shadowproof--2020-06-04--Many Abortion Clinics May Not Survive COVID-19 Unless Progressives Take Bolder Action

Many Abortion Clinics May Not Survive COVID-19 Unless Progressives Take Bolder Action The fury of the anti-choice movement is always in Kwajelyn Jackson ’ s face .
Protesters stand outside of the Feminist Women ’ s Health Center in Atlanta , Georgia , where she works .
They harass her doctors .
They destroy clinic property .
They break COVID-19 social distancing rules .
They hound her patients , who are mostly poor and black or Hispanic .
Patients are sometimes at the clinic to get abortions .
Other times , they are there for a pap smear or a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff just have to endure when people are yelling at them and being intentionally cruel , ” said Jackson .
“ There ’ s not much we ’ re able to do besides encourage our staff to not engage.
” But as executive director of the clinic , it ’ s not enough for Jackson to provide care and ignore the negativity outside .
Throughout Jackson ’ s career , she has fought for abortion access at every political level .
She canvasses for voting rights , which were recently compromised in Georgia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anti-choice victories against reproductive health care , but she says the media only covers the loudest voices .
Inside the reproductive rights movement , there are people who are just like her .
“ There are certainly some very stalwart opponents to abortion access and reproductive justice , but there are also some very well-informed , very vocal champions , ” added Jackson .
“ I am acutely interested in people who take public office because they want to make an impact on the lives of people and they hold that responsibility as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve got .
I ’ m not interested in politicians who use placating language and act like celebrities.
” With COVID-19 bringing the abortion access debate to a fever pitch , pro-choice advocates like Jackson are challenging all progressives to do better than placate politicians .
There is a moral imperative to act .
Access to reproductive health care is a matter of life and death , and the pandemic has reminded many activists of the urgency of now .
With COVID-19 bringing the abortion access debate to a fever pitch , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ themselves : am I an outspoken , well-informed champion of abortion and reproductive rights , or am I no better than a placating celebrity politician ?
Furthermore , do we all have to be as passionate and engaged as Kwajelyn Jackson in order to preserve abortion rights in this country ?
The answer , spoiler alert , is yes .
Progressive action is officially a matter of life or death .
The Danger Of COVID-19 Abortion Clinic Closures Is Real Mainstream attention toward abortion rights has grown somewhat louder recently , thanks to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Since 2016 , President Donald Trump has accelerated the Christian fundamentalist agenda with lightning speed .
From his 150 pro-life federal judge appointments to the case currently before the ( anti-choice ) Supreme Court that could effectively end abortion access , many reproductive rights advocates are reckoning with facts that Jackson already knew : Roe v. Wade is fragile , and the state-by-state patchwork policy for reproductive health care is a disastrous model .
With COVID-19 , Republicans in states like Ohio , Texas , Tennessee , Louisiana , and Alabama and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to chip away at abortion rights .
Those states ’ governors tried to categorize abortion as an elective procedure that would waste personal protective equipment .
So far , their efforts were squashed on a federal level , but they loom heavily over abortion providers and patients .
In April , a temporary ban in Tennessee was implemented by Governor Bill Lee then blocked by the federal courts .
But the decision came after dozens of women were turned away for a procedure that depends heavily on timing .
According to a study @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increased Tennessean women ’ s driving distance from 26 miles to 119 miles to get to the nearest clinic—if that clinic was even open .
“ Forcing people to overcome these challenges in the middle of a global pandemic places unconscionable burdens on them , and the consequences fall hardest on people who are already struggling to make ends meet and those who are marginalized from the health care system , ” declared Guttmacher Institute principal research scientist Rachel Jones .
Some clinics that are not affiliated with Planned Parenthood or hospitals paused @ @ @ @ @ @ @ serve patients during COVID-19 .
Many of these clinics depend on patient care to stay financially afloat while others could not afford the massive sanitization and personnel efforts required to work through the pandemic .
The Abortion Care Network ( ACN ) , an organization of 125 independent clinics across the country , said 92 percent of their member clinics are in financial straits .
Three out of five abortions are currently performed at independent clinics , and the majority of them are in danger of shuttering .
“ On-the-ground access to abortion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to Nikki Madsen , executive director of ACN .
“ If we lose those clinics , there would be 10 states that would have no care after 11 weeks of pregnancy , and four states that would have no care at all.
” A total lack of abortion care would disproportionately impact the nation ’ s poorest women , as well as women of color who already face a myriad of inequalities when it comes to reproductive health .
For example , black women are three to four times more likely than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ due to discrimination and a lack of health care access .
“ Without these clinics , it is a very dire situation , ” Madsen warned .
“ We ’ re talking about completely losing bodily autonomy .
Maternal mortality among Black women is already dire in the United States and these clinics serve pregnant people in communities with some of the worst Black maternal death rates in the country.
” “ Many of these clinics care for women through a pregnancy , as well as for women who want to end them.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ pro-choice politicians were largely quiet on the issue of abortion , often lumping it in with other topics or taking existing rights for granted .
“ The supporters of abortion rights kind of rested on our laurels after we got the Roe v. Wade decision , ” said Kelly Baden , vice president of reproductive rights at State Innovation Exchange , a nonprofit that identifies and cultivates progressive state politicians and candidates .
“ It took a long time for us to catch up.
” According to the Pew Center , 61 percent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal in most or all cases .
One in four women have an abortion before they turn 45 , according to Guttmacher .
Reproductive rights advocates say recent developments have forced this silent majority to finally take action .
“ As things have gotten more extreme , people have wanted to help however they can , and they ’ re not sure where to start , ” said Kat Green , managing director of nonprofit advocacy group Abortion Access Front .
“ We ’ ve definitely seen an uptick in people wanting to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lot of work to do .
The right-wing minority has made forceful gains in its decades-long cuture war on abortion rights .
No longer can pro-choicers get away with saying that abortion should be “ safe , legal and rare , ” as Bill Clinton urged in 1992 .
Reproductive rights also can not remain the sole responsibility of women ’ s nonprofits and grassroots organizations .
Democratic presidential candidate Joseph Biden voted in 1981 in favor of a constitutional amendment that would have given states veto power over Roe v. Wade .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden wrote that his views on abortion were “ middle of the road.
” He has waffled back and forth on the Hyde Amendment , which bans the use of federal funds for abortion services except in cases of rape , incest or to save the life of a woman .
Then , in a 2019 New York Times abortion rights survey , Biden said that he would instead aim to codify Roe v. Wade and fight for abortion access .
Biden ’ s politics are the result of too much passivity and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that align themselves with the Democratic Party .
“ It is too little too late , ” Green said .
“ We ’ re getting lip service because there are crises happening right now .
They ’ re paying attention to abortion because they can ’ t not.
” These days , anti-choice Democrats are finding it harder to exist in the Democratic Party .
Former congressman Dan Lipinski , an outspoken anti-choice Democrat from Illinois , lost his incumbency this year to progressive challenger Marie Newman .
Senators Kamala Harris , Elizabeth @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shy away from abortion during their presidential campaigns .
High-profile congress members , such as Rep. Ilhan Omar from Minnesota , are using their platforms to speak explicitly about the issue .
“ We are seeing a nationwide assault on reproductive healthcare and abortion rights during this pandemic , ” Omar told Shadowproof .
“ I will continue to fight against efforts by Republicans to reduce access to reproductive healthcare because your zip code shouldn ’ t determine whether or not you have access to the health services you need .
We do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to speak out on behalf of women ’ s rights .
We do it because it is right.
” Omar is not alone .
Congressional representatives are still overwhelmingly male and white , but each year , the makeup of newly elected officials becomes more racially diverse and women-friendly .
In response to Trump-era extremism , a small swathe of of outspoken pro-choice female candidates of color ran for state legislatures and won , even in red states .
“ There ’ s evidence that people who resist Trump are becoming a part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I have found that , certainly anecdotally , they ’ re a different kind of legislator .
They ’ re born of social justice movements.
” Democratic Georgia State Representative Rennita Shannon was elected to office in 2017 .
She speaks openly about the fact that she herself had an abortion in college and has no regrets .
When Georgia ’ s strict six-week ban went up for a vote in 2019 , Shannon spoke non-stop at the podium in hopes that the state would table the bill .
Filibusters , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In the well-documented incident , Shannon ’ s microphone was switched off and she was urged to step down by security and fellow Democrats .
“ It was not difficult for me because I know that abortion care is health care , ” said Shannon .
“ But people say ‘ it ’ s better to be spoken about in the closet.
’ What you ’ re doing is saying that your constituency ought to feel shame.
” Anna Eskamani , who is 29 years-old , is the first Iranian-American to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a strict parental consent law passed this year .
As a state representative , she has been a leading force in attempting to repeal the law .
“ We ’ re going to show up for this issue whether it ’ s convenient or not , ” Eskamani declared “ There ’ s this issue of Democrats only caring when they have to.
” But she added , “ My hope is that our courage to talk about these issues inspires those of a more senior generation to understand that our values are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ okay to be out loud about it.
” Representative London Lamar , who is also 29 years-old , is the only Black woman under 60 in the Tennessee legislature .
Lamar has fought against her state ’ s strict heartbeat bill , which would ban abortions as early as six weeks and force mothers to view an ultrasound if they are seeking the procedure .
The bill was shut down by the Tennessee Senate last year , but Governor Lee announced a new version in January that he hopes will pass the Senate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the short-lived COVID-19 abortion ban too .
“ A large amount of people in Tennessee believe that abortion should be legal , but unfortunately a lot of those people are not taking part in the political process , ” Lamar contended .
“ So you have a bunch of men sitting here trying to tell me what abortion is.
” “ Young people are more supportive of reproductive rights in general , but they don ’ t vote .
We have to make sure that young people are not just tweeting , but @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to action.
” Roe v. Wade is not enough What is clear to on-the-ground activists is that major change needs to happen surrounding reproductive rights .
Kwajelyn Jackson believes COVID-19 may be a potential springboard for this change .
“ All of the seams are showing .
All of the flaws are clear , ” argued Jackson .
“ COVID-19 has clearly demonstrated all the gaps and inefficiencies and neglect that exists in the systems that have been set up to protect the people of the United States.
” Jackson continued , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need things to look significantly different .
Incremental change is not sufficient any longer.
” Right now , Roe v. Wade remains the only barrier between Republican efforts and total abortion bans in their states , which is why right-wing politicians are eager to topple it .
But Roe v. Wade , which is now a 47-year-old decision , has proven to be light on details and vulnerable to attack .
In 1992 , for example , Planned Parenthood v. Casey weakened Roe by allowing states to pass abortion laws as long as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ burden ” on patients .
Since then , Republicans have seized on the vague standard by proposing and sometimes passing a mishmash of restrictions .
“ Credit goes to the women of color activists who have done the work to say Roe v. Wade isn ’ t enough , ” said Baden .
“ The movement is getting more intersectional and more sophisticated in its understanding of what the actual issues are.
” When they ’ re not on the defensive from Republican onslaughts , advocates dream of full protections—not just a federal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with things like strong sex education laws in schools , no-cost prescription availability , accessible gynecological and family planning care , universal Medicaid and Medicare coverage for reproductive health , transportation , access to medication abortions and access to clinics without fear of protesters or violence .
“ I would be in favor of some strong federal and state protections for abortion rights , ” concluded Baden .
“ This includes a broader set of policies that would actually help people who need or could need abortions that truly is comprehsensive .
Everything @ @ @ @ @ @ @ minimum wage .
Abortion is just one key part of these human and reproductive rights.
” Correction ( June 4 ) : The original version of this article contained an error in a quote from Nikki Madsen .
We ’ ve updated the quote and regret the error .

“I am scared to go outside. I called the clinic and it’s just too expensive. I’m with family in my house and trying to keep this a secret. I just saw the news about Ohio and that scared me that I can’t get an abortion in time. Now, they did it in Texas. I don’t know what to do.” — Statement from a woman seeking an abortion during COVID-19. Published with permission from Shout Your Abortion. “I am scared to go outside. I called the clinic and it’s just too expensive. I’m with family in my house and trying to keep this a secret. I just saw the news about Ohio and that scared me that I can’t get an abortion in time. Now, they did it in Texas. I don’t know what to do.”
The fury of the anti-choice movement is always in Kwajelyn Jackson’s face.
Protesters stand outside of the Feminist Women’s Health Center in Atlanta, Georgia, where she works. They harass her doctors. They destroy clinic property. They break COVID-19 social distancing rules. They hound her patients, who are mostly poor and black or Hispanic.
Patients are sometimes at the clinic to get abortions. Other times, they are there for a pap smear or a prescription.
“Our patients and our staff just have to endure when people are yelling at them and being intentionally cruel,” said Jackson. “There’s not much we’re able to do besides encourage our staff to not engage.”
But as executive director of the clinic, it’s not enough for Jackson to provide care and ignore the negativity outside.
Throughout Jackson’s career, she has fought for abortion access at every political level. She canvasses for voting rights, which were recently compromised in Georgia. She reads the news to track anti-choice victories against reproductive health care, but she says the media only covers the loudest voices. Inside the reproductive rights movement, there are people who are just like her.
“There are certainly some very stalwart opponents to abortion access and reproductive justice, but there are also some very well-informed, very vocal champions,” added Jackson. “I am acutely interested in people who take public office because they want to make an impact on the lives of people and they hold that responsibility as paramount. That’s what I’ve got. I’m not interested in politicians who use placating language and act like celebrities.”
With COVID-19 bringing the abortion access debate to a fever pitch, pro-choice advocates like Jackson are challenging all progressives to do better than celebrity politicians.
There is a moral imperative to act. Access to reproductive health care is a matter of life and death, and the pandemic has reminded many activists of the urgency of now.
Pro-choice believers are being forced to ask themselves: am I an outspoken, well-informed champion of abortion and reproductive rights, or am I no better than a placating celebrity politician?
Furthermore, do we all have to be as passionate and engaged as Kwajelyn Jackson in order to preserve abortion rights in this country? The answer, spoiler alert, is yes. Progressive action is officially a matter of life or death.
The Danger Of COVID-19 Abortion Clinic Closures Is Real
Mainstream attention toward abortion rights has grown somewhat louder recently, thanks to the extreme strides achieved by anti-choice politicians.
Since 2016, President Donald Trump has accelerated the Christian fundamentalist agenda with lightning speed. From his 150 pro-life federal judge appointments to the case currently before the (anti-choice) Supreme Court that could effectively end abortion access, many reproductive rights advocates are reckoning with facts that Jackson already knew: Roe v. Wade is fragile, and the state-by-state patchwork policy for reproductive health care is a disastrous model.
With COVID-19, Republicans in states like Ohio, Texas, Tennessee, Louisiana, and Alabama and more used the pandemic as a reason to chip away at abortion rights. Those states’ governors tried to categorize abortion as an elective procedure that would waste personal protective equipment.
So far, their efforts were squashed on a federal level, but they loom heavily over abortion providers and patients.
In April, a temporary ban in Tennessee was implemented by Governor Bill Lee then blocked by the federal courts. But the decision came after dozens of women were turned away for a procedure that depends heavily on timing.
According to a study from the Guttmacher Institute, the ban increased Tennessean women’s driving distance from 26 miles to 119 miles to get to the nearest clinic—if that clinic was even open.
“Forcing people to overcome these challenges in the middle of a global pandemic places unconscionable burdens on them, and the consequences fall hardest on people who are already struggling to make ends meet and those who are marginalized from the health care system,” declared Guttmacher Institute principal research scientist Rachel Jones.
Some clinics that are not affiliated with Planned Parenthood or hospitals paused service deliberately because they were unequipped to serve patients during COVID-19.
Many of these clinics depend on patient care to stay financially afloat while others could not afford the massive sanitization and personnel efforts required to work through the pandemic.
The Abortion Care Network (ACN), an organization of 125 independent clinics across the country, said 92 percent of their member clinics are in financial straits. Three out of five abortions are currently performed at independent clinics, and the majority of them are in danger of shuttering.
“On-the-ground access to abortion care is changing every minute,” according to Nikki Madsen, executive director of ACN. “If we lose those clinics, there would be 10 states that would have no care after 11 weeks of pregnancy, and four states that would have no care at all.”
A total lack of abortion care would disproportionately impact the nation’s poorest women, as well as women of color who already face a myriad of inequalities when it comes to reproductive health.
For example, black women are three to four times more likely than white women to die from pregnancy-related causes due to discrimination and a lack of health care access.
“Without these clinics, it is a very dire situation,” Madsen warned. “We’re talking about completely losing bodily autonomy. Maternal mortality among Black women is already dire in the United States and these clinics serve pregnant people in communities with some of the worst Black maternal death rates in the country.”
“Many of these clinics care for women through a pregnancy, as well as for women who want to end them.”
From Political Indifference To Bold Action
For decades, privileged progressives and pro-choice politicians were largely quiet on the issue of abortion, often lumping it in with other topics or taking existing rights for granted.
“The supporters of abortion rights kind of rested on our laurels after we got the Roe v. Wade decision,” said Kelly Baden, vice president of reproductive rights at State Innovation Exchange, a nonprofit that identifies and cultivates progressive state politicians and candidates. “It took a long time for us to catch up.”
According to the Pew Center, 61 percent of Americans believe that abortion should be legal in most or all cases. One in four women have an abortion before they turn 45, according to Guttmacher.
Reproductive rights advocates say recent developments have forced this silent majority to finally take action.
“As things have gotten more extreme, people have wanted to help however they can,
and they’re not sure where to start,” said Kat Green, managing director of nonprofit advocacy group Abortion Access Front. “We’ve definitely seen an uptick in people wanting to get involved.”
There’s a lot of work to do. The right-wing minority has made forceful gains in its decades-long culture war on abortion rights.
No longer can pro-choicers get away with saying that abortion should be “safe, legal and rare,” as Bill Clinton urged in 1992. Reproductive rights also cannot remain the sole responsibility of women’s nonprofits and grassroots organizations.
Democratic presidential candidate Joseph Biden voted in 1981 in favor of a constitutional amendment that would have given states veto power over Roe v. Wade. That measure failed. In 2007, Biden wrote that his views on abortion were “middle of the road.” He has waffled back and forth on the Hyde Amendment, which bans the use of federal funds for abortion services except in cases of rape, incest or to save the life of a woman.
Then, in a 2019 New York Times abortion rights survey, Biden said that he would instead aim to codify Roe v. Wade and fight for abortion access.
Biden’s politics are the result of too much passivity and complacence on the part of pro-choice organizations that align themselves with the Democratic Party.
“It is too little too late,” Green said. “We’re getting lip service because there are crises happening right now. They’re paying attention to abortion because they can’t not.”
These days, anti-choice Democrats are finding it harder to exist in the Democratic Party. Former congressman Dan Lipinski, an outspoken anti-choice Democrat from Illinois, lost his incumbency this year to progressive challenger Marie Newman. Senators Kamala Harris, Elizabeth Warren, and Kirstin Gillibrand did not shy away from abortion during their presidential campaigns. High-profile congress members, such as Rep. Ilhan Omar from Minnesota, are using their platforms to speak explicitly about the issue.
“We are seeing a nationwide assault on reproductive healthcare and abortion rights during this pandemic,” Omar told Shadowproof. “I will continue to fight against efforts by Republicans to reduce access to reproductive healthcare because your zip code shouldn’t determine whether or not you have access to the health services you need. We do not need to wait for a poll to speak out on behalf of women’s rights. We do it because it is right.”
Omar is not alone. Congressional representatives are still overwhelmingly male and white, but each year, the makeup of newly elected officials becomes more racially diverse and women-friendly.
In response to Trump-era extremism, a small swathe of of outspoken pro-choice female candidates of color ran for state legislatures and won, even in red states.
“There’s evidence that people who resist Trump are becoming a part of actual governing,” stated Baden. “I have found that, certainly anecdotally, they’re a different kind of legislator. They’re born of social justice movements.”
Democratic Georgia State Representative Rennita Shannon was elected to office in 2017. She speaks openly about the fact that she herself had an abortion in college and has no regrets.
When Georgia’s strict six-week ban went up for a vote in 2019, Shannon spoke non-stop at the podium in hopes that the state would table the bill. Filibusters, however, are not legal in Georgia. In the well-documented incident, Shannon’s microphone was switched off and she was urged to step down by security and fellow Democrats.
“It was not difficult for me because I know that abortion care is health care,” said Shannon. “But people say ‘it’s better to be spoken about in the closet.’ What you’re doing is saying that your constituency ought to feel shame.”
Anna Eskamani, who is 29 years-old, is the first Iranian-American to be elected to office in Florida, where a strict parental consent law passed this year. As a state representative, she has been a leading force in attempting to repeal the law.
“We’re going to show up for this issue whether it’s convenient or not,” Eskamani declared “There’s this issue of Democrats only caring when they have to.” But she added, “My hope is that our courage to talk about these issues inspires those of a more senior generation to understand that our values are the same, and it’s okay to be out loud about it.”
Representative London Lamar, who is also 29 years-old, is the only Black woman under 60 in the Tennessee legislature. Lamar has fought against her state’s strict heartbeat bill, which would ban abortions as early as six weeks and force mothers to view an ultrasound if they are seeking the procedure.
The bill was shut down by the Tennessee Senate last year, but Governor Lee announced a new version in January that he hopes will pass the Senate and higher courts.
Lamar fought against the short-lived COVID-19 abortion ban too.
“A large amount of people in Tennessee believe that abortion should be legal, but unfortunately a lot of those people are not taking part in the political process,” Lamar contended. “So you have a bunch of men sitting here trying to tell me what abortion is.”
“Young people are more supportive of reproductive rights in general, but they don’t vote. We have to make sure that young people are not just tweeting, but that they understand advocacy and are committed to action.”
Roe v. Wade is not enough
What is clear to on-the-ground activists is that major change needs to happen surrounding reproductive rights. Kwajelyn Jackson believes COVID-19 may be a potential springboard for this change.
“All of the seams are showing. All of the flaws are clear,” argued Jackson. “COVID-19 has clearly demonstrated all the gaps and inefficiencies and neglect that exists in the systems that have been set up to protect the people of the United States.”
Jackson continued, “We need big pendulum swings. We need things to look significantly different. Incremental change is not sufficient any longer.”
Right now, Roe v. Wade remains the only barrier between Republican efforts and total abortion bans in their states, which is why right-wing politicians are eager to topple it.
But Roe v. Wade, which is now a 47-year-old decision, has proven to be light on details and vulnerable to attack.
In 1992, for example, Planned Parenthood v. Casey weakened Roe by allowing states to pass abortion laws as long as they don’t pose “undue burden” on patients. Since then, Republicans have seized on the vague standard by proposing and sometimes passing a mishmash of restrictions.
“Credit goes to the women of color activists who have done the work to say Roe v. Wade isn’t enough,” said Baden. “The movement is getting more intersectional and more sophisticated in its understanding of what the actual issues are.”
When they’re not on the defensive from Republican onslaughts, advocates dream of full protections—not just a federal abortion legality protection.
True protections begin with things like strong sex education laws in schools, no-cost prescription availability, accessible gynecological and family planning care, universal Medicaid and Medicare coverage for reproductive health, transportation, access to medication abortions and access to clinics without fear of protesters or violence.
“I would be in favor of some strong federal and state protections for abortion rights,” concluded Baden. “This includes a broader set of policies that would actually help people who need or could need abortions that truly is comprehsensive. Everything from paid family medical leave to higher minimum wage. Abortion is just one key part of these human and reproductive rights.”
Correction (June 4): The original version of this article contained an error in a quote from Nikki Madsen. We’ve updated the quote and regret the error.


shadowproof--2020-06-09--Beyond Prisons: How Do We Get Through This? feat. Kay Whitlock & Donna Murch

Beyond Prisons : How Do We Get Through This ?
feat .
Kay Whitlock & Donna Murch Donna Murch and Kay Whitlock join Beyond Prisons to think through the question “ how do we get through this ?
” Donna posed this question on social media in April as the COVID-19 pandemic peaked and motivated this conversation .
We begin by thinking through who the “ we ” is in that question , and then we attempt to define what we mean by “ getting through this.
” Donna points out that racial capitalism and the unraveling of already weak @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ we ” is .
Kim shares how this moment has for me triggered an eerie feeling of calmness that is a trauma response to other experiences in my life .
And Kay shares how this moment has allowed her to stop pretending and to think about how we can use our collective energy in this moment .
We talk about the importance of imagination at this moment and the need to share the testimony of people directly impacted by this crisis .
Finally , we discuss the rise of authoritarianism and how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racial-ethnonational lens .
We end our conversation with some thoughts on mutual aid and how this crisis has the potential for teaching us greater responsibility for each other .
( Note : this conversation was recorded in April ) .
Kay Whitlock , a longtime activist and organizer in progressive social justice movements , lives in Missoula , Montana .
She writes frequently on issues of structural violence in U.S. society .
She is co-author of Queer ( in ) Justice : The Criminalization of LGBT People in the United States and Considering @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in American Culture and Politics .
She is currently working with sociologist Nancy Heitzeg on a forthcoming book : Prison Break : The Deceptive Terrain of Criminal Justice Reform .
Professor Donna Murch ’ s teaching and research specializations are historical studies of mass incarceration/war on drugs , Black Power and Civil Rights , California , social movements , and postwar U.S. cities .
She is currently completing a new trade press book entitled Crack in Los Angeles : Policing the Crisis and the War on Drugs , which explores the militarization of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drug consumption and sale , and the political economy of mass incarceration in late twentieth-century California .
In October 2010 , Murch published the award-winning monograph Living for the City : Migration , Education and the Rise of the Black Panther Party in Oakland , California with the University of North Carolina Press , which won the Phillis Wheatley prize in December 2011 .
She has published articles in the Journal of American History , Journal of Urban History , OAH Magazine of History , Black Scholar , Souls , Perspectives , New @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hosted by Kim Wilson and Brian Sonenstein Support our show and join us on Patreon .
Check out our other donation options as well .
Please listen , subscribe , and rate/review our podcast on iTunes , Spotify , and on Google Play Kim Wilson is available for speaking engagements and to facilitate workshops .
Contact us at beyondprisonspodcast @ gmail.com for more information

Donna Murch and Kay Whitlock join Beyond Prisons to think through the question “how do we get through this?”
Donna posed this question on social media in April as the COVID-19 pandemic peaked and motivated this conversation. We begin by thinking through who the “we” is in that question, and then we attempt to define what we mean by “getting through this.”
Donna points out that racial capitalism and the unraveling of already weak systems is making it clear who the “we” is. Kim shares how this moment has for me triggered an eerie feeling of calmness that is a trauma response to other experiences in my life. And Kay shares how this moment has allowed her to stop pretending and to think about how we can use our collective energy in this moment.
We talk about the importance of imagination at this moment and the need to share the testimony of people directly impacted by this crisis.
Finally, we discuss the rise of authoritarianism and how media reports of COVID-19 are filtered through racial-ethnonational lens. We end our conversation with some thoughts on mutual aid and how this crisis has the potential for teaching us greater responsibility for each other.
(Note: this conversation was recorded in April).
Kay Whitlock, a longtime activist and organizer in progressive social justice movements, lives in Missoula, Montana. She writes frequently on issues of structural violence in U.S. society. She is co-author of Queer (in)Justice: The Criminalization of LGBT People in the United States and Considering Hate: Violence, Goodness & Justice in American Culture and Politics. She is currently working with sociologist Nancy Heitzeg on a forthcoming book: Prison Break: The Deceptive Terrain of Criminal Justice Reform.
Professor Donna Murch’s teaching and research specializations are historical studies of mass incarceration/war on drugs, Black Power and Civil Rights, California, social movements, and postwar U.S. cities. She is currently completing a new trade press book entitled Crack in Los Angeles: Policing the Crisis and the War on Drugs, which explores the militarization of law enforcement, the social history of drug consumption and sale, and the political economy of mass incarceration in late twentieth-century California. In October 2010, Murch published the award-winning monograph Living for the City: Migration, Education and the Rise of the Black Panther Party in Oakland, California with the University of North Carolina Press, which won the Phillis Wheatley prize in December 2011. She has published articles in the Journal of American History, Journal of Urban History, OAH Magazine of History, Black Scholar, Souls, Perspectives, New Politics, and Jacobin.
Credits
Created and hosted by Kim Wilson and Brian Sonenstein
Edited by Ellis Maxwell
Website & volunteers managed by Victoria Nam
Theme music by Jared Ware
Support Beyond Prisons
Support our show and join us on Patreon. Check out our other donation options as well.
Please listen, subscribe, and rate/review our podcast on iTunes, Spotify, and on Google Play
Visit our website at beyond-prisons.com
Contact us at beyondprisonspodcast@gmail.com
Kim Wilson is available for speaking engagements and to facilitate workshops. Contact us at beyondprisonspodcast@gmail.com for more information
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shadowproof--2020-06-10--Democrats Push Reforms That Will Not Fundamentally Change Policing

Democrats Push Reforms That Will Not Fundamentally Change Policing Proposals for police reform by Democrats are distressingly similar to prior proposals that have done nothing to fundamentally change policing .
In fact , the vast majority of provisions in legislation introduced in Congress were recommended by a task force convened by President Barack Obama five years ago .
George Floyd was murdered by four Minneapolis police officers on May 25 .
Video showed Derek Chauvin , Tou Thao , J. Alexander Kueng , and Thomas Lane as Floyd repeatedly told them , “ I can ’ t breathe.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ intense rebellion .
Protesters also reacted to the death of Breonna Taylor , who was killed by Louisville police on March 13 in a “ no-knock ” drug raid carried out against the wrong home .
The narcotics officers that raided her home were not in uniform , and individuals inside the home thought criminals were burglarizing their residence so they fired their weapons at police .
A veto-proof majority of the Minneapolis City Council plans to “ dismantle ” or “ abolish ” the Minneapolis Police Department , which is under state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bender rejected “ incremental reform ” and declared , “ Our commitment is to end policing as we know it and to recreate systems of public safety that actually keep us safe.
” City Council members do not know what a “ whole new safety apparatus will look like.
” Jeremiah Ellison , a member of the City Council , hopes to spend the next year talking with the Minneapolis community about what should replace the police department .
However , Democratic Party leaders are hesitant or opposed to completely reimagining the role @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other House Democrats introduced the “ Justice In Policing Act ” on June 8 .
It proposes “ additional standards ” for “ early warning systems ” to identify police who routinely engage in “ problematic ” conduct .
It proposes improved “ use of force ” procedures , “ civilian review ” procedures , traffic and pedestrian stop and search procedures , improvements to administrative due process requirements , further incorporation of video monitoring technology , increased training , and changes to juvenile justice and safety .
The legislation additionally includes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for law enforcement grants that would go toward the “ study of management and operations standards of law enforcement agencies.
” Funds could be applied to “ pilot programs ” for “ reforming ” training , hiring , and recruitment .
Part of the omnibus legislation contains the “ Stop Militarizing Law Enforcement Act , ” which does not stop the use of military-grade equipment at all .
Instead , it notes $ 500 million worth of property was transferred to law enforcement and $ 6.8 billion worth of weapons and equipment were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and four territories in fiscal year 2017 .
All the section apparently aims to do is ensure police inform the Defense Department of how they plan to use military-grade equipment since they do not currently have to provide such information to the federal government .
Members of Congress also propose $ 5 million a year for a Justice Department task force of bureaucrats that would be called the “ Task Force on Law Enforcement Oversight.
” It mandates the collection of federal data on traffic violation stops , pedestrian stops , frisk and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use “ deadly force ” and contains an anti-lynching law .
It calls for the establishment of a “ national police misconduct registry , ” as well as the adoption of a “ civil remedy ” for anyone injured by “ racial profiling ” and a ban on federal “ no-knock ” warrants .
The legislation would expand the budget for grants from the Community Oriented Policing Services ( COPS ) office so more grants can be offered to police departments to hire additional officers , particularly officers who may be willing to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Grants to enhance “ civilian oversight ” of “ community policing ” could be awarded by the COPS office , but if the grants were awarded to law enforcement agencies , officers would effectively determine what “ civilian oversight ” looked like .
‘ A Wistful Desire To Return To The Halcyon Days Of ‘ Officer Friendly ” Justin Hansford , the executive director of the Thurgood Marshall Civil Rights Center , wrote in Policing The Planet , “ The idea of community policing emerged primarily in response to the social movements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of state repression produced racial unrest in Detroit , Watts , and other cities across the country , police recognized the need for a change in tactics , ” Hansford recalled .
“ Building upon a wistful desire to return to the halcyon days of ‘ Officer Friendly ’ walking the beat , reformers promoted the idea that increased community contact would result automatically in increased community trust and goodwill.
” This is what the task force convened by Obama sought to do after uprisings in Ferguson and Baltimore in 2014 and 2015 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ killed Mike Brown and Freddie Gray .
“ The President ’ s Task Force on 21st Century Policing ” proposed a “ national crime and justice task force ” to review “ all components of the justice system.
” It recommended law enforcement policies emphasize “ de-escalation ” and mandate “ external and independent criminal investigations.
” It recommended the collection of “ use of force data , ” as well as “ demographic data ” from stops , frisks , searches , summons , and arrests .
And it recommended policies prohibiting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the recommendations were emblematic of the misplaced focus on how much black citizens “ trust ” law enforcement .
For example , it was suggested that officers should carry business cards for distribution during encounters .
The task force further suggested that the Justice Department “ develop and disseminate case studies that provide examples where past and present injustice and discrimination were publicly acknowledged by law enforcement agencies in a manner to help build community trust.
” Like Naomi Murakawa , associate professor of African American Studies at Princeton University , argued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people don ’ t trust the police and they are correct not to .
If we were to actually embrace that logic , the interventions would necessarily go deeper .
The solutions then would not be about encouraging the police to behave more courteously ( addressing people as “ sir ” or “ ma ’ am ” ) .
” “ They have to be about addressing the project of policing , which I believe is the core of real critique in this case , ” Murakawa added .
“ What is it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is the scope of their power ?
What is the scale on which they operate ?
Not just the courtesy and respect with which they are performing each arrest , but why are there so many arrests ?
For so many little things ?
That is precisely the issue that is , for the most part , not being taken on by the Obama administration.
” Democrats ’ plans for reform would further entrench “ community policing ” in such a way that tools of racial oppression and mass incarceration would likely persist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military siege mentality of racial conquest , ” which means “ community policing ” risks turning any interactions into threats to black lives , according to Hansford .
“ Door-to-door surveys become excuses for warrantless searches into the homes of unsuspecting community members , ” Hansford contended .
“ Child registration programs , like on that took place in Mike Brown ’ s apartment complex a few days after his murder , become tools for intimidation .
Meetings with handpicked civic and religious leaders become , at best , opportunities to gain additional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and , at worst , sites for law enforcement propagandizing.
” “ Police are rewarded for making more arrests ; prosecutors are rewarded for gaining more convictions with longer sentences .
Why would these actors not use the tool of community policing for their own professional self interests ?
” Hansford concluded , “ Penetration of community life is a more effective means of civilian control for the state .
In the face of mass resistance to mass incarceration , mass reeducation of the populace may be simply a smarter repressive approach than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In Policing Act ” raises the issue of police using military-grade equipment , but remarkably , no provision attempts to deal with the policing of mass demonstrations , which has resulted in countless examples of police brutality over the past weeks .
Adam Marshall , an attorney with the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press , called attention to the fact that it would add a Freedom of Information Act exemption for law enforcement officers ’ names .
The American Civil Liberties Union described the part of the legislation that would direct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ funds to law enforcement as a “ nonstarter.
” “ There can be no more band-aid or temporary fixes when it comes to policing , which is why we are calling for divestment from law enforcement agencies and reinvestment into the black and brown communities that have been harmed by over policing and mass incarceration .
The role of police has to be smaller , more circumscribed , and less funded with taxpayer dollars , ” stated Kanya Bennett , senior legislative counsel at the ACLU .
Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden opposed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CBS interview .
Instead , Biden claimed he supported “ conditioning federal aid to police based on whether or not they meet certain basic standards of decency and honorableness ” and whether they are “ able to demonstrate they can protect the community and everybody in the community.
” The Biden campaign backs $ 300 million for COPS grants , increased diversity in police hiring , increased funding for body cameras , and increased funds for public schools , summer programs , and mental health and substance abuse treatment .
But what the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ acknowledge is the reality that all of their proposals , were pursued to some extent after Philando Castile was killed by an officer in a St. Paul suburb in 2016 .
“ The year Philando Castile was shot and killed during his 49th routine traffic stop , this one for a broken tail light , the Minneapolis Police Department was halfway through a highly respected , three-year program designed to restore trust between the community and police , ” Tessa Stuart , a staff writer for Rolling Stone , recounted .
“ Two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its own account , implemented a host of the trendiest police reforms : body cameras , de-escalation and crisis intervention training , mindfulness training .
It even rewrote its use-of-force guidelines to emphasize ‘ the sanctity of life . '
” Back in 1968 , the Kerner Commission examined what led to riots in 1967 and offered its own recommendations .
The recommendations in their report are nearly identical to what Democrats propose in the aftermath of the George Floyd protests .
The use of words like “ Negro ” and “ ghetto @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could have taken this list and called it the “ Justice In Policing Act , ” and it would not be that much different .
Alex Vitale , author of The End of Policing , concisely argued , “ As long as the basic mission of police remains unchanged , none of these reforms will be achievable.
” That is , the United States will always have racist and brutal police officers .
“ There is no technocratic fix .
Even if we could somehow implement these changes , they would be ignored @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imperatives of the politically motivated wars on drugs , disorder , crime , etc.
, would win out .
Powerful political forces benefit from abusive , aggressive , and invasive policing , and they are not going to be won over or driven from power by technical arguments or heartfelt appeals to do the right thing.
” Vitale further contended , “ They may adopt a language of reform and fund a few pilot programs , but mostly they will continue to reproduce their political power by fanning fear of the poor , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ empowering police to be the ‘ thin blue line ’ between the haves and the have nots.
” The majority of Democrats are unwilling to interrogate or meaningfully challenge the system of “ broken windows ” policing that underpins so much of what leads to violence , like the murder of George Floyd .
“ The problem is not police training , police diversity , or police methods .
The problem is the dramatic and unprecedented expansion and intensity of policing in the last forty years , a fundamental shift in the role @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is policing itself , ” Vitale concluded .
And , unlike most establishment Democrats , activists pressing for the “ defunding ” of police grasp the fact that policing is the problem .

Proposals for police reform by Democrats are distressingly similar to prior proposals that have done nothing to fundamentally change policing. In fact, the vast majority of provisions in legislation introduced in Congress were recommended by a task force convened by President Barack Obama five years ago.
George Floyd was murdered by four Minneapolis police officers on May 25. Video showed Derek Chauvin, Tou Thao, J. Alexander Kueng, and Thomas Lane as Floyd repeatedly told them, “I can’t breathe.” The killing sparked more than ten days of intense rebellion.
Protesters also reacted to the death of Breonna Taylor, who was killed by Louisville police on March 13 in a “no-knock” drug raid carried out against the wrong home. The narcotics officers that raided her home were not in uniform, and individuals inside the home thought criminals were burglarizing their residence so they fired their weapons at police.
A veto-proof majority of the Minneapolis City Council plans to “dismantle” or “abolish” the Minneapolis Police Department, which is under state investigation. Minneapolis City Council President Lisa Bender rejected “incremental reform” and declared, “Our commitment is to end policing as we know it and to recreate systems of public safety that actually keep us safe.”
City Council members do not know what a “whole new safety apparatus will look like.” Jeremiah Ellison, a member of the City Council, hopes to spend the next year talking with the Minneapolis community about what should replace the police department. However, Democratic Party leaders are hesitant or opposed to completely reimagining the role of police.
Democratic Speaker Nancy Pelosi and other House Democrats introduced the “Justice In Policing Act” on June 8.
It proposes “additional standards” for “early warning systems” to identify police who routinely engage in “problematic” conduct. It proposes improved “use of force” procedures, “civilian review” procedures, traffic and pedestrian stop and search procedures, improvements to administrative due process requirements, further incorporation of video monitoring technology, increased training, and changes to juvenile justice and safety.
The legislation additionally includes tens of millions of dollars in funding for law enforcement grants that would go toward the “study of management and operations standards of law enforcement agencies.” Funds could be applied to “pilot programs” for “reforming” training, hiring, and recruitment.
Part of the omnibus legislation contains the “Stop Militarizing Law Enforcement Act,” which limits the use of some military-grade equipment. It notes $500 million worth of property was transferred to law enforcement and $6.8 billion worth of weapons and equipment were transferred to police in all 50 states and four territories in fiscal year 2017.
Members of Congress also propose $5 million a year for a Justice Department task force of bureaucrats that would be called the “Task Force on Law Enforcement Oversight.” It mandates the collection of federal data on traffic violation stops, pedestrian stops, frisk and body searches, and instances where officers use “deadly force” and contains an anti-lynching law.
It calls for the establishment of a “national police misconduct registry,” as well as the adoption of a “civil remedy” for anyone injured by “racial profiling” and a ban on federal “no-knock” warrants.
The legislation would expand the budget for grants from the Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) office so more grants can be offered to police departments to hire additional officers, particularly officers who may be willing to live in the communities which they police.
Grants to enhance “civilian oversight” of “community policing” could be awarded by the COPS office, but if the grants were awarded to law enforcement agencies, officers would effectively determine what “civilian oversight” looked like.
‘A Wistful Desire To Return To The Halcyon Days Of ‘Officer Friendly”
Justin Hansford, the executive director of the Thurgood Marshall Civil Rights Center, wrote in Policing The Planet, “The idea of community policing emerged primarily in response to the social movements of the 1960s.’
“After generations of state repression produced racial unrest in Detroit, Watts, and other cities across the country, police recognized the need for a change in tactics,” Hansford recalled. “Building upon a wistful desire to return to the halcyon days of ‘Officer Friendly’ walking the beat, reformers promoted the idea that increased community contact would result automatically in increased community trust and goodwill.”
This is what the task force convened by Obama sought to do after uprisings in Ferguson and Baltimore in 2014 and 2015, which were sparked by police who killed Mike Brown and Freddie Gray.
“The President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing” proposed a “national crime and justice task force” to review “all components of the justice system.” It recommended law enforcement policies emphasize “de-escalation” and mandate “external and independent criminal investigations.” It recommended the collection of “use of force data,” as well as “demographic data” from stops, frisks, searches, summons, and arrests. And it recommended policies prohibiting racial profiling and ticket quotas.
Some of the recommendations were emblematic of the misplaced focus on how much black citizens “trust” law enforcement. For example, it was suggested that officers should carry business cards for distribution during encounters.
The task force further suggested that the Justice Department “develop and disseminate case studies that provide examples where past and present injustice and discrimination were publicly acknowledged by law enforcement agencies in a manner to help build community trust.”
Like Naomi Murakawa, associate professor of African American Studies at Princeton University, argued in Policing the Planet, “Black people don’t trust the police and they are correct not to. If we were to actually embrace that logic, the interventions would necessarily go deeper. The solutions then would not be about encouraging the police to behave more courteously (addressing people as “sir” or “ma’am”).”
“They have to be about addressing the project of policing, which I believe is the core of real critique in this case,” Murakawa added. “What is it that the police are doing? What is the scope of their power? What is the scale on which they operate? Not just the courtesy and respect with which they are performing each arrest, but why are there so many arrests? For so many little things? That is precisely the issue that is, for the most part, not being taken on by the Obama administration.”
Democrats’ plans for reform would further entrench “community policing” in such a way that tools of racial oppression and mass incarceration would likely persist.
Law enforcement typically have a “military siege mentality of racial conquest,” which means “community policing” risks turning any interactions into threats to black lives, according to Hansford.
“Door-to-door surveys become excuses for warrantless searches into the homes of unsuspecting community members,” Hansford contended. “Child registration programs, like on that took place in Mike Brown’s apartment complex a few days after his murder, become tools for intimidation. Meetings with handpicked civic and religious leaders become, at best, opportunities to gain additional community buy-in to already entrenched conservative ideals and, at worst, sites for law enforcement propagandizing.”
“Police are rewarded for making more arrests; prosecutors are rewarded for gaining more convictions with longer sentences. Why would these actors not use the tool of community policing for their own professional self interests?”
Hansford concluded, “Penetration of community life is a more effective means of civilian control for the state. In the face of mass resistance to mass incarceration, mass reeducation of the populace may be simply a smarter repressive approach than brute force alone.”
‘No More Band-Aid Or Temporary Fixes’
The “Justice In Policing Act” raises the issue of police using military-grade equipment, but remarkably, no provision attempts to deal with the policing of mass demonstrations, which has resulted in countless examples of police brutality over the past weeks.
Adam Marshall, an attorney with the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, called attention to the fact that it would add a Freedom of Information Act exemption for law enforcement officers’ names.
The American Civil Liberties Union described the part of the legislation that would direct “hundreds of millions more” in funds to law enforcement as a “nonstarter.”
“There can be no more band-aid or temporary fixes when it comes to policing, which is why we are calling for divestment from law enforcement agencies and reinvestment into the black and brown communities that have been harmed by over policing and mass incarceration. The role of police has to be smaller, more circumscribed, and less funded with taxpayer dollars,” stated Kanya Bennett, senior legislative counsel at the ACLU.
Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden opposed “defunding the police” during a CBS interview. Instead, Biden claimed he supported “conditioning federal aid to police based on whether or not they meet certain basic standards of decency and honorableness” and whether they are “able to demonstrate they can protect the community and everybody in the community.”
The Biden campaign backs $300 million for COPS grants, increased diversity in police hiring, increased funding for body cameras, and increased funds for public schools, summer programs, and mental health and substance abuse treatment.
Even Senator Bernie Sanders rejected calls to “defund” the police and declared support for more funds and training for officers. “I do believe that we need well-trained, well-educated, and well-paid professionals in police departments.”
But what the Biden campaign, Sanders, and various Democrats refuse to acknowledge is the reality that all of their proposals, were pursued to some extent after Philando Castile was killed by an officer in a St. Paul suburb in 2016.
“The year Philando Castile was shot and killed during his 49th routine traffic stop, this one for a broken tail light, the Minneapolis Police Department was halfway through a highly respected, three-year program designed to restore trust between the community and police,” Tessa Stuart, a staff writer for Rolling Stone, recounted. “Two years later, MPD had, by its own account, implemented a host of the trendiest police reforms: body cameras, de-escalation and crisis intervention training, mindfulness training. It even rewrote its use-of-force guidelines to emphasize ‘the sanctity of life.'”
Back in 1968, the Kerner Commission examined what led to riots in 1967 and offered its own recommendations. The recommendations in their report are nearly identical to what Democrats propose in the aftermath of the George Floyd protests.
* Review police operations in the ghetto to ensure proper conduct by police officers, and eliminate abrasive practices. * Provide more adequate police protection to ghetto residents to eliminate their high sense of insecurity, and the belief of many Negro citizens in the existence of a dual standard of law enforcement.’ *Establish fair and effective mechanisms for the redress of grievances against the police, and other municipal employees. *Develop and adopt policy guidelines to assist officers in making critical decisions in areas where police conduct can create tension. *Develop and use innovative programs to ensure widespread community support for law enforcement. *Recruit more Negroes into the regular police force, and review promotion policies to ensure fair promotion for Negro officers. *Establish a “Community Service Officer” program to attract ghetto youths between the ages of 17 and 21 to police work. These junior officers would perform duties in ghetto neighborhoods, but would not have full police authority. The federal government should provide support equal to 90 percent of the costs of employing CSOs on the basis of one for every ten regular officers.
The use of words like “Negro” and “ghetto” may date it, but Democrats could have taken this list and called it the “Justice In Policing Act,” and it would not be that much different.
Alex Vitale, author of The End of Policing, concisely argued, “As long as the basic mission of police remains unchanged, none of these reforms will be achievable.” That is, the United States will always have racist and brutal police officers.
“There is no technocratic fix. Even if we could somehow implement these changes, they would be ignored, resisted, and overturned—because the institutional imperatives of the politically motivated wars on drugs, disorder, crime, etc., would win out. Powerful political forces benefit from abusive, aggressive, and invasive policing, and they are not going to be won over or driven from power by technical arguments or heartfelt appeals to do the right thing.”
Vitale further contended, “They may adopt a language of reform and fund a few pilot programs, but mostly they will continue to reproduce their political power by fanning fear of the poor, nonwhite, disabled, and dispossessed and empowering police to be the ‘thin blue line’ between the haves and the have nots.”
The majority of Democrats are unwilling to interrogate or meaningfully challenge the system of “broken windows” policing that underpins so much of what leads to violence, like the murder of George Floyd.
“The problem is not police training, police diversity, or police methods. The problem is the dramatic and unprecedented expansion and intensity of policing in the last forty years, a fundamental shift in the role of police in society. The problem is policing itself,” Vitale concluded.
And, unlike most establishment Democrats, activists pressing for the “defunding” of police grasp the fact that policing is the problem.


shadowproof--2020-06-10--Congress Members Obtain COVID-19 Loans Through Small Business Program

Members of Congress obtained disaster loans for their businesses through the Small Business Administration ’ s Paycheck Protection Program ( PPP ) .
The program has been embroiled in controversy since it launched in March .
Large corporations received multimillion-dollar loans .
Minority-owned businesses were shut out of aid .
According to news reports , Texas Representative Roger Williams and Missouri Representative Vicky Hartzler both received PPP loans for companies they own , indicating a clear conflict of interest regarding the program ’ s distribution of federal aid .
“ We applied through our local bank and have been able @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and prevent their families from experiencing further hardships during this unprecedented pandemic , ” the company said in a statement .
The dealership did not specify the loan ’ s amount and Williams did not respond to repeated requests for comment for this story .
“ This is a man who used his position of power and influence to get into that two-week window , ” said Julie Oliver , his general election opponent .
She told Shadowproof his wife and children are employed by the dealership .
“ Were they the beneficiaries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ businesses in our district ?
” Williams ’ most recent financial disclosure report indicates his wife makes nearly $ 80,000 annually from the dealership .
In Missouri , Hartzler ’ s husband , Lowell Hartzler , applied for PPP loans for the family ’ s businesses .
“ As small business owners , my husband Lowell and I…took action to ensure the continued ability to maintain the employment of all team members during this time , ” Hartzler said in a press release on her website .
“ Like millions of small businesses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ businesses in Missouri , our family businesses applied for and received PPP loans to ensure our employees could remain employed and the business could pay expenses.
” Hartzler did not clarify which businesses were granted the loans and for how much .
Her most recently filed financial disclosure report from 2018 indicates that Hartzler ’ s family owns farms and a tractor company .
Hartzler defended her decision to not support a ninth congressional oversight committee for the Coronavirus Aid , Relief , and Economic Security ( CARES ) Act .
She said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The congresswoman did not respond to repeated requests for comment .
‘ We Haven ’ t Even Gotten A Response To Our Application ’ Under the CARES Act , the PPP is designed to help small businesses ( those with 500 or fewer employees ) and businesses in some industries with more than 500 employees maintain their payrolls and pay other expenses like rent , mortgages , utilities , and interests .
These loans do not need to be repaid if the company keeps their staff on payroll for eight weeks .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ roughly $ 67 million and is one of the richest members of Congress , according to the Center for Responsive Politics .
Hartzler ’ s net worth is more than $ 9 million , and she is one of the top 100 richest Congress members .
While Williams and Hartzler secured disaster loans , many small businesses are still struggling to obtain relief .
“ We haven ’ t even gotten a response to our application for our very small business .
Crickets , ” Deborah Smith Photography said in a tweet .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ have yet to receive to PPP assistance , according to a recent U.S. Census Bureau survey of 90,000 small businesses .
Small business owners have reported website glitches , application submissions falling on deaf ears , and too many rigid rules that won ’ t help keep their companies afloat .
Corporate behemoths , however , have been able to access PPP funds .
That includes corporations , who have representatives ’ spouses on their payroll .
Fiesta Group Inc. , a publicly traded company , received two federal loans totaling $ 15 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who is Florida Representative Debbie Mucarsel-Powell ’ s husband , is the vice president for legal at Fiesta Group .
According to Securities and Exchange Commission ( SEC ) filings , Fiesta Group returned the monies after fervent public backlash .
Seventy-four members of Congress ( including Williams and Hartzler ) own businesses or have relatives or spouses who own businesses .
These businesses—large and small—range from farms , ranches , real estate and marketing agencies , automotive dealerships , construction companies , law , consulting , and investment firms , manufacturers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , pharmacies , and dentistry practices .
The list of members includes representatives and senators with an estimated net worth topping $ 20 million and reaching into the hundreds of millions of dollars , like Senator Dianne Feinstein ( D-Calif. ) , Representative Rick Allen ( R-Georgia ) , Representative Markwayne Mullin ( R-Oklahoma ) , and Representative Vernon Buchanan ( R-Florida ) .
Of this number , only 14 of them responded to repeated inquiries stating that they did not apply for federal loans , including those with considerable wealth : Representative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Buddy Carter ( R-Georgia ) , Representative Scott Peters ( D-Calif. ) , Senator Mike Braun ( R-Indiana ) , Representative John Rose ( R-Tenn. ) , and Representative .
Jim Costa ( D-Calif. ) .
The CARES Act does contain a conflict of interest provision prohibiting members of Congress or their immediate families from receiving aid .
However , as detailed in a House Ethics Committee memorandum released in April , this clause is only restricted to emergency relief funds .
“ The prohibition in § 4019 of the CARES Act is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in § 4003 .
Thus , members or businesses in which members or certain individuals in their immediate family have an ownership interest may be able to apply for assistance under other parts of the CARES Act , such as the Paycheck Protection Program , ” the memo reads .
This subtle loophole has permitted lawmakers like Williams and Hartzler to circumvent potential conflicts of interest and access government relief .
Both the Ethics Committee and the SBA declined to comment .
In response to politicians and corporations benefiting from the program , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legislation this month to make PPP data public .
“ Full transparency of PPP data is the only way to quickly and fairly show who is using this program to line their pockets , ” Porters declared .
Just a couple days before her announcement , Porter criticized Williams for taking out a loan and called for greater transparency of the relief program .
“ His estimated net worth is in the tens of millions , but he still took out a PPP loan for his car dealership instead of chipping in to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Porter wrote in an editorial for NBC News .
“ Williams could afford to pay his workers for months and still be in the richest 1 percent of Americans , but instead he ’ s passing those costs onto taxpayers.
” Oliver commended Porter on her proposed bill .
“ If we don ’ t have that measure of accountability and transparency , then the questions can be asked , ” Oliver added .
As the famous saying by historian John Dalberg-Acton goes , “ Power tends to corrupt , and absolute power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a clear check on power , political corruption runs wild .

Members of Congress obtained disaster loans for their businesses through the Small Business Administration’s Paycheck Protection Program (PPP).
The program has been embroiled in controversy since it launched in March. Large corporations received multimillion-dollar loans. Minority-owned businesses were shut out of aid.
According to news reports, Texas Representative Roger Williams and Missouri Representative Vicky Hartzler both received PPP loans for companies they own, indicating a clear conflict of interest regarding the program’s distribution of federal aid.
Roger Williams Chrysler Dodge Jeep told the Dallas Morning News the dealership received a PPP loan.
“We applied through our local bank and have been able to keep over 100 employees on payroll and prevent their families from experiencing further hardships during this unprecedented pandemic,” the company said in a statement. The dealership did not specify the loan’s amount and Williams did not respond to repeated requests for comment for this story.
“This is a man who used his position of power and influence to get into that two-week window,” said Julie Oliver, his general election opponent. She told Shadowproof his wife and children are employed by the dealership. “Were they the beneficiaries of PPP to the detriment of small businesses in our district?”
Williams’ most recent financial disclosure report indicates his wife makes nearly $80,000 annually from the dealership.
In Missouri, Hartzler’s husband, Lowell Hartzler, applied for PPP loans for the family’s businesses.
“As small business owners, my husband Lowell and I…took action to ensure the continued ability to maintain the employment of all team members during this time,” Hartzler said in a press release on her website. “Like millions of small businesses across the country and nearly 47,000 small businesses in Missouri, our family businesses applied for and received PPP loans to ensure our employees could remain employed and the business could pay expenses.”
Hartzler did not clarify which businesses were granted the loans and for how much.
Her most recently filed financial disclosure report from 2018 indicates that Hartzler’s family owns farms and a tractor company.
Hartzler defended her decision to not support a ninth congressional oversight committee for the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act. She said she already supported three other such committees.
The congresswoman did not respond to repeated requests for comment.
‘We Haven’t Even Gotten A Response To Our Application’
Under the CARES Act, the PPP is designed to help small businesses (those with 500 or fewer employees) and businesses in some industries with more than 500 employees maintain their payrolls and pay other expenses like rent, mortgages, utilities, and interests. These loans do not need to be repaid if the company keeps their staff on payroll for eight weeks.
Members of Congress receiving PPP loans for their businesses raises questions about favoritism in the process. Transparency about which companies are receiving these loans is crucial.https://t.co/BAvlOD8Bpw — Citizens for Ethics (@CREWcrew) May 4, 2020
Williams has an average net worth of roughly $67 million and is one of the richest members of Congress, according to the Center for Responsive Politics.
Hartzler’s net worth is more than $9 million, and she is one of the top 100 richest Congress members.
While Williams and Hartzler secured disaster loans, many small businesses are still struggling to obtain relief.
“We haven’t even gotten a response to our application for our very small business. Crickets,” Deborah Smith Photography said in a tweet.
More than 30 percent of small businesses have yet to receive to PPP assistance, according to a recent U.S. Census Bureau survey of 90,000 small businesses.
Small business owners have reported website glitches, application submissions falling on deaf ears, and too many rigid rules that won’t help keep their companies afloat.
Corporate behemoths, however, have been able to access PPP funds. That includes corporations, who have representatives’ spouses on their payroll.
Fiesta Group Inc., a publicly traded company, received two federal loans totaling $15 million in April. Robert Powell, who is Florida Representative Debbie Mucarsel-Powell’s husband, is the vice president for legal at Fiesta Group.
According to Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) filings, Fiesta Group returned the monies after fervent public backlash.
Seventy-four members of Congress (including Williams and Hartzler) own businesses or have relatives or spouses who own businesses. These businesses—large and small—range from farms, ranches, real estate and marketing agencies, automotive dealerships, construction companies, law, consulting, and investment firms, manufacturers, and even salons, distilleries, plumbers, pharmacies, and dentistry practices.
The list of members includes representatives and senators with an estimated net worth topping $20 million and reaching into the hundreds of millions of dollars, like Senator Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.), Representative Rick Allen (R-Georgia), Representative Markwayne Mullin (R-Oklahoma), and Representative Vernon Buchanan (R-Florida).
Of this number, only 14 of them responded to repeated inquiries stating that they did not apply for federal loans, including those with considerable wealth: Representative Don Beyer (D-Virginia), Representative Buddy Carter (R-Georgia), Representative Scott Peters (D-Calif.), Senator Mike Braun (R-Indiana), Representative John Rose (R-Tenn.), and Representative. Jim Costa (D-Calif.).
The CARES Act does contain a conflict of interest provision prohibiting members of Congress or their immediate families from receiving aid. However, as detailed in a House Ethics Committee memorandum released in April, this clause is only restricted to emergency relief funds.
“The prohibition in § 4019 of the CARES Act is limited to the emergency relief funds described in § 4003. Thus, members or businesses in which members or certain individuals in their immediate family have an ownership interest may be able to apply for assistance under other parts of the CARES Act, such as the Paycheck Protection Program,” the memo reads.
This subtle loophole has permitted lawmakers like Williams and Hartzler to circumvent potential conflicts of interest and access government relief.
Both the Ethics Committee and the SBA declined to comment.
Bill Proposed To Make Loans To Elected Officials Public
In response to politicians and corporations benefiting from the program, Representative Katie Porter (D-Calif.) introduced legislation this month to make PPP data public.
“Full transparency of PPP data is the only way to quickly and fairly show who is using this program to line their pockets,” Porters declared.
Just a couple days before her announcement, Porter criticized Williams for taking out a loan and called for greater transparency of the relief program.
“His estimated net worth is in the tens of millions, but he still took out a PPP loan for his car dealership instead of chipping in to keep workers on the payroll,” Porter wrote in an editorial for NBC News. “Williams could afford to pay his workers for months and still be in the richest 1 percent of Americans, but instead he’s passing those costs onto taxpayers.”
Oliver commended Porter on her proposed bill. “If we don’t have that measure of accountability and transparency, then the questions can be asked,” Oliver added.
As the famous saying by historian John Dalberg-Acton goes, “Power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely.” And so, without a clear check on power, political corruption runs wild.


shadowproof--2020-06-13--Dissenter Weekly: Whistleblower Cops Who Challenged The Blue Wall Of Silence

Dissenter Weekly : Whistleblower Cops Who Challenged The Blue Wall Of Silence On this edition of the “ Dissenter Weekly , ” host and Shadowproof editor Kevin Gosztola highlights a few police whistleblower stories .
Cariol Horne is a black Buffalo cop , who was fired in 2006 after she attempted to intervene when her white colleague , Gregory Kwiatkowski , put a black man in a chokehold .
Kwiatkowski sued her for defamation .
She also lost her pension .
As the world reacted to Buffalo cops pushing over 75 year-old peace activist Martin Gugino , who fell on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Horne renewed her push for “ Cariol ’ s Law , ” a law she says would help protect officers like her who witness abuse by fellow officers .
Later in the show , Gosztola recounts what happened to Lorenzo Davis , a Chicago police investigator who found cops were responsible for “ unjustified ” shootings and refused to change his findings .
Davis was fired and won a $ 2.5 million whistleblower reward only to have it slashed by a court to $ 100,000 .
Federal Bureau Of Prisons Locks Down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This show is brought to you by Shadowproof.com , a 100 % reader-funded press organization .
If you enjoy our work , you can support us with a donation or by subscribing for $ 5/month or more : https : //shadowproof.com/donate

On this edition of the “Dissenter Weekly,” host and Shadowproof editor Kevin Gosztola highlights a few police whistleblower stories.
Cariol Horne is a black Buffalo cop, who was fired in 2006 after she attempted to intervene when her white colleague, Gregory Kwiatkowski, put a black man in a chokehold. Kwiatkowski sued her for defamation. She also lost her pension.
As the world reacted to Buffalo cops pushing over 75 year-old peace activist Martin Gugino, who fell on his head and bled on the ground, Horne renewed her push for “Cariol’s Law,” a law she says would help protect officers like her who witness abuse by fellow officers.
Later in the show, Gosztola recounts what happened to Lorenzo Davis, a Chicago police investigator who found cops were responsible for “unjustified” shootings and refused to change his findings. Davis was fired and won a $2.5 million whistleblower reward only to have it slashed by a court to $100,000.
This week’s stories:
Federal Bureau Of Prisons Locks Down Prisoners And Takes Away Communications Amid Protests
***
Send tips and feedback to editor@shadowproof.com
This show is brought to you by Shadowproof.com, a 100% reader-funded press organization. If you enjoy our work, you can support us with a donation or by subscribing for $5/month or more: https://shadowproof.com/donate


shadowproof--2020-06-15--California Domestic Workers Fight To End Exclusion From National Workplace Protections

Soccoro Diaz is a domestic worker and worker leader at the Women ’ s Action and Solidarity Alliance ( ALMAS ) .
After fires devastated Santa Rosa in northern California , Diaz says she was forced to work “ cleaning homes in the evacuation zone.
” “ I got very sick and got very strong physical reactions being exposed to smoke and toxic ash .
It got me sick for several days , ” Diaz told Shadowproof .
The experience of working in such dangerous conditions made her more passionate about the safety of domestic workers .
“ There is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in unsafe conditions without proper protection , and without pay that really merits the risk you ’ re putting yourself through , ” Diaz added .
Diaz is one of several domestic workers , who supports a bill in California called the Health and Safety for All Workers Act , which is before the Senate Appropriations Committee .
The bill would amend the California Occupational Health and Safety Act of 1973 ( CAL-OSHA ) , which currently excludes domestic workers .
On June 18 , the committee will announce which bills will move @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A full vote will occur at the end of June .
This legislation was co-sponsored by Equal Rights Advocates , the California Domestic Worker Coalition , Worksafe , and the California Employment Lawyers Association .
It would provide domestic workers with the same necessary safety protections as other workers in the state , including personal protective equipment ( PPE ) , health and safety training , and legal protection against retaliation should they need to advocate for their own health and safety in their workplace .
Senator Maria Elena Durazo , who authored @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact that the Senate Labor Committee passed this bill indicates that it is the right thing to do , especially under the circumstances of COVID-19 and fire season.
” Domestic workers have long been excluded from nationwide worker protections .
According to Rhacel Parrenas , a professor of sociology and gender studies at the University of Southern California , the exclusion of domestic workers from CAL-OSHA goes “ back to the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 during the New Deal .
It excluded domestic workers and agricultural workers , jobs dominated by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seen in the 1935 National Labor Relations Act and continued up until the 1970 Occupational Safety and Health Act .
Yet , throughout the 20th century , Black and non-white women comprised the majority of domestic workers within the United States .
There are 2.5 million domestic workers within the U.S. , and according to the National Domestic Workers Alliance , over 90 percent of domestic workers , including caregivers , house cleaners , nannies , and home health aides , are women .
The vast majority are minorities and immigrants .
According @ @ @ @ @ @ @ domestic workers in California with two million households employing domestic workers .
That number is expected to grow 52 percent by 2022 .
Domestic workers are overwhelmingly low-wage workers , with as many as 23.4 percent of those workers living under the poverty line .
This is troubling because most domestic workers are also the primary breadwinners for their families .
With the COVID-19 pandemic still raging throughout California , many domestic workers have been left without proper PPE , fearing for the health and safety of themselves and their loved ones .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ workers were without proper PPE during the Californian wildfires of 2018 , leaving them vulnerable to toxic ash and smoke .
Not only would this legislation make it mandatory for workplaces to provide PPE for all domestic workers within California , but it would also inform and educate workers about the coronavirus pandemic .
‘ Our Work Needs To Be Valued And Protected ’ Diaz ’ s passion surrounding the bill was inspired by her personal life during the pandemic .
Her brother was diagnosed with COVID-19 and was hospitalized in the intensive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ I ’ m thinking that when he gets out of hospital he ’ ll need a homecare worker , and when I think of that person , it makes me think of all the homecare workers who are part of our coalition and feel at risk and not protected , ” Diaz stated .
“ It brings it closer to home that my family may need to hire someone like that .
Our work needs to be valued and protected like other workers are protected.
” “ Our right to occupational @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time exclusion .
Ten years ago , we were fighting for domestic workers ’ bill of rights .
When we were trying to get the bill passed , they wouldn ’ t let us include occupational health and safety , ” Diaz added .
Cha Murdock is a part-time caregiver and full-time worker at the Pilipino Workers Center , where she organizes caregivers through teaching them about their rights , protections , and laws .
Like Diaz , Murdock says she too was inspired by this pandemic to fight for the bill .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in early March , there was talk of coronavirus at the facility I was in and it was still open .
Tons of people come and go inside the facility I work at.
” Murdock claimed that her boss had told her that they couldn ’ t protect her if she wanted to continue working .
She chose to stop her part time work at the facility .
“ I ’ d rather not work and protect myself than open myself to the virus .
If I ’ m sick , I don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , so all the money I earn will not be enough .
I don ’ t want to get my husband sick , ” Murdock shared .
House cleaners who are consistently exposed to toxic chemicals which affect their health and skin will benefit from the legislation , she added .
We Don ’ t Know When The Next Fire Is Going To Be Since the pandemic , activism for domestic workers ’ rights has moved online to Zoom , a video-chatting application that has soared in popularity .
“ We have had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were not used to .
It was urgent to keep moving forward because we needed the bill to pass , ” Diaz said .
“ We started doing everything in a virtual Zoom meeting .
We did two lobby days with different legislators and a hearing with the labor committee , which was many hours of us on a Zoom call waiting for the labor committee to read the bill.
” Murdock especially enjoyed the experience of virtual lobbying and organizing her members and leaders for the labor committee ’ s Zoom call @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hall meetings to inform and educate members , said Murdock .
“ Every two weeks we do a meeting .
We are increasing membership and educating people more and identifying funding groups with undocumented people.
” Galeon shared , “ On a personal note , the bill will help the relationships between employers and employees .
There will be a breakthrough of understanding .
It ’ s about us and the future of domestic workers of this and the next generation.
” There is a Spanish saying that Diaz would like to share @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Toca al corazon.
” “ It means touch your heart and think of yourself as a human being , who may get sick and need a homecare worker .
They need protection and to have their work valued.
” “ We don ’ t know when the next fire is going to be or how long COVID-19 will last , ” Diaz continued .
“ I think about how if we were included in CAL-OSHA I wouldn ’ t have gotten sick after the fires .
So many people I know wouldn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have a right to protection.
” It made Diaz “ feel good ” to see four out of five members of the labor committee vote to advance the bill .
“ I ’ m going to continue [ to be ] in this fight until we pass this law .
Thousands of us need this protection , and I hope that there is the support of legislators and the governor , ” Diaz concluded .

Soccoro Diaz is a domestic worker and worker leader at the Women’s Action and Solidarity Alliance (ALMAS). After fires devastated Santa Rosa in northern California, Diaz says she was forced to work “cleaning homes in the evacuation zone.”
“I got very sick and got very strong physical reactions being exposed to smoke and toxic ash. It got me sick for several days,” Diaz told Shadowproof.
The experience of working in such dangerous conditions made her more passionate about the safety of domestic workers.
“There is no reason to be sent to work in unsafe conditions without proper protection, and without pay that really merits the risk you’re putting yourself through,” Diaz added.
Diaz is one of several domestic workers, who supports a bill in California called the Health and Safety for All Workers Act, which is before the Senate Appropriations Committee.
The bill would amend the California Occupational Health and Safety Act of 1973 (CAL-OSHA), which currently excludes domestic workers.
On June 18, the committee will announce which bills will move on to a full Senate vote. A full vote will occur at the end of June.
This legislation was co-sponsored by Equal Rights Advocates, the California Domestic Worker Coalition, Worksafe, and the California Employment Lawyers Association.
It would provide domestic workers with the same necessary safety protections as other workers in the state, including personal protective equipment (PPE), health and safety training, and legal protection against retaliation should they need to advocate for their own health and safety in their workplace.
Senator Maria Elena Durazo, who authored the bill, said, “The fact that the Senate Labor Committee passed this bill indicates that it is the right thing to do, especially under the circumstances of COVID-19 and fire season.”
Over 300,000 Domestic Workers In California
Domestic workers have long been excluded from nationwide worker protections.
According to Rhacel Parrenas, a professor of sociology and gender studies at the University of Southern California, the exclusion of domestic workers from CAL-OSHA goes “back to the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 during the New Deal. It excluded domestic workers and agricultural workers, jobs dominated by Black people.”
This exclusion was also seen in the 1935 National Labor Relations Act and continued up until the 1970 Occupational Safety and Health Act. Yet, throughout the 20th century, Black and non-white women comprised the majority of domestic workers within the United States.
There are 2.5 million domestic workers within the U.S., and according to the National Domestic Workers Alliance, over 90 percent of domestic workers, including caregivers, house cleaners, nannies, and home health aides, are women. The vast majority are minorities and immigrants.
According to Durazo, there are over 300,000 domestic workers in California with two million households employing domestic workers. That number is expected to grow 52 percent by 2022.
Domestic workers are overwhelmingly low-wage workers, with as many as 23.4 percent of those workers living under the poverty line. This is troubling because most domestic workers are also the primary breadwinners for their families.
With the COVID-19 pandemic still raging throughout California, many domestic workers have been left without proper PPE, fearing for the health and safety of themselves and their loved ones. Yet, prior to COVID-19, domestic workers were without proper PPE during the Californian wildfires of 2018, leaving them vulnerable to toxic ash and smoke.
Not only would this legislation make it mandatory for workplaces to provide PPE for all domestic workers within California, but it would also inform and educate workers about the coronavirus pandemic.
‘Our Work Needs To Be Valued And Protected’
Diaz’s passion surrounding the bill was inspired by her personal life during the pandemic. Her brother was diagnosed with COVID-19 and was hospitalized in the intensive care unit (ICU) for weeks.
“I’m thinking that when he gets out of hospital he’ll need a homecare worker, and when I think of that person, it makes me think of all the homecare workers who are part of our coalition and feel at risk and not protected,” Diaz stated. “It brings it closer to home that my family may need to hire someone like that. Our work needs to be valued and protected like other workers are protected.”
“Our right to occupational health and safety has been a long time exclusion. Ten years ago, we were fighting for domestic workers’ bill of rights. When we were trying to get the bill passed, they wouldn’t let us include occupational health and safety,” Diaz added.
Cha Murdock is a part-time caregiver and full-time worker at the Pilipino Workers Center, where she organizes caregivers through teaching them about their rights, protections, and laws.
Like Diaz, Murdock says she too was inspired by this pandemic to fight for the bill.
“A week before the shutdown, in early March, there was talk of coronavirus at the facility I was in and it was still open. Tons of people come and go inside the facility I work at.”
Murdock claimed that her boss had told her that they couldn’t protect her if she wanted to continue working. She chose to stop her part time work at the facility.
“I’d rather not work and protect myself than open myself to the virus. If I’m sick, I don’t have protection or health insurance, so all the money I earn will not be enough. I don’t want to get my husband sick,” Murdock shared.
House cleaners who are consistently exposed to toxic chemicals which affect their health and skin will benefit from the legislation, she added.
We Don’t Know When The Next Fire Is Going To Be
Since the pandemic, activism for domestic workers’ rights has moved online to Zoom, a video-chatting application that has soared in popularity.
“We have had to do lobbying in a way we were not used to. It was urgent to keep moving forward because we needed the bill to pass,” Diaz said. “We started doing everything in a virtual Zoom meeting. We did two lobby days with different legislators and a hearing with the labor committee, which was many hours of us on a Zoom call waiting for the labor committee to read the bill.”
Murdock especially enjoyed the experience of virtual lobbying and organizing her members and leaders for the labor committee’s Zoom call.
The Pilipino Workers Centre initiated town hall meetings to inform and educate members, said Murdock. “Every two weeks we do a meeting. We are increasing membership and educating people more and identifying funding groups with undocumented people.”
Galeon shared, “On a personal note, the bill will help the relationships between employers and employees. There will be a breakthrough of understanding. It’s about us and the future of domestic workers of this and the next generation.”
There is a Spanish saying that Diaz would like to share with lawmakers and elected officials, “Toca al corazon.”
“It means touch your heart and think of yourself as a human being, who may get sick and need a homecare worker. They need protection and to have their work valued.”
“We don’t know when the next fire is going to be or how long COVID-19 will last,” Diaz continued. “I think about how if we were included in CAL-OSHA I wouldn’t have gotten sick after the fires. So many people I know wouldn’t have gotten sick because we would have a right to protection.”
It made Diaz “feel good” to see four out of five members of the labor committee vote to advance the bill.
“I’m going to continue [to be] in this fight until we pass this law. Thousands of us need this protection, and I hope that there is the support of legislators and the governor,” Diaz concluded.