shadowproof--2020-08-20--Students Victimized By Police Are Conflicted Over NYPD Presence In Their Schools

Students Victimized By Police Are Conflicted Over NYPD Presence In Their Schools As recent calls to “ defund the police ” sweep the nation , some students who have police in their schools feel conflicted about their safety .
Shadowproof spoke to students in New York , who felt the presence of police is overwhelming in most cases .
However , they see police as their only protection against legitimate security concerns presented by one of their peers bringing a firearm , knife , or other deadly weapons to school .
Unfortunately , experts say that police in schools are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safe , but fail to actually ensure their safety as well .
“ The police , as a whole , are already funded entirely too much , ” Lorraie Forbes said .
She is a recent graduate of Clara Barton High School .
“ You look at the funding for education or anything having to do with community or child services ” and it ’ s severely underfunded in comparison to “ any form of defense in this country , ” which is “ funded way too much.
” Forbes said there was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ high schools .
“ It ’ s pretty overwhelming , ” she said , having to get stopped and searched by police officers every morning when she enters school at around 7:30 AM .
She and other students have been forcefully handcuffed by police officers , and Forbes herself has been handcuffed on four separate occasions .
She said that , for infractions like being “ disruptive ” during the class , the teacher can defer disciplinary action to the police officers who are on every floor of the building .
They then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or her to the dean ’ s office where they sometimes sit for over an hour , still handcuffed , while missing class time .
Despite assurances from New York City Mayor Bill DeBlasio and City Council members that the New York Police Department will face budget cuts , the school safety program is remaining intact .
In fact , the budget will increase by 2 % to $ 326 million , according to Politico .
“ [ Is Mayor DeBlasio ] increasing the budget so it could be more enforcing or [ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it could be more positive and safer ?
I don ’ t even know his intention , ” another student named Karleny Ramos told Shadowproof .
Ramos is a senior at the High School for Teaching and Professions .
Ramos recalled one time where a student was already in handcuffs and not resisting , but the police officer forcefully shoved his head into the police car .
Ramos said that the metal detectors she has to enter the building through every morning are “ an experience no student should have to go through.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ to class by so much that even when she arrives at school on time , she can still be late to class .
The metal detector line , however , is so normalized that teachers excuse students who are late because of them .
While they see police as a source of violence , they also believe the police are the only source of safety they feel they have .
They believe that police presence makes them feel safe when students bring weapons to school .
Sometimes , if students got into an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ previous day , they might bring a weapon to prepare for a fight the next day .
However , safety for students at Clara Barton would improve with more resources overall , Forbes said .
The large presence of police in largely black and brown schools and neighborhoods criminalize them , Forbes said .
“ If you continuously tell people ” that “ you ’ re going to a criminal when you grow up , their mind is going to be altered to think that they are going to be a certain way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she wants to see more counselors and social workers , she also wants to see the curriculum diversified .
“ Educate yourself and realize what you are doing ” by having an overwhelming police presence in these schools and “ you ’ ll see things start to change.
” Experts , who study school policing , believe the violent contradiction described by Forbes does not make them safer .
In fact , it takes attention and resources away from practices that could materially increase safety in schools .
“ Whenever we look at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ becomes about policing , ” said Jasmine Gripper , Executive Director for the Alliance for Quality Education ( AQE ) .
AQE is a New York-based statewide education advocacy group focused on grassroots parent organizing in predominantly black and brown communities .
She said one of the underlying causes of the violence in schools is poverty .
Ignoring poverty as an underlying cause is putting “ a bandaid on this huge systemic problem.
” “ We are choosing to invest in the policing of our children while refusing to invest in their holistic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work of AQE began with reforming the Code of Conduct in New York , specifically provision B21 , which defined severely disruptive behavior broadly as “ being insubordinate.
” Infractions could range from chewing gum to talking loudly , refusion to take off one ’ s hat inside the school building .
AQE pushes for reforms by working with the New York Department of Education ( DOE ) .
For example , they advocate against suspending students in kindergarten for having a tantrum .
While they failed to completely ban suspensions , they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ students by changing the definitions of what is deemed “ disruptive ” behavior .
“ The majority of the arrests of students that occur in school are for really minor offenses that on the street would not even be a crime , ” said Nancy Heitzeg , Professor of Sociology at St. Catherine University and author of The School-to-Prison Pipeline .
“ Police are not making schools safer [ … ] When police are somewhere , there is going to be criminalization.
” The root of the problem lies in a variety of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ underfunded schools to majority-white teachers in majority black and brown schools , neighborhoods in poverty , lack of opportunity , and overworked and underpaid teachers in the classroom .
She said one of the main questions schools need to ask is “ How else could we spend all of this money we spend on policing ?
” which can sometimes go into the millions or billions .
She calls kids getting arrested in schools and placed in jail the “ most insidious and problematic piece of the [ school-to-prison ] pipeline.
” “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to make schools safer by putting police officers there is not tried and true , ” said Dr. Peter Williamson , Associate Professor of Teaching at Stanford University and Faculty Director of the Stanford Teacher Education Program .
“ Children feel safer and feel more part of a community when punishment and surveillance are not part of the solution .
It ’ s more impactful to address harm by not isolating students and throwing kids out of school than it is to have them address the community in ways that will help the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for their actions.
” “ There ’ s a narrative that has been built that school police are different than police in our communities , ” said Maria Fernandez , senior campaign strategist of the # PoliceFreeSchools campaign at The Advancement Project .
She said that calling police in schools something else—such as school resources officers , counselors , safety agents , or peacekeepers , as organizations like the National Association of School Resources Officers have done—is “ branding these cops as anything other than cops.
” It is not making school communities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are [ in schools ] to enforce criminal code , and anything becomes criminal code , ” said Fernandez .
“ Fighting becomes a felony.
” Instead of police responding to student behavior , Fernandez advocates for educators , restorative justice practitioners , or counselors to develop a response instead .
Restorative justice is meant to be preventative , not reactionary .
“ By the time a young person brings a knife to school , it is already too late , ” said Fernandez .
“ What young people know generates safety is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities ” and schools , as the place where young people spend the majority of their time , play a particularly important role in making students feel safe .
Fernandez said that restorative justice has to be voluntary in order to be effective .
For example , students only doing a talking circle , a common restorative justice practice to build community , “ absolutely strips away the power of it ” and it has to be something that the students opt into .
Restorative justice is about maintaining a culture of circles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ order for students to be more likely to opt into it .
This culture extends beyond the student body .
For example , if educators come into conflict with each other or if administrators come into conflict with one another , the same practices would be applied .
Restorative justice is a school-community approach where everybody is held accountable for their actions in a healthy way .
When teachers deem certain children problematic and disruptive , Williamson said , students internalize that feeling and feel unwelcome in the classroom .
Instead , students @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ members ] of the community.
” “ The minute we start positioning children as being the problem , ” Williamson told Shadowproof , “ we begin a process of pushing them out of school.
” Police in schools are not the solution to making students feel safer .
In order to be effective , school safety must be reimagined as long-term investments in school resources and the implementation of restorative justice practices within the school community .

As recent calls to “defund the police” sweep the nation, some students who have police in their schools feel conflicted about their safety.
Shadowproof spoke to students in New York, who felt the presence of police is overwhelming in most cases. However, they see police as their only protection against legitimate security concerns presented by one of their peers bringing a firearm, knife, or other deadly weapons to school.
Unfortunately, experts say that police in schools are not only unnecessary for kids to feel safe, but fail to actually ensure their safety as well.
“The police, as a whole, are already funded entirely too much,” Lorraie Forbes said. She is a recent graduate of Clara Barton High School.
“You look at the funding for education or anything having to do with community or child services” and it’s severely underfunded in comparison to “any form of defense in this country,” which is “funded way too much.”
Forbes said there was a police presence throughout her middle and high schools. “It’s pretty overwhelming,” she said, having to get stopped and searched by police officers every morning when she enters school at around 7:30 AM.
She and other students have been forcefully handcuffed by police officers, and Forbes herself has been handcuffed on four separate occasions. She said that, for infractions like being “disruptive” during the class, the teacher can defer disciplinary action to the police officers who are on every floor of the building. They then forcefully handcuff the student and lead him or her to the dean’s office where they sometimes sit for over an hour, still handcuffed, while missing class time.
Despite assurances from New York City Mayor Bill DeBlasio and City Council members that the New York Police Department will face budget cuts, the school safety program is remaining intact. In fact, the budget will increase by 2% to $326 million, according to Politico.
“[Is Mayor DeBlasio] increasing the budget so it could be more enforcing or [is he] increasing the budget so it could be more positive and safer? I don’t even know his intention,” another student named Karleny Ramos told Shadowproof. Ramos is a senior at the High School for Teaching and Professions.
Ramos recalled one time where a student was already in handcuffs and not resisting, but the police officer forcefully shoved his head into the police car. Ramos said that the metal detectors she has to enter the building through every morning are “an experience no student should have to go through.” They prolong her time to get to class by so much that even when she arrives at school on time, she can still be late to class. The metal detector line, however, is so normalized that teachers excuse students who are late because of them.
While they see police as a source of violence, they also believe the police are the only source of safety they feel they have. They believe that police presence makes them feel safe when students bring weapons to school. Sometimes, if students got into an argument with one of their peers the previous day, they might bring a weapon to prepare for a fight the next day.
However, safety for students at Clara Barton would improve with more resources overall, Forbes said.
The large presence of police in largely black and brown schools and neighborhoods criminalize them, Forbes said. “If you continuously tell people” that “you’re going to a criminal when you grow up, their mind is going to be altered to think that they are going to be a certain way,” Forbes told Shadowproof.
While she wants to see more counselors and social workers, she also wants to see the curriculum diversified.
“Educate yourself and realize what you are doing” by having an overwhelming police presence in these schools and “you’ll see things start to change.”
*
Experts, who study school policing, believe the violent contradiction described by Forbes does not make them safer. In fact, it takes attention and resources away from practices that could materially increase safety in schools.
“Whenever we look at kids who are of color, safety becomes about policing,” said Jasmine Gripper, Executive Director for the Alliance for Quality Education (AQE). AQE is a New York-based statewide education advocacy group focused on grassroots parent organizing in predominantly black and brown communities.
She said one of the underlying causes of the violence in schools is poverty. Ignoring poverty as an underlying cause is putting “a bandaid on this huge systemic problem.”
“We are choosing to invest in the policing of our children while refusing to invest in their holistic development,” she said.
The work of AQE began with reforming the Code of Conduct in New York, specifically provision B21, which defined severely disruptive behavior broadly as “being insubordinate.”
Infractions could range from chewing gum to talking loudly, refusion to take off one’s hat inside the school building. AQE pushes for reforms by working with the New York Department of Education (DOE). For example, they advocate against suspending students in kindergarten for having a tantrum.
While they failed to completely ban suspensions, they succeeded in making it harder to suspend students by changing the definitions of what is deemed “disruptive” behavior.
“The majority of the arrests of students that occur in school are for really minor offenses that on the street would not even be a crime,” said Nancy Heitzeg, Professor of Sociology at St. Catherine University and author of The School-to-Prison Pipeline. “Police are not making schools safer […] When police are somewhere, there is going to be criminalization.”
The root of the problem lies in a variety of factors, Dr. Heitzeg said, from underfunded schools to majority-white teachers in majority black and brown schools, neighborhoods in poverty, lack of opportunity, and overworked and underpaid teachers in the classroom. She said one of the main questions schools need to ask is “How else could we spend all of this money we spend on policing?” which can sometimes go into the millions or billions.
She calls kids getting arrested in schools and placed in jail the “most insidious and problematic piece of the [school-to-prison] pipeline.”
“The argument that we’re going to make schools safer by putting police officers there is not tried and true,” said Dr. Peter Williamson, Associate Professor of Teaching at Stanford University and Faculty Director of the Stanford Teacher Education Program.
“Children feel safer and feel more part of a community when punishment and surveillance are not part of the solution. It’s more impactful to address harm by not isolating students and throwing kids out of school than it is to have them address the community in ways that will help the community heal and help students take accountability for their actions.”
“There’s a narrative that has been built that school police are different than police in our communities,” said Maria Fernandez, senior campaign strategist of the #PoliceFreeSchools campaign at The Advancement Project.
She said that calling police in schools something else—such as school resources officers, counselors, safety agents, or peacekeepers, as organizations like the National Association of School Resources Officers have done—is “branding these cops as anything other than cops.” It is not making school communities feel safer.
“Fundamentally, police are [in schools] to enforce criminal code, and anything becomes criminal code,” said Fernandez. “Fighting becomes a felony.”
*
Instead of police responding to student behavior, Fernandez advocates for educators, restorative justice practitioners, or counselors to develop a response instead.
Restorative justice is meant to be preventative, not reactionary. “By the time a young person brings a knife to school, it is already too late,” said Fernandez. “What young people know generates safety is building trusting, loving, and nurturing communities” and schools, as the place where young people spend the majority of their time, play a particularly important role in making students feel safe.
Fernandez said that restorative justice has to be voluntary in order to be effective. For example, students only doing a talking circle, a common restorative justice practice to build community, “absolutely strips away the power of it” and it has to be something that the students opt into. Restorative justice is about maintaining a culture of circles, peacebuilding, and trust-building, in order for students to be more likely to opt into it.
This culture extends beyond the student body. For example, if educators come into conflict with each other or if administrators come into conflict with one another, the same practices would be applied. Restorative justice is a school-community approach where everybody is held accountable for their actions in a healthy way.
When teachers deem certain children problematic and disruptive, Williamson said, students internalize that feeling and feel unwelcome in the classroom. Instead, students need to be seen as “valued [members] of the community.”
“The minute we start positioning children as being the problem,” Williamson told Shadowproof, “we begin a process of pushing them out of school.”
Police in schools are not the solution to making students feel safer. In order to be effective, school safety must be reimagined as long-term investments in school resources and the implementation of restorative justice practices within the school community.


shadowproof--2020-08-26--Protest Song Of The Week: ‘Over Alameda’ By Justin Townes Earle

Protest Song Of The Week : ‘ Over Alameda ’ By Justin Townes Earle The following was originally posted at Ongoing History Of Protest Songs .
Acclaimed singer-songwriter Justin Townes Earle tragically died on August 20 , 2020 , at the age of 38 years old .
The son of influential alt-country artist Steve Earle , like his father he was able to establish a reputation as a gifted storyteller who at times was also able to provide meaningful social commentary .
His eighth and final full-length album “ The Saint of Lost Causes ” was released in 2019 .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ as “ Don ’ t Drink the Water ” and “ Flint City Shake It ” touched upon real-world issues , such as environmental and economic injustices .
One of the most powerful songs on the album is “ Over Alameda , ” which addressed issues of generational poverty and systemic racism .
The song is written from the perspective of a 19-year-old boy living in the Jordan Downs Housing Project in the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles .
The story starts with his mom moving from the Mississippi Delta to Los Angeles @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home after his grandfather landed a job at the Firestone factory in south Los Angeles .
The hope of a new start for the family was shattered when the factory closed which resulted in the family relocating ( “ Then the jobs moved out .
Grandaddy died and we lost the house .
Moved into the Jordan Downs .
And been here ever since ” ) .
Jordan Downs was known as a violent area that was heavily associated with the Grape Street Watts Crips .
The lyrics express a desire to escape @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ d say there ’ s something better .
I ’ d say I know that there is .
Over Alameda .
Where the white folks live.
” That poignant line links economic injustice to racial oppression .
Justin Townes Earle had the gift of empathetically articulating the plight of humans .
He will be greatly missed .

The following was originally posted at Ongoing History Of Protest Songs.
Acclaimed singer-songwriter Justin Townes Earle tragically died on August 20, 2020, at the age of 38 years old.
The son of influential alt-country artist Steve Earle, like his father he was able to establish a reputation as a gifted storyteller who at times was also able to provide meaningful social commentary.
His eighth and final full-length album “The Saint of Lost Causes” was released in 2019. While not overtly political, tunes such as “Don’t Drink the Water” and “Flint City Shake It” touched upon real-world issues, such as environmental and economic injustices.
One of the most powerful songs on the album is “Over Alameda,” which addressed issues of generational poverty and systemic racism. The song is written from the perspective of a 19-year-old boy living in the Jordan Downs Housing Project in the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles.
The story starts with his mom moving from the Mississippi Delta to Los Angeles in 1966 when the family bought a home after his grandfather landed a job at the Firestone factory in south Los Angeles.
The hope of a new start for the family was shattered when the factory closed which resulted in the family relocating (“Then the jobs moved out. Grandaddy died and we lost the house. Moved into the Jordan Downs. And been here ever since”).
Jordan Downs was known as a violent area that was heavily associated with the Grape Street Watts
Crips. The lyrics express a desire to escape the violence and poverty. “Mama’d say there’s something
better. I’d say I know that there is. Over Alameda. Where the white folks live.” That poignant line links economic injustice to racial oppression.
Justin Townes Earle had the gift of empathetically articulating the plight of humans. He will be greatly missed.
Listen to “Over Alameda”:


shadowproof--2020-08-26--Ahead Of Major Assange Hearing, UK Court Urged To Ensure Press Access

A major three-week hearing in WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange ’ s extradition case is scheduled in London on September 7 .
However , the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic will likely prevent dozens of journalists from around the world from reporting on proceedings if the Westminster Magistrates Court does not take action .
Judge Vanessa Baraitser , who is presiding over Assange ’ s case , previously stated , “ In principle , there is no objection to the use of the cloud video platform , but there are limited licenses to use that platform and it is not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” She added , “ Applications must be made to the Old Bailey.
” On August 25 , a little less than two weeks before the first day of the hearing , I submitted an urgent application to the judge and the court urging them to approve access for journalists via video link .
I have some experience when it comes to court reporting and requesting open justice .
In 2013 , the Center for Constitutional Rights represented [ PDF ] me , as well as Assange , Glenn Greenwald , Amy Goodman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in an effort to force greater transparency in the United States military court-martial against Pfc .
Chelsea Manning—the source at the center of this case .
The lawsuit directly challenged the lack of access to court filings and transcripts , which undermined transparency .
It also highlighted the glaring ways that the military court seemed to believe the First Amendment did not apply to Manning ’ s court-martial .
Once more , I find myself in a position , where it is critical to demand open justice .
Yet , I fear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more severe than what I experienced with the U.S. military .
No journalist wants to travel to the United Kingdom and find themselves trapped in the middle of a second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic .
COVID-19 cases may have leveled off at around 1,000 new cases per day in the U.K. , but the U.S. State Department still has a “ Level 3 ” advisory for U.S. citizens with travel plans for the U.K .
They are urged to “ avoid travel due to serious risks to safety and security.
” France @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are “ enduring the kind of infection levels not seen in many months.
” In early August , French travelers were exempt from a mandatory 14-day quarantine .
The country was removed from the list in the middle of the month .
Germany and Italy are still on the list of countries exempt from quarantining despite the spikes occurring in their countries .
Like hundreds of millions of people throughout the world , I have a medical condition that I believe would be exacerbated if I contracted COVID-19 .
Additionally , to my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the list of countries exempt from quarantining for 14 days upon arrival in London because since the U.S. has the highest rate of infections ( 30,000-40,000 new cases per day ) .
But the Westminster Magistrates Court has offered no guidance to international journalists related to quarantine restrictions and what we would have to do in order to be allowed into the Old Bailey courthouse , where proceedings are scheduled .
It is my understanding that I would have to travel to the U.K. now if I wanted to cover the second @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I would not be able to attend most of the first week due to quarantine restrictions .
I was one of the 60-70 press or legal observers , who attended the four-day hearing in February .
Since there is a prohibition on live streaming the proceedings , we were the public ’ s eyes and ears .
The Old Bailey has a very limited number of seats for press , and only a quarter of those who attended in February can reasonably expect to be credentialed to attend the hearing .
So it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does not act the public will have to settle for incomplete coverage .
Incomplete coverage would inevitably lead to uninformed speculation about whether the court was engaged in a cover-up on behalf of the United States .
The most sensible way to prevent such suggestions from spreading is to grant journalists access to live video during the hearing .
Unfortunately , the court has not done much during the pandemic to ensure remote access works , even though attending in person is entirely risky and impractical .
On April 27 , May 4 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hearings were held .
Each one was plagued with their own frustrating difficulties .
Doctors For Assange has monitored the case out of concern for Assange ’ s health and recalled how “ persons in court were inaudible ” on April 27 .
Phone lines were not muted , and noise disrupted the ability to follow what happened .
When a delay occurred on May 4 , the court staff muted the call and failed to unmute .
The hearing unfolded without a clerk ever bothering to ensure the press and observers could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ yet again nobody was muted .
Noises and talking disrupted others ’ ability to listen to the hearing .
The judge was also “ inaudible ” due to the “ inadequate set-up and use of microphone , ” according to Doctors For Assange .
The most recent case management hearing on August 14 was not any better .
The court gave journalists a phone number and access code for the wrong courtroom .
When journalists and observers joined the correct courtroom , there was silence .
The judge commenced proceedings without patching us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stakes of this case , the Westminster Magistrates Court ’ s handling of press and observers is unacceptable .
If Assange is extradited to the United States , it will significantly impact freedom of expression in the United States .
It will mark the first time a publisher is prosecuted under the U.S .
Espionage Act .
This case is especially important for international journalists , as it represents the first time that a foreign publisher of an online-based media organization has been sought for extradition under the Espionage Act .
The submission @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than 100 media organizations around the world published material from the WikiLeaks ’ publications in the indictment for which Mr. Assange now faces extradition and prosecution in the United States.
” Witnesses for the defense will testify on the history and alleged political motivation of the prosecution , as well as free speech issues .
Multiple journalists will provide testimony to help the defense unravel key misrepresentations about how documents were published .
Doctors will present testimony on Assange ’ s deteriorating health , and another set of witnesses will testify on prison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cruel and inhuman treatment he might endure while awaiting trial .
Open justice requires that the court take meaningful steps to ensure the press—and legal observers—will not experience the same difficulties as they have over the past four months .
Especially under these extraordinary circumstances , the court should grant this urgent application for press access to live video so journalists do not have to risk their health to travel and cover the Assange case .
The court should also approve this request so journalists no longer have to deal with the uncertainty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to provide coverage or not to readers , listeners , or viewers in September .

Editor’s Note This is the free edition of The Dissenter newsletter, which covers whistleblowers and the obstacles they face in government and corporate institutions. To become a subscriber, visit https://dissenter.substack.com/subscribe
A major three-week hearing in WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange’s extradition case is scheduled in London on September 7. However, the impact of the global COVID-19 pandemic will likely prevent dozens of journalists from around the world from reporting on proceedings if the Westminster Magistrates Court does not take action.
Judge Vanessa Baraitser, who is presiding over Assange’s case, previously stated, “In principle, there is no objection to the use of the cloud video platform, but there are limited licenses to use that platform and it is not generally something the court is involved in.” She added, “Applications must be made to the Old Bailey.”
On August 25, a little less than two weeks before the first day of the hearing, I submitted an urgent application to the judge and the court urging them to approve access for journalists via video link.
I have some experience when it comes to court reporting and requesting open justice. In 2013, the Center for Constitutional Rights represented [PDF] me, as well as Assange, Glenn Greenwald, Amy Goodman, Chase Madar, and Jeremy Scahill, in an effort to force greater transparency in the United States military court-martial against Pfc. Chelsea Manning—the source at the center of this case.
The lawsuit directly challenged the lack of access to court filings and transcripts, which undermined transparency. It also highlighted the glaring ways that the military court seemed to believe the First Amendment did not apply to Manning’s court-martial.
Once more, I find myself in a position, where it is critical to demand open justice. Yet, I fear the issues of open justice are much more severe than what I experienced with the U.S. military.
No journalist wants to travel to the United Kingdom and find themselves trapped in the middle of a second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic.
COVID-19 cases may have leveled off at around 1,000 new cases per day in the U.K., but the U.S. State Department still has a “Level 3” advisory for U.S. citizens with travel plans for the U.K. They are urged to “avoid travel due to serious risks to safety and security.”
France, Germany, Italy, and Spain are “enduring the kind of infection levels not seen in many months.”
In early August, French travelers were exempt from a mandatory 14-day quarantine. The country was removed from the list in the middle of the month.
Germany and Italy are still on the list of countries exempt from quarantining despite the spikes occurring in their countries.
Like hundreds of millions of people throughout the world, I have a medical condition that I believe would be exacerbated if I contracted COVID-19.
Additionally, to my knowledge, the United States is not on the list of countries exempt from quarantining for 14 days upon arrival in London because since the U.S. has the highest rate of infections (30,000-40,000 new cases per day).
But the Westminster Magistrates Court has offered no guidance to international journalists related to quarantine restrictions and what we would have to do in order to be allowed into the Old Bailey courthouse, where proceedings are scheduled.
It is my understanding that I would have to travel to the U.K. now if I wanted to cover the second and third week of the proceeding. I would not be able to attend most of the first week due to quarantine restrictions.
I was one of the 60-70 press or legal observers, who attended the four-day hearing in February. Since there is a prohibition on live streaming the proceedings, we were the public’s eyes and ears.
The Old Bailey has a very limited number of seats for press, and only a quarter of those who attended in February can reasonably expect to be credentialed to attend the hearing. So it is a certainty that if the court does not act the public will have to settle for incomplete coverage.
Incomplete coverage would inevitably lead to uninformed speculation about whether the court was engaged in a cover-up on behalf of the United States. The most sensible way to prevent such suggestions from spreading is to grant journalists access to live video during the hearing.
Unfortunately, the court has not done much during the pandemic to ensure remote access works, even though attending in person is entirely risky and impractical.
On April 27, May 4, and June 1, case management hearings were held. Each one was plagued with their own frustrating difficulties.
Doctors For Assange has monitored the case out of concern for Assange’s health and recalled how “persons in court were inaudible” on April 27. Phone lines were not muted, and noise disrupted the ability to follow what happened.
When a delay occurred on May 4, the court staff muted the call and failed to unmute. The hearing unfolded without a clerk ever bothering to ensure the press and observers could hear proceedings.
On June 1, yet again nobody was muted. Noises and talking disrupted others’ ability to listen to the hearing. The judge was also “inaudible” due to the “inadequate set-up and use of microphone,” according to Doctors For Assange.
The most recent case management hearing on August 14 was not any better. The court gave journalists a phone number and access code for the wrong courtroom. When journalists and observers joined the correct courtroom, there was silence. The judge commenced proceedings without patching us into the hearing.
Given the high stakes of this case, the Westminster Magistrates Court’s handling of press and observers is unacceptable.
If Assange is extradited to the United States, it will significantly impact freedom of expression in the United States. It will mark the first time a publisher is prosecuted under the U.S. Espionage Act.
This case is especially important for international journalists, as it represents the first time that a foreign publisher of an online-based media organization has been sought for extradition under the Espionage Act.
The submission to the court notes, “More than 100 media organizations around the world published material from the WikiLeaks’ publications in the indictment for which Mr. Assange now faces extradition and prosecution in the United States.”
Witnesses for the defense will testify on the history and alleged political motivation of the prosecution, as well as free speech issues. Multiple journalists will provide testimony to help the defense unravel key misrepresentations about how documents were published.
Doctors will present testimony on Assange’s deteriorating health, and another set of witnesses will testify on prison conditions in the United States and the cruel and inhuman treatment he might endure while awaiting trial.
Open justice requires that the court take meaningful steps to ensure the press—and legal observers—will not experience the same difficulties as they have over the past four months.
Especially under these extraordinary circumstances, the court should grant this urgent application for press access to live video so journalists do not have to risk their health to travel and cover the Assange case.
The court should also approve this request so journalists no longer have to deal with the uncertainty of wondering if they will be able to provide coverage or not to readers, listeners, or viewers in September.


shadowproof--2020-08-28--Dissenter Weekly: EPA’s Trump Propaganda, Whistleblower Challenges Police Use Of Ketamine

On this edition of the “ Dissenter Weekly , ” host and Shadowproof editor Kevin Gosztola highlights an effort by @ @ @ @ @ ( PEER ) to challenge the EPA and its administrator ’ s “ illegal political @ @ @ @ @ to enforce a ban against federal funding for “ propaganda purposes ” and “ obtain @ @ @ @ @ EPA ’ s partisan tweets and other improper social media campaigning.
” They asked the @ @ @ @ @ ) to review EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler ’ s tweets .
Wheeler is a coal @ @ @ @ @ the show , Gosztola covers two whistleblower stories—one about a whistleblower who was in the @ @ @ @ @ challenging ketamine use by police in Minnesota , the other involving prominent whistleblower attorney Mark @ @ @ @ @ by his insurance company because he takes on “ high-profile ” cases .
The show @ @ @ @ @ WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange .
After more than six months , Belmarsh Prison finally allowed @ @ @ @ @ with his family .
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On this edition of the “Dissenter Weekly,” host and Shadowproof editor Kevin Gosztola highlights an effort by Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility (PEER) to challenge the EPA and its administrator’s “illegal political self-promotion.”
PEER wants Congress to enforce a ban against federal funding for “propaganda purposes” and “obtain reimbursement for the costs of EPA’s partisan tweets and other improper social media campaigning.” They asked the Government Accountability Office (GAO) to review EPA Administrator Andrew Wheeler’s tweets. Wheeler is a coal industry lobbyist.
Later in the show, Gosztola covers two whistleblower stories—one about a whistleblower who was in the Emergency Medical Services and is challenging ketamine use by police in Minnesota, the other involving prominent whistleblower attorney Mark Zaid, who was dropped by his insurance company because he takes on “high-profile” cases.
The show concludes with an update on WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange. After more than six months, Belmarsh Prison finally allowed him to “visit” with his family.
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This week’s stories:


shadowproof--2020-08-31--Workers At Factories For Sporting Goods Companies Say Management Fired Them To Get Rid Of Union

Workers At Factories For Sporting Goods Companies Say Management Fired Them To Get Rid Of Union Around 200 unionized workers who make sports equipment for Wilson Sporting Goods , Mizuno , and CCM Hockey at a factory in Yangon , Myanmar , were fired at the end of June 2020 after orders from companies stopped due to the COVID-19 pandemic .
Workers say management shut down the VIP 1 factory while non-union workers were transferred to other nearby factories .
“ They announced on June 24 , the factory would be shut down .
On the last workday , management @ @ @ @ @ @ @ union members .
Seven days later , the employer recruited the non-union workers and transferred them to other factories , ” Hla Yee San , a union member who worked at the factory for almost five years , told Shadowproof .
San claimed management at the VIP 1 factory discriminated against and punished workers , who belonged to the union before the pandemic .
They prevented these workers from accessing overtime hours or receiving promotions .
Workers at the factory made around $ 3 a day , which is around $ 131 US @ @ @ @ @ @ @ skill bonuses ) .
San also said the factory management created a “ yellow ” union in 2019 to try to undermine the workers ’ union and had CCTV cameras installed to monitor union leaders inside the factory .
“ We want our jobs back , ” declared San .
“ I can ’ t send money to my family who live in a rural village , and they ’ ve also had to borrow money to get by .
I ’ m looking for another job because I can ’ t afford @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reinstated ” In Southeast Asia , workers have faced mass layoffs and experienced unpaid wages as retail corporations in the United States and Europe cancel orders or insist on discounts during the COVID-19 pandemic .
Bo Bo Nyein , the union president at the VIP 2 factory in Yangon , Myanmar , said he was recently fired after demanding the factory implement and follow protections for workers from the coronavirus .
“ Seven union members were fired .
The excuse was we created a chaotic situation in the factory in demanding coronavirus protections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already a concern for workers , he explained , because a lot of chemicals and paints are used to make the sporting clothes and equipment .
During the pandemic , social distancing wasn ’ t practiced at the factory , there was no soap provided for handwashing , and workers were only provided one surgical mask to last the entire week .
Nyein also claimed factory management has disregarded the collective bargaining agreement workers at the factory won through the union in 2019 .
“ I ’ m in debt from getting fired @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve borrowed money from others because I don ’ t have income and the interest is high .
I ’ m doing odd jobs like riding bicycle deliveries , very unstable work , to make some money.
” Other factory workers in Myanmar , such as workers who make clothes for companies like Zara and Primark , accused their factories of targeting union members in layoffs .
But they recently won an agreement for full reinstatement of terminated workers .
Mizuno USA deferred comment to Mizuno Corporate Headquarters in Japan , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ comment .
CCM Hockey declined to comment , denying they source products from Myanmar .
However , workers provided photos of CCM Hockey sticks they made at the factory prior to the shutdown , which CCM claimed were samples and not from production .
Wilson Sporting Goods and VIP Factory did not respond to multiple requests for comment .

Around 200 unionized workers who make sports equipment for Wilson Sporting Goods, Mizuno, and CCM Hockey at a factory in Yangon, Myanmar, were fired at the end of June 2020 after orders from companies stopped due to the COVID-19 pandemic.
Workers say management shut down the VIP 1 factory while non-union workers were transferred to other nearby factories.
“They announced on June 24, the factory would be shut down. On the last workday, management collected a list of workers who were union members. Seven days later, the employer recruited the non-union workers and transferred them to other factories,” Hla Yee San, a union member who worked at the factory for almost five years, told Shadowproof.
San claimed management at the VIP 1 factory discriminated against and punished workers, who belonged to the union before the pandemic. They prevented these workers from accessing overtime hours or receiving promotions.
Workers at the factory made around $3 a day, which is around $131 US dollars per month (with attendance and skill bonuses).
San also said the factory management created a “yellow” union in 2019 to try to undermine the workers’ union and had CCTV cameras installed to monitor union leaders inside the factory.
“We want our jobs back,” declared San. “I can’t send money to my family who live in a rural village, and they’ve also had to borrow money to get by. I’m looking for another job because I can’t afford to wait to see if I get reinstated”
In Southeast Asia, workers have faced mass layoffs and experienced unpaid wages as retail corporations in the United States and Europe cancel orders or insist on discounts during the COVID-19 pandemic.
Bo Bo Nyein, the union president at the VIP 2 factory in Yangon, Myanmar, said he was recently fired after demanding the factory implement and follow protections for workers from the coronavirus.
“Seven union members were fired. The excuse was we created a chaotic situation in the factory in demanding coronavirus protections,” said Nyein.
Safety was already a concern for workers, he explained, because a lot of chemicals and paints are used to make the sporting clothes and equipment. During the pandemic, social distancing wasn’t practiced at the factory, there was no soap provided for handwashing, and workers were only provided one surgical mask to last the entire week. Nyein also claimed factory management has disregarded the collective bargaining agreement workers at the factory won through the union in 2019.
“I’m in debt from getting fired,” added Nyein. “I’ve borrowed money from others because I don’t have income and the interest is high. I’m doing odd jobs like riding bicycle deliveries, very unstable work, to make some money.”
Other factory workers in Myanmar, such as workers who make clothes for companies like Zara and Primark, accused their factories of targeting union members in layoffs. But they recently won an agreement for full reinstatement of terminated workers.
Mizuno USA deferred comment to Mizuno Corporate Headquarters in Japan, who did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
CCM Hockey declined to comment, denying they source products from Myanmar. However, workers provided photos of CCM Hockey sticks they made at the factory prior to the shutdown, which CCM claimed were samples and not from production.
Wilson Sporting Goods and VIP Factory did not respond to multiple requests for comment.


shadowproof--2020-09-03--Homeland Security in Hollywood: How the Department Controls Its Image On Screen

Homeland Security in Hollywood : How the Department Controls Its Image On Screen Newly obtained documents reveal the inner workings of the Department of Homeland Security ’ s Multimedia Liaison Office , which assists the production of movies , documentaries , television shows , and books .
Much like their counterparts in other arms of the ever-increasing security industrial-complex in the United States , the Department of Homeland Security ( DHS ) has a profound impact on the entertainment industry .
Dissenting and critical views of major events , policies and practices are diluted or eliminated from these productions while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s rights is encouraged .
They aim to alter audience perceptions of the department and their activities and to promote a worldview that is scary and therefore justifies an authoritarian response from these agencies .
The DHS was set up in the wake of the 9/11 attacks as a conglomeration of the Secret Service , Immigration and Customs Enforcement , Customs and Border Protection , Federal Emergency Management Agency , the Transportation Security Administration , the Coast Guard and over a dozen other agencies .
This was the greatest reorganization of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ created the Department of Defense and the CIA .
But the DHS has been beset by bureaucratic problems and widespread opposition to its policies and practices , including TSA agents groping airline passengers , nude body scanners at airports , and the horrific treatment of immigrants , such as gassing them with industrial-strength chemicals at ICE facilities .
DHS is among those departments , whose federal agents have patrolled Portland , grabbing protestors off the streets and throwing them into unmarked vans , often without identifying themselves or providing reasons for these “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s intelligence division—which was set up to gather information on possible terrorists and other violent criminals—has been directed at journalists covering the ongoing Portland protests .
( Acting Director of Homeland Security Chad Wolf took action to stop this excessive surveillance only after the story gained major media coverage . )
The numerous crimes of the department are hideous , and the failure to integrate all these different agencies into its bureaucracy are so deep that former White House counterterrorism czar Richard Clarke recently called for the DHS to be dismantled .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and local government agencies , the DHS views public relations , including through entertainment , as a way to manage public perception of crimes and abuses routinely committed by their personnel .
Over several years , this reporter filed over a dozen FOIA requests to obtain records on Homeland Security ’ s Hollywood office .
They yielded nearly 500 pages of documents explaining how the office works with the entertainment industry to burnish their image and deflect criticism .
The process by which the DHS assists in the production of books , films @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the Department of Defense ’ s entertainment liaison office .
The DHS directive says producers will only receive assistance if the product ’ s content is deemed to be “ in the best interest of DHS or the U.S. Government ” and demands that in fictional productions “ the portrayal must depict a feasible , or otherwise appropriate , interpretation of DHS programs , operations , and policies.
” Naturally , it is the DHS themselves who determine what is “ feasible ” and “ appropriate ” , and their system for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than that of the DOD and other federal agencies .
Authors , film and TV producers seeking help from DHS for their projects – whether factual or fictional – have to sign non-disclosure agreements in order to interview agents to gather background material to help develop their projects .
This means that when they produce a manuscript , treatment or screenplay they have to remove anything that the DHS doesn ’ t like , with the NDA hanging over their heads if they do not comply .
If they want to film DHS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a “ Multimedia Agreement ” that locks them into the DHS-approved version of the script or story and submit rough cuts of their work to the department ’ s media office Producers then make changes to meet DHS demands prior to release .
DHS requires producers to submit any promotional materials that depict the DHS in any way to the department for review and approval .
“ Activities reports ” in the documents contain numerous references to the department and their agencies sending notes and feedback to producers during both the pre-production and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with almost complete control over how DHS is portrayed in entertainment media , resulting in a slew of positive PR for the department and their agencies .
The DHS ’ functions are extremely broad , encompassing everything from illegal smuggling to immigration to counter-terrorism , which is reflected in the productions they support .
This includes TV shows such as “ Border Force , ” “ Drug Wars , ” “ Search and Protect , ” and “ Border Security : America ’ s Front Line , ” all of which perpetuate the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little better than war zones that require a sophisticated and authoritarian security state to deal with them .
DHS also helped produce numerous documentaries and docudramas on the Silk Road and El Chapo investigations , along with other criminal cases worked by DHS agents , which encourage viewers to see the world as being full of dastardly criminal threats .
Even more staggering , DHS has worked on everything from quasi-academic tomes on counter-terror policy to the children ’ s book series Protecting Our People to the game show “ Top Chef , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chefs cooking for Coast Guard members in the Los Angeles area.
” Perhaps , befitting the third largest department in the U.S. government , DHS ’ s role in the culture industry dwarfs even that of more well-known agencies , such as the FBI .
In particular , ICE and Customs and Border Protection are busy massaging their public image through Hollywood .
The increased attention on how immigration policy is being enacted , especially when it violates the human rights of migrants , has led both of these DHS components to seek @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offices support TV series that portray their agents as professional and necessary for the nation ’ s protection , including animal-themed productions like “ Canine Border Wars ” and “ Border Dogs.
” However , when the Bertelsmann Foundation wanted ICE ’ s help making a more even-handed documentary focused on “ the benefits of legal immigration and challenges caused by illegal immigration ” ICE rejected the project “ due to [ the ] political climate against ICE ERO [ Enforcement and Removal Operations ] in Florida.
” The message is clear : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal government ’ s immigration policies , and the rhetoric coming out of the White House , find these agencies are willing to help , but for those wanting to put a human face on immigration , or discuss opposition to these policies , they are left out in the cold .
Major films , like Disney ’ s “ The Finest Hours , ” appear regularly in reports .
For that movie , the DHS and Coast Guard not only provided production support but were also centrally involved in the promotional rollout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t seem to do the movie much good , as this rather stilted tale of a Coast Guard rescue in 1952 received poor reviews and lost money at the box office .
Another movie the DHS smiled on was “ Patriots Day , ” which focuses on the manhunt for the Boston bombers and completely avoids any hint of intelligence failures or the possibility of preventing the attack .
The film also incriminates the wife of one of the bombers , Katherine Russell , strongly suggesting she conspired in the bombing even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ charged in connection with the attack .
Similarly , the DHS supported “ Deepwater Horizon , ” which like “ Patriots Day ” starred Mark Wahlberg and was directed by Peter Berg .
It tells the story of the Coast Guard ’ s rescue efforts in the aftermath of the Deepwater Horizon offshore oil rig explosion .
But the film avoids any suggestion that corporate greed , apathy or incompetence , or poor enforcement of offshore drilling regulations was in any way to blame , presenting another story of the heroism of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ larger questions of responsibility .
Finally , “ Rainbow Bridge Motel ” received DHS support for a critical scene at the rainbow bridge in Niagara Falls , likely because it provided a heartwarming spin on US immigration policies .
Reports note , “ One of the main characters is not allowed to get back into the states so his fiance meets him on the bridge with his family to marry him.
” The documents mention the actors were “ vetted ” as part of the department ’ s security screenings for everyone in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the contracts do not include a clause where the actors consent to this .
It is unclear how much script input the DHS had on any of these projects , even though script reviews and feedback are referenced frequently in the released files .
The department refused my request for records of their influence on the content of supported productions , but the documents they did provide contain one example that illustrates just how much impact they can have .
For the forthcoming TV series “ Coyote ” , which appears to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ Breaking Bad ” , they were negotiating with the producers as early as 2016 .
This led to the writers changing the main character , played by Michael Chiklis , from a DEA agent to an ICE Homeland Security Investigations Agent , necessitating a reworking of the entire show .

Newly obtained documents reveal the inner workings of the Department of Homeland Security’s Multimedia Liaison Office, which assists the production of movies, documentaries, television shows, and books.
Much like their counterparts in other arms of the ever-increasing security industrial-complex in the United States, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has a profound impact on the entertainment industry.
Dissenting and critical views of major events, policies and practices are diluted or eliminated from these productions while cheerleading for the habitual violation of people’s rights is encouraged. They aim to alter audience perceptions of the department and their activities and to promote a worldview that is scary and therefore justifies an authoritarian response from these agencies.
The DHS was set up in the wake of the 9/11 attacks as a conglomeration of the Secret Service, Immigration and Customs Enforcement, Customs and Border Protection, Federal Emergency Management Agency, the Transportation Security Administration, the Coast Guard and over a dozen other agencies. This was the greatest reorganization of the federal government since the National Security Act created the Department of Defense and the CIA.
But the DHS has been beset by bureaucratic problems and widespread opposition to its policies and practices, including TSA agents groping airline passengers, nude body scanners at airports, and the horrific treatment of immigrants, such as gassing them with industrial-strength chemicals at ICE facilities.
DHS is among those departments, whose federal agents have patrolled Portland, grabbing protestors off the streets and throwing them into unmarked vans, often without identifying themselves or providing reasons for these “arrests.”
Meanwhile, the agency’s intelligence division—which was set up to gather information on possible terrorists and other violent criminals—has been directed at journalists covering the ongoing Portland protests. (Acting Director of Homeland Security Chad Wolf took action to stop this excessive surveillance only after the story gained major media coverage.)
The numerous crimes of the department are hideous, and the failure to integrate all these different agencies into its bureaucracy are so deep that former White House counterterrorism czar Richard Clarke recently called for the DHS to be dismantled.
As is so often the case with federal and local government agencies, the DHS views public relations, including through entertainment, as a way to manage public perception of crimes and abuses routinely committed by their personnel.
Over several years, this reporter filed over a dozen FOIA requests to obtain records on Homeland Security’s Hollywood office. They yielded nearly 500 pages of documents explaining how the office works with the entertainment industry to burnish their image and deflect criticism.
Controlling How DHS Is Portrayed
The process by which the DHS assists in the production of books, films, documentaries and TV series is modeled on the Department of Defense’s entertainment liaison office. The DHS directive says producers will only receive assistance if the product’s content is deemed to be “in the best interest of DHS or the U.S. Government” and demands that in fictional productions “the portrayal must depict a feasible, or otherwise appropriate, interpretation of DHS programs, operations, and policies.”
Naturally, it is the DHS themselves who determine what is “feasible” and “appropriate”, and their system for controlling their public image is even stricter than that of the DOD and other federal agencies.
Authors, film and TV producers seeking help from DHS for their projects – whether factual or fictional – have to sign non-disclosure agreements in order to interview agents to gather background material to help develop their projects. This means that when they produce a manuscript, treatment or screenplay they have to remove anything that the DHS doesn’t like, with the NDA hanging over their heads if they do not comply.
If they want to film DHS staff or locations they must also sign a “Multimedia Agreement” that locks them into the DHS-approved version of the script or story and submit rough cuts of their work to the department’s media office Producers then make changes to meet DHS demands prior to release.
DHS requires producers to submit any promotional materials that depict the DHS in any way to the department for review and approval.
“Activities reports” in the documents contain numerous references to the department and their agencies sending notes and feedback to producers during both the pre-production and post-production phases.
This provides the department with almost complete control over how DHS is portrayed in entertainment media, resulting in a slew of positive PR for the department and their agencies.
From Docudramas To “Top Chef”
The DHS’ functions are extremely broad, encompassing everything from illegal smuggling to immigration to counter-terrorism, which is reflected in the productions they support. This includes TV shows such as “Border Force,” “Drug Wars,” “Search and Protect,” and “Border Security: America’s Front Line,” all of which perpetuate the myth that America’s borders are little better than war zones that require a sophisticated and authoritarian security state to deal with them.
DHS also helped produce numerous documentaries and docudramas on the Silk Road and El Chapo investigations, along with other criminal cases worked by DHS agents, which encourage viewers to see the world as being full of dastardly criminal threats.
Even more staggering, DHS has worked on everything from quasi-academic tomes on counter-terror policy to the children’s book series Protecting Our People to the game show “Top Chef,” which featured “two celebrity Top Chefs cooking for Coast Guard members in the Los Angeles area.”
Perhaps, befitting the third largest department in the U.S. government, DHS’s role in the culture industry dwarfs even that of more well-known agencies, such as the FBI.
In particular, ICE and Customs and Border Protection are busy massaging their public image through Hollywood. The increased attention on how immigration policy is being enacted, especially when it violates the human rights of migrants, has led both of these DHS components to seek help from the entertainment business.
Both offices support TV series that portray their agents as professional and necessary for the nation’s protection, including animal-themed productions like “Canine Border Wars” and “Border Dogs.”
However, when the Bertelsmann Foundation wanted ICE’s help making a more even-handed documentary focused on “the benefits of legal immigration and challenges caused by illegal immigration” ICE rejected the project “due to [the] political climate against ICE ERO [Enforcement and Removal Operations] in Florida.”
The message is clear: Producers willing to promote and whitewash the federal government’s immigration policies, and the rhetoric coming out of the White House, find these agencies are willing to help, but for those wanting to put a human face on immigration, or discuss opposition to these policies, they are left out in the cold.
Starring Mark Wahlberg
Major films, like Disney’s “The Finest Hours,” appear regularly in reports. For that movie, the DHS and Coast Guard not only provided production support but were also centrally involved in the promotional rollout for the movie. Though this didn’t seem to do the movie much good, as this rather stilted tale of a Coast Guard rescue in 1952 received poor reviews and lost money at the box office.
Another movie the DHS smiled on was “Patriots Day,” which focuses on the manhunt for the Boston bombers and completely avoids any hint of intelligence failures or the possibility of preventing the attack. The film also incriminates the wife of one of the bombers, Katherine Russell, strongly suggesting she conspired in the bombing even though in reality she has never been charged in connection with the attack.
Similarly, the DHS supported “Deepwater Horizon,” which like “Patriots Day” starred Mark Wahlberg and was directed by Peter Berg. It tells the story of the Coast Guard’s rescue efforts in the aftermath of the Deepwater Horizon offshore oil rig explosion. But the film avoids any suggestion that corporate greed, apathy or incompetence, or poor enforcement of offshore drilling regulations was in any way to blame, presenting another story of the heroism of the federal government while ignoring their culpability or larger questions of responsibility.
Finally, “Rainbow Bridge Motel” received DHS support for a critical scene at the rainbow bridge in Niagara Falls, likely because it provided a heartwarming spin on US immigration policies.
Reports note, “One of the main characters is not allowed to get back into the states so his fiance meets him on the bridge with his family to marry him.” The documents mention the actors were “vetted” as part of the department’s security screenings for everyone in Hollywood that they work with, though the contracts do not include a clause where the actors consent to this.
It is unclear how much script input the DHS had on any of these projects, even though script reviews and feedback are referenced frequently in the released files. The department refused my request for records of their influence on the content of supported productions, but the documents they did provide contain one example that illustrates just how much impact they can have.
For the forthcoming TV series “Coyote”, which appears to be a replacement for the popular DEA-supported drama “Breaking Bad”, they were negotiating with the producers as early as 2016. This led to the writers changing the main character, played by Michael Chiklis, from a DEA agent to an ICE Homeland Security Investigations Agent, necessitating a reworking of the entire show.


shadowproof--2020-09-04--What To Expect During Three-Week Hearing In Julian Assange’s Extradition Case

What To Expect During Three-Week Hearing In Julian Assange ’ s Extradition Case A major hearing in WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange ’ s extradition case will unfold from September 7 until at least September 24 , and I am credentialed to cover the proceedings for Shadowproof .
It will be a key opportunity , and one of the only opportunities , the legal team for Assange has to rebut and undermine the United States government ’ s request for extradition through witness testimony presented to Magistrate Court Judge Vanessa Baraitser .
Given extraordinary circumstances created by the COVID-19 pandemic , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a “ Cloud Video Platform ” that was set up by the Central Criminal Court in the United Kingdom to accommodate press , politicians , and trial observers .
The proceedings will focus on the political nature of the prosecution , the misrepresentation of facts , Assange ’ s political opinions , the risk of denial of justice at a U.S. trial , the risk of cruel and inhuman treatment in U.S. jails and prisons , Assange ’ s health , and the passage of time since materials were published .
Assange ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s administration pursued charges against Assange for “ ulterior political motives , ” and they were not brought in “ good faith.
” They indicted Assange under the Espionage Act , which makes the extradition a case involving classic “ political offenses ” that should not be covered by the treaty between the U.S. and U.K. As made public by the legal team back in February , the following witnesses are likely to “ provide testimony on the history of the case and political motivation of the prosecution.
” They will also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the case unprecedented .
In presenting testimony on the history of the case , Assange ’ s legal team will likely focus on the publication of materials , such as the “ Collateral Murder ” video , the Afghanistan War Logs , the Iraq War Logs , the U.S. State Embassy cables , and the Guantanamo Files .
The above witnesses will address Chelsea Manning ’ s military court-martial , the decision by the Justice Department in 2013 not to prosecute Assange , President Donald Trump ’ s war on journalists , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2017 .
Several abuses of the rule of law will be outlined by the witnesses , including the violation of “ legal professional privilege , ” or attorney-client privilege , through spying on meetings at the Ecuador Embassy before Ecuador revoked his political asylum .
They will detail Ecuador ’ s expulsion of Assange from the embassy , the seizure of Assange ’ s “ legally privileged papers , ” and a pardon offer that his team says was considered before charges were announced .
To ensure Baraitser understands the extent to which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the legal team will likely turn to the following witnesses : Their testimony will collectively show the extent of exaggerations and fear-mongering by U.S. government officials when it comes to claims that Assange was “ reckless ” and “ endangered ” innocent people when he published files from Manning .
Assange ’ s legal team is expected to argue the prosecution has a lot to do with his “ political opinions , ” which could help protect him from extradition .
They maintain he is a “ leading proponent ” of openness in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is anti-war and anti-imperialism .
He is a “ champion of transparency and the public ’ s right to access information , ” especially when it comes to political corruption , war crimes , torture , and the mistreatment of Guantanamo detainees — all of which made Assange a target of prosecution .
The following are likely to offer testimony on the risk that Assange will be denied justice if brought to trial in the United States : This set of witnesses will help Assange ’ s legal team argue that he will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since the jury pool will largely consist of U.S. intelligence , military , and government personnel from within the Eastern District of Virginia , where the Justice Department indicted him .
Undoubtedly , they all will harbor prejudice toward him for exposing the inner workings of institutions that employ them .
On the risk of cruel and inhuman treatment that Assange will likely face in U.S. jails and prisons , the following will likely present testimony : Assange ’ s legal team previously noted the English High Court and the European Court of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the inhumanity of conditions in so-called administrative segregation in the U.S. prison system , amounting effectively to solitary confinement.
” For example , the legal team cites the extradition case of Abu Hamza .
Before Hamza lost his extradition case , Lord Judge stated , “ Like Judge Workman , we too are troubled about what we have read about the conditions in some of the Supermax prisons in the United States.
” He contended the “ confinement for years and years in what effectively amounts to isolation may well be held to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ill treatment which contravenes Article 3 [ freedom from torture in the UK ’ s Human Rights Act ] .
This problem may fall to be addressed in a different case.
” Assange has a history of clinical depression and trauma , according to his legal team , and there is a significant risk that he may be driven to commit suicide if brought to the United States .
The following medical professionals are likely to share sensitive details on his health : Crosby evaluated Assange ’ s health on February 23 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allegedly violated .
She described the embassy surveillance she experienced during her visit .
She left the embassy at one point to pick up some food and returned to the room where they were meeting to find her confidential medical notes were taken .
She found her notes “ in a space utilized by embassy surveillance staff ” and presumed they were read .
Finally , there is the passage of time since Assange and WikiLeaks published materials from Manning .
No explanation has been given as to why the U.S. government waited @ @ @ @ @ @ @ noted , the Justice Department under President Barack Obama backed away from prosecution in 2013 .
Assange ’ s legal team believes there is a “ risk of prejudice ” in trying to reconstruct the sequence of events that occurred in 2010 and 2011 because they happened so long ago .
They also suggest Assange ’ s mental state has deteriorated to an extent that he may not be able to participate in his trial .

Editor’s Note A major hearing in WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange’s extradition case will unfold from September 7 until at least September 24, and I am credentialed to cover the proceedings for Shadowproof.
It will be a key opportunity, and one of the only opportunities, the legal team for Assange has to rebut and undermine the United States government’s request for extradition through witness testimony presented to Magistrate Court Judge Vanessa Baraitser.
Given extraordinary circumstances created by the COVID-19 pandemic, I will be covering proceedings remotely through a “Cloud Video Platform” that was setup by the Central Criminal Court in the United Kingdom to accommodate press, politicians, and trial observers.
***
The proceedings will focus on the political nature of the prosecution, the misrepresentation of facts, Assange’s political opinions, the risk of denial of justice at a U.S. trial, the risk of cruel and inhuman treatment in U.S. jails and prisons, Assange’s health, and the passage of time since materials were published.
Assange’s legal team contends President Donald Trump’s administration pursued charges against Assange for “ulterior political motives,” and they were not brought in “good faith.” They indicted Assange under the Espionage Act, which makes the extradition a case involving classic “political offenses” that should not be covered by the treaty between the U.S. and U.K.
As made public by the legal team back in February, the following witnesses are likely to “provide testimony on the history of the case and political motivation of the prosecution.” They will also address free speech issues and what makes the case unprecedented.
Professor Mark Feldstein, a distinguished academic specializing in broadcast journalism
Carey Shenkman, an academic who studied the history of the Espionage Act and the Computer Fraud Abuse Act
Jameel Jaffer, the executive director of the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University Professor Michael Tigar, former journalist and academic specializing in constitutional and criminal law
Professor Noam Chomsky, professor of politics and world renowned author
Professor Paul Rogers, emeritus professor of peace studies at Bradford University
In presenting testimony on the history of the case, Assange’s legal team will likely focus on the publication of materials, such as the “Collateral Murder” video, the Afghanistan War Logs, the Iraq War Logs, the U.S. State Embassy cables, and the Guantanamo Files.
The above witnesses will address Chelsea Manning’s military court-martial, the decision by the Justice Department in 2013 not to prosecute Assange, President Donald Trump’s war on journalists, and denunciations of Assange by public officials in 2017.
Several abuses of the rule of law will be outlined by the witnesses, including the violation of “legal professional privilege,” or attorney-client privilege, through spying on meetings at the Ecuador Embassy before Ecuador revoked his political asylum. They will detail Ecuador’s expulsion of Assange from the embassy, the seizure of Assange’s “legally privileged papers,” and a pardon offer that his team says was considered before charges were announced.
To ensure Baraitser understands the extent to which the U.S. government has misrepresented facts, the legal team will likely turn to the following witnesses:
Patrick Eller, a former US Army investigator and expert in digital forensics
John Goetz, an international investigative journalist who worked with Der Spiegel in collaboration with WikiLeaks in 2010–2011
Jakob Augstein, an experienced journalist who worked at Der Freitag at the relevant time
Andy Worthington, a journalist who worked collaboratively on the WikiLeaks disclosures relating to the Guantanamo Detainee assessment briefs
Emily Dische-Becker, a journalist who was working in Beirut at the relevant time, in a media partnership with WikiLeaks. She deals with the impact of the revelations and the work done to minimise risk to opposition activists
Sami Ben Garbia, a journalist based in Tunisia, who confirms the efforts made to ensure redaction and the lack of any knowledge or evidence of persons physically harmed as result of the publications
Christian Grothoff, professor of computer science, who confirms that ‘at the time when the WikiLeaks site re-published the unredacted cables the information was already easily available to any technically competent person’
Their testimony will collectively show the extent of exaggerations and fear-mongering by U.S. government officials when it comes to claims that Assange was “reckless” and “endangered” innocent people when he published files from Manning.
Assange’s legal team is expected to argue the prosecution has a lot to do with his “political opinions,” which could help protect him from extradition. They maintain he is a “leading proponent” of openness in society and freedom of expression. He is anti-war and anti-imperialism. He is a “champion of transparency and the public’s right to access information,” especially when it comes to political corruption, war crimes, torture, and the mistreatment of Guantanamo detainees — all of which made Assange a target of prosecution.
The following are likely to offer testimony on the risk that Assange will be denied justice if brought to trial in the United States:
Eric Lewis, a practicing lawyer in the U.S. who deals with issues both of trial and sentence
Barry Pollack, Julian Assange’s lawyer in the U.S.
Robert Boyle, an expert on grand juries, who deals with Chelsea Manning contempt proceedings
Thomas Durkin, a former federal prosecutor who will deal with the history of this prosecution and fair trial issues
This set of witnesses will help Assange’s legal team argue that he will not receive a fair trial, especially since the jury pool will largely consist of U.S. intelligence, military, and government personnel from within the Eastern District of Virginia, where the Justice Department indicted him. Undoubtedly, they all will harbor prejudice toward him for exposing the inner workings of institutions that employ them.
On the risk of cruel and inhuman treatment that Assange will likely face in U.S. jails and prisons, the following will likely present testimony:
Eric Lewis, on the issue of sentencing
Yancey Ellis, an experienced lawyer who practices in the very area of Virginia in which Mr Assange’s trial and pre-trial detention will take place
Joel Sickler, a renowned expert on prison conditions in the federal system
Assange’s legal team previously noted the English High Court and the European Court of Human Rights had “profound concerns about the inhumanity of conditions in so-called administrative segregation in the U.S. prison system, amounting effectively to solitary confinement.”
For example, the legal team cites the extradition case of Abu Hamza. Before Hamza lost his extradition case, Lord Judge stated, “Like Judge Workman, we too are troubled about what we have read about the conditions in some of the Supermax prisons in the United States.”
He contended the “confinement for years and years in what effectively amounts to isolation may well be held to be, if not torture, then ill treatment which contravenes Article 3 [freedom from torture in the UK’s Human Rights Act]. This problem may fall to be addressed in a different case.”
Assange has a history of clinical depression and trauma, according to his legal team, and there is a significant risk that he may be driven to commit suicide if brought to the United States.
The following medical professionals are likely to share sensitive details on his health:
Michael Kopelman, a distinguished forensic psychiatrist [who submitted a report to the court]
Dr. Sondra Crosby, who examined Mr Assange in the Ecuadorian Embassy
Paul Mullen, who was his treating psychiatrist in Australia and who has prepared a report on [his condition as of early 2020]
Crosby evaluated Assange’s health on February 23, 2019, and their doctor-patient confidentiality was allegedly violated.
She described the embassy surveillance she experienced during her visit. She left the embassy at one point to pick up some food and returned to the room where they were meeting to find her confidential medical notes were taken. She found her notes “in a space utilized by embassy surveillance staff” and presumed they were read.
Finally, there is the passage of time since Assange and WikiLeaks published materials from Manning.
No explanation has been given as to why the U.S. government waited several years to indict Assange. As noted, the Justice Department under President Barack Obama backed away from prosecution in 2013.
Assange’s legal team believes there is a “risk of prejudice” in trying to reconstruct the sequence of events that occurred in 2010 and 2011 because they happened so long ago. They also suggest Assange’s mental state has deteriorated to an extent that he may not be able to participate in his trial.