shadowproof--2020-08-02--Looking Back On Shadowproof’s Fifth Year

Looking Back On Shadowproof ’ s Fifth Year We launched Shadowproof five years ago .
Many of you helped us accomplish quite a bit so let ’ s take a moment to celebrate the impact we ’ ve had .
Since our last birthday , Shadowproof published 26 articles from 17 freelance journalists .
While we published fewer freelance articles than last year , we paid writers greater amounts than in previous years .
Members and donors , as well as journalists who contributed work and believed we could provide a solid platform for their reporting , made that possible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to London—just before COVID-19 shut down the world—and covered a week-long extradition hearing in WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange ’ s case .
His coverage was featured on BBC Radio , Sky News Australia , Common Dreams , The Grayzone , The Real News , The Canary , and MintPress News .
Kevin also garnered widespread attention after he exposed the who ’ s who of corporate lobbyists and foreign policy hacks Democratic National Committee chair Tom Perez appointed to Democratic National Convention Committees .
It forecast the zeal in which the establishment would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to extinguish Senator Bernie Sanders ’ chances to win the Democratic presidential primary .
Beyond Prisons , which Shadowproof publishing editor Brian Sonenstein co-hosts , was recognized by Elle magazine ’ s list of the top 10 anti-racist podcasts .
He continued to break stories about “ gladiator fights ” in California prisons for our “ Prison Protest ” column and collaborated with Solitary Watch to report on growing evidence that brief stints in solitary confinement may increase a person ’ s chances of death after release from prison .
Brian ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in America claimed to be “ understaffed ” —a claim historically used to increase investments in incarceration—and he delved into the backgrounds of every member on President Donald Trump ’ s commission on policing .
In addition to our “ Trans Behind Bars ” series by Adryan Corcione , which explored the incarceration of trans people , we published letters from incarcerated people who opposed plans to build new jails in New York City .
We are in the midst of featuring reports on how prison abolitionists confront violence without involving the police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The Dissenter Weekly ” last December that highlights whistleblower stories .
And in July , we replaced our weekly member newsletter , Keeping the Issues Alive , with a more focused newsletter called The Dissenter .
The newsletter is still curated by Kevin , and it offers subscribers in-depth coverage of whistleblowers and the obstacles they face within government and corporate institutions .
One weekly edition is sent to all subscribers , and paid subscribers receive a second and/or third edition every week with additional reporting and commentary .
Shadowproof maintained its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Disclosure , ” hosted by Rania Khalek and Kevin Gosztola , and “ Beyond Prisons , ” hosted by Brian Sonenstein and Kim Wilson .
And C.J .
Baker , who curates a website called “ Ongoing History Of Protest Songs , ” kept up his “ Protest Song Of The Week ” contributions .
We now have 120 members , who give money monthly toward our stability and to ensure we can greenlight stories pitched to us by freelance contributors .
This is a loss of six members compared to last year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ impact the COVID-19 pandemic has had on individual finances .
And we are grateful for all the new members and donors , who backed our COVID-19 relief fundraiser for freelance journalists .
Our podcasts , as well as our newsletter , are crucial ways for Shadowproof to sustain the work we publish .
We believe it is up to us to develop innovative ways to survive that can keep alternative and independent journalism at Shadowproof vibrant and impactful .
The more subscribers , the more we will be able to give a diverse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ journalism on our website .
( Subscribe for $ 5/month if you would like to receive the newsletter or support “ Beyond Prisons ” or “ Unauthorized Disclosure.
” ) Shadowproof recognizes its limitations .
We do not have billionaire or millionaire donors who will give us vast sums of money and resources to achieve our potential .
But we also believe if we relied on mega-donors that could lead members and readers to question our editorial independence .
Plus , a mega-donor could abruptly cut their support and force us to shut @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vulnerabilities in addition to our successes .
Shadowproof ambitiously set out to publish a print zine during our fourth birthday .
We envisioned a quarterly publication in the vibrant tradition of alternative magazines , with contributions from writers , satirists , artists , and more .
However , the economic downturn and pandemic , as well as the small budget and resources we have , forced us to rethink how and when we may produce a zine .
Neither Kevin nor Brian pay themselves for the work they do at Shadowproof .
Throughout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ made sure the vast majority of funds went toward hiring journalists .
But that can only last for so long before they will need to draw some small income from Shadowproof in order to keep operating what they built .
We also set a goal during our last birthday to publish more reporting on the climate catastrophe and give platforms to individuals from indigenous communities .
We regrettably failed to do either , but we will redouble our efforts in the coming year by recruiting writers to cover these topics .
The left @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is incredibly atomized and scattered .
This is evident within left or left-leaning media .
In the next year , we plan to collaborate across more sites and cross-pollinate in ways that benefit all involved .
We feel this will build some much-needed solidarity .
For example , Shadowproof already has a relationship with Truthout , where we republish each other ’ s articles .
We have republished the work of Solitary Watch , which reports on solitary confinement and the dark underbelly of the criminal justice system .
But we hope to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , podcasts , YouTube , and social media accounts to support others engaged in this essential work .
Shadowproof was openly optimistic about the potential of grassroots movements to force socialist ideas into the Democratic presidential primary .
Unfortunately , a combination of factors led to the demise of Sanders ’ 2020 campaign , and in its place , a vacuum developed until George Floyd was murdered by Minneapolis police and Black Lives Matter uprisings intensified already-simmering rage and discontent toward political elites .
Additionally , we did not anticipate how the Democratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , would coalesce around former Vice President Joe Biden , whose campaign was in shambles until the South Carolina primary .
In retrospect , it represents a cautionary tale of what happens when grassroots movements invest their hopes and dreams in Democrats and the electoral process , which has never delivered justice .
From August to Election Day , we expect Biden and neoliberal Democrats will constantly lower our political expectations as they appeal to “ Never Trump ” Republicans , like former Ohio Governor John Kasich .
It will constrain our discourse @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but we have no patience for this anti-democratic impulse and will vigorously defy it .
If Biden somehow defeats Trump it will be Republicans and their corporate backers , who a Biden White House will serve—not liberal Democrats and certainly not any Democrats willing to meet with grassroots organizers .
Thankfully , Shadowproof finds wells of hope outside of the electoral process .
In particular , anti-racist movements like Black Lives Matter , including the movement to abolish the prison industrial complex , have been hard at work building power and challenging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We are seeing the fruits of that labor this summer .
We believe increased visibility and the impact of this organizing will radicalize segments of the American public and enable us to not only defend against fascism and white supremacy but also build a better world for all of us .
We remain committed to covering this organizing as we have since we launched in 2015 .
At the same time , we are mindful of the history of racist backlashes to anti-racist organizing in the United States , and remain vigilant in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a second Trump term nor a Biden presidency , which reveals what parts of the Trump project have become bipartisan political consensus , will fundamentally change what we do as an independent media organization .
We do not take any day for granted , and we are proud to still be here after five years .
It is exceptionally difficult to operate an independent media organization .
And in a year where anywhere from 30,000 to 40,000 jobs in the media industry have been lost ( many of them permanently ) , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for dissenting voices , who push back against the corporate and political culture that consistently refines its methods of dominance and control .
Thank you again for supporting and reading Shadowproof .
Onward to another five years .
The 10 most popular articles in Shadowproof ’ s 5th year were : 1 .
Officials Ignored Warnings Before Massive ‘ Gladiator Fight ’ At Soledad State Prison In California by Brian Sonenstein 2 .
Journalist Max Blumenthal Arrested , Hit With Political Prosecution Related To Venezuela Reporting by Kevin Gosztola 3 .
New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Complaint , Sparks Outrage By Kevin Gosztola 5 .
Northrop Grumman Accused Of Fueling False ‘ Revenge Porn ’ Allegations Against CIA Whistleblower John Kiriakou by Kevin Gosztola 6 .
Familiar Faction Of Regime Change Advocates Lash Out At Journalists Reporting From Syria by Kevin Gosztola 7 .
I ’ m Still Sorry I Listened To Susan Sarandon During The 2016 Election by Kevin Gosztola 8 .
US Government Expands Assange Indictment To Criminalize Assistance Provided To Edward Snowden by Kevin Gosztola 9 .
Street Medics See Cuba As A Model For COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 10 .
The Coronavirus Primaries Were Illegitimate Elections By Kevin Gosztola

We launched Shadowproof five years ago. Many of you helped us accomplish quite a bit so let’s take a moment to celebrate the impact we’ve had.
Since our last birthday, Shadowproof published 26 articles from 17 freelance journalists. While we published fewer freelance articles than last year, we paid writers greater amounts than in previous years. Members and donors, as well as journalists who contributed work and believed we could provide a solid platform for their reporting, made that possible.
Shadowproof managing editor Kevin Gosztola traveled to London—just before COVID-19 shut down the world—and covered a week-long extradition hearing in WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange’s case. His coverage was featured on BBC Radio, Sky News Australia, Common Dreams, The Grayzone, The Real News, The Canary, and MintPress News.
Kevin also garnered widespread attention after he exposed the who’s who of corporate lobbyists and foreign policy hacks Democratic National Committee chair Tom Perez appointed to Democratic National Convention Committees. It forecast the zeal in which the establishment would coalesce around former Vice President Joe Biden to extinguish Senator Bernie Sanders’ chances to win the Democratic presidential primary.
Beyond Prisons, which Shadowproof publishing editor Brian Sonenstein co-hosts, was recognized by Elle magazine’s list of the top 10 anti-racist podcasts. He continued to break stories about “gladiator fights” in California prisons for our “Prison Protest” column and collaborated with Solitary Watch to report on growing evidence that brief stints in solitary confinement may increase a person’s chances of death after release from prison.
Brian’s research found corrections departments in every state in America claimed to be “understaffed”—a claim historically used to increase investments in incarceration—and he delved into the backgrounds of every member on President Donald Trump’s commission on policing.
In addition to our “Trans Behind Bars” series by Adryan Corcione, which explored the incarceration of trans people, we published letters from incarcerated people who opposed plans to build new jails in New York City. We are in the midst of featuring reports on how prison abolitionists confront violence without involving the police.
We launched a YouTube show called “The Dissenter Weekly” last December that highlights whistleblower stories. And in July, we replaced our weekly member newsletter, Keeping the Issues Alive, with a more focused newsletter called The Dissenter.
The newsletter is still curated by Kevin, and it offers subscribers in-depth coverage of whistleblowers and the obstacles they face within government and corporate institutions. One weekly edition is sent to all subscribers, and paid subscribers receive a second and/or third edition every week with additional reporting and commentary.
Shadowproof maintained its support for two podcasts: “Unauthorized Disclosure,” hosted by Rania Khalek and Kevin Gosztola, and “Beyond Prisons,” hosted by Brian Sonenstein and Kim Wilson. And C.J. Baker, who curates a website called “Ongoing History Of Protest Songs,” kept up his “Protest Song Of The Week” contributions.
We now have 120 members, who give money monthly toward our stability and to ensure we can greenlight stories pitched to us by freelance contributors. This is a loss of six members compared to last year, which we find remarkable given the impact the COVID-19 pandemic has had on individual finances. And we are grateful for all the new members and donors, who backed our COVID-19 relief fundraiser for freelance journalists.
Our podcasts, as well as our newsletter, are crucial ways for Shadowproof to sustain the work we publish.
We believe it is up to us to develop innovative ways to survive that can keep alternative and independent journalism at Shadowproof vibrant and impactful.
The more subscribers, the more we will be able to give a diverse range of voices a platform for their journalism on our website. (Subscribe for $5/month if you would like to receive the newsletter or support “Beyond Prisons” or “Unauthorized Disclosure.”)
Shadowproof recognizes its limitations. We do not have billionaire or millionaire donors who will give us vast sums of money and resources to achieve our potential. But we also believe if we relied on mega-donors that could lead members and readers to question our editorial independence. Plus, a mega-donor could abruptly cut their support and force us to shut down.
We recognize our failures and vulnerabilities in addition to our successes. Shadowproof ambitiously set out to publish a print zine during our fourth birthday. We envisioned a quarterly publication in the vibrant tradition of alternative magazines, with contributions from writers, satirists, artists, and more. However, the economic downturn and pandemic, as well as the small budget and resources we have, forced us to rethink how and when we may produce a zine.
Neither Kevin nor Brian pay themselves for the work they do at Shadowproof. Throughout the past five years, they have made sure the vast majority of funds went toward hiring journalists. But that can only last for so long before they will need to draw some small income from Shadowproof in order to keep operating what they built.
We also set a goal during our last birthday to publish more reporting on the climate catastrophe and give platforms to individuals from indigenous communities. We regrettably failed to do either, but we will redouble our efforts in the coming year by recruiting writers to cover these topics.
***
The left, however that may be defined, is incredibly atomized and scattered. This is evident within left or left-leaning media. In the next year, we plan to collaborate across more sites and cross-pollinate in ways that benefit all involved. We feel this will build some much-needed solidarity.
For example, Shadowproof already has a relationship with Truthout, where we republish each other’s articles. We have republished the work of Solitary Watch, which reports on solitary confinement and the dark underbelly of the criminal justice system. But we hope to do more through our website, newsletter, podcasts, YouTube, and social media accounts to support others engaged in this essential work.
Shadowproof was openly optimistic about the potential of grassroots movements to force socialist ideas into the Democratic presidential primary. Unfortunately, a combination of factors led to the demise of Sanders’ 2020 campaign, and in its place, a vacuum developed until George Floyd was murdered by Minneapolis police and Black Lives Matter uprisings intensified already-simmering rage and discontent toward political elites.
Additionally, we did not anticipate how the Democratic Party establishment, with help from Republicans, would coalesce around former Vice President Joe Biden, whose campaign was in shambles until the South Carolina primary. In retrospect, it represents a cautionary tale of what happens when grassroots movements invest their hopes and dreams in Democrats and the electoral process, which has never delivered justice.
From August to Election Day, we expect Biden and neoliberal Democrats will constantly lower our political expectations as they appeal to “Never Trump” Republicans, like former Ohio Governor John Kasich. It will constrain our discourse and pressure us to avoid certain journalism, but we have no patience for this anti-democratic impulse and will vigorously defy it.
If Biden somehow defeats Trump it will be Republicans and their corporate backers, who a Biden White House will serve—not liberal Democrats and certainly not any Democrats willing to meet with grassroots organizers.
Thankfully, Shadowproof finds wells of hope outside of the electoral process. In particular, anti-racist movements like Black Lives Matter, including the movement to abolish the prison industrial complex, have been hard at work building power and challenging oppressive norms over the last decade. We are seeing the fruits of that labor this summer.
We believe increased visibility and the impact of this organizing will radicalize segments of the American public and enable us to not only defend against fascism and white supremacy but also build a better world for all of us. We remain committed to covering this organizing as we have since we launched in 2015. At the same time, we are mindful of the history of racist backlashes to anti-racist organizing in the United States, and remain vigilant in the face of that possibility.
Neither a second Trump term nor a Biden presidency, which reveals what parts of the Trump project have become bipartisan political consensus, will fundamentally change what we do as an independent media organization.
We do not take any day for granted, and we are proud to still be here after five years.
It is exceptionally difficult to operate an independent media organization. And in a year where anywhere from 30,000 to 40,000 jobs in the media industry have been lost (many of them permanently), we recommit ourselves to curating and expanding spaces for dissenting voices, who push back against the corporate and political culture that consistently refines its methods of dominance and control.
Thank you again for supporting and reading Shadowproof. Onward to another five years.
***
The 10 most popular articles in Shadowproof’s 5th year were:
1. Officials Ignored Warnings Before Massive ‘Gladiator Fight’ At Soledad State Prison In California by Brian Sonenstein
2. Journalist Max Blumenthal Arrested, Hit With Political Prosecution Related To Venezuela Reporting by Kevin Gosztola
3. New York Times Outs Individual Behind Ukraine Call Whistleblower Complaint, Sparks Outrage By Kevin Gosztola
4. Republicans, Including A Trump Supporter, Funded Joe Biden’s Super PAC In February by Kevin Gosztola
5. Northrop Grumman Accused Of Fueling False ‘Revenge Porn’ Allegations Against CIA Whistleblower John Kiriakou by Kevin Gosztola
6. Familiar Faction Of Regime Change Advocates Lash Out At Journalists Reporting From Syria by Kevin Gosztola
7. I’m Still Sorry I Listened To Susan Sarandon During The 2016 Election by Kevin Gosztola
8. US Government Expands Assange Indictment To Criminalize Assistance Provided To Edward Snowden by Kevin Gosztola
9. Street Medics See Cuba As A Model For COVID-19 Response In Vulnerable Communities by Devyn Springer
10. The Coronavirus Primaries Were Illegitimate Elections By Kevin Gosztola


shadowproof--2020-07-24--Top 10 Protest Albums Of 2020 (So Far)

Top 10 Protest Albums Of 2020 (So Far)

In March , Fiona Apple announced that the recording of her long-awaited album was completed .
The record company planned to release it in October , but Apple insisted it come out sooner .
So fans were treated to a release on April 17 , amidst a global pandemic .
The timing was appropriate , as the songs encapsulate feelings of anxiety that are compounded by a sense of isolation .
It is one of the best-reviewed albums of the year , and Apple addresses themes of empowerment and encourages listeners to get out the metaphorical bolt cutters to release @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a prime example of how the personal is often political .
For example , on “ Under the Table , ” Apple sings , “ Kick me under the table all you want .
I won ’ t shut up.
” This relates to an uncomfortable dinner party , where Apple decides to call out one of the other guests for their offensive remarks , but it can apply to any situation where someone tries to silence your voice .
Apple shows empathy for the trauma of others .
For instance , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with permission , about a friend who used to intern for a Hollywood producer .
The disconcerting line , “ Good morning .
You raped me in the same bed your daughter was born in , ” resonates in the # MeToo era .
At the bottom of the tracklist , the back album cover reads , “ Made on unceded Tongva , Mescalero Apache , and Suma territories.
” This is Apple acknowledging the land on which she recorded belonged to indigenous people .
Algiers — There Is No Year The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some abstract version of the front page of a newspaper .
It takes poetic fragments and articulates a world of gloom while at the same time saying , “ We ’ ll be ok with the darkness.
” And the final words allude to Donald Trump , Boris Johnson , or any demagogue thriving off chaos to amass and consolidate their power .
It was released in January before a pandemic shut down the entire world and way before resurgent Black Lives Matter uprisings spread globally .
This gives the music a stark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fear of civilization collapsing .
Algiers is from Atlanta , Georgia , and their music is a combination of gospel , soul , and industrial styles .
The name of the band connects it to anti-colonial struggle and the need for a global consciousness that can supplant the elite cosmopolitanism that dominates society .
We have all felt like , “ There is no year , ” in 2020 .
It is a somber yet perfect mantra for grappling with how we survive the rest of this year .
This was the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the first nonprofit record label for current and formerly incarcerated musicians .
It translates to “ she who struggles is a warrior , ” and it was released on Juneteenth .
BL Shirelle , who is the deputy director for the label , put together an intensely personal album .
It partly reflects on her time in prison while seeking to transcend that chapter in her life .
On “ SIGS , ” an acronym for “ shit I got ta say , ” and “ Generational Curse , ” Shirelle spits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She grew up as the child of a crack addict and sold crack to her mom at the age of 12 .
That put her on a path that she does not want for her children .
“ Conspiracy , ” Shirelle describes , is a “ cinematic ” song that tells an incarceration story specific to Pennsylvania , where she lives .
It focuses on a juvenile , who is sentenced to life in prison after making some choices that put them in a situation that results in conspiracy charges .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ track ends with a guitar solo .
Each entry on the album is sonically diverse enough to create a tapestry that brings out both the joy and pain , which inspires BL Shirelle to make music and collaborate with artists who remain behind bars .
( Kevin Gosztola ) Centered on survivors of the Upper Big Branch coal mine explosion , most of the music on “ Ghosts of West Virginia ” comes from a play called “ Coal Country ” that was performed at the Public Theater in New York until the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like “ Time Is Never On Our Side ” and “ If I Could See Your Face Again ” humanize residents of Appalachia Country in a manner that creates solidarity by introducing their lives and experiences to metropolitan communities , who may know very little about what rural West Virginians endure .
Earle blends styles of folk , bluegrass , and American to reinforce the pride workers have for their labor , their land , and their sacrifices and their families ’ sacrifices .
It honors their blood , sweat , and tears @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coal In the Ground ” and “ It ’ s About Blood , ” the music acknowledges their indignation and resolve to fight on in spite of decades of exploitation .
Irreversible Entanglements – Who Sent You ?
Irreversible Entanglements describes itself as a liberation-oriented free jazz collective .
They formed at a Musicians Against Police Brutality event after the New York Police Department murdered Akai Gurley .
The ensemble ’ s second album builds on the free jazz sound they developed to restore the genre ’ s connection to Black liberation .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ entire holistic jam of ‘ infinite possibilities coming back around , ’ a sprawling meditation for afro-cosmonauts , a reminder of the forms and traumas of the past , and the shape and vision of Afrotopian sounds to come.
” Camae Ayewa ( a.k.a .
Moor Mother ) , Keir Neuringer , Aquiles Navarro , Tcheser Holmes , and Luke Stewart collectively reckon with past demons while agitating for a better future for humanity .
“ At what point do we stand up ?
At the breaking point ?
At the point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on “ The Code Noir/Amina.
” “ At what point ?
At what point do we pull each other up , up out of the void , up out of a hell ?
At what point ?
At what point ?
At what point do we give a shit ?
Do we stand up and say something ?
” Another track “ No Más ” revolves around the concept of Africans fleeing Earth to escape oppression .
“ No más .
No more .
No longer will we allow them to divide and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our humanity.
” It ’ s provocative and invigorating jazz , both sonically and lyrically , that pushes boundaries as the best music should .
The rapper ’ s second full-length album is a departure from his 2018 full-length debut “ ensley.
” It also does not feature much rap .
Instead , it features intense growls , which Pink Siifu effectively uses to express black rage .
The eclectic album is a hybrid of several genres , including hardcore punk and free jazz .
The confrontational album heavily addresses systemic racism and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the back-to-back tracks “ ameriKKKa , try no pork ” and “ run pig run.
” The first of those two tracks features news soundbites of police murdering black people , and the next track addresses the potential backlash that will come if the system is not overhauled .
The songs express the natural desire to see a reckoning for those who abuse power .
At over 20 songs that last 37 minutes , Pink Siifu does not waste any time in taking aim at his targets .
Killer Mike and El-P @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the political .
On their fourth album , their music is more relevant than ever .
It also has had quite an impact in the two months since its release , making it a momentous album .
Many of the songs were composed before 2020 and written before widespread protests against police brutality .
Yet the album perfectly encapsulates the current political climate .
A prime example of the prescient nature of the album is “ walking in the snow.
” Killer Mike raps , “ And every day on the evening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ free .
And you so numb , you watch the cops choke out a man like me .
Until my voice goes from a shriek to whisper , ‘ I can ’ t breathe , ’ ” referring to the dying words of Eric Garner .
He could ’ ve been referring to the murder of George Floyd .
Likewise , the tune “ JU $ T ” features the lines , “ Where murderous chokehold cops still earnin ’ a livin ’ .
Funny how some say money don ’ t matter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ isn ’ t it ?
Get it ?
Comedy .
Try to sell a pack of smokes to get food .
Get killed and it ’ s not an anomaly.
” That same song , which features vocals from Pharrell Williams and Zack de la Rocha , is a pointed examination of the link between capitalism and systemic racism .
The lyric “ Look at all these slave masters posin ’ on yo ’ dollar ” packs a lot of weight .
Over 20 tracks , SAULT weaves a sonically rich and spiritually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more people than ever seem to be throwing off the chains that have oppressed them for so long .
SAULT is a collective that in the past has presented their music anonymously .
This album credits Inflo and Cleo Sol , an R & B singer-songwriter , and the collective presented it to “ mark the moment in time where we as Black People , and of Black Origin are fighting for our lives.
” They connected it to the murder of George Floyd and “ all those who have suffered from police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been an eruption of music centered on Black experiences , especially as they relate to policing and protests .
But “ UNTITLED ” distinguishes itself by having so many collaborators and a diverse sound that truly represents what is a global movement .
Each track , like “ Hard Life , ” “ Don ’ t Shoot , ” “ Bow , ” or “ Monsters , ” plays like a dispatch from those on the front lines of struggle .
And this incredible album is SAULT ’ s spiritual contribution to Black @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , facing everything from trauma and hardship to cracks in political structures that finally present them with openings for revolutionary change .
The New Orleans anarcho-glam band aptly describes their sophomore album as “ a precise and deranged vision of punk , an apocalyptic celebration , a step forward into a perverse and uncertain landscape.
” Gloomy soundscapes provide the backdrop for lead singer and lyricist Alli Logout to express the emotions many feel in the current state of upheaval .
One of the album ’ s highlights is “ All Tomorrow ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a “ Protest Song Of the Week.
” It addresses how gentrification contributes to systemic poverty and homelessness ( “ Arise from the rubble .
Another tawdry condo .
And a high rise suite .
Yeah , they were pushed out .
Soon evacuated .
House was near dilapidated.
” ) .
The song calls attention to the prevalence of apathy ( “ We were willingly blind ” ) .
Similar issues are explored on “ Homogenized Milk ” ( “ What happens when there ’ s nothing left to gentrify .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) .
Altogether , the album is an intense and urgent wake-up call .
David Strickland has had a successful career as a producer , mixer , and engineer .
After spending over two decades behind the scenes , he finally received prime billing with his debut album .
Strickland heavily taps into his Mi ’ kmaq heritage , a lineage that can be traced back five generations .
It explores indigenous themes , yet many of the subjects resonate across several demographics .
For example , multiple tunes address the issue of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ em , we need less cops ” ( “ Times Running Away ” ) , “ Ain ’ t nothing new on the block , getting shot by the cops ” ( “ Turtle Island ” ) and “ Looking so cold outside , remind me of the po-po , when they beat my ass that night and threw me in a chokehold ” ( “ Rez Life ” ) call out brutality .
It is a powerful album , which educates the mind and moves the body .
And while his name @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provides a platform for other artists to shine , as he has done throughout his career .
Hip-hop luminaries , such as EPMD , Def Squad , and young and upcoming Canadian and American indigenous hip-hop artists like Que Rock , Supaman and Snotty Nose Rez Kids are featured .

Fiona Apple — Fetch The Bolt Cutters In March, Fiona Apple announced that the recording of her long-awaited album was completed. The record company planned to release it in October, but Apple insisted it come out sooner. So fans were treated to a release on April 17, amidst a global pandemic. The timing was appropriate, as the songs encapsulate feelings of anxiety that are compounded by a sense of isolation. It is one of the best-reviewed albums of the year, and Apple addresses themes of empowerment and encourages listeners to get out the metaphorical bolt cutters to release themselves from oppression. Also, it is a prime example of how the personal is often political. For example, on “Under the Table,” Apple sings, “Kick me under the table all you want. I won’t shut up.” This relates to an uncomfortable dinner party, where Apple decides to call out one of the other guests for their offensive remarks, but it can apply to any situation where someone tries to silence your voice. Apple shows empathy for the trauma of others. For instance, “For Her,” was written, with permission, about a friend who used to intern for a Hollywood producer. The disconcerting line, “Good morning. You raped me in the same bed your daughter was born in,” resonates in the #MeToo era. At the bottom of the tracklist, the back album cover reads, “Made on unceded Tongva, Mescalero Apache, and Suma territories.” This is Apple acknowledging the land on which she recorded belonged to indigenous people. (C.J. Baker)
Algiers — There Is No Year The album cover arranges textures and images like some abstract version of the front page of a newspaper. It takes poetic fragments and articulates a world of gloom while at the same time saying, “We’ll be ok with the darkness.” And the final words allude to Donald Trump, Boris Johnson, or any demagogue thriving off chaos to amass and consolidate their power. It was released in January before a pandemic shut down the entire world and way before resurgent Black Lives Matter uprisings spread globally. This gives the music a stark prescience as it ruminates on the collective fear of civilization collapsing. Algiers is from Atlanta, Georgia, and their music is a combination of gospel, soul, and industrial styles. The name of the band connects it to anti-colonial struggle and the need for a global consciousness that can supplant the elite cosmopolitanism that dominates society. We have all felt like, “There is no year,” in 2020. It is a somber yet perfect mantra for grappling with how we survive the rest of this year. (Kevin Gosztola)
BL Shirelle – Assata Troi This was the first album released by Die Jim Crow Records, the first nonprofit record label for current and formerly incarcerated musicians. It translates to “she who struggles is a warrior,” and it was released on Juneteenth.
BL Shirelle, who is the deputy director for the label, put together an intensely personal album. It partly reflects on her time in prison while seeking to transcend that chapter in her life.
On “SIGS,” an acronym for “shit I gotta say,” and “Generational Curse,” Shirelle spits lyrics that deal with breaking a cycle. She grew up as the child of a crack addict and sold crack to her mom at the age of 12. That put her on a path that she does not want for her children.
“Conspiracy,” Shirelle describes, is a “cinematic” song that tells an incarceration story specific to Pennsylvania, where she lives. It focuses on a juvenile, who is sentenced to life in prison after making some choices that put them in a situation that results in conspiracy charges. The beat is grimy, and the track ends with a guitar solo.
Each entry on the album is sonically diverse enough to create a tapestry that brings out both the joy and pain, which inspires BL Shirelle to make music and collaborate with artists who remain behind bars.
(Kevin Gosztola)
Steve Earle – Ghosts Of West Virginia Centered on survivors of the Upper Big Branch coal mine explosion, most of the music on “Ghosts of West Virginia” comes from a play called “Coal Country” that was performed at the Public Theater in New York until the coronavirus pandemic shut everything down.
Songs like “Time Is Never On Our Side” and “If I Could See Your Face Again” humanize residents of Appalachia Country in a manner that creates solidarity by introducing their lives and experiences to metropolitan communities, who may know very little about what rural West Virginians endure.
Earle blends styles of folk, bluegrass, and American to reinforce the pride workers have for their labor, their land, and their sacrifices and their families’ sacrifices. It honors their blood, sweat, and tears, and through “Devil Put the Coal In the Ground” and “It’s About Blood,” the music acknowledges their indignation and resolve to fight on in spite of decades of exploitation. (Kevin Gosztola)
Irreversible Entanglements – Who Sent You? Irreversible Entanglements describes itself as a liberation-oriented free jazz collective. They formed at a Musicians Against Police Brutality event after the New York Police Department murdered Akai Gurley. The ensemble’s second album builds on the free jazz sound they developed to restore the genre’s connection to Black liberation. The ensemble describes the album as an “entire holistic jam of ‘infinite possibilities coming back around,’ a sprawling meditation for afro-cosmonauts, a reminder of the forms and traumas of the past, and the shape and vision of Afrotopian sounds to come.” Camae Ayewa (a.k.a. Moor Mother), Keir Neuringer, Aquiles Navarro, Tcheser Holmes, and Luke Stewart collectively reckon with past demons while agitating for a better future for humanity. “At what point do we stand up? At the breaking point? At the point of no return?” declares Ayewa on “The Code Noir/Amina.” “At what point? At what point do we pull each other up, up out of the void, up out of a hell? At what point? At what point? At what point do we give a shit? Do we stand up and say something?” Another track “No Más” revolves around the concept of Africans fleeing Earth to escape oppression. “No más. No more. No longer will we allow them to divide and conquer, divide and oppress, define our humanity.” It’s provocative and invigorating jazz, both sonically and lyrically, that pushes boundaries as the best music should. (Kevin Gosztola)
Pink Siifu – NEGRO The rapper’s second full-length album is a departure from his 2018 full-length debut “ensley.” It also does not feature much rap. Instead, it features intense growls, which Pink Siifu effectively uses to express black rage. The eclectic album is a hybrid of several genres, including hardcore punk and free jazz. The confrontational album heavily addresses systemic racism and police brutality. This is best exemplified with the back-to-back tracks “ameriKKKa, try no pork” and “run pig run.” The first of those two tracks features news soundbites of police murdering black people, and the next track addresses the potential backlash that will come if the system is not overhauled. The songs express the natural desire to see a reckoning for those who abuse power. At over 20 songs that last 37 minutes, Pink Siifu does not waste any time in taking aim at his targets. (C.J. Baker)
Run The Jewels – Run The Jewels 4 Killer Mike and El-P’s rap duo never shy away from the political. On their fourth album, their music is more relevant than ever. It also has had quite an impact in the two months since its release, making it a momentous album. Many of the songs were composed before 2020 and written before widespread protests against police brutality. Yet the album perfectly encapsulates the current political climate. A prime example of the prescient nature of the album is “walking in the snow.” Killer Mike raps, “And every day on the evening news, they feed you fear for free. And you so numb, you watch the cops choke out a man like me. Until my voice goes from a shriek to whisper, ‘I can’t breathe,’” referring to the dying words of Eric Garner. He could’ve been referring to the murder of George Floyd. Likewise, the tune “JU$T” features the lines, “Where murderous chokehold cops still earnin’ a livin’. Funny how some say money don’t matter. That’s rich now, isn’t it? Get it? Comedy. Try to sell a pack of smokes to get food. Get killed and it’s not an anomaly.” That same song, which features vocals from Pharrell Williams and Zack de la Rocha, is a pointed examination of the link between capitalism and systemic racism. The lyric “Look at all these slave masters posin’ on yo’ dollar” packs a lot of weight. (C.J. Baker)
SAULT – UNTITLED (Black Is) Over 20 tracks, SAULT weaves a sonically rich and spiritually affirming tapestry for an era, when more people than ever seem to be throwing off the chains that have oppressed them for so long. SAULT is a collective that in the past has presented their music anonymously. This album credits Inflo and Cleo Sol, an R&B singer-songwriter, and the collective presented it to “mark the moment in time where we as Black People, and of Black Origin are fighting for our lives.” They connected it to the murder of George Floyd and “all those who have suffered from police brutality and systemic racism.” There has been an eruption of music centered on Black experiences, especially as they relate to policing and protests. But “UNTITLED” distinguishes itself by having so many collaborators and a diverse sound that truly represents what is a global movement. Each track, like “Hard Life,” “Don’t Shoot,” “Bow,” or “Monsters,” plays like a dispatch from those on the front lines of struggle. And this incredible album is SAULT’s spiritual contribution to Black people, and those of Black Origin, facing everything from trauma and hardship to cracks in political structures that finally present them with openings for revolutionary change. (Kevin Gosztola)
Special Interest – Passion Of The New Orleans anarcho-glam band aptly describes their sophomore album as “a precise and deranged vision of punk, an apocalyptic celebration, a step forward into a perverse and uncertain landscape.” Gloomy soundscapes provide the backdrop for lead singer and lyricist Alli Logout to express the emotions many feel in the current state of upheaval. One of the album’s highlights is “All Tomorrow’s Carry,” which Shadowproof highlighted as a “Protest Song Of the Week.” It addresses how gentrification contributes to systemic poverty and homelessness (“Arise from the rubble. Another tawdry condo. And a high rise suite. Yeah, they were pushed out. Soon evacuated. House was near dilapidated.”). The song calls attention to the prevalence of apathy (“We were willingly blind”). Similar issues are explored on “Homogenized Milk” (“What happens when there’s nothing left to gentrify. And genocide is on your side”). Altogether, the album is an intense and urgent wake-up call. (C.J. Baker)
David Strickland – Spirit Of Hip Hop David Strickland has had a successful career as a producer, mixer, and engineer. After spending over two decades behind the scenes, he finally received prime billing with his debut album. Strickland heavily taps into his Mi’kmaq heritage, a lineage that can be traced back five generations. It explores indigenous themes, yet many of the subjects resonate across several demographics. For example, multiple tunes address the issue of policing. Lyrics such as “Fuck em, we need less cops” (“Times Running Away”), “Ain’t nothing new on the block, getting shot by the cops” (“Turtle Island”) and “Looking so cold outside, remind me of the po-po, when they beat my ass that night and threw me in a chokehold” (“Rez Life”) call out brutality. It is a powerful album, which educates the mind and moves the body. And while his name appears on the album, he still provides a platform for other artists to shine, as he has done throughout his career. Hip-hop luminaries, such as EPMD, Def Squad, and young and upcoming Canadian and American indigenous hip-hop artists like Que Rock, Supaman and Snotty Nose Rez Kids are featured. (C.J. Baker)


shadowproof--2020-08-04--US Government Employees View Dissent Channels As Risky And A ‘Waste Of Time’

US Government Employees View Dissent Channels As Risky And A ‘ Waste Of Time ’ Federal agency employees largely view dissent channels as a “ waste of time ” and fear they will face retaliation if used , according to a report from the Project on Government Oversight ( POGO ) .
“ There appear to be few public success stories where use of dissent channels led to change or factored into a serious reconsideration of policies , ” POGO adds .
All too often , there are examples of how whistleblowers who go through “ proper channels ” in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s report , “ Stifling Dissent : How the Federal Government ’ s Channels for Challenging Policies from Within Fall Short , ” examines another dimension of what happens to employees or contractors , who use dissent channels specifically established for registering their objections .
“ The report found that the existing channels at the State Department and other agencies are underutilized , and that the systems don ’ t provide sufficient incentives or protections for employees , ” POGO declared in a press release .
POGO also contended , “ At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explicitly hostile toward career government experts , it ’ s clear that federal workers need more effective , independent channels for constructively criticizing policy decisions and need better protections for expressing policy dissent.
” Through agency and court records , interviews with “ former career civil servants and political appointees , ” and previously unpublished information , POGO outlined the use of dissent channels at the State Department , the United States Agency for International Development ( USAID ) , Nuclear Regulatory Commission ( NRC ) , the Energy Department , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Drug Evaluation and Research .
Dissent channels are “ formal avenues within an organization to express their professional concerns about an agency policy or policy proposal.
” A dissenter ’ s policy disclosure may be protected under civil service whistleblower law , but as POGO notes , an employee or contractor has to prove the “ impropriety ” of the policy is not “ debatable among reasonable people , ” which is a “ very high bar.
” There is an entirely separate process for potential whistleblowers , and the lack of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ may limit the ability of someone with political differences to obtain whistleblower protections when they are not really blowing the whistle on corruption .
On the other hand , without statutory protections that cover dissent , it is probably very easy for senior officials to root out individuals who challenge their decision-making .
As POGO describes , the “ Afghanistan Papers ” were “ confidential government interviews ” from over 400 government officials and others that revealed “ top U.S. diplomats and military officials had expressed profound doubts to an independent government office @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the conflict , what winning the war looked like , and whether there was even a plausible chance at success.
” They were published in 2019 .
The Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction John Sopko , who led the office which conducted the interviews , said the American people were lied to about the war .
Before the Afghanistan Papers were published , “ two members of Congress ” pushed for a dissent channel to be established .
Yet , after the Afghanistan Papers showed why a dissent channel is needed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide military personnel or agency civilians a mechanism for sharing their dissenting views against war-making or military policies .
Up until 2017 , the Federal Reserve did not have a dissent channel , even though the economy collapsed as a result of systematic fraud on Wall Street in 2008 .
“ According to a 2016 report from the Federal Reserve ’ s inspector general , all regional banks have ‘ various internal channels through which employees can raise a variety of concerns , in some cases anonymously , ” but that at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] , “ some interviewees identified reservations , including whether anything would be done in response to their concern or whether these channels are truly independent.
” More Like A ‘ Shredder ’ Than A ‘ Suggestion Box ’ Former State Department diplomat Elizabeth Shackelford contends one could “ generously describe ” the agency ’ s dissent channel as a “ suggestion box , ” but it ’ s probably more accurate to “ picture it as a shredder.
” “ State Department employees rarely use the dissent channel , ” according to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ carry a degree of stigma , ” like those who use it have failed to “ effectively advocate a position through normal channels.
” “ It ’ s common for dissenters to receive a response that does not engage the merits of the dissent.
” Dissent can be conflated with “ disloyalty , ” and there is little evidence that retaliators at the State Department are held accountable .
“ In a November 2019 report , the State Department ’ s inspector general confirmed that Brian Hook , the political appointee overseeing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the first year of the Trump administration , removed a career employee from her job for political reasons .
Hook , who now leads the department ’ s efforts on Iran , denies he did anything improper.
” Hook was never “ publicly disciplined , ” and POGO acknowledges that hostile officials who conflate dissent with “ disloyalty ” are not unique to President Donald Trump ’ s administration .
Similar retaliation occurred under Presidents Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton .
At the Energy Department , not everyone who uses the dissent channel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ POGO states , “ If an employee believes that the [ Energy Department ’ s ] elimination of a program for detecting nuclear explosions creates a risk to public safety , it isn ’ t clear whether disputing the elimination would be a protected disclosure based on a ‘ reasonable belief ’ of danger or whether it would simply be a debatable policy disagreement.
” “ A factor that may deter employees from raising concerns is the department ’ s well-documented history of contractors ( who run its national laboratories ) that have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” the report adds .
Out of nearly 110,000 personnel , more than 95,000 work for Energy Department contractors .
Using The Dissent Channel Leads To Negative Consequences The Nuclear Regulatory Commission differs from the State Department in that it publishes information on how often the agency ’ s dissent channel is used , the subject of dissents , how dissents are resolved , and how personnel perceive the channel .
But the NRC ’ s channel still has a negative reputation .
A 2018 retaliation study by the NRC found , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at least some negative consequences as a result of using the process.
” Yet another survey showed 100 percent of respondents believed “ using the process had led to negative consequences , such as changes to their professional responsibilities or being excluded from meetings or career development opportunities.
” The report mentions that NRC managers are both in charge of preventing retaliation and responding to allegations of retaliation , which practically guarantees investigations will lack independence necessary to be viewed as fair .
Furthermore , POGO highlights one NRC example that shows how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dissenters when their support is needed .
“ In 2012 , an NRC reliability and risk engineer named Lawrence Criscione “ believed the NRC was ignoring an important report on the danger faced by a nuclear reactor downstream of a large dam should that dam catastrophically fail.
” “ He sent an unclassified report to several congressional offices , and included his superiors on those communications .
At least one of the congressional offices shared that report with the public .
Soon afterwards , Criscione ’ s superiors asked the inspector general to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the case to the Justice Department to investigate Criscione for alleged computer fraud—a federal felony.
” POGO contends , “ This criminal referral was especially egregious given that the inspector general is at least partially responsible for upholding the whistleblower laws that explicitly protect going to Congress and even the media , so long as the material isn ’ t restricted by law .
The prosecutor declined to bring a case , with the declination form indicating that no federal offense had been committed.
” Fortunately , Criscione still works for the agency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind of whistleblower retaliation resign or are forced out of agencies , which can be devastating to their careers .
‘ Perception Of Negative Consequences Can Have a Chilling Effect ’ Dissenters do not have to experience what Criscione survived to feel impacted .
A 2014 assessment of the NRC ’ s dissent channel recognized the “ perception of negative consequences can have a chilling effect on employees.
” Often memos sent through the dissent channel , especially at the State Department , will remain classified for 25 years or more .
But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Department employees signed on to a memo that objected to Trump ’ s ban on refugees and immigrants from Iran , Iraq , Libya , Somalia , Sudan , Syria , and Yemen .
White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer blasted State Department employees saying they “ should either get with the program or they can go.
” In contrast to many examples , it would appear if dissenters push for war they will be taken seriously .
State Department employees urged President Barack Obama to escalate U.S. military intervention in Syria through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was leaked to the press .
“ Then-Secretary of State John Kerry personally met with several of the authors , ” POGO recalls .
Kerry made sure “ they understood that he was taking those concerns seriously .
Media reports at the time indicated that Kerry was sympathetic to the memo ’ s arguments.
” To address the culture within agencies that stifles dissent , POGO recommends Congress expand the scope of whistleblower protections to cover policy-related communications that are not made through formal dissent channels .
POGO also believes employees or contractors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speech and activity.
” This could be accomplished by granting federal employees jury trials , when they experience retaliation .

Editor’s Note This is a preview of The Dissenter newsletter, which covers whistleblowers and the obstacles they face in government and corporate institutions. To become a subscriber, visit https://dissenter.substack.com/subscribe
Federal agency employees largely view dissent channels as a “waste of time” and fear they will face retaliation if used, according to a report from the Project on Government Oversight (POGO).
“There appear to be few public success stories where use of dissent channels led to change or factored into a serious reconsideration of policies,” POGO adds.
All too often, there are examples of how whistleblowers who go through “proper channels” in the federal government face retaliation.
POGO’s report, “Stifling Dissent: How the Federal Government’s Channels for Challenging Policies from Within Fall Short,” examines another dimension of what happens to employees or contractors, who use dissent channels specifically established for registering their objections.
“The report found that the existing channels at the State Department and other agencies are underutilized, and that the systems don’t provide sufficient incentives or protections for employees,” POGO declared in a press release.
POGO also contended, “At a time when the White House is explicitly hostile toward career government experts, it’s clear that federal workers need more effective, independent channels for constructively criticizing policy decisions and need better protections for expressing policy dissent.”
Through agency and court records, interviews with “former career civil servants and political appointees,” and previously unpublished information, POGO outlined the use of dissent channels at the State Department, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC), the Energy Department, and the Food and Drug Administration’s Center for Drug Evaluation and Research.
Dissent channels are “formal avenues within an organization to express their professional concerns about an agency policy or policy proposal.”
A dissenter’s policy disclosure may be protected under civil service whistleblower law, but as POGO notes, an employee or contractor has to prove the “impropriety” of the policy is not “debatable among reasonable people,” which is a “very high bar.”
There is an entirely separate process for potential whistleblowers, and the lack of protection for those who use dissent channels may limit the ability of someone with political differences to obtain whistleblower protections when they are not really blowing the whistle on corruption. On the other hand, without statutory protections that cover dissent, it is probably very easy for senior officials to root out individuals who challenge their decision-making.
As POGO describes, the “Afghanistan Papers” were “confidential government interviews” from over 400 government officials and others that revealed “top U.S. diplomats and military officials had expressed profound doubts to an independent government office about the United States’ policy goals in the conflict, what winning the war looked like, and whether there was even a plausible chance at success.” They were published in 2019.
The Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction John Sopko, who led the office which conducted the interviews, said the American people were lied to about the war.
Before the Afghanistan Papers were published, “two members of Congress” pushed for a dissent channel to be established. Yet, after the Afghanistan Papers showed why a dissent channel is needed, the Defense Department still does not provide military personnel or agency civilians a mechanism for sharing their dissenting views against war-making or military policies.
Up until 2017, the Federal Reserve did not have a dissent channel, even though the economy collapsed as a result of systematic fraud on Wall Street in 2008.
“According to a 2016 report from the Federal Reserve’s inspector general, all regional banks have ‘various internal channels through which employees can raise a variety of concerns, in some cases anonymously,” but that at least within the New York [Federal Reserve], “some interviewees identified reservations, including whether anything would be done in response to their concern or whether these channels are truly independent.”
More Like A ‘Shredder’ Than A ‘Suggestion Box’
Former State Department diplomat Elizabeth Shackelford contends one could “generously describe” the agency’s dissent channel as a “suggestion box,” but it’s probably more accurate to “picture it as a shredder.”
“State Department employees rarely use the dissent channel,” according to POGO, and using the channel can “carry a degree of stigma,” like those who use it have failed to “effectively advocate a position through normal channels.”
“It’s common for dissenters to receive a response that does not engage the merits of the dissent.”
Dissent can be conflated with “disloyalty,” and there is little evidence that retaliators at the State Department are held accountable.
“In a November 2019 report, the State Department’s inspector general confirmed that Brian Hook, the political appointee overseeing the department’s Dissent Channel during the first year of the Trump administration, removed a career employee from her job for political reasons. Hook, who now leads the department’s efforts on Iran, denies he did anything improper.”
Hook was never “publicly disciplined,” and POGO acknowledges that hostile officials who conflate dissent with “disloyalty” are not unique to President Donald Trump’s administration. Similar retaliation occurred under Presidents Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton.
At the Energy Department, not everyone who uses the dissent channel necessarily qualifies for protection from retaliation.
POGO states, “If an employee believes that the [Energy Department’s] elimination of a program for detecting nuclear explosions creates a risk to public safety, it isn’t clear whether disputing the elimination would be a protected disclosure based on a ‘reasonable belief’ of danger or whether it would simply be a debatable policy disagreement.”
“A factor that may deter employees from raising concerns is the department’s well-documented history of contractors (who run its national laboratories) that have retaliated against employees for speaking up,” the report adds.
Out of nearly 110,000 personnel, more than 95,000 work for Energy Department contractors.
Using The Dissent Channel Leads To Negative Consequences
The Nuclear Regulatory Commission differs from the State Department in that it publishes information on how often the agency’s dissent channel is used, the subject of dissents, how dissents are resolved, and how personnel perceive the channel. But the NRC’s channel still has a negative reputation.
A 2018 retaliation study by the NRC found, “Every single respondent felt they had experienced at least some negative consequences as a result of using the process.”
Yet another survey showed 100 percent of respondents believed “using the process had led to negative consequences, such as changes to their professional responsibilities or being excluded from meetings or career development opportunities.”
The report mentions that NRC managers are both in charge of preventing retaliation and responding to allegations of retaliation, which practically guarantees investigations will lack independence necessary to be viewed as fair.
Furthermore, POGO highlights one NRC example that shows how the inspector general may not back up dissenters when their support is needed.
“In 2012, an NRC reliability and risk engineer named Lawrence Criscione “believed the NRC was ignoring an important report on the danger faced by a nuclear reactor downstream of a large dam should that dam catastrophically fail.”
“He sent an unclassified report to several congressional offices, and included his superiors on those communications. At least one of the congressional offices shared that report with the public. Soon afterwards, Criscione’s superiors asked the inspector general to investigate, and the inspector general referred the case to the Justice Department to investigate Criscione for alleged computer fraud—a federal felony.”
POGO contends, “This criminal referral was especially egregious given that the inspector general is at least partially responsible for upholding the whistleblower laws that explicitly protect going to Congress and even the media, so long as the material isn’t restricted by law. The prosecutor declined to bring a case, with the declination form indicating that no federal offense had been committed.”
Fortunately, Criscione still works for the agency, but many individuals who face this kind of whistleblower retaliation resign or are forced out of agencies, which can be devastating to their careers.
‘Perception Of Negative Consequences Can Have a Chilling Effect’
Dissenters do not have to experience what Criscione survived to feel impacted.
A 2014 assessment of the NRC’s dissent channel recognized the “perception of negative consequences can have a chilling effect on employees.”
Often memos sent through the dissent channel, especially at the State Department, will remain classified for 25 years or more. But in 2017, more than 1,000 State Department employees signed on to a memo that objected to Trump’s ban on refugees and immigrants from Iran, Iraq, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen.
White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer blasted State Department employees saying they “should either get with the program or they can go.”
In contrast to many examples, it would appear if dissenters push for war they will be taken seriously.
State Department employees urged President Barack Obama to escalate U.S. military intervention in Syria through a 2016 dissent channel memo, which was leaked to the press.
“Then-Secretary of State John Kerry personally met with several of the authors,” POGO recalls. Kerry made sure “they understood that he was taking those concerns seriously. Media reports at the time indicated that Kerry was sympathetic to the memo’s arguments.”
To address the culture within agencies that stifles dissent, POGO recommends Congress expand the scope of whistleblower protections to cover policy-related communications that are not made through formal dissent channels.
POGO also believes employees or contractors should enjoy protections for engaging in protected speech and activity.” This could be accomplished by granting federal employees jury trials, when they experience retaliation.


shadowproof--2020-08-04--Workers Face Retaliation, Including Layoffs, For Organizing Unions During COVID-19 Pandemic

The coronavirus pandemic has fueled strikes , protests , and union organizing efforts in response to mass layoffs and concerns of safety protections for essential workers around the United States since economic shutdowns began in March 2020 .
As workers try to organize unions to improve working conditions during the pandemic , employers have engaged in retaliation , including laying off workers involved in organizing .
Sergio Ceballos , a truck driver contracted with XPO Logistics in the San Diego , California area , was banned from a Toyota supplier yard on June 29 , following a demonstration outside the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ personal protective equipment and reduced wages during the pandemic .
The Teamsters are trying to unionize XPO drivers around the U.S. and fight the classification of drivers as independent contractors .
“ I talked to one of the Toyota supervisors and he told me I was banned because they saw me outside of Toyota with those ‘ lazy Teamsters , ’ ” said Ceballos .
“ It ’ s not fair for a driver working for them for a long time like me.
” Ceballos noted over 95 percent of drivers ’ contracted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Toyota supplier , essentially resulting in a layoff as he has only been able to work other loads once or twice a week .
Unfair labor practice charges have been filed with the National Labor Relations Board ( NLRB ) by the Teamsters against the supplier and XPO Logistics alleging violations of the National Labor Relations Act , including retaliation for union and other concerted activity , threatening loss of work for participating in union activity , and surveilling union activity .
XPO Logistics denied Ceballos ’ claims of retaliation , contending @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ Our customer did ask us to ban him from a site in San Diego due to a safety violation , and we did so consistent with protocol , ” an XPO spokesperson told Shadowproof .
The drivers are independent contractors , responsible for equipping themselves with PPE , according to the XPO spokesperson , but XPO provides drivers with PPE free of charge and claimed payment rates are regularly reviewed to align with current market conditions .
A Toyota spokesperson added their suppliers are expected to abide by Toyota ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of , nor do we condone , any labor law violations.
” It ’ s not uncommon for workers to lose their jobs due to involvement in union organizing in the U.S .
According to a December 2019 study conducted by the Economic Policy Institute , one out of every five union election campaigns in the U.S. involves a charge that an employer illegally fired a worker for union activity .
U.S. firms spend around $ 340 million annually on consultants for union avoidance .
With coronavirus cases surging in many parts of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Americans remain unemployed , the stakes for union organizing have risen dramatically .
“ What we ’ ve been seeing under COVID are the same dynamics and same tactics as always , except with everything intensified , ” said Gordon Laufer , Professor at the University of Oregon Labor Education and Research Center .
“ There ’ s both greater intensity in wanting to organize and more intense fear of employer retaliation.
” “ Unfortunately , many employers are responding by resorting to the same , standard intimidation tactics that ‘ union avoidance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this time backed up with an even more real and frightening threat of people losing their jobs , ” Laufer added At the independent coffee retail chain Augie ’ s Coffee in California , 54 employees from all five stores were fired on July 4 , shortly after workers informed management a firm majority of workers were in favor of forming a union .
“ They held a town hall for all the shops .
We showed up and told them we just want union recognition .
Management was belittling , telling us @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were doing , that we were going to ruin the company .
A week later , they [ sent ] out a mass email laying everybody off , ” said Kelly Bader , a barista for six years , who filed an unfair labor practice charge with the NLRB with other laid-off workers .
He explained support for forming a union started in response to management ’ s attempt to hire new people to replace workers who didn ’ t feel comfortable working through the pandemic , as Augie ’ s Coffee locations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the few baristas who were opposed to forming a union were kept on to work out of Augie ’ s Coffee roasting facility , which remains open for online coffee orders .
“ When Augie ’ s fired all its staff , it retained those workers , when other warehouse workers fired for being pro-union anymore , ” added Bader .
Augie ’ s Coffee would not comment on Bader ’ s allegations these workers were retained .
Augie ’ s Coffee denied the firings were retaliatory and cited the coronavirus pandemic as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ It was a matter of time until Augie ’ s saw COVID infections among staff and customers as well , and preventing this was the main factor behind the final decision to close , ” said a spokesperson for Augie ’ s Coffee in an email .
At Orlando International Airport , retail workers contracted by HMS Host recently filed complaints with the NLRB alleging layoffs and threats toward employees who support unionizing .
Their union election to join UNITE HERE was initially delayed due to the pandemic .
In an effort @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is argues only workers who have been called back to work—around ten percent of the workforce prior to the pandemic—should be eligible to vote .
“ They get to pick and choose who is recalled , who they want to have recalled , so they get to choose who gets to vote , which means they might have the majority , but out of all the workers , the majority want the union , ” said Rosanny Tejeda , who worked at Starbucks for HMS Host in the airport for about a year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
HMS Host did not respond to multiple requests for comment .
On June 30 , the New Museum in New York City laid off 18 full and part-time staff among the 41 employees furloughed in March 2020 due to the coronavirus pandemic , despite receiving between $ 1 million to $ 2 million in paycheck protection program funds from the federal government .
According to the New Museum Union , the firings were targeted and part of anti-union efforts on behalf of the museum that began when the union first petitioned to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ They laid off the entire union steward committee .
All three of us were laid off , ” said Dana Kopel , a senior editor and publications coordinator at the museum , who served as the unit chair of the union .
” They laid off the other editor in April , another vocal union supporter , so they have no editors .
Kopel continued , “ It ’ s hard to see how that ’ s a justified business decision .
All four full-time bargaining committee members have been laid off @ @ @ @ @ @ @ supporter there for a long time.
” Other museums , including the Philadelphia Art Museum and Tenement Museum in New York City , have also been accused by workers of conducting permanent layoffs targeted against union supporters .
The New Museum denied layoffs were retaliation against union members , and they claimed revenue losses incurred due to the pandemic made layoffs necessary , even with PPP loans .
“ The decision to proceed with layoffs during this unprecedented time was extraordinarily difficult and one we had hoped to avoid .
We worked hard @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” a spokesperson for the New Museum stated .

The coronavirus pandemic has fueled strikes, protests, and union organizing efforts in response to mass layoffs and concerns of safety protections for essential workers around the United States since economic shutdowns began in March 2020.
As workers try to organize unions to improve working conditions during the pandemic, employers have engaged in retaliation, including laying off workers involved in organizing.
Sergio Ceballos, a truck driver contracted with XPO Logistics in the San Diego, California area, was banned from a Toyota supplier yard on June 29, following a demonstration outside the yard.The Teamsters union opposed the lack of personal protective equipment and reduced wages during the pandemic.
The Teamsters are trying to unionize XPO drivers around the U.S. and fight the classification of drivers as independent contractors.
“I talked to one of the Toyota supervisors and he told me I was banned because they saw me outside of Toyota with those ‘lazy Teamsters,’” said Ceballos. “It’s not fair for a driver working for them for a long time like me.”
Ceballos noted over 95 percent of drivers’ contracted work in the area involves work for the Toyota supplier, essentially resulting in a layoff as he has only been able to work other loads once or twice a week.
Unfair labor practice charges have been filed with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) by the Teamsters against the supplier and XPO Logistics alleging violations of the National Labor Relations Act, including retaliation for union and other concerted activity, threatening loss of work for participating in union activity, and surveilling union activity.
XPO Logistics denied Ceballos’ claims of retaliation, contending he accepted loads since the alleged incident. “Our customer did ask us to ban him from a site in San Diego due to a safety violation, and we did so consistent with protocol,” an XPO spokesperson told Shadowproof.
The drivers are independent contractors, responsible for equipping themselves with PPE, according to the XPO spokesperson, but XPO provides drivers with PPE free of charge and claimed payment rates are regularly reviewed to align with current market conditions.
A Toyota spokesperson added their suppliers are expected to abide by Toyota’s principles. “We are not aware of, nor do we condone, any labor law violations.”
It’s not uncommon for workers to lose their jobs due to involvement in union organizing in the U.S.
According to a December 2019 study conducted by the Economic Policy Institute, one out of every five union election campaigns in the U.S. involves a charge that an employer illegally fired a worker for union activity.
U.S. firms spend around $340 million annually on consultants for union avoidance. With coronavirus cases surging in many parts of the U.S., and as millions of Americans remain unemployed, the stakes for union organizing have risen dramatically.
“What we’ve been seeing under COVID are the same dynamics and same tactics as always, except with everything intensified,” said Gordon Laufer, Professor at the University of Oregon Labor Education and Research Center. “There’s both greater intensity in wanting to organize and more intense fear of employer retaliation.”
“Unfortunately, many employers are responding by resorting to the same, standard intimidation tactics that ‘union avoidance’ consultants have practiced for decades, this time backed up with an even more real and frightening threat of people losing their jobs,” Laufer added
At the independent coffee retail chain Augie’s Coffee in California, 54 employees from all five stores were fired on July 4, shortly after workers informed management a firm majority of workers were in favor of forming a union.
“They held a town hall for all the shops. We showed up and told them we just want union recognition. Management was belittling, telling us we didn’t know what we were doing, that we were going to ruin the company. A week later, they [sent] out a mass email laying everybody off,” said Kelly Bader, a barista for six years, who filed an unfair labor practice charge with the NLRB with other laid-off workers.
He explained support for forming a union started in response to management’s attempt to hire new people to replace workers who didn’t feel comfortable working through the pandemic, as Augie’s Coffee locations remained open. According to Bader, the few baristas who were opposed to forming a union were kept on to work out of Augie’s Coffee roasting facility, which remains open for online coffee orders.
“When Augie’s fired all its staff, it retained those workers, when other warehouse workers fired for being pro-union anymore,” added Bader. Augie’s Coffee would not comment on Bader’s allegations these workers were retained.
Augie’s Coffee denied the firings were retaliatory and cited the coronavirus pandemic as the reason for the store closures.
“It was a matter of time until Augie’s saw COVID infections among staff and customers as well, and preventing this was the main factor behind the final decision to close,” said a spokesperson for Augie’s Coffee in an email.
At Orlando International Airport, retail workers contracted by HMS Host recently filed complaints with the NLRB alleging layoffs and threats toward employees who support unionizing.
Their union election to join UNITE HERE was initially delayed due to the pandemic. In an effort to reschedule the election, HMS Host is argues only workers who have been called back to work—around ten percent of the workforce prior to the pandemic—should be eligible to vote.
“They get to pick and choose who is recalled, who they want to have recalled, so they get to choose who gets to vote, which means they might have the majority, but out of all the workers, the majority want the union,” said Rosanny Tejeda, who worked at Starbucks for HMS Host in the airport for about a year before she was furloughed in March 2020.
HMS Host did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
On June 30, the New Museum in New York City laid off 18 full and part-time staff among the 41 employees furloughed in March 2020 due to the coronavirus pandemic, despite receiving between $1 million to $2 million in paycheck protection program funds from the federal government.
According to the New Museum Union, the firings were targeted and part of anti-union efforts on behalf of the museum that began when the union first petitioned to form a union in January 2019.
“They laid off the entire union steward committee. All three of us were laid off,” said Dana Kopel,a senior editor and publications coordinator at the museum, who served as the unit chair of the union. ”They laid off the other editor in April, another vocal union supporter, so they have no editors.
Kopel continued, “It’s hard to see how that’s a justified business decision. All four full-time bargaining committee members have been laid off. I felt targeted as a union supporter there for a long time.”
Other museums, including the Philadelphia Art Museum and Tenement Museum in New York City, have also been accused by workers of conducting permanent layoffs targeted against union supporters.
The New Museum denied layoffs were retaliation against union members, and they claimed revenue losses incurred due to the pandemic made layoffs necessary, even with PPP loans.
“The decision to proceed with layoffs during this unprecedented time was extraordinarily difficult and one we had hoped to avoid. We worked hard to preserve as many positions as possible,” a spokesperson for the New Museum stated.


shadowproof--2020-08-05--Beyond Prisons: Dylan Rodríguez, Part II: Police Accountability Is Casualty Management

This is the second part of Beyond Prisons ’ two-part conversation with Dr. Dylan Rodríguez .
If you haven ’ t already , listen to part one .
In this episode , Dylan shares a few thoughts about high profile reformers like Van Jones and the dangers of the non-profit industrial complex ( NPIC ) .
We also talk about “ The Problems with Community Control of the Police and Proposals for Alternatives , ” a document that Dylan co-authored with Beth Richie , Mariame Kaba , Rachel Herzing , and others .
We discuss the problem with the notion @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dylan believes that it is more accurately described as casualty management .
We spend some time talking about the ways that celebrities either help or hinder conversations about policing , and why we should not conflate celebrity with leadership .
We close with a discussion about the politics of accessibility .
“ The Problems with Community Control of the Police and Proposals for Alternatives ” by Beth Richie , Dylan Rodríguez , Mariame Kaba , Melissa Burch , Rachel Herzing and Shana Agid Pre-order his next book , White Reconstruction : Domestic Warfare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and White Reconstruction II ( Fordham University Press ) Forced Passages : Imprisoned Radical Intellectuals and the U.S. Prison Regime ( University of Minnesota Press , 2006 ) Suspended Apocalypse : White Supremacy , Genocide , and the Filipino Condition ( University of Minnesota Press , 2009 ) Created and hosted by Kim Wilson and Brian Sonenstein Support our show and join us on Patreon .
Check out our other donation options as well .
Please listen , subscribe , and rate/review our podcast on Apple Podcast , Spotify , and Google Play @ @ @ @ @ @ @ new episodes , events , and more Kim Wilson is available for speaking engagements and to facilitate workshops .
Please contact beyondprisonspodcast @ gmail.com for more information

This is the second part of Beyond Prisons’ two-part conversation with Dr. Dylan Rodríguez. If you haven’t already, listen to part one.
In this episode, Dylan shares a few thoughts about high profile reformers like Van Jones and the dangers of the non-profit industrial complex (NPIC). We also talk about “The Problems with Community Control of the Police and Proposals for Alternatives,” a document that Dylan co-authored with Beth Richie, Mariame Kaba, Rachel Herzing, and others.
We discuss the problem with the notion of “police accountability” and why Dylan believes that it is more accurately described as casualty management. We spend some time talking about the ways that celebrities either help or hinder conversations about policing, and why we should not conflate celebrity with leadership. We close with a discussion about the politics of accessibility.
Episode Resources & Notes
Follow Dylan Rodríguez on Twitter: @dylanrodriguez
“The Problems with Community Control of the Police and Proposals for Alternatives” by Beth Richie, Dylan Rodríguez, Mariame Kaba, Melissa Burch, Rachel Herzing and Shana Agid
Black Awakening in Capitalist America by Robert L. Allen (Doubleday, 1969)
Books by Dylan Rodríguez:
Pre-order his next book, White Reconstruction: Domestic Warfare and the Logic of Racial Genocide, and White Reconstruction II (Fordham University Press)
Critical Ethnic Studies: A Reader (Duke University Press, 2016)
Forced Passages: Imprisoned Radical Intellectuals and the U.S. Prison Regime (University of Minnesota Press, 2006)
Suspended Apocalypse: White Supremacy, Genocide, and the Filipino Condition (University of Minnesota Press, 2009)
Credits
Created and hosted by Kim Wilson and Brian Sonenstein
Edited by Ellis Maxwell
Website & volunteers managed by Victoria Nam
Theme music by Jared Ware
Support Beyond Prisons
Visit our website at beyond-prisons.com
Support our show and join us on Patreon. Check out our other donation options as well.
Please listen, subscribe, and rate/review our podcast on Apple Podcast, Spotify, and Google Play
Join our mailing list for updates on new episodes, events, and more
Send tips, comments, and questions to beyondprisonspodcast@gmail.com
Kim Wilson is available for speaking engagements and to facilitate workshops. Please contact beyondprisonspodcast@gmail.com for more information
Twitter: @Beyond_Prison
Facebook: facebook.com/beyondprisonspodcast
Instagram: instagram.com/beyondprisons


shadowproof--2020-08-07--Dissenter Weekly: Prison And Police Whistleblowers Face Retaliation For Objecting To Violence

Dissenter Weekly : Prison And Police Whistleblowers Face Retaliation For Objecting To Violence On this edition of the “ Dissenter @ @ @ @ @ Shadowproof editor Kevin Gosztola highlights a report from the Project on Government Oversight ( POGO @ @ @ @ @ in federal government agencies aren ’ t leading to changes and most employees see them @ @ @ @ @ report found that the existing channels at the State Department and other agencies are underutilized @ @ @ @ @ don ’ t provide sufficient incentives or protections for employees , ” POGO declared .
@ @ @ @ @ whistleblower cases—one involving a prison whistleblower in New Mexico and one involving two officers in @ @ @ @ @ .
Both faced retaliation after they objected to violence .
New Mexico Prison Whistleblower Was @ @ @ @ @ Who Killed Prisoner Sign up for Dissenter Newsletter at dissenter.substack.com/subscribe This show is brought to @ @ @ @ @ 100 % reader-funded press organization .
If you enjoy our work , you can support @ @ @ @ @ by subscribing for $ 5/month or more : https : //shadowproof.com/donate

On this edition of the “Dissenter Weekly,” host and Shadowproof editor Kevin Gosztola highlights a report from the Project on Government Oversight (POGO) that showed dissent channels in federal government agencies aren’t leading to changes and most employees see them as risky.
“The report found that the existing channels at the State Department and other agencies are underutilized, and that the systems don’t provide sufficient incentives or protections for employees,” POGO declared.
Later, Gosztola covers two whistleblower cases—one involving a prison whistleblower in New Mexico and one involving two officers in the Miami Beach Police Department. Both faced retaliation after they objected to violence.
This week’s stories:
New Mexico Prison Whistleblower Was Fired After Objecting To Officers Who Killed Prisoner
Miami Beach Police Clear Cop Who Punched Man, Punish Whistleblowers Who Exposed Video
Julian Assange Update: Declassified UK Reports Judge Reviewing Extradition Has Approved 96 Percent Of Extradition Cases
***
Sign up for Dissenter Newsletter at dissenter.substack.com/subscribe
Send tips and feedback to editor@shadowproof.com
This show is brought to you by Shadowproof.com, a 100% reader-funded press organization. If you enjoy our work, you can support us with a donation or by subscribing for $5/month or more: https://shadowproof.com/donate