he told a crowd of thousands at a rally in Las Vegas on Friday .
`` You may have noticed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nervous . ''
Many Sanders supporters , and perhaps even Sanders himself , saw `` establishment '' fingerprints all over a Washington Post report about U.S. intelligence officials briefing the Sanders campaign on Russian efforts to boost his candidacy .
Sanders appeared visibly annoyed at a brief press conference to address the story .
Asked why news of the briefing , which took place a month ago , was just now being reported , Sanders snapped back : `` I 'll let you guess .
One day before the Nevada caucus .
Why @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' A Sanders win in Nevada is about the only certainty that remains in a Democratic primary that could dramatically reshape the party the way Trump 's victory in 2016 remade the GOP .
Having already won in Iowa and New Hampshire , the self-identified socialist holds a 13-point lead among likely caucus-goers in Nevada , according to the RealClearPolitics polling average .
Second and third place are up for grabs , with five candidates polling within several points of one another .
The results could make or break the campaigns of several @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Former vice president Joe Biden is trying to avoid a third straight finish outside the top three .
Sen. Elizabeth Warren ( D. , Mass . )
is hoping to stay relevant and capitalize on her strong performance at Wednesday 's debate , in which she led the assault on a woefully unprepared Bloomberg .
Peter Paul Montgomery Buttigieg , 38 , would like to show his stable of wealthy donors that he has what it takes to perform well in a state with a significant percentage of minority voters , while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) will probably need a strong showing in Nevada in order to survive until Super Tuesday on March 3 .
Tom Steyer is just trying to make friends .
It 's all riding , of course , on the state party 's ability to report a reliable result , avoiding a repeat of the Iowa caucus disaster .
Nevada is also a caucus state , where citizens cast their votes not by marking a ballot like normal people , but by running around high school gyms in a Red Rover-esque free-for-all .
Caucus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contest amid a number of last-minute changes , such as scrapping the now-infamous vote-reporting app that muddled the results in Iowa .
Democratic National Committee chairman Tom Perez would not even commit to releasing the results on Saturday , stressing the party 's commitment to `` accuracy . ''
This is the first year Nevada has allowed for early voting in a presidential caucus , meaning an estimated 75,000 ballots have already been cast—using a ranked-choice format—and will have to be incorporated into the caucus process .
Democratic officials are being extra cautious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ caucus site leaders to sign nondisclosure agreements to prevent them from speaking to the media .
Another caucus debacle would be humiliating for the Democratic Party but , more importantly , it would exacerbate the rift between party establishment and the candidate who is expected to emerge victorious .
If party leaders are in fact trying to prevent Sanders from winning the nomination , they are failing spectacularly .
The inability of any one candidate to emerge as the anti-Bernie alternative has fractured the vote , while Sanders continues to rise in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approval rating is at an all-time high .

LAS VEGAS — Sin City is a most poetic setting to observe the Democratic Party's ongoing struggle to nominate a challenger for President Donald J. Trump, the Las Vegas of human beings, whose name looms over the lustrous strip like the eyes of Dr. T.J. Eckleburg.
In a city which boasts an economy fueled by bored rich people setting their money on fire, it's only fitting that nearly all the premium advertising—digital billboards and television spots—is promoting billionaire candidates Tom Steyer and Michael Bloomberg. The latter isn't even on the ballot in Nevada.
And yet, in this most capitalist of venues, a socialist (Bernie Sanders) is almost certain to claim victory, an outcome that would solidify his status as the safest bet to win the nomination of a party to which he doesn't belong and doesn't seem to like very much. "We're taking on Donald Trump and the Republican establishment, and we are taking on the Democratic establishment," he told a crowd of thousands at a rally in Las Vegas on Friday. "You may have noticed, the establishment is getting a little nervous."
Many Sanders supporters, and perhaps even Sanders himself, saw "establishment" fingerprints all over a Washington Post report about U.S. intelligence officials briefing the Sanders campaign on Russian efforts to boost his candidacy. Sanders appeared visibly annoyed at a brief press conference to address the story. Asked why news of the briefing, which took place a month ago, was just now being reported, Sanders snapped back: "I'll let you guess. One day before the Nevada caucus. Why do you think it came out?"
A Sanders win in Nevada is about the only certainty that remains in a Democratic primary that could dramatically reshape the party the way Trump's victory in 2016 remade the GOP. Having already won in Iowa and New Hampshire, the self-identified socialist holds a 13-point lead among likely caucus-goers in Nevada, according to the RealClearPolitics polling average.
Second and third place are up for grabs, with five candidates polling within several points of one another. The results could make or break the campaigns of several candidates fighting to remain in the field. Former vice president Joe Biden is trying to avoid a third straight finish outside the top three. Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D., Mass.) is hoping to stay relevant and capitalize on her strong performance at Wednesday's debate, in which she led the assault on a woefully unprepared Bloomberg.
Peter Paul Montgomery Buttigieg, 38, would like to show his stable of wealthy donors that he has what it takes to perform well in a state with a significant percentage of minority voters, while Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D., Minn.) will probably need a strong showing in Nevada in order to survive until Super Tuesday on March 3. Tom Steyer is just trying to make friends.
It's all riding, of course, on the state party's ability to report a reliable result, avoiding a repeat of the Iowa caucus disaster. Nevada is also a caucus state, where citizens cast their votes not by marking a ballot like normal people, but by running around high school gyms in a Red Rover-esque free-for-all. Caucus volunteers are scrambling to prepare Saturday's contest amid a number of last-minute changes, such as scrapping the now-infamous vote-reporting app that muddled the results in Iowa.
Democratic National Committee chairman Tom Perez would not even commit to releasing the results on Saturday, stressing the party's commitment to "accuracy." This is the first year Nevada has allowed for early voting in a presidential caucus, meaning an estimated 75,000 ballots have already been cast—using a ranked-choice format—and will have to be incorporated into the caucus process. Democratic officials are being extra cautious amid the increased scrutiny, reportedly asking caucus site leaders to sign nondisclosure agreements to prevent them from speaking to the media.
Another caucus debacle would be humiliating for the Democratic Party but, more importantly, it would exacerbate the rift between party establishment and the candidate who is expected to emerge victorious. If party leaders are in fact trying to prevent Sanders from winning the nomination, they are failing spectacularly. The inability of any one candidate to emerge as the anti-Bernie alternative has fractured the vote, while Sanders continues to rise in the polls.
Meanwhile, Donald Trump's approval rating is at an all-time high.


freebeacon--2020-02-22--Continetti Hits Warren on Super PAC Flip-Flop: ‘She Never Sticks With One Position’

Sen. Elizabeth Warren 's ( D. , Mass . )
flip-flop on accepting support from super PACs was emblematic of her chief flaws as a presidential candidate , Washington Free Beacon founding editor Matthew Continetti said Friday .
`` Warren 's flaws as a candidate are amazing , '' Continetti said on Fox News .
`` Whether it 's the question of her ancestry , whether it 's her policy on Medicare for All , now it is her policy about super PACs .
She never sticks with one position .
It 's only a matter of time before she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ give some rationalization for it . ''
Continetti added that Warren might be a weaker general-election candidate than Sen. Bernie Sanders ( I. , Vt. ) , Warren 's left-wing rival and the frontrunner for the Democratic nomination .
Warren on Thursday refused to turn down support for her campaign from the newly formed Persist PAC , in spite of her explicit pledge to `` disavow any super PAC formed to support her in the Democratic primary . ''
Warren heads into Saturday 's Nevada caucuses following a fourth-place finish in the New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ debate performance on Wednesday , thrashing former New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg , but is in need of strong finishes in Nevada and South Carolina to give her campaign momentum .

Sen. Elizabeth Warren's (D., Mass.) flip-flop on accepting support from super PACs was emblematic of her chief flaws as a presidential candidate, Washington Free Beacon founding editor Matthew Continetti said Friday.
"Warren's flaws as a candidate are amazing," Continetti said on Fox News. "Whether it's the question of her ancestry, whether it's her policy on Medicare for All, now it is her policy about super PACs. She never sticks with one position. It's only a matter of time before she changes her mind, or she'll give some rationalization for it."
Continetti added that Warren might be a weaker general-election candidate than Sen. Bernie Sanders (I., Vt.), Warren's left-wing rival and the frontrunner for the Democratic nomination.
Warren on Thursday refused to turn down support for her campaign from the newly formed Persist PAC, in spite of her explicit pledge to "disavow any super PAC formed to support her in the Democratic primary."
Warren heads into Saturday's Nevada caucuses following a fourth-place finish in the New Hampshire primary. She gave a well-received debate performance on Wednesday, thrashing former New York City mayor Michael Bloomberg, but is in need of strong finishes in Nevada and South Carolina to give her campaign momentum.


freebeacon--2020-02-23--EXCLUSIVE: Pompeo Reveals Trump Admin’s Wide-Ranging Plan to Combat Iran, Deal Death Blow to Nuclear

EXCLUSIVE: Pompeo Reveals Trump Admin’s Wide-Ranging Plan to Combat Iran, Deal Death Blow to Nuclear Deal

RIYADH , Saudi Arabia—The Trump administration is waging a multi-pronged effort to thwart Iran 's expansion across the Middle East , including efforts at the United Nations to ensure global sanctions come back into effect in what would mark a final death blow for the landmark nuclear deal , Secretary of State Mike Pompeo told the Washington Free Beacon in an exclusive and wide-ranging interview .
In a one-on-one talk with the Free Beacon on Friday following high-level meetings with the Saudi royal family in Riyadh , Pompeo pulled the curtain back on the Trump administration 's years-long effort to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that effort has faced many challenges , the administration remains steadfast in its pursuit of a global alliance that will end Iran 's nuclear weapons program and stymie its pursuit of regional dominance .
Pompeo outlined the next steps the administration will be taking to eradicate Tehran 's growing influence in key Arab nations , including Yemen , Syria , and Lebanon .
The secretary of state also opened up about mounting criticism he has faced from leading GOP hawks in Congress , who have been vocal in recent months about their disdain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say have undermined the administration 's so-called maximum pressure campaign on Iran .
This includes a series of much-disputed sanctions waivers that have enabled Iran to continue some of its most contested nuclear work at a military site that once housed the country 's atomic weapons program .
In the coming months , Pompeo said , he and the president will make a major decision about whether to petition the U.N. to invoke what is known as `` snapback '' on a set of international sanctions on Iran that were lifted as part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Iran hawks in Congress have been pressing Pompeo and the administration to pursue this course of action for months , a message the secretary says he has received and is digging into .
Such a move would deal a deathblow to the nuclear deal .
While the president has yet to make an ultimate decision on snapback at the U.N. , the administration has already begun to lay the groundwork for this course of action .
An internal legal opinion recently issued by the State Department made the case that snapback is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ confirmed when asked by the Free Beacon .
The issue of snapback has been complicated by the expiration in October of this year of a U.N. ban on Iran 's advanced missile program , which has nonetheless continued to make progress in the years since the nuclear deal was signed .
If the ban is lifted by the U.N. Security Council—where members such as China and Russia could veto U.S. efforts to block lifting the embargo—Iran would legally be able to purchase advanced offensive weapons .
`` As a policy matter , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' for the arms embargo to be lifted , Pompeo said .
`` We 've known these deadlines , these sunset pieces we 're approaching , we now have the first one , a very significant one '' coming up in October .
`` Think about this , '' Pompeo said of the possibility the arms embargo is lifted : `` We had [ missiles ] fly out of Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and it will be lawful to sell those very missiles to the Iranians in what is now eight months .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that , we 're determined to stop it .
We 've spoken to our German , our French , our British counterparts about this .
They know , too , they appreciate the threat . ''
These European nations , however , remain `` wedded '' to the nuclear deal and are not nearly as forward leaning on the Iran issue as the United States .
`` They believe fundamentally that staying in that deal is in the best interest of their nations , '' Pompeo said .
`` Our push is this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most important components of the [ nuclear deal ] with respect to nuclear enrichment . ''
`` It 's important to have the coalition as closely aligned as we possibly can , '' he said .
`` We 're working already at the United Nations to set forward this discussion .
I hope , too , the Russians and Chinese will understand .
You talked about their veto .
We 're not assuming that .
We believe that the Russians and Chinese also share our concern that an Iran that is able to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ here in the Middle East . ''
The administration could petition the U.N. for a full sanctions snapback .
This would block all member nations from efforts to lift the arms embargo .
As with snapback , Republican hawks in Congress have been pressing the administration for months to stop issuing a set of sanctions waivers that permit Iran to engage in some of its most contested nuclear work , including at the Fordow facility , a secretive military bunker dug into the side of a mountain .
For months , Republican allies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have accused career officials at the State Department of pursuing these waivers in a bid to keep the nuclear deal on life support , as the Free Beacon has reported on multiple times .
Pompeo said the sanctions waivers are not being debated in the shadows , nor are they being manipulated by career officials , dubbed deep-state operatives by critics .
Each time the waivers come up for renewal , Pompeo , his team , and the White House reassess their value .
As of now , they are still necessary in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nuclear work , he said .
`` We go back and make our best assessment of whether allowing those waivers to continue reduces risk to the United States or increases risk , '' Pompeo told the Free Beacon in one of his most in-depth explanations of the contested issue to date .
`` Pieces of those waivers that , in fact , have held back the program , '' he said .
`` They 've given us access and information that 's been to our benefit .
The analysis that the president has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to extend those waivers is that it was in our interest . ''
As for GOP critics of the waivers , `` There 's a couple who have been loud about it , '' Pompeo said .
`` We take it all on board .
We do value their thinking and their analysis .
And we welcome their thoughts as well .
I 've spoken to each of those members at least once or twice about this personally in addition to the public messaging that 's taken place .
We take it on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ articulate our rationale as well , '' he said .
`` And , look , we disagree with our friends from time to time as well . ''
Another long-running issue of disagreement between the Trump administration and its allies in Congress has been the millions in taxpayer aid it sends to Lebanon , a nation largely controlled by the Iranian proxy group Hezbollah .
The dispute over these aid dollars spilled into the public in December , when the Free Beacon reported that the administration released millions of aid dollars over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Congress who warned the money is directly benefiting Hezbollah .
U.S. officials who spoke to the Free Beacon at the time warned the money would fuel Hezbollah 's next war against Israel .
Republican leaders such as Sen. Ted Cruz ( R. , Texas ) went so far as to demand the administration freeze economic and military aid until a review of the funds ' dispersal could be conducted .
The pressure campaign appeared to work .
In late January , U.S. officials told the Free Beacon that the administration is reconsidering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elections that ushered in a government closer to Hezbollah than ever before .
While that has eased GOP criticism , it is likely the issue will again become a flashpoint as it comes time to send Lebanon another tranche of aid dollars .
When that time comes , the administration will be forced to decide whether it will continue propping up the Lebanese Armed Forces , which critics say is controlled by Hezbollah .
Pompeo will play a key role in that decision .
Asked how he views the competing interests , Pompeo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ inside that government is unacceptable . ''
That very issue was raised Thursday evening when Pompeo met with Saudi Crown Prince Muhammad Bin Salman , the secretary told the Free Beacon .
`` The Arab states and the United States are united in saying , ‘ We 're happy to support Lebanon when it is prepared to not be under the control of the Iranian influence , Hezbollah , ' '' Pompeo said .
It is , however , unlikely that U.S. aid to Lebanon will end , Pompeo confirmed in comments likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The president and our administration has to date continued to believe that underwriting the institution that is least impacted by Hezbollah , the Lebanese Armed Forces , ultimately provided a security opportunity to give the next Lebanese government , '' Pompeo said .
But aid money will not flow arbitrarily .
The administration will closely investigate where this aid is going , Pompeo vowed .
`` We will the next time we 're making decisions about not only how much and how , but where and whether its appropriate to provide continued assistance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 'll reevaluate that , '' he said .
`` There are good elements inside of Lebanon who want nothing more than to be disconnected from Hezbollah .
We want to support and encourage those people who are standing up for the fundamental rights of the Lebanese people . ''
`` But where we find a Lebanese footprint that is too significant to ignore , I think the entire coalition that is staring at this problem from Iran … understand the risk , '' Pompeo said .
When it comes to `` pushing back @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relied more on the United States than Saudi Arabia .
During Pompeo 's two days in the country , he powwowed with the royal family about the ongoing threat Tehran poses to the country 's security .
He also visited a top Saudi air base to see up close how some 2,500 American military personnel are working with their Saudi counterparts to monitor Iranian acts of aggression .
When Tehran attacked a Saudi oil facility in 2019 , the already close partners found themselves in even closer coordination , a relationship that perhaps @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States and Israel .
When asked about that `` special '' relationship—a term typically applied to the U.S.-Israel alliance—Pompeo acknowledged that the two countries are on better footing than ever , particularly when it comes to Iran .
`` Those words have great meaning , '' Pompeo said .
`` These relationships that we have in the region , whether its our relationship with the Saudis , the Emiratis , the work we do out of Bahrain , all off these folks who are in this coalition , who understand that if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ behave in a way that is not theocratically revolutionary , we 've got a real chance to increase growth [ and ] prosperity in the region . ''
`` We 've fundamentally made the right decision to continue to work with the Kingdom to deliver security and safety for the American people , '' Pompeo said in response to such critics of the administration 's relationship with Saudi Arabia , mainly from the human rights angle .
Saudi Arabia , in recent years , has come under a constant barrage of terrorist rockets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ partners will not hesitate to combat these acts of terror , Pompeo said .
`` This ca n't become ordinary course , it ca n't become routine for a nation to underwrite missiles being fired violating the sovereignty of other Middle Eastern nations , '' he said .
`` They 've been great partners .
They 've all been willing to step up themselves and share the burden , the cost , and risk associated with this . ''
Historic religious differences have been put aside in pursuit of a unified regional policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the United States as a countering force .
`` This is n't about Muslims , or Christians , or Jews , '' Pompeo said .
`` This is about security in the region .
They have a common objective and common threat from the Islamic Republic of Iran and they are prepared to come together knowing full well the history of the region , but come together to push back against this common threat . ''
The Obama Administration 's Legacy of Failure in the Middle East One of the Trump administration 's @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the legacy created by the Obama administration 's policy of appeasing Iran as it marched across the region .
`` This threat , the threat that emanates from Iran , and they 've understood this strategically for a long time , and it 's what the previous administration fundamentally misunderstood , that this is a cohesive effort by the Islamic Republic of Iran to demonstrate their capacity and impose costs in a way that would ultimately encircle the Jewish state , which they have clearly said they want to wipe from the face @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
`` We have an obligation , a moral obligation and security obligation to push back against that . ''

In discussion with Free Beacon, secretary of state explains how he is galvanizing the globe against the Islamic Republic
RIYADH, Saudi Arabia—The Trump administration is waging a multi-pronged effort to thwart Iran's expansion across the Middle East, including efforts at the United Nations to ensure global sanctions come back into effect in what would mark a final death blow for the landmark nuclear deal, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo told the Washington Free Beacon in an exclusive and wide-ranging interview.
In a one-on-one talk with the Free Beacon on Friday following high-level meetings with the Saudi royal family in Riyadh, Pompeo pulled the curtain back on the Trump administration's years-long effort to combat Iran militarily and diplomatically.
While that effort has faced many challenges, the administration remains steadfast in its pursuit of a global alliance that will end Iran's nuclear weapons program and stymie its pursuit of regional dominance. Pompeo outlined the next steps the administration will be taking to eradicate Tehran's growing influence in key Arab nations, including Yemen, Syria, and Lebanon.
The secretary of state also opened up about mounting criticism he has faced from leading GOP hawks in Congress, who have been vocal in recent months about their disdain for a range of policies that they say have undermined the administration's so-called maximum pressure campaign on Iran. This includes a series of much-disputed sanctions waivers that have enabled Iran to continue some of its most contested nuclear work at a military site that once housed the country's atomic weapons program.
In the coming months, Pompeo said, he and the president will make a major decision about whether to petition the U.N. to invoke what is known as "snapback" on a set of international sanctions on Iran that were lifted as part of the Obama administration's nuclear accord. Iran hawks in Congress have been pressing Pompeo and the administration to pursue this course of action for months, a message the secretary says he has received and is digging into. Such a move would deal a deathblow to the nuclear deal.
'Snapback' at the U.N.
While the president has yet to make an ultimate decision on snapback at the U.N., the administration has already begun to lay the groundwork for this course of action. An internal legal opinion recently issued by the State Department made the case that snapback is now warranted, a position that Pompeo confirmed when asked by the Free Beacon.
The issue of snapback has been complicated by the expiration in October of this year of a U.N. ban on Iran's advanced missile program, which has nonetheless continued to make progress in the years since the nuclear deal was signed. If the ban is lifted by the U.N. Security Council—where members such as China and Russia could veto U.S. efforts to block lifting the embargo—Iran would legally be able to purchase advanced offensive weapons.
"As a policy matter, we've made very clear it's unacceptable" for the arms embargo to be lifted, Pompeo said. "We've known these deadlines, these sunset pieces we're approaching, we now have the first one, a very significant one" coming up in October.
"Think about this," Pompeo said of the possibility the arms embargo is lifted: "We had [missiles] fly out of Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and it will be lawful to sell those very missiles to the Iranians in what is now eight months. We're determined to push back against that, we're determined to stop it. We've spoken to our German, our French, our British counterparts about this. They know, too, they appreciate the threat."
These European nations, however, remain "wedded" to the nuclear deal and are not nearly as forward leaning on the Iran issue as the United States.
"They believe fundamentally that staying in that deal is in the best interest of their nations," Pompeo said. "Our push is this: The Iranians are largely ignoring the most important components of the [nuclear deal] with respect to nuclear enrichment."
"It's important to have the coalition as closely aligned as we possibly can," he said. "We're working already at the United Nations to set forward this discussion. I hope, too, the Russians and Chinese will understand. You talked about their veto. We're not assuming that. We believe that the Russians and Chinese also share our concern that an Iran that is able to buy significant weapons systems is fundamentally destabilizing here in the Middle East."
The administration could petition the U.N. for a full sanctions snapback. This would block all member nations from efforts to lift the arms embargo.
GOP Outrage Over Sanctions Waivers
As with snapback, Republican hawks in Congress have been pressing the administration for months to stop issuing a set of sanctions waivers that permit Iran to engage in some of its most contested nuclear work, including at the Fordow facility, a secretive military bunker dug into the side of a mountain.
For months, Republican allies typically aligned with Pompeo and the president have accused career officials at the State Department of pursuing these waivers in a bid to keep the nuclear deal on life support, as the Free Beacon has reported on multiple times.
Pompeo said the sanctions waivers are not being debated in the shadows, nor are they being manipulated by career officials, dubbed deep-state operatives by critics. Each time the waivers come up for renewal, Pompeo, his team, and the White House reassess their value. As of now, they are still necessary in order to keep tabs on Iran's nuclear work, he said.
"We go back and make our best assessment of whether allowing those waivers to continue reduces risk to the United States or increases risk," Pompeo told the Free Beacon in one of his most in-depth explanations of the contested issue to date.
"Pieces of those waivers that, in fact, have held back the program," he said. "They've given us access and information that's been to our benefit. The analysis that the president has come to when he made the decision to extend those waivers is that it was in our interest."
As for GOP critics of the waivers, "There's a couple who have been loud about it," Pompeo said.
"We take it all on board. We do value their thinking and their analysis. And we welcome their thoughts as well. I've spoken to each of those members at least once or twice about this personally in addition to the public messaging that's taken place. We take it on board. ... We've tried to articulate our rationale as well," he said. "And, look, we disagree with our friends from time to time as well."
U.S. Aid Dollars for Lebanon
Another long-running issue of disagreement between the Trump administration and its allies in Congress has been the millions in taxpayer aid it sends to Lebanon, a nation largely controlled by the Iranian proxy group Hezbollah.
The dispute over these aid dollars spilled into the public in December, when the Free Beacon reported that the administration released millions of aid dollars over the objection of Trump loyalists in the administration and Congress who warned the money is directly benefiting Hezbollah.
U.S. officials who spoke to the Free Beacon at the time warned the money would fuel Hezbollah's next war against Israel. Republican leaders such as Sen. Ted Cruz (R., Texas) went so far as to demand the administration freeze economic and military aid until a review of the funds' dispersal could be conducted.
The pressure campaign appeared to work. In late January, U.S. officials told the Free Beacon that the administration is reconsidering the aid in light of the Lebanese elections that ushered in a government closer to Hezbollah than ever before.
While that has eased GOP criticism, it is likely the issue will again become a flashpoint as it comes time to send Lebanon another tranche of aid dollars. When that time comes, the administration will be forced to decide whether it will continue propping up the Lebanese Armed Forces, which critics say is controlled by Hezbollah. Pompeo will play a key role in that decision.
Asked how he views the competing interests, Pompeo emphasized "the deep connection of Hezbollah inside that government is unacceptable."
That very issue was raised Thursday evening when Pompeo met with Saudi Crown Prince Muhammad Bin Salman, the secretary told the Free Beacon.
"The Arab states and the United States are united in saying, 'We're happy to support Lebanon when it is prepared to not be under the control of the Iranian influence, Hezbollah,'" Pompeo said.
It is, however, unlikely that U.S. aid to Lebanon will end, Pompeo confirmed in comments likely to irritate hardliners in Congress.
"The president and our administration has to date continued to believe that underwriting the institution that is least impacted by Hezbollah, the Lebanese Armed Forces, ultimately provided a security opportunity to give the next Lebanese government," Pompeo said.
But aid money will not flow arbitrarily. The administration will closely investigate where this aid is going, Pompeo vowed.
"We will the next time we're making decisions about not only how much and how, but where and whether its appropriate to provide continued assistance to the Lebanese Armed Forces, we'll reevaluate that," he said. "There are good elements inside of Lebanon who want nothing more than to be disconnected from Hezbollah. We want to support and encourage those people who are standing up for the fundamental rights of the Lebanese people."
"But where we find a Lebanese footprint that is too significant to ignore, I think the entire coalition that is staring at this problem from Iran ... understand the risk," Pompeo said.
The Trump Administration's Alliance with Saudi Arabia
When it comes to "pushing back against Iran," no one has relied more on the United States than Saudi Arabia.
During Pompeo's two days in the country, he powwowed with the royal family about the ongoing threat Tehran poses to the country's security. He also visited a top Saudi air base to see up close how some 2,500 American military personnel are working with their Saudi counterparts to monitor Iranian acts of aggression.
When Tehran attacked a Saudi oil facility in 2019, the already close partners found themselves in even closer coordination, a relationship that perhaps rivals the longstanding one enjoyed by the United States and Israel.
When asked about that "special" relationship—a term typically applied to the U.S.-Israel alliance—Pompeo acknowledged that the two countries are on better footing than ever, particularly when it comes to Iran.
"Those words have great meaning," Pompeo said. "These relationships that we have in the region, whether its our relationship with the Saudis, the Emiratis, the work we do out of Bahrain, all off these folks who are in this coalition, who understand that if we can get the Islamic Republic to behave in a way that is not theocratically revolutionary, we've got a real chance to increase growth [and] prosperity in the region."
"We've fundamentally made the right decision to continue to work with the Kingdom to deliver security and safety for the American people," Pompeo said in response to such critics of the administration's relationship with Saudi Arabia, mainly from the human rights angle.
Saudi Arabia, in recent years, has come under a constant barrage of terrorist rockets.
The United States and its Saudi partners will not hesitate to combat these acts of terror, Pompeo said.
"This can't become ordinary course, it can't become routine for a nation to underwrite missiles being fired violating the sovereignty of other Middle Eastern nations," he said. "They've been great partners. They've all been willing to step up themselves and share the burden, the cost, and risk associated with this."
Historic religious differences have been put aside in pursuit of a unified regional policy that sees Iran as the aggressor and the United States as a countering force.
"This isn't about Muslims, or Christians, or Jews," Pompeo said. "This is about security in the region. They have a common objective and common threat from the Islamic Republic of Iran and they are prepared to come together knowing full well the history of the region, but come together to push back against this common threat."
The Obama Administration's Legacy of Failure in the Middle East
One of the Trump administration's primary obstacles in combating Iranian aggression is the legacy created by the Obama administration's policy of appeasing Iran as it marched across the region.
"This threat, the threat that emanates from Iran, and they've understood this strategically for a long time, and it's what the previous administration fundamentally misunderstood, that this is a cohesive effort by the Islamic Republic of Iran to demonstrate their capacity and impose costs in a way that would ultimately encircle the Jewish state, which they have clearly said they want to wipe from the face of the earth," Pompeo said. "We have an obligation, a moral obligation and security obligation to push back against that."


freebeacon--2020-02-23--BERN IT DOWN: Sanders Torches the Establishment, Cruises to Victory in Nevada Caucus

LAS VEGAS — Lesson learned .
Attend a Democratic caucus with a beard on your face , and everyone there will naturally assume you represent the Bernie Sanders campaign .
You 'll be tempted to say yes , because it always feels good to win in Vegas .
Because on this otherwise normal Saturday in the epicenter of capitalism , a 78-year-old socialist has claimed victory and laid waste to the Democratic Party .
Fox News and NBC News , among others , have pronounced Sanders the winner of the Nevada caucus , an outcome that was widely anticipated .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ they 're reported , are likely to show a considerable margin of victory for the candidate who has vowed to `` take on the Democratic establishment . ''
With 50 percent of Nevada precincts reporting , Sanders held a commanding lead with 46.6 percent of the vote .
Former vice president Joe Biden was projected to place second , with Sen. Elizabeth Warren ( D. , Mass . )
, former mayor Pete Buttigieg , and billionaire Tom Steyer all jockeying for third .
Sanders spiked the football after he was declared the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that his campaign intends to effectively end the Democratic primary on Super Tuesday when 14 states , including California and Texas , head to the polls .
Addressing a crowd of supporters in San Antonio , the senator predicted victory in Texas and took aim at his would-be opponent in the general election .
`` We have news for Trump .
Love and compassion and bringing people together is a lot more powerful than divisiveness , '' said Sanders .
With three primary wins under his belt , the socialist from Vermont appears @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 's presidential nominee in 2020 .
Sanders 's victory in Nevada means he will overtake Buttigieg for the lead in national convention delegates .
As many anticipated , Buttigieg was unable to duplicate his strong performances in Iowa and New Hampshire , presumably due to his statistically insignificant levels of support among non-white voters .
Addressing supporters in Las Vegas , the former South Bend mayor took aim at Sanders , advising Democrats to consider the consequences of nominating a candidate who `` believes in an inflexible , ideological revolution that leaves out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans . ''
The result in Nevada is a great one for Sanders and his supporters , and the ideal outcome for anyone who enjoys watching Democratic Party leaders and members of the mainstream media ( excuse the redundancy ) lose their f—king minds .
MSNBC ‘ s Chris Matthews , for example , compared the Democratic Party 's failure to stop Sanders 's momentum in the primary to France 's failure to repel the invasion of Nazi Germany in 1940 .
Matthews 's MSNBC colleague Chris Jansing could hardly contain her disappointment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ popularity among union workers caucusing at the Bellagio Hotel and Casino .
Former Clinton adviser James Carville begrudgingly acknowledged that Sanders had emerged as the `` clear , defined frontrunner , '' while chastising the media for failing to vet Sanders or promote the campaigns of his challengers .
MSNBC ‘ s Ari Melber agreed .
Sanders dominated in Nevada at the `` strip caucuses '' designed to allow the union employees of the numerous Vegas hotels and casinos to participate .
Some pundits had predicted a poor showing for Sanders among Nevada @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of some union leaders to his proposed health care reforms .
Sanders did not , however , come out on top at the Paris Las Vegas Hotel , where 55 people showed up to caucus .
Four candidates were viable after the first ( and only ) alignment in the hotel 's Centre de Convention .
Perhaps due to rampant sexism , Warren and Sen. Amy Klobuchar ( D. , Minn. ) failed to receive a single vote .
Biden took first with 21 votes , while Bernie placed second with 12 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , followed by Steyer with 10 votes .
One person left before the final vote could be counted .
After collecting the results , caucus site leaders and other volunteers at the Paris Las Vegas—who said they were never asked to sign the nondisclosure agreements reported by CNN—attempted to follow procedure and perform basic math while a crowd of campaign observers and reporters looked on .
Despite considerable last-minute efforts to prevent a repeat of the caucus debacle in Iowa , where results could n't be released for days , chaos reigned in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trouble reporting their caucus site results via the state-party hotline .
Numerous sites struggled with general confusion as to how the caucus results were supposed to be calculated .
Most campaign representatives had already left when it came time to formally nominate delegates to the state convention , per the rules of the caucus .
All of Buttigieg 's supporters , one caucus volunteer noted , fled the venue after collecting their complimentary box lunch .
Sanders victory in Nevada will be sure to make him a target at next week 's Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state to hold it 's primary before Super Tuesday .
Biden currently holds a slight advantage over Sanders in the Palmetto State , according to the Real Clear Politics polling average , but that margin has been shrinking dramatically in recent weeks .
President Trump congratulated Sanders on his win Saturday evening .
`` Looks like Crazy Bernie is doing well in the Great State of Nevada , '' the president tweeted .
`` Congratulations Bernie , and do n't let them take it away from you ! ''

LAS VEGAS — Lesson learned. Attend a Democratic caucus with a beard on your face, and everyone there will naturally assume you represent the Bernie Sanders campaign. You'll be tempted to say yes, because it always feels good to win in Vegas. Because on this otherwise normal Saturday in the epicenter of capitalism, a 78-year-old socialist has claimed victory and laid waste to the Democratic Party.
Fox News and NBC News, among others, have pronounced Sanders the winner of the Nevada caucus, an outcome that was widely anticipated. The final results, if and when they're reported, are likely to show a considerable margin of victory for the candidate who has vowed to "take on the Democratic establishment."
With 50 percent of Nevada precincts reporting, Sanders held a commanding lead with 46.6 percent of the vote. Former vice president Joe Biden was projected to place second, with Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D., Mass.), former mayor Pete Buttigieg, and billionaire Tom Steyer all jockeying for third.
Sanders spiked the football after he was declared the winner in Nevada. He made clear that his campaign intends to effectively end the Democratic primary on Super Tuesday when 14 states, including California and Texas, head to the polls. Addressing a crowd of supporters in San Antonio, the senator predicted victory in Texas and took aim at his would-be opponent in the general election. "We have news for Trump. Love and compassion and bringing people together is a lot more powerful than divisiveness," said Sanders.
With three primary wins under his belt, the socialist from Vermont appears all but certain to be the party's presidential nominee in 2020. Sanders's victory in Nevada means he will overtake Buttigieg for the lead in national convention delegates. As many anticipated, Buttigieg was unable to duplicate his strong performances in Iowa and New Hampshire, presumably due to his statistically insignificant levels of support among non-white voters.
Addressing supporters in Las Vegas, the former South Bend mayor took aim at Sanders, advising Democrats to consider the consequences of nominating a candidate who "believes in an inflexible, ideological revolution that leaves out most Democrats, not to mention most Americans."
The result in Nevada is a great one for Sanders and his supporters, and the ideal outcome for anyone who enjoys watching Democratic Party leaders and members of the mainstream media (excuse the redundancy) lose their f—king minds. MSNBC's Chris Matthews, for example, compared the Democratic Party's failure to stop Sanders's momentum in the primary to France's failure to repel the invasion of Nazi Germany in 1940.
Matthews's MSNBC colleague Chris Jansing could hardly contain her disappointment at having to report on Sanders's popularity among union workers caucusing at the Bellagio Hotel and Casino. Former Clinton adviser James Carville begrudgingly acknowledged that Sanders had emerged as the "clear, defined frontrunner," while chastising the media for failing to vet Sanders or promote the campaigns of his challengers. MSNBC's Ari Melber agreed.
Sanders dominated in Nevada at the "strip caucuses" designed to allow the union employees of the numerous Vegas hotels and casinos to participate. Some pundits had predicted a poor showing for Sanders among Nevada's unionized workforce due to the opposition of some union leaders to his proposed health care reforms.
Sanders did not, however, come out on top at the Paris Las Vegas Hotel, where 55 people showed up to caucus. Four candidates were viable after the first (and only) alignment in the hotel's Centre de Convention. Perhaps due to rampant sexism, Warren and Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D., Minn.) failed to receive a single vote. Biden took first with 21 votes, while Bernie placed second with 12. Buttigieg came in third with 11 votes, followed by Steyer with 10 votes. One person left before the final vote could be counted.
After collecting the results, caucus site leaders and other volunteers at the Paris Las Vegas—who said they were never asked to sign the nondisclosure agreements reported by CNN—attempted to follow procedure and perform basic math while a crowd of campaign observers and reporters looked on.
Despite considerable last-minute efforts to prevent a repeat of the caucus debacle in Iowa, where results couldn't be released for days, chaos reigned in Nevada as precinct chairs once again had trouble reporting their caucus site results via the state-party hotline. Numerous sites struggled with general confusion as to how the caucus results were supposed to be calculated.
Most campaign representatives had already left when it came time to formally nominate delegates to the state convention, per the rules of the caucus. All of Buttigieg's supporters, one caucus volunteer noted, fled the venue after collecting their complimentary box lunch.
Sanders victory in Nevada will be sure to make him a target at next week's Democratic debate in South Carolina, the last state to hold it's primary before Super Tuesday. Biden currently holds a slight advantage over Sanders in the Palmetto State, according to the Real Clear Politics polling average, but that margin has been shrinking dramatically in recent weeks.
President Trump congratulated Sanders on his win Saturday evening. "Looks like Crazy Bernie is doing well in the Great State of Nevada," the president tweeted. "Congratulations Bernie, and don't let them take it away from you!"


freebeacon--2020-02-23--Biden Denies Calling South Carolina His ‘Firewall,’ Despite Evidence to the Contrary

Democratic presidential contender Joe Biden on Sunday downplayed his plummeting polls in the South Carolina primary , denying he ever claimed the state was his campaign 's `` firewall . ''
Face the Nation host Margaret Brennan told Biden that CBS tracking polls had found that his lead with black voters in South Carolina is `` thinning out , '' falling from 54 percent to 35 percent .
Biden pinned the blame on opponent and hedge-fund billionaire Tom Steyer , blaming his decline on `` the amount of money being spent by the billionaires to try to cut into the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , pressed Biden on his claims that South Carolina would be the stopgap for a rapidly collapsing campaign .
`` South Carolina was your firewall , '' Brennan said .
`` You 've said it [ sic ] my firewall , '' Biden replied .
`` The campaign has said it 's your firewall , '' Brennan said .
`` No , that 's not right , '' Biden said .
`` I 've said I 'm going to do well there , and I 'll do well there , and I 'll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' Biden has explicitly called the state his firewall .
In a Feb. 2 interview , for example , he told MSNBC , `` I think I have a real firewall in South Carolina .
And then we go into the Super Tuesday states that have a significant number of minorities and African Americans . ''
Biden currently leads the polls in South Carolina , but that lead has significantly diminished during the Democratic primary .
Sen. Bernie Sanders ( I. , Vt. ) has closed the gap to within five points of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shows , with Steyer close behind .
`` Flames seem to be licking through the cracks in Biden 's firewall , '' Dr. Scott Huffmon , director of the Winthrop University poll , said on the release of a South Carolina poll Thursday .
`` His support has dropped by double digits since the late September Winthrop Poll… .
Bernie Sanders , now second behind Biden , has more than doubled his support , both overall and among African American voters . ''
Biden said on Sunday that he would leave any `` @ @ @ @ @ @ @ journalists .
`` That 's not my job , '' he said .
`` My job is to make the best case I can .
I think we 'll do well .
And I think we 're going to go on to Super Tuesday and do very well . ''
Recent campaign filings show that Biden is among the Democratic contenders facing a funding crisis in advance of Saturday 's primary in the Palmetto State .
He entered February with a little over $ 7 million in the bank , Politico reports , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cash-on-hand .

Democratic presidential contender Joe Biden on Sunday downplayed his plummeting polls in the South Carolina primary, denying he ever claimed the state was his campaign's "firewall."
Face the Nation host Margaret Brennan told Biden that CBS tracking polls had found that his lead with black voters in South Carolina is "thinning out," falling from 54 percent to 35 percent. Biden pinned the blame on opponent and hedge-fund billionaire Tom Steyer, blaming his decline on "the amount of money being spent by the billionaires to try to cut into the African-American vote." Brennan, however, pressed Biden on his claims that South Carolina would be the stopgap for a rapidly collapsing campaign.
"South Carolina was your firewall," Brennan said.
"You've said it [sic] my firewall," Biden replied.
"The campaign has said it's your firewall," Brennan said.
"No, that's not right," Biden said. "I've said I'm going to do well there, and I'll do well there, and I'll do well beyond there as well."
Biden has explicitly called the state his firewall. In a Feb. 2 interview, for example, he told MSNBC, "I think I have a real firewall in South Carolina. And then we go into the Super Tuesday states that have a significant number of minorities and African Americans."
Biden currently leads the polls in South Carolina, but that lead has significantly diminished during the Democratic primary. Sen. Bernie Sanders (I., Vt.) has closed the gap to within five points of the former vice president, recent polling shows, with Steyer close behind.
"Flames seem to be licking through the cracks in Biden's firewall," Dr. Scott Huffmon, director of the Winthrop University poll, said on the release of a South Carolina poll Thursday. "His support has dropped by double digits since the late September Winthrop Poll.... Bernie Sanders, now second behind Biden, has more than doubled his support, both overall and among African American voters."
Biden said on Sunday that he would leave any "pontificating" about his campaign to the journalists.
"That's not my job," he said. "My job is to make the best case I can. I think we'll do well. And I think we're going to go on to Super Tuesday and do very well."
Recent campaign filings show that Biden is among the Democratic contenders facing a funding crisis in advance of Saturday's primary in the Palmetto State. He entered February with a little over $7 million in the bank, Politico reports, compared with Sanders's $17 million cash-on-hand.