shadowproof--2020-02-10--Documents: Inside The US Army’s Massive $2 Million Propaganda Campaign For ‘Independence Day’ Sequel

The Pentagon did not provide production support to the movie “ Independence Day ” because it portrayed the military as ineffective against the alien threat .
There also was dialogue mentioning Area 51 and Will Smith ’ s Air Force character dated a stripper .
But in 2016 , the United States Army developed a months-long , multi-platform promotional campaign for the movie ’ s sequel .
Documents released under the Freedom of Information Act ( FOIA ) show the campaign for “ Independence Day : Resurgence ” was pursued to blend fiction and reality , boost recruitment , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Army .
Through a technologically and psychologically sophisticated campaign , the U.S. Army ’ s project was part of the 2016 “ Patriotic Season ” campaign .
Personnel attempted “ to associate America ’ s Independence with the US Army and own it.
” The Army hoped to leverage 20th Century Fox ’ s $ 150 million advertising budget for the movie to spread their messaging .
A “ case study ” boasts of cast members and actual soldiers , who made an appearance on ABC ’ s “ Good Morning America.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Army ’ s ad agency “ laid out a strategic vision which [ tied ] the Army in relevant ways to the movie , demonstrating the Army ’ s ability to prevail against any obstacle and be the only force with the scale , scope , capabilities and critical thinking to protect our nation now and in an uncertain future.
” In particular , personnel had a “ perceptual goal ” to “ overcome strongly held misperceptions of the Army as low-tech , ordinary , ” and a “ last resort option ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The ad agency wanted to replace this impression with the idea that the Army is a “ versatile , highly-trained , adaptable team.
” The campaign asserted Independence Day was “ brought to you by and defended by the U.S. Army.
” They adopted a full-spectrum approach , using everything from TV spots , to paid digital ads , to hiring Wild Posting , a marketing agency , to set up an outdoor media campaign for buses , benches , and billboards .
Fox used the innovative technique of pretending that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and that there was a real “ War of ‘ 96 ” following the alien invasion .
This included mock-ups of news broadcasts , discussion panels , and even a fake Las Vegas Tourism Board video showing tourists gambling in the ruins of the city .
The stars of the film appeared in imitation PSAs to inform the public about how they could help the war effort and urged them to sign up for ESD—the Earth Space Defense , a global military force that features heavily in “ Independence Day : Resurgence.
” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a “ landing experience ” including ESD-themed puzzle games , which became a click funnel that redirected to GoArmy.com , the Army ’ s primary recruitment website .
Fox agreed that their Warof96.com site would include a prominent link to JoinESD , further boosting visits to the Army ’ s own websites .
The Army created hashtag campaigns and hired a social media influencer known as Cat Valdes to produce a video explaining the site and encouraging viewers to visit it .
The U.S. military astroturfed an entire viral internet phenomenon .
Through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the Army ’ s content and websites , and they paid for social media ads to boost the unique content they created .
Puzzles on JoinESD.com were based around scientific and technical challenges to inspire the recruitment of science , technology , engineering , and math ( STEM ) students .
No production assistance was provided by the Pentagon for the sequel , but still , the Army ’ s promotional efforts linked the film to the real-life American military by “ drawing parallels between the fictitious themes ( overcoming complex environments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) and where the writers get that from—the real U.S. Army.
” Reflecting this logic , the film portrays the ESD as overwhelmingly American , a kind of global ( even interplanetary ) police force around which every other country ’ s population unites to fight off the outside threat .
“ Independence Day : Resurgence ” propagates the narrative that the world should get behind U.S. imperialism and accept—even be grateful for—the U.S. ’ s position as the leading military superpower .
In the campaign ’ s first phase leading up to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2016 , the Army worked to “ expose prospects to the U.S. Army as a versatile , advanced , highly-capable force in a way that ’ s hyper-relevant to IDR fans ’ passion for the movie.
” The appeal of this global force was fueled by online recruitment , social sharing , and producing videos “ highlighting [ the ] Army as the leading force , which utilized alien technology to advance human technology and fight back.
” At times , the briefings make it seem like the Army thought that the events @ @ @ @ @ @ @ films had actually happened .
Army-funded TV spots in the spring of 2016 featured an ESD-deployed father talking to his son via video chat .
As the documents describe , this was designed to raise “ awareness of the ESD forces and reach out to new recruits .
We ’ re going to focus on the people who care about them while they ’ re away.
” Emphasizing this intentional blending of fiction and reality , one of the aims of the second phase—which began shortly before the movie came out—was to “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ based on real-life Army soldiers and heroes who make a difference for the nation and the world every day.
” This phase involved positioning the Army as the institution “ most responsible for American independence and inspire prospects to be a part of it by leveraging the central themes of the movie.
” According to one briefing , the Army recommended that their campaign , “ utilize the core themes of the film , surrounding independence , to continue to align Army with Patriotism , Independence and the equity of the holiday to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the military to co-opt the national holiday , and the ideas behind it , show how they tried to occupy not just political and cultural territory but philosophical and ideological territory as well .
Roger Stahl , an academic specializing in military influence on popular media , commented , “ They try to colonize— ’ own ’ —the holiday and even the sacred notion of ‘ independence.
’ I mean , first the film franchise did it , and now the Army .
As a true American , that really sticks in my @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the holiday was made even more absurd by the fact that the U.S. Army did not even exist in the 1770s .
Furthermore , U.S. independence was as much the result of legislators , politicians , and free thinkers as it was a consequence of military triumphs .
Phase two additionally included promotional screenings on military bases and “ soldier reaction ” videos put out via traditional social media and live updates posted to “ emerging platforms , ” like Periscope and Snapchat .
These posts were liked , shared , tagged , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ content amplified “ via paid social media ads.
” They even arranged for “ soldier actor interaction linking reality and fiction.
” In addition to the screenings and activities around them , the Army ’ s campaign cost over $ 2 million , and their measurements for the project ’ s effectiveness relied heavily on what they termed “ perceptual drivers ” and “ perceptional research points , ” i.e .
the messaging and associations they injected into people ’ s minds .
Despite the sophistication of the Army ’ s campaign , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tangible measure for success was an estimated increase in visits to goarmy.com , from around 1.5 million per month to 3 million .
But according to the Army ’ s metrics , this likely produced only 5,000 “ Pre-screened Quality/STEM/Tech Driven ” leads for potential Army recruits .
The sequel bombed with audiences and critics .
It made less than $ 400 million worldwide on a $ 315 million production and marketing budget , and it boasts a 29 % score on Rotten Tomatoes .
Was it worth it ?
Even for those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military recruitment and the Army “ owning ” a national holiday , is it worth spending $ 2 million of taxpayer money on a fake viral internet phenomenon ?
Especially a campaign based around a terrible film that no one asked for and few people wanted ?
These documents reveal how wasteful and ineffective the Army ’ s chillingly sophisticated approach was for advertising around the movie .
The Army went to extreme lengths to associate the fictional battle against a fictional threat with their role in the real world , and even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as independence and freedom that they claimed for themselves .
Yet , their campaign was immediately forgettable .

The Pentagon did not provide production support to the movie “Independence Day” because it portrayed the military as ineffective against the alien threat. There also was dialogue mentioning Area 51 and Will Smith’s Air Force character dated a stripper. But in 2016, the United States Army developed a months-long, multi-platform promotional campaign for the movie’s sequel.
Documents released under the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) show the campaign for “Independence Day: Resurgence” was pursued to blend fiction and reality, boost recruitment, and alter the public’s perception of the Army.
Through a technologically and psychologically sophisticated campaign, the U.S. Army’s project was part of the 2016 “Patriotic Season” campaign. Personnel attempted “to associate America’s Independence with the US Army and own it.”
The Army hoped to leverage 20th Century Fox’s $150 million advertising budget for the movie to spread their messaging. A “case study” boasts of cast members and actual soldiers, who made an appearance on ABC’s “Good Morning America.”
Using appropriately Hollywood rhetoric, the Army’s ad agency “laid out a strategic vision which [tied] the Army in relevant ways to the movie, demonstrating the Army’s ability to prevail against any obstacle and be the only force with the scale, scope, capabilities and critical thinking to protect our nation now and in an uncertain future.”
In particular, personnel had a “perceptual goal” to “overcome strongly held misperceptions of the Army as low-tech, ordinary,” and a “last resort option” for those looking to join the military.
The ad agency wanted to replace this impression with the idea that the Army is a “versatile, highly-trained, adaptable team.” The campaign asserted Independence Day was “brought to you by and defended by the U.S. Army.” They adopted a full-spectrum approach, using everything from TV spots, to paid digital ads, to hiring Wild Posting, a marketing agency, to set up an outdoor media campaign for buses, benches, and billboards.
Fox used the innovative technique of pretending that the events of the first film actually happened and that there was a real “War of ‘96” following the alien invasion. This included mock-ups of news broadcasts, discussion panels, and even a fake Las Vegas Tourism Board video showing tourists gambling in the ruins of the city.
The stars of the film appeared in imitation PSAs to inform the public about how they could help the war effort and urged them to sign up for ESD—the Earth Space Defense, a global military force that features heavily in “Independence Day: Resurgence.”
The JoinESD.com website was nothing more than a “landing experience” including ESD-themed puzzle games, which became a click funnel that redirected to GoArmy.com, the Army’s primary recruitment website.
Fox agreed that their Warof96.com site would include a prominent link to JoinESD, further boosting visits to the Army’s own websites.
The Army created hashtag campaigns and hired a social media influencer known as Cat Valdes to produce a video explaining the site and encouraging viewers to visit it.
The U.S. military astroturfed an entire viral internet phenomenon. Through paid search marketing, users were directed to the Army’s content and websites, and they paid for social media ads to boost the unique content they created.
Puzzles on JoinESD.com were based around scientific and technical challenges to inspire the recruitment of science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) students.
No production assistance was provided by the Pentagon for the sequel, but still, the Army’s promotional efforts linked the film to the real-life American military by “drawing parallels between the fictitious themes (overcoming complex environments, rising up to defeat any opponent) and where the writers get that from—the real U.S. Army.”
Reflecting this logic, the film portrays the ESD as overwhelmingly American, a kind of global (even interplanetary) police force around which every other country’s population unites to fight off the outside threat.
“Independence Day: Resurgence” propagates the narrative that the world should get behind U.S. imperialism and accept—even be grateful for—the U.S.’s position as the leading military superpower.
In the campaign’s first phase leading up to the movie’s release in June 2016, the Army worked to “expose prospects to the U.S. Army as a versatile, advanced, highly-capable force in a way that’s hyper-relevant to IDR fans’ passion for the movie.” The appeal of this global force was fueled by online recruitment, social sharing, and producing videos “highlighting [the] Army as the leading force, which utilized alien technology to advance human technology and fight back.”
At times, the briefings make it seem like the Army thought that the events of the two “Independence Day” films had actually happened. Army-funded TV spots in the spring of 2016 featured an ESD-deployed father talking to his son via video chat.
As the documents describe, this was designed to raise “awareness of the ESD forces and reach out to new recruits. We’re going to focus on the people who care about them while they’re away.”
Emphasizing this intentional blending of fiction and reality, one of the aims of the second phase—which began shortly before the movie came out—was to “highlight that fictional movies and heroics are based on real-life Army soldiers and heroes who make a difference for the nation and the world every day.”
This phase involved positioning the Army as the institution “most responsible for American independence and inspire prospects to be a part of it by leveraging the central themes of the movie.”
According to one briefing, the Army recommended that their campaign, “utilize the core themes of the film, surrounding independence, to continue to align Army with Patriotism, Independence and the equity of the holiday to further build ownability.”
The attempt by the military to co-opt the national holiday, and the ideas behind it, show how they tried to occupy not just political and cultural territory but philosophical and ideological territory as well.
Roger Stahl, an academic specializing in military influence on popular media, commented, “They try to colonize—’own’—the holiday and even the sacred notion of ‘independence.’ I mean, first the film franchise did it, and now the Army. As a true American, that really sticks in my craw.”
Trying to “own” the holiday was made even more absurd by the fact that the U.S. Army did not even exist in the 1770s. Furthermore, U.S. independence was as much the result of legislators, politicians, and free thinkers as it was a consequence of military triumphs.
Phase two additionally included promotional screenings on military bases and “soldier reaction” videos put out via traditional social media and live updates posted to “emerging platforms,” like Periscope and Snapchat. These posts were liked, shared, tagged, and retweeted by Army employees, alongside content amplified “via paid social media ads.” They even arranged for “soldier actor interaction linking reality and fiction.”
In addition to the screenings and activities around them, the Army’s campaign cost over $2 million, and their measurements for the project’s effectiveness relied heavily on what they termed “perceptual drivers” and “perceptional research points,” i.e. the messaging and associations they injected into people’s minds.
Despite the sophistication of the Army’s campaign, it was a flop. The only tangible measure for success was an estimated increase in visits to goarmy.com, from around 1.5 million per month to 3 million. But according to the Army’s metrics, this likely produced only 5,000 “Pre-screened Quality/STEM/Tech Driven” leads for potential Army recruits.
The sequel bombed with audiences and critics. It made less than $400 million worldwide on a $315 million production and marketing budget, and it boasts a 29% score on Rotten Tomatoes.
Was it worth it? Even for those who may believe in a need for military recruitment and the Army “owning” a national holiday, is it worth spending $2 million of taxpayer money on a fake viral internet phenomenon? Especially a campaign based around a terrible film that no one asked for and few people wanted?
These documents reveal how wasteful and ineffective the Army’s chillingly sophisticated approach was for advertising around the movie.
The Army went to extreme lengths to associate the fictional battle against a fictional threat with their role in the real world, and even with abstract and sacred notions, such as independence and freedom that they claimed for themselves. Yet, their campaign was immediately forgettable.


shadowproof--2020-02-11--Decriminalizing Sex Work Is Popular Among Democrats And Independents

Over 150 Sex worker activists from around the world gather at the Pre-Conference Networking Meeting , ahead of the International AIDS Conference in Amsterdam 2018 .
Photo by Juno Mac on Flickr .
A majority of Americans somewhat or strongly support the decriminalization of sex work .
Nearly half of voters surveyed supported ending the policing of sex work , according to a January poll administered by Data For Progress and YouGov Blue .
Sixty-four percent of Democrats , 55 percent of independents , and 37 percent of Republicans indicated they support decriminalization .
In particular , Democrats and independents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among young people across the ideological spectrum , showed solid support for such reform .
A comprehensive approach to decriminalization would involve amending laws that criminalize sex workers , their clients , and their support networks , including laws that permit police profiling .
It also means providing labor protections and other necessary services to sex workers .
None of the Democrats currently running for the presidential nomination have claimed the mantle of decriminalization .
This is unfortunate not only because it is the right thing to do but also because their base @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Among the candidates vying to challenge President Donald Trump for the White House in 2020 , all either supported the Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act ( FOSTA ) in April 2018—or the Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act ( SESTA ) —or they have not made their positions clear .
The controversial law claimed to want to help “ victims of sex trafficking.
” Instead , it pushed sex workers off the internet and back onto the street , increasing their vulnerability to poverty and violence .
As of this writing , an aggregate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Joe Biden , Senator Bernie Sanders , former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg , and Senator Elizabeth Warren as the top four contenders for the nomination .
Michael Bloomberg and Joe Biden are unlikely to support decriminalization .
In fact , it would not be unreasonable to assume they might even ramp-up criminalization .
Bloomberg was the only candidate to receive an “ F ” grade from Decriminalize Sex Work .
The organization cited his “ degrading public remarks and punitive policies , ” as well as that showed a spike in arrests @ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers during his tenure as mayor of New York City .
Biden told voters in Nevada last year that he would not support decriminalization , though he would not interfere in state regulation .
Meanwhile , Sanders and Warren have run on platforms emphasizing labor rights , yet both voted for the legislation .
Warren , in particular , has co-sponsored “ anti-trafficking ” legislation with Senator Marco Rubio that advocates say could cause sex workers to lose access to their bank accounts .
While decriminalization ’ s absence is disappointing for campaigns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , gender , ability , and class oppression ( all of which intersect with sex work ) , there is hope that both candidates may come around .
At the end of 2019 , Sanders and Warren signed on to a bill introduced by Representative Ro Khanna ( CA-17 ) that would study the efficacy of SESTA-FOSTA and its impact on sex work .
Warren and Sanders told reporters they were considering decriminalization after backing Tiffany Cabán ’ s campaign for Queens district attorney , but it remains to be seen whether they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is part of a new report called “ Decriminalizing Survival.
” Written by Data For Progress fellow Nina Luo in partnership with several groups that support sex worker rights , it provides a comprehensive analysis of sex work and why decriminalization is the best path for safety , stability , and justice for those engaged in it .
Sex work is a highly stigmatized and criminalized form of labor .
Criminalization is not easy to disassemble because it is not a result of one law or policy ; it is the product of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and actors in government .
“ With other forms of labor , people trade sex for reasons that exist on a spectrum of choice , circumstance , and coercion , ” the report states .
Most people trade sex for survival because they have been excluded from the formal economy due to discrimination .
The precarity of sex work , enhanced by stigma and criminalization , means sex workers who experience traumatic sexual violence often have little-to-no recourse or support .
“ I started [ sex work ] when I was 15 because @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to pay for all kinds of expenses to take care of my child—diapers , clothes , transportation , toys , doctors appointments , ” said Tamika Spellman .
She ’ s the Advocacy Director for HIPS , an organization working to end the policing and criminalization of trans people .
When Spellman was 20 years old during the Don ’ t Ask , Don ’ t Tell era , she joined the military , where she was sexually assaulted .
When she tried to report it , she was interrogated by her supervisor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military .
She said she ’ s been raped by police in multiple cities to avoid going to jail .
“ There were times I tried to stop doing sex work and tried to just work a straight job , but bills would start piling up again , ” Spellman added .
She faced gender discrimination , like when she worked at McDonald ’ s but was refused certifications , raises , and promotions .
Sex work helped Spellman survive during periods of homelessness and unemployment .
“ This is only the second @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ve been paid enough at a job , where I don ’ t need to do sex work to survive , ” Spellman said .
“ From 1988 to now , that ’ s more than 30 years apart between times when I ’ ve had a living wage job in my life.
” Sex work criminalization spans jurisdictions and is comprised of a multitude of charges , including : prostitution , soliciting , promoting prostitution , pandering , brothel-keeping , and even permitting or loitering for the purposes of prostitution .
According @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ Anyone who lives with , works with , or provides services to sex workers is vulnerable to criminalization.
” That criminalization also “ entirely discredits them as ‘ victims ’ so that they are often not believed when reporting rape or violence to the police.
” Sex work policing is accurately described as “ stop-and-frisk policing for women and trans and gender non-conforming communities.
” Loitering statutes empower police to “ profile , harass , and arrest women of color , especially trans women of color , for existing in public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ engaging in sex work.
” The ensuing criminal records “ prevent people from accessing housing and employment and further entrap people in cycles of poverty and isolation.
” Bianey Garcia , the TGNCIQ Justice Organizer for Make The Road , said they were arrested four times for prostitution .
“ Only once was I actually doing sex work .
The other three arrests were just profiling because I ’ m a trans woman.
” “ One time , I was walking and holding hands with my boyfriend and the police arrested me .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ were waiting for some of our other friends outside a bar and two police officers jumped out of a van , pushed our faces against the wall , and searched our purses .
They found condoms , which was apparently enough for them to charge us with loitering for the purposes of prostitution.
” “ It ’ s ridiculous that people have to carry their marriage certificates with them to prove that the person walking next to them is not a client , ” Garcia asserted .
“ It ’ s ridiculous that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ space without getting arrested and sent to jail.
” The report debunks the strategies behind some of the more popular responses to sex work .
“ Anti-trafficking ” campaigns , for example , have become a common subterfuge for policing voluntary sex work in recent years .
Forced sexual exploitation makes up only 20 percent of trafficking cases and most people who sell sex are not trafficked .
Yet law enforcement use it to justify sting operations , busts , and mass arrests of sex workers while targeting relatively few operations that can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reality , decriminalization is the best anti-sex trafficking policy because it allows sex workers to report abuse and exploitation .
It breaks down the false dichotomy between sex worker and survivor , and doesn ’ t disrupt support networks and communities that provide safety .
By diminishing stigma and generating economic and social stability , it reduces the vulnerability upon which real sex traffickers prey .
Coercive diversion programs are another popular approach .
Typically , a small number of arrestees are offered participation in diversion programs .
Even fewer “ graduate ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ participation is often grueling and punitive , and constitutes a different shade of criminalization .
For example , in New York ’ s Human Trafficking Intervention Courts , “ People experience arrest , jail , arraignment , vulnerability to ICE , and then several months to years of court appointments and mandatory counseling sessions.
” Layleen Polanco Xtravangza , a Black trans sex worker , died in solitary confinement on Rikers Island while held on a $ 500 bail for missing HTIC appointments .
Another popular approach known as the Nordic Model targets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the sex industry so dangerous and violent that it ends.
” Decriminalization , on the other hand , would liberate cisgender and trans women and gender-nonconforming people from the jaws of the criminal legal system .
“ Decriminalization does not call for arrest-based diversion programs or courts , increased investment in ‘ community-based policing ’ of sex work , rescue raids , or increases in prosecutor budgets , discretionary power , or staff size , ” the report proclaims .
“ [ It ] does not call for repealing one prostitution-related statute while @ @ @ @ @ @ @ laws that criminalize sex workers , their clients , and anyone who lives or works with sex workers , ” the report further contends “ Decriminalization does not call for creating a legal system of sex work that is so restrictive that it excludes and still criminalize the vast majority of participants.
” Sex worker criminalization is , in many ways , a lynchpin of oppression disproportionately harming marginalized communities .
As it stands , so many impacted people turn to the informal economy for survival because of discrimination .
And so many @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surveillance as a result .
Decriminalization is , therefore , an intersectional strategy that advances racial justice , LGBTQ+ justice , gender equity , immigrant rights , labor rights , and health care rights .
Criminalization “ interferes with efforts to prevent and treat HIV/AIDS and other health conditions in several ways.
” Stigma prevents sex workers from accessing and being transparent with health care providers .
And it fuels the overdose crisis because many sex workers use opioids , disrupting access to treatment and harm reduction strategies .
Sex workers ’ rights @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , sex workers rely on whisper networks and other methods of community support instead .
But those are also currently criminalized as enabling or promoting prostitution .
It stands to reason that if the Democratic Party sees itself as a party of justice for workers and marginalized people then supporting sex work decriminalization would go a long way toward advancing those struggles .

New polling shows a majority of American voters support decriminalizing sex work.
Nearly half of voters surveyed supported ending the policing of sex work and a majority said they somewhat or strongly support decriminalization, according to a January poll administered by Data For Progress and YouGov Blue.
Sixty-four percent of Democrats, 55 percent of independents, and 37 percent of Republicans indicated they support decriminalization.
In particular, Democrats and independents in suburban areas, as well as young people across the ideological spectrum, showed solid support for such reform.
A comprehensive approach to decriminalization would involve amending laws that criminalize sex workers, their clients, and their support networks, including laws that permit police profiling. It also means providing labor protections and other necessary services to sex workers.
None of the Democrats currently running for the presidential nomination have claimed the mantle of decriminalization. This is unfortunate not only because it is the right thing to do but also because their base and target voters support it overwhelmingly.
Among the candidates vying to challenge President Donald Trump for the White House in 2020, all either supported the Fight Online Sex Trafficking Act (FOSTA) in April 2018—or the Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act (SESTA)—or they have not made their positions clear.
The controversial law claimed to want to help “victims of sex trafficking.” Instead, it pushed sex workers off the internet and back onto the street, increasing their vulnerability to poverty and violence.
As of this writing, an aggregate of national polls show former Vice President Joe Biden, Senator Bernie Sanders, former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg, and Senator Elizabeth Warren as the top four contenders for the nomination.
Michael Bloomberg and Joe Biden are unlikely to support decriminalization. In fact, it would not be unreasonable to assume they might even ramp-up criminalization.
Bloomberg was the only candidate to receive an “F” grade from Decriminalize Sex Work. The organization cited his “degrading public remarks and punitive policies,” as well as that showed a spike in arrests for prostitution almost exclusively among Black sex workers during his tenure as mayor of New York City.
Biden told voters in Nevada last year that he would not support decriminalization, though he would not interfere in state regulation.
Meanwhile, Sanders and Warren have run on platforms emphasizing labor rights, yet both voted for the legislation. Warren, in particular, has co-sponsored “anti-trafficking” legislation with Senator Marco Rubio that advocates say could cause sex workers to lose access to their bank accounts.
While decriminalization’s absence is disappointing for campaigns that say they are focused on racial, gender, ability, and class oppression (all of which intersect with sex work), there is hope that both candidates may come around.
At the end of 2019, Sanders and Warren signed on to a bill introduced by Representative Ro Khanna (CA-17) that would study the efficacy of SESTA-FOSTA and its impact on sex work.
Warren and Sanders told reporters they were considering decriminalization after backing Tiffany Cabán’s campaign for Queens district attorney, but it remains to be seen whether they actually will declare support.
Sex Work For Survival
The polling is part of a new report called “Decriminalizing Survival.” Written by Data For Progress fellow Nina Luo in partnership with several groups that support sex worker rights, it provides a comprehensive analysis of sex work and why decriminalization is the best path for safety, stability, and justice for those engaged in it.
Sex work is a highly stigmatized and criminalized form of labor. Criminalization is not easy to disassemble because it is not a result of one law or policy; it is the product of a patchwork of legislation, institutions, and actors in government.
“With other forms of labor, people trade sex for reasons that exist on a spectrum of choice, circumstance, and coercion,” the report states.
Most people trade sex for survival because they have been excluded from the formal economy due to discrimination.
The precarity of sex work, enhanced by stigma and criminalization, means sex workers who experience traumatic sexual violence often have little-to-no recourse or support.
“I started [sex work] when I was 15 because I had a child and I needed to pay for all kinds of expenses to take care of my child—diapers, clothes, transportation, toys, doctors appointments,” said Tamika Spellman. She’s the Advocacy Director for HIPS, an organization working to end the policing and criminalization of trans people.
When Spellman was 20 years old during the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell era, she joined the military, where she was sexually assaulted. When she tried to report it, she was interrogated by her supervisor for being gay and discharged from the military. She said she’s been raped by police in multiple cities to avoid going to jail.
“There were times I tried to stop doing sex work and tried to just work a straight job, but bills would start piling up again,” Spellman added. She faced gender discrimination, like when she worked at McDonald’s but was refused certifications, raises, and promotions.
Sex work helped Spellman survive during periods of homelessness and unemployment.
“This is only the second time in my life where I’ve been paid enough at a job, where I don’t need to do sex work to survive,” Spellman said. “From 1988 to now, that’s more than 30 years apart between times when I’ve had a living wage job in my life.”
Sex work criminalization spans jurisdictions and is comprised of a multitude of charges, including: prostitution, soliciting, promoting prostitution, pandering, brothel-keeping, and even permitting or loitering for the purposes of prostitution.
According to the report, as a result, “Anyone who lives with, works with, or provides services to sex workers is vulnerable to criminalization.”
That criminalization also “entirely discredits them as ‘victims’ so that they are often not believed when reporting rape or violence to the police.”
Sex work policing is accurately described as “stop-and-frisk policing for women and trans and gender non-conforming communities.” Loitering statutes empower police to “profile, harass, and arrest women of color, especially trans women of color, for existing in public spaces even when they’re not engaging in sex work.”
The ensuing criminal records “prevent people from accessing housing and employment and further entrap people in cycles of poverty and isolation.”
Bianey Garcia, the TGNCIQ Justice Organizer for Make The Road, said they were arrested four times for prostitution. “Only once was I actually doing sex work. The other three arrests were just profiling because I’m a trans woman.”
“One time, I was walking and holding hands with my boyfriend and the police arrested me. Another time, my friends and I were waiting for some of our other friends outside a bar and two police officers jumped out of a van, pushed our faces against the wall, and searched our purses. They found condoms, which was apparently enough for them to charge us with loitering for the purposes of prostitution.”
“It’s ridiculous that people have to carry their marriage certificates with them to prove that the person walking next to them is not a client,” Garcia asserted. “It’s ridiculous that trans women can’t occupy public space without getting arrested and sent to jail.”
Debunking Popular Sex Work Reforms
The report debunks the strategies behind some of the more popular responses to sex work.
“Anti-trafficking” campaigns, for example, have become a common subterfuge for policing voluntary sex work in recent years.
Forced sexual exploitation makes up only 20 percent of trafficking cases and most people who sell sex are not trafficked. Yet law enforcement use it to justify sting operations, busts, and mass arrests of sex workers while targeting relatively few operations that can be accurately described as trafficking.
In reality, decriminalization is the best anti-sex trafficking policy because it allows sex workers to report abuse and exploitation. It breaks down the false dichotomy between sex worker and survivor, and doesn’t disrupt support networks and communities that provide safety.
By diminishing stigma and generating economic and social stability, it reduces the vulnerability upon which real sex traffickers prey.
Coercive diversion programs are another popular approach. Typically, a small number of arrestees are offered participation in diversion programs. Even fewer “graduate” and benefit from them. But that participation is often grueling and punitive, and constitutes a different shade of criminalization.
For example, in New York’s Human Trafficking Intervention Courts, “People experience arrest, jail, arraignment, vulnerability to ICE, and then several months to years of court appointments and mandatory counseling sessions.”
Layleen Polanco Xtravangza, a Black trans sex worker, died in solitary confinement on Rikers Island while held on a $500 bail for missing HTIC appointments.
Another popular approach known as the Nordic Model targets demand but also works to “make the sex industry so dangerous and violent that it ends.”
Decriminalization, on the other hand, would liberate cisgender and trans women and gender-nonconforming people from the jaws of the criminal legal system.
“Decriminalization does not call for arrest-based diversion programs or courts, increased investment in ‘community-based policing’ of sex work, rescue raids, or increases in prosecutor budgets, discretionary power, or staff size,” the report proclaims.
“[It] does not call for repealing one prostitution-related statute while maintaining or building a complex web of laws that criminalize sex workers, their clients, and anyone who lives or works with sex workers,” the report further contends “Decriminalization does not call for creating a legal system of sex work that is so restrictive that it excludes and still criminalize the vast majority of participants.”
A Lynchpin Of Oppressions
Sex worker criminalization is, in many ways, a lynchpin of oppression disproportionately harming marginalized communities. As it stands, so many impacted people turn to the informal economy for survival because of discrimination. And so many of those individuals suffer police contact and surveillance as a result.
Decriminalization is, therefore, an intersectional strategy that advances racial justice, LGBTQ+ justice, gender equity, immigrant rights, labor rights, and health care rights.
Criminalization “interferes with efforts to prevent and treat HIV/AIDS and other health conditions in several ways.” Stigma prevents sex workers from accessing and being transparent with health care providers. And it fuels the overdose crisis because many sex workers use opioids, disrupting access to treatment and harm reduction strategies.
Sex workers’ rights are workers’ rights. Without them, sex workers rely on whisper networks and other methods of community support instead. But those are also currently criminalized as enabling or promoting prostitution.
It stands to reason that if the Democratic Party sees itself as a party of justice for workers and marginalized people then supporting sex work decriminalization would go a long way toward advancing those struggles.


shadowproof--2020-02-12--All 50 States Report Prison Understaffing

Every state in the nation has reported prison staffing shortages since 2017 , according to research by Shadowproof .
This is concerning because “ staff shortages ” are historically used to push for greater investments in prison systems , oftentimes riding reform waves like the one the United States is experiencing currently .
Officials claim investments are part of the modernization and improvement of carceral systems .
Yet , as evidenced by the recurrence of reform movements every few decades , violence and abuse persist , and the staffing issues never truly abate .
In the first month of 2020 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crises in several states .
Such issues were raised in the vast majority of other states in 2019 .
Mississippi garnered national recognition for the deaths and atrocious conditions at Parchman .
Staff levels were among the first excuses for such problems .
“ Almost half of the roughly 1,300 corrections positions in three major facilities in Mississippi remain unfilled , ” CBS News reported on January 23 , pointing to a lawsuit blaming “ the recent outbreaks of violence on the ‘ culmination of years of severe understaffing and neglect at Mississippi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prisons are rife with violence , neglect , and inhumane conditions .
An incident at Lee Correctional Institution sparked the 2018 national prison strike .
In media and political circles , this was attributed to understaffing and contraband .
Prison officials readily blame understaffing for enabling the flow of contraband into facilities despite the regular arrest of correction officers for that exact offense .
South Carolina ’ s The State reported in April 2019 that prison leaders said understaffing was a “ long-standing problem , ” adding , “ From providing medical care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prisons , the staffing crisis is a weight around the department ’ s ankles , resulting in high staff turnover and a dangerous work environment for those who remain on the job.
” In nearly every state , understaffing accompanies millions upon millions of dollars in overtime payments to corrections officers working extra shifts .
Overtime is mandatory in many prison systems with officers working long and often back-to-back shifts .
The focus on staffing needs over decarceration creates resistance to efforts to reduce correctional spending .
All too often , the only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be throwing even more money at corrections departments , in no small part thanks to the power of officer unions .
The rhetoric is so constrained that only further investments in carceral capacity are seen as the solution .
“ It ’ s getting so bad in Florida ’ s prisons that legislators are not only receiving dire warnings from Florida Department of Corrections Secretary Mark Inch .
They also have heard from a cadre of state prison wardens—a much rarer occurrence in the state capitol , ” the Tampa Bay Times reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are urging state senators to address desperate conditions with adequate funding .
Those conditions include ignored routine maintenance , low salaries , routine 12-hour overtime shifts , poor working conditions and gang violence.
” In October , the Florida Phoenix reported the state paid $ 77 million to prison staff , “ an exploding price tag stemming from the inability to hire and keep correctional officers at the state ’ s Department of Corrections.
” Alabama ’ s prison officials evacuated most of one of the state ’ s most atrocious prisons , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Again , these conditions are attributed to the fact that the prisons have “ suffered for many years from chronic understaffing and overcrowding.
” “ At Holman , in particular , the Justice Department found that the prison ’ s staff of authorized correctional officers was less than a fifth of what it should be , ” declared the Delaware Republic on January 29 .
Meanwhile , Alabama prison staff made over $ 26.6 million in overtime payments in 2016 .
One CO made almost as much as the governor and , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 39,000 , he brought home almost $ 118,000 in 2017 thanks to overtime .
In 2017 , the Ohio prison system paid corrections officers and other staff the most out of any other state agency : $ 61.7 million .
This was nearly $ 49 million more in overtime compensation than the Department of Public Safety , which took the second-most amount in the state .
Terrible conditions in Colorado ’ s prisons are attributed to understaffing , according to a CorrectionsOne report from January 2019 .
The state paid $ 19.7 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Despite offering incentives like sign-on bonuses , the pay is only $ 41,000 a year .
The [ Colorado ] Department of Corrections requested more money to increase pay and hire more officers over the years , but requests have been denied because lawmakers want criminal justice reform first.
” New Jersey paid $ 38 million in overtime in 2018 while corrections officials complain about high turnover and fewer recruits .
In Rhode Island , 23 corrections officers made over $ 100,000 or more a year in overtime compensation .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 30.4 million in overtime in 2018 .
This was attributed to a “ hiring freeze that diminished the ranks.
” Arizona officer vacancy is expected to reach 25 percent by 2021 .
At the same time , “ 62 % of all the overtime paid out by the state in 2017-18 came from one department , the Department of Corrections .
More than $ 40 million were spent on overtime , more than every other state agency combined.
” In Wisconsin , prison officials complained that it was difficult to hire and retain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ low morale and should be paid more .
But Wisconsin Department of Corrections “ spent 500 % of its overtime budget for the current two-year budget period after just one year.
” The president of the local corrections officer union in Michigan said facilities were “ anywhere from 30 to 40 officers short , which results in daily , mandatory shifts of overtime , ” which came close to $ 70 million in 2017 .
The corrections officer union in Pennsylvania contended the ratio of staff to prisoners was 100-to-1 .
“ In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alone with 100 or more inmates at any given time .
No officer should ever be left alone .
This must be addressed.
” Meanwhile , Pennsylvania ’ s Department of Corrections is on track to spend $ 108 million in overtime by the end of June , “ even as the state prison population has declined at a historic rate , ” according to Corrections Secretary John Wetzel .
“ North Carolina paid prison officers more than $ 45 million in overtime last year , about 10 times more than it did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reported to the Charlotte Observer .
“ Maryland ’ s prisons are facing what union officials and state lawmakers are calling a ‘ staffing crisis ’ ― a shortage of about 1,000 officers , about 20 % of positions , ” the Baltimore Sun reported .
The vacancies are on top of the 929 correctional officer positions Governor Larry Hogan ’ s administration eliminated as the prison population became smaller , according to legislative analysts .
The state paid $ 129 million in overtime to correctional officers in 2019 and expects to pay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Illinois Department of Corrections used 977,742 hours of overtime at a cost of nearly $ 43 million in fiscal year 2018 .
California spent $ 340 million on overtime compensation in 2015 .
Wisconsin has fought excessive vacancies by “ handing out $ 2,000 bonuses to those who take jobs at some of the most under-staffed prisons ” while spending $ 50.6 million on overtime in 2018 .
Oklahoma spent $ 15 million on overtime in the face of staff shortages , and even tried to recruit teenagers out of high @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t short-staffed , but that hasn ’ t stopped opportunistic lawmakers and union officials from claiming otherwise .
It also didn ’ t stop the state from spending $ 221 million on overtime in 2017 .
Indiana was perhaps the lone exception to the rule .
While state prison officials have not declared there ’ s an understanding issue , county jails have raised the alarm .
This is partially due to recent criminal justice reforms in the state that sent people to county jails that would have otherwise gone to prison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ encourage contracts with private prison companies and county jails , both of which have their own staffing issues .
With low staffing levels , a relatively few corrections officers in many states can make more than $ 100,000 a year including overtime .
Presumably , if staffing levels are where they should be , there ’ s less overtime but far more in employee salaries and benefits .
How is it financially sustainable to increase either on top of the mounting health care and other costs of caging people ?
Will this check @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deliberate choice or not , the rhetorical framing of prison crises as primarily staff crises narrows the available remedies .
Predictably , lawmakers , law enforcement , and even many prisoner advocates call for more officers .
They demand more generous salaries and benefits , which they argue will attract less-barbaric corrections officers .
Greater investments in technology should be made , new bedspace or updated facilities must be built , and care of all kinds must be entrenched further into the prison system , they argue .
In the end , staffing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decriminalization , sentencing reform , and clemency .
A deluge of arrests , the layering charges , the coercion of pleas , the high rate of convictions , and long sentences are seen as almost a completely separate issue .

Editor’s Note 🔓 We’ve unlocked this edition of our members-only newsletter. Become a member for $5/month or more to gain access to interviews with our reporters, arts and culture reviews, and bulletins like this one.
Every state in the nation has reported prison staffing shortages since 2017, according to research by Shadowproof.
This is concerning because “staff shortages” are historically used to push for greater investments in prison systems, oftentimes riding reform waves like the one the United States is experiencing currently.
Officials claim investments are part of the modernization and improvement of carceral systems. Yet, as evidenced by the recurrence of reform movements every few decades, violence and abuse persist, and the staffing issues never truly abate.
In the first month of 2020, journalists called attention to so-called staffing crises in several states. Such issues were raised in the vast majority of other states in 2019.
View data on prison “understaffing” claims and overtime
Mississippi garnered national recognition for the deaths and atrocious conditions at Parchman. Staff levels were among the first excuses for such problems.
“Almost half of the roughly 1,300 corrections positions in three major facilities in Mississippi remain unfilled,” CBS News reported on January 23, pointing to a lawsuit blaming “the recent outbreaks of violence on the ‘culmination of years of severe understaffing and neglect at Mississippi’s prisons.’”
South Carolina prisons are rife with violence, neglect, and inhumane conditions. An incident at Lee Correctional Institution sparked the 2018 national prison strike.
In media and political circles, this was attributed to understaffing and contraband. Prison officials readily blame understaffing for enabling the flow of contraband into facilities despite the regular arrest of correction officers for that exact offense.
South Carolina’s The State reported in April 2019 that prison leaders said understaffing was a “long-standing problem,” adding, “From providing medical care to mitigating violence to rehabilitating inmates inside prisons, the staffing crisis is a weight around the department’s ankles, resulting in high staff turnover and a dangerous work environment for those who remain on the job.”
In nearly every state, understaffing accompanies millions upon millions of dollars in overtime payments to corrections officers working extra shifts. Overtime is mandatory in many prison systems with officers working long and often back-to-back shifts.
The focus on staffing needs over decarceration creates resistance to efforts to reduce correctional spending. All too often, the only conceivable remedy for this situation seems to be throwing even more money at corrections departments, in no small part thanks to the power of officer unions.
The rhetoric is so constrained that only further investments in carceral capacity are seen as the solution.
“It’s getting so bad in Florida’s prisons that legislators are not only receiving dire warnings from Florida Department of Corrections Secretary Mark Inch. They also have heard from a cadre of state prison wardens—a much rarer occurrence in the state capitol,” the Tampa Bay Times reported on January 3. “The wardens are urging state senators to address desperate conditions with adequate funding. Those conditions include ignored routine maintenance, low salaries, routine 12-hour overtime shifts, poor working conditions and gang violence.”
In October, the Florida Phoenix reported the state paid $77 million to prison staff, “an exploding price tag stemming from the inability to hire and keep correctional officers at the state’s Department of Corrections.”
Alabama’s prison officials evacuated most of one of the state’s most atrocious prisons, and the department faces a federal inquiry. Again, these conditions are attributed to the fact that the prisons have “suffered for many years from chronic understaffing and overcrowding.”
“At Holman, in particular, the Justice Department found that the prison’s staff of authorized correctional officers was less than a fifth of what it should be,” declared the Delaware Republic on January 29.
Meanwhile, Alabama prison staff made over $26.6 million in overtime payments in 2016. One CO made almost as much as the governor and, with a base salary of nearly $39,000, he brought home almost $118,000 in 2017 thanks to overtime.
In 2017, the Ohio prison system paid corrections officers and other staff the most out of any other state agency: $61.7 million. This was nearly $49 million more in overtime compensation than the Department of Public Safety, which took the second-most amount in the state.
Terrible conditions in Colorado’s prisons are attributed to understaffing, according to a CorrectionsOne report from January 2019. The state paid $19.7 million in overtime to corrections officers in 2018.
“Despite offering incentives like sign-on bonuses, the pay is only $41,000 a year. The [Colorado] Department of Corrections requested more money to increase pay and hire more officers over the years, but requests have been denied because lawmakers want criminal justice reform first.”
New Jersey paid $38 million in overtime in 2018 while corrections officials complain about high turnover and fewer recruits.
In Rhode Island, 23 corrections officers made over $100,000 or more a year in overtime compensation. The department as a whole paid out $30.4 million in overtime in 2018. This was attributed to a “hiring freeze that diminished the ranks.”
Arizona officer vacancy is expected to reach 25 percent by 2021. At the same time, “62% of all the overtime paid out by the state in 2017-18 came from one department, the Department of Corrections. More than $40 million were spent on overtime, more than every other state agency combined.”
In Wisconsin, prison officials complained that it was difficult to hire and retain workers, and that staff struggle with low morale and should be paid more. But Wisconsin Department of Corrections “spent 500% of its overtime budget for the current two-year budget period after just one year.”
The president of the local corrections officer union in Michigan said facilities were “anywhere from 30 to 40 officers short, which results in daily, mandatory shifts of overtime,” which came close to $70 million in 2017.
The corrections officer union in Pennsylvania contended the ratio of staff to prisoners was 100-to-1. “In many instances, officers are being left alone with 100 or more inmates at any given time. No officer should ever be left alone. This must be addressed.”
Meanwhile, Pennsylvania’s Department of Corrections is on track to spend $108 million in overtime by the end of June, “even as the state prison population has declined at a historic rate,” according to Corrections Secretary John Wetzel.
“North Carolina paid prison officers more than $45 million in overtime last year, about 10 times more than it did in 2011, data show,” reported to the Charlotte Observer.
“Maryland’s prisons are facing what union officials and state lawmakers are calling a ‘staffing crisis’ ― a shortage of about 1,000 officers, about 20% of positions,” the Baltimore Sun reported. The vacancies are on top of the 929 correctional officer positions Governor Larry Hogan’s administration eliminated as the prison population became smaller, according to legislative analysts.
The state paid $129 million in overtime to correctional officers in 2019 and expects to pay $150 million in overtime this year.
The Illinois Department of Corrections used 977,742 hours of overtime at a cost of nearly $43 million in fiscal year 2018. California spent $340 million on overtime compensation in 2015.
Wisconsin has fought excessive vacancies by “handing out $2,000 bonuses to those who take jobs at some of the most under-staffed prisons” while spending $50.6 million on overtime in 2018.
Oklahoma spent $15 million on overtime in the face of staff shortages, and even tried to recruit teenagers out of high school.
New York state prisons aren’t short-staffed, but that hasn’t stopped opportunistic lawmakers and union officials from claiming otherwise. It also didn’t stop the state from spending $221 million on overtime in 2017.
Indiana was perhaps the lone exception to the rule. While state prison officials have not declared there’s an understanding issue, county jails have raised the alarm. This is partially due to recent criminal justice reforms in the state that sent people to county jails that would have otherwise gone to prison in previous years.
Sometimes staffing issues encourage contracts with private prison companies and county jails, both of which have their own staffing issues.
With low staffing levels, a relatively few corrections officers in many states can make more than $100,000 a year including overtime. Presumably, if staffing levels are where they should be, there’s less overtime but far more in employee salaries and benefits. How is it financially sustainable to increase either on top of the mounting health care and other costs of caging people? Will this check ever bounce?
Whether this is a deliberate choice or not, the rhetorical framing of prison crises as primarily staff crises narrows the available remedies.
Predictably, lawmakers, law enforcement, and even many prisoner advocates call for more officers. They demand more generous salaries and benefits, which they argue will attract less-barbaric corrections officers. Greater investments in technology should be made, new bedspace or updated facilities must be built, and care of all kinds must be entrenched further into the prison system, they argue.
In the end, staffing and recruitment always get more airtime than decriminalization, sentencing reform, and clemency.
A deluge of arrests, the layering charges, the coercion of pleas, the high rate of convictions, and long sentences are seen as almost a completely separate issue.


shadowproof--2020-02-13--The Culinary Workers Union, Medicare For All, and the Latest Cynical Attack On Bernie Sanders

During the 2016 election , a false news story about supporters of Senator Bernie Sanders throwing chairs at the Nevada Democratic Party convention spread .
Jon Ralston , who has covered politics in the state for decades , pushed the story .
Now , a few days before early voting in the Nevada caucuses , Ralston appears to be at it again .
He founded The Nevada Independent in 2017 , and the publication is fueling a cynical attack against Sanders and his campaign that involves the Culinary Workers Union .
Ralston will be one of the moderators for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nevada , on February 19 .
The Culinary Workers Union , which has trustees who administer a for-profit Culinary Health Fund , put out a flyer on 2020 presidential candidates that said Sanders would “ End Culinary Healthcare , ” “ require ‘ Medicare For All , ’ ” and “ lower drug prices.
” Megan Messerly , a politics reporter for The Nevada Independent , wrote a post about the flyer that appeared online around the time Sanders won the New Hampshire primary .
It was practically a press release for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Workers Union .
The post did not outline any details related to the Culinary Health Fund , who or what companies benefit from contracts , and what incentives the union leadership may have to oppose a transition to Medicare For All .
Predictably , the post provoked outrage and led several Sanders supporters to call , email , and tweet their anger at the Culinary Workers Union .
The response from supporters led union leadership to condemn Sanders supporters .
“ It ’ s disappointing that Senator Sanders ’ supporters have viciously attacked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nevada simply because our union provided facts on what certain healthcare proposals might do to take away the system of care we have built over eight decades , ” stated Geoconda Argüello-Kline , the secretary-treasurer for the union .
Argüello-Kline did not highlight any specific calls or messages in the statement so it is unclear what was so “ vicious.
” Notably , Argüello-Kline did not claim anyone threatened to commit violence .
Days later , the Culinary Workers Union announced it would not endorse any presidential candidate during the primary .
Ralston @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like this in order to undermine candidates or boost particular campaigns .
In 2014 , Watchdog.org revealed Ralston “ used his television show and blog to slam Republican attorney general candidate Adam Laxalt.
” He boasted of the impact his reporting had on Laxalt ’ s campaign yet failed to disclose his ties to Laxalt ’ s Democratic opponent .
Two years later , MSNBC , CBS , the Associated Press , and the New York Times all spread a false claim from Ralston about Sanders supporters throwing chairs .
“ Convention ended @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rushed stage , yelling obscenities , throwing chairs .
Unity Now !
On to Philly 2/2 , ” Ralston tweeted .
He also declared.
, “ Hey , Berniebot chair-throwing truthers : It happened .
People saw it , including one journalist who was there and reported it.
” Additionallly , Ralston spun a narrative around Nevada Democratic Senator Harry Reid that involved a phone call Reid reportedly made to the head of the Culinary Workers Union to ensure workers made it to the caucuses to vote for Hillary Clinton .
Supposedly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work to participate in caucuses at six casino sites .
But Jeff Weaver , who was the campaign manager for Sanders in 2016 , challenged whether this occurred in his 2018 book , “ How Bernie Won : Inside the Revolution That ’ s Taking Back Our County—And Where To Go From Here.
” “ The problem with Ralston ’ s claim is that increasing the number of participants alone in these locations would not have benefited Clinton , because the number of county convention delegates allocated to each site was set prior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to ensure victory is to change the proportion of the people in the room who support each candidate , ” Weaver contended .
He added , “ In other words , you would have to pack the room with Clinton supporters .
Did that happen ?
Online video did circulate that shows people streaming into at least one casino caucus location without checking in so it is certainly possible that there were shenanigans .
But that [ was ] not Ralston ’ s claim .
In the end , it is difficult to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is.
” Around three weeks before the Nevada caucuses in 2016 , Ralston “ reported ” that “ operatives from Bernie Sanders ’ campaign [ had ] donned Culinary union pins and secured access to employee areas inside [ Las Vegas ] Strip hotels to try to garner votes for the February 20 caucus , ” according to “ sources.
” A headline at his personal website read , “ Sanders workers are masquerading as Culinary members to campaign inside hotels.
” Argüello-Kline “ confirmed ” the reports of Sanders ’ staffers “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rooms.
” She said the union was “ disappointed and offended , ” and added , “ It ’ s completely inappropriate for any campaign to attempt to mislead Culinary Union members , especially at their place of work.
” Clinton aide and Center for American Progress ( CAP ) director Neera Tanden gleefully shared a link from CAP ’ s Think Progress website , where the story from Ralston was boosted .
“ See we are not always bad !
” ( Argüello-Kline is a member of CAP ’ s Advisory Board @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Clinton campaign ’ s communications director , replied , “ It ’ s great !
” CNN followed-up on the report .
Weaver maintained that no staffers “ ever misrepresented who they were.
” In fact , Sanders staffers wore the Culinary Union ’ s button “ in solidarity with people ” in the union .
They also wore “ Bernie paraphernalia.
” Emilia Pablo , who was the Nevada communications director for Sanders , was stunned by the response of the Culinary Workers Union .
“ It is surprising because we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them from the moment that we go to the ground .
We have always thought we have had a positive relationship with them and for them to come out so strongly against us and to go to the press first , that surprises me.
” As Dan Rolle , a democratic socialist who supports Sanders , highlighted , leaders of the Culinary Workers Union have an “ inherent conflict of interest.
” They oversee the Culinary Health Fund , a multi-employer Taft-Hartley Fund , which is funded by collective bargaining agreements .
Employer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executives from Boyd Gaming , Caesars Palace , Hilton Worldwide , Hostmark Hospitality Group , Hyatt Hotels and Resorts , The Mirage , Sodexo , Starwood Hotels and Resorts , Tishman Hotel Corporation , and Geneva HRM Advisors , which is involved in corporate labor relations .
These employers have an incentive to preserve the Culinary Health Fund because it means contract negotiations remain focused on health care and limit the leverage union workers may have to demand better pensions , higher wages , and improved workplace conditions that could undercut a corporation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the University of Southern California ( USC ) was contracted to provide health care to the union ’ s “ 55,000 members and their 70,000 dependents in the Las Vegas area ” in 2018 .
That same year , CEO Thomas Jackiewicz touted the for-profit company ’ s embrace of “ bundled payments ” for surgery patients .
Bundled payments are a fad in the industry , but there is little evidence that this reduces costs .
A study by the Commonwealth Fund of Medicare ’ s bundled payment program found “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent bundled payment initiative did not have lower costs or other better outcomes compared with hospitals not participating.
” Taft-Hartley plans were jeopardized by the passage of the Affordable Care Act under President Barack Obama .
D. Taylor , who was the leader of the Culinary Workers Union , and two other major union leaders signed on to a letter in 2013 that warned it would “ destroy the foundation of the 40-hour work week that is the backbone of the American middle class.
” “ Millions of Americans are covered by non-profit @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which most of our members participate , ” the union leaders wrote .
“ These non-profit plans are governed jointly by unions and companies under the Taft-Hartley Act.
” They continued , “ Our health plans have been built over decades by working men and women .
Under the ACA as interpreted by the Administration , our employees will be treated differently and not be eligible for subsidies afforded other citizens .
As such , many employees will be relegated to second-class status and shut out of the help the law offers to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Assembly Committee of Health and Human Services hearing in 2017 reflects one key problem the Culinary Health Fund has when it comes to negotiating with hospitals .
Kathy Silver , president of the Culinary Health Fund , testified [ PDF ] , “ Either we negotiate from the point of view that we are going to be at a deficit because patients are going to show up at an ER or trauma center whether we are contracted with that hospital or not .
We have no control over that , and the patient @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , we negotiate assuming the patient could wind up in a hospital that is contracted but see a physician who is not contracted.
” “ It requires a delicate balance—trying to find the right way to negotiate , keep hospitals in network , keep doctors in network , and not put our patients at risk for extreme medical losses , ” Silver added .
Former Vice President Joe Biden , former Mayor Pete Buttigieg , Senator Amy Klobuchar , and Senator Elizabeth Warren all piled on Sanders .
In particular , Buttigieg seized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For All Who Want It ” plan , which according to the Washington Post hinges upon a “ supercharged ” version of the deeply unpopular mandate in the Affordable Care Act .
“ There are 14 million union workers in America who have fought hard for strong , employer-provided health benefits , ” Buttigieg responded .
“ Medicare For All Who Want It protects their plans and union members ’ freedom to choose the coverage that ’ s best for them.
” Sara Nelson , the international president of the Association of Flight @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how Buttigieg used this as a wedge issue .
“ This is offensive and dangerous .
Stop perpetuating this gross myth , ” Nelson demanded .
“ Not every union member has union healthcare plans that protect them .
Those that do have it have to fight like hell to keep it .
If you believe in labor , then you ’ d understand an injury to one is an injury to all.
” Nelson spoke with Common Dreams staff writer Eoin Higgins .
“ This is age-old divide and conquer tactics , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and reject the attempts to distract us .
Anytime the word ‘ they ’ is used with workers , it ’ s a sign of union-busters at work.
” For what it ’ s worth , the Sanders campaign attempted to rise above the fray and avoid fueling the cynicism around this flyer .
On MSNBC ’ s “ All In ” with Chris Hayes , Sanders suggested union workers , including those in UNITE HERE , understand why Medicare For All is needed .
“ If you talk to union negotiators , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of their time arguing against the cutbacks for the health care that they have .
They ’ re losing wage increases because the cost of health care is soaring.
” ( The Culinary Workers Union is part of UNITE HERE . )
The Culinary Workers Union is fighting for a fair contract from Universal Health Services , the parent company of Valley Hospital in Las Vegas .
Sanders expressed solidarity .
“ I stand with [ the Culinary Workers ] fighting for health care , a pension , and fair wages .
Making @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Inc. is one of the largest , most profitable hospital corporations in the country .
They must put aside their greed , come to the table , and negotiate a fair contract , ” he said .
Earlier in the week , senior Sanders adviser Chuck Rocha indicated the campaign has been directly calling members of the Culinary Workers Union at their homes , “ talking to them at their work sites , and sending them mail.
” They have sent “ hundreds of thousands of pieces of mail to culinary workers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign claimed to have huge support among rank-and-file members .
Not long after , the flyer signed off on by union leadership appeared and Ralston ’ s publication was responsible for the latest cynical story in a long line of cynical stories intended to make Sanders seem toxic to voters , especially minorities .

During the 2016 election, a false news story about supporters of Senator Bernie Sanders throwing chairs at the Nevada Democratic Party convention spread. Jon Ralston, who has covered politics in the state for decades, pushed the story.
Now, a few days before early voting in the Nevada caucuses, Ralston appears to be at it again. He founded The Nevada Independent in 2017, and the publication is fueling a cynical attack against Sanders and his campaign that involves the Culinary Workers Union (CWU).
Ralston will be one of the moderators for the Democratic presidential debate in Las Vegas, Nevada, on February 19.
CWU has trustees, who administer a Culinary Health Fund (CWF) that has contracts with interests which benefit from the for-profit healthcare system. They put out a flyer on 2020 presidential candidates that said Sanders would “End Culinary Healthcare,” “require ‘Medicare For All,’” and “lower drug prices.”
Megan Messerly, a politics reporter for The Nevada Independent, wrote a post about the flyer that appeared online around the time Sanders won the New Hampshire primary. It was practically a press release for the flyer from the leadership of CWU.
The post did not outline any details related to the CHF, who or what companies benefit from contracts, and what incentives the union leadership may have to oppose a transition to Medicare For All.
Predictably, the post provoked outrage and led several Sanders supporters to call, email, and tweet their anger at CWU. The response from supporters led union leadership to condemn Sanders supporters.
“It’s disappointing that Senator Sanders’ supporters have viciously attacked the Culinary Union and working families in Nevada simply because our union provided facts on what certain healthcare proposals might do to take away the system of care we have built over eight decades,” stated Geoconda Argüello-Kline, the secretary-treasurer for the union.
Argüello-Kline did not highlight any specific calls or messages in the statement so it is unclear what was so “vicious.” Notably, Argüello-Kline did not claim anyone threatened to commit violence.
Days later, CWU announced it would not endorse any presidential candidate during the primary.
Jon Ralston’s History Of Pushing Cynical Stories
Ralston has a history of pushing cynical stories like this in order to undermine candidates or boost particular campaigns.
In 2014, Watchdog.org revealed Ralston “used his television show and blog to slam Republican attorney general candidate Adam Laxalt.” He boasted of the impact his reporting had on Laxalt’s campaign yet failed to disclose his ties to Laxalt’s Democratic opponent.
Two years later, MSNBC, CBS, the Associated Press, and the New York Times all spread a false claim from Ralston about Sanders supporters throwing chairs. “Convention ended w/security shutting it down, Bernie folks rushed stage, yelling obscenities, throwing chairs. Unity Now! On to Philly 2/2,” Ralston tweeted.
He also declared., “Hey, Berniebot chair-throwing truthers: It happened. People saw it, including one journalist who was there and reported it.”
Additionallly, Ralston spun a narrative around Nevada Democratic Senator Harry Reid that involved a phone call Reid reportedly made to the head of CWU to ensure workers made it to the caucuses to vote for Hillary Clinton. Supposedly, Reid convinced bosses to let employees off work to participate in caucuses at six casino sites.
But Jeff Weaver, who was the campaign manager for Sanders in 2016, challenged whether this occurred in his 2018 book, “How Bernie Won: Inside the Revolution That’s Taking Back Our County—And Where To Go From Here.”
“The problem with Ralston’s claim is that increasing the number of participants alone in these locations would not have benefited Clinton, because the number of county convention delegates allocated to each site was set prior to the caucuses. The only way to ensure victory is to change the proportion of the people in the room who support each candidate,” Weaver contended.
He added, “In other words, you would have to pack the room with Clinton supporters. Did that happen? Online video did circulate that shows people streaming into at least one casino caucus location without checking in so it is certainly possible that there were shenanigans. But that [was] not Ralston’s claim. In the end, it is difficult to know how accurate Ralston’s narrative is.”
Around three weeks before the Nevada caucuses in 2016, Ralston “reported” that “operatives from Bernie Sanders’ campaign [had] donned Culinary union pins and secured access to employee areas inside [Las Vegas] Strip hotels to try to garner votes for the February 20 caucus,” according to “sources.”
A headline at his personal website read, “Sanders workers are masquerading as Culinary members to campaign inside hotels.”
Argüello-Kline “confirmed” the reports of Sanders’ staffers “attempting and gaining access to employee dining rooms.” She said the union was “disappointed and offended,” and added, “It’s completely inappropriate for any campaign to attempt to mislead Culinary Union members, especially at their place of work.”
Clinton aide and Center for American Progress (CAP) director Neera Tanden gleefully shared a link from CAP’s Think Progress website, where the story from Ralston was boosted. “See we are not always bad!” (Argüello-Kline is a member of CAP’s Advisory Board.)
Jennifer Palmieri, who was the Clinton campaign’s communications director, replied, “It’s great!”
CNN followed-up on the report. Weaver maintained that no staffers “ever misrepresented who they were.” In fact, Sanders staffers wore CWU’s button “in solidarity with people” in the union. They also wore “Bernie paraphernalia.”
Emilia Pablo, who was the Nevada communications director for Sanders, was stunned by CWU’s response. “It is surprising because we have been building a positive relationship with them from the moment that we go to the ground. We have always thought we have had a positive relationship with them and for them to come out so strongly against us and to go to the press first, that surprises me.”
CWU’s ‘Inherent Conflict Of Interest’
As Dan Rolle, a democratic socialist who supports Sanders, highlighted, leaders of CWU have an “inherent conflict of interest.” They oversee the CHF, a multi-employer Taft-Hartley Fund supported through collective bargaining agreements.
Employer trustees for the CHF include executives from Boyd Gaming, Caesars Palace, Hilton Worldwide, Hostmark Hospitality Group, Hyatt Hotels and Resorts, The Mirage, Sodexo, Starwood Hotels and Resorts, Tishman Hotel Corporation, and Geneva HRM Advisors, which is involved in corporate labor relations.
Notably, Ralston and the Nevada Independent has received $957,500 from MGM Resorts International, which owns The Mirage, $145,000 from Caesars Enterprise Services LLC, $31,500 from Boyd Gaming, and $7,500 from Caesars Entertainment.
These employers have an incentive to preserve the CHF because it means contract negotiations remain focused on health care and limit the leverage union workers may have to demand better pensions, higher wages, and improved workplace conditions that could undercut a corporation’s bottom line.
Keck Medicine of the University of Southern California (USC) was contracted to provide health care to the union’s “55,000 members and their 70,000 dependents in the Las Vegas area” in 2018. That same year, CEO Thomas Jackiewicz touted the for-profit company’s embrace of “bundled payments” for surgery patients.
Bundled payments are a fad in the industry, but there is little evidence that this reduces costs. A study by the Commonwealth Fund of Medicare’s bundled payment program found “hospitals participating in Medicare’s most recent bundled payment initiative did not have lower costs or other better outcomes compared with hospitals not participating.”
Taft-Hartley plans were jeopardized by the passage of the Affordable Care Act under President Barack Obama. D. Taylor, who was the leader of CWU, and two other major union leaders signed on to a letter in 2013 that warned it would “destroy the foundation of the 40-hour work week that is the backbone of the American middle class.”
“Millions of Americans are covered by non-profit health insurance plans like the ones in which most of our members participate,” the union leaders wrote. “These non-profit plans are governed jointly by unions and companies under the Taft-Hartley Act.”
They continued, “Our health plans have been built over decades by working men and women. Under the ACA as interpreted by the Administration, our employees will be treated differently and not be eligible for subsidies afforded other citizens. As such, many employees will be relegated to second-class status and shut out of the help the law offers to for-profit insurance plans.”
Minutes from an Assembly Committee of Health and Human Services hearing in 2017 reflects one key problem the CHF has when it comes to negotiating with hospitals.
Kathy Silver, president of the CHF, testified [PDF], “Either we negotiate from the point of view that we are going to be at a deficit because patients are going to show up at an ER or trauma center whether we are contracted with that hospital or not. We have no control over that, and the patient has no control over that. Or, we negotiate assuming the patient could wind up in a hospital that is contracted but see a physician who is not contracted.”
“It requires a delicate balance—trying to find the right way to negotiate, keep hospitals in network, keep doctors in network, and not put our patients at risk for extreme medical losses,” Silver added.
Inspiring Divide-And-Conquer Attacks From Sanders Opponents
Former Vice President Joe Biden, former Mayor Pete Buttigieg, Senator Amy Klobuchar, and Senator Elizabeth Warren all piled on Sanders. In particular, Buttigieg seized the moment to promote his “Medicare For All Who Want It” plan, which according to the Washington Post hinges upon a “supercharged” version of the deeply unpopular mandate in the Affordable Care Act.
“There are 14 million union workers in America who have fought hard for strong, employer-provided health benefits,” Buttigieg responded. “Medicare For All Who Want It protects their plans and union members’ freedom to choose the coverage that’s best for them.”
Sara Nelson, the international president of the Association of Flight Attendants-CWA, AFL-CIO, objected strongly to how Buttigieg used this as a wedge issue.
“This is offensive and dangerous. Stop perpetuating this gross myth,” Nelson demanded. “Not every union member has union healthcare plans that protect them. Those that do have it have to fight like hell to keep it. If you believe in labor, then you’d understand an injury to one is an injury to all.”
Nelson spoke with Common Dreams staff writer Eoin Higgins. “This is age-old divide and conquer tactics, and we have to call it out and reject the attempts to distract us. Anytime the word ‘they’ is used with workers, it’s a sign of union-busters at work.”
For what it’s worth, the Sanders campaign attempted to rise above the fray and avoid fueling the cynicism around this flyer.
On MSNBC’s “All In” with Chris Hayes, Sanders suggested union workers, including those in UNITE HERE, understand why Medicare For All is needed. “If you talk to union negotiators, they will tell you they spend half of their time arguing against the cutbacks for the health care that they have. They’re losing wage increases because the cost of health care is soaring.” (CWU is part of UNITE HERE.)
The culinary union is fighting for a fair contract from Universal Health Services, the parent company of Valley Hospital in Las Vegas. Sanders expressed solidarity.
“I stand with [the Culinary Workers] fighting for health care, a pension, and fair wages. Making $780 million in profit, UHS Inc. is one of the largest, most profitable hospital corporations in the country. They must put aside their greed, come to the table, and negotiate a fair contract,” he said.
Earlier in the week, senior Sanders adviser Chuck Rocha indicated the campaign has been directly calling members of CWU at their homes, “talking to them at their work sites, and sending them mail.” They have sent “hundreds of thousands of pieces of mail to culinary workers, who are Latino in Nevada.”
The campaign claimed to have huge support among rank-and-file members. Not long after, the flyer signed off on by union leadership appeared and Ralston’s publication was responsible for the latest cynical story in a long line of cynical stories intended to make Sanders seem toxic to voters, especially minorities.