shadowproof--2020-07-23--In Early 2020, Pentagon Launched ‘Aggressive’ Investigation Into ‘Bad Leaks’

The following is the third edition of a newly launched newsletter , “ The Dissenter , ” which covers whistleblower stories and the obstacles they face .
A subscription is $ 5/month .
To subscribe , visit https : //dissenter.substack.com/subscribe The Pentagon launched an “ aggressive ” investigation of leaks earlier this year that relies upon an insider threat program established and expanded under President Barack Obama .
Officials are also employing “ continuous evaluation , ” or total surveillance , of personnel , yet there is very little evidence that safeguards have been implemented to protect the rights of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ already lingers does not intensify against potential whistleblowers .
At a House Armed Services Committee hearing on July 9 , Esper revealed the Pentagon is pursuing “ bad leaks ” from “ last fall.
” He encouraged personnel to focus on “ operational security , ” however , leaks continued .
So , Esper initiated an investigation into leaks , whether it was classified information or “ unclassified information ” that was “ sensitive.
” He also urged investigators to examine “ unauthorized discussions with the media.
” Esper ticked off nearly every @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an evidence-free boilerplate condemnation of leaks .
“ All those things , again , hurt our nation ’ s security .
They undermine our troops , their safety .
They affect our relations with other countries .
They undermine our national policy .
It ’ s bad , and it ’ s happening all over the government—executive branch , legislative branch , to some degree.
” “ So it ’ s something we need to get control of , and that is not new to this administration , ” Esper added .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , have had to deal with this .
It ’ s just , it ’ s bad , and it ’ s unlawful , and it needs to stop.
” Esper ’ s testimony was in response to a question from Don Bacon , a Republican Representative in Nebraska .
Bacon was upset about leaks to the media that alleged the Russian government paid militants to attack United States soldiers deployed in Afghanistan .
“ I think it ’ s imperative that we start holding people accountable to the maximum sentence , you @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Bacon declared .
( Note : U.S. intelligence agencies never found conclusive evidence to corroborate allegations , which were laundered through the press . )
The zeal to crack down on leaks is emblematic of President Donald Trump ’ s administration .
As reported by Steven Aftergood of Secrecy News , the number of “ classified information ” leaks referred for prosecution by the Justice Department surged to their highest levels in 2017 ( 120 referrals ) and 2018 ( 88 referrals ) .
But the infrastructure for controlling the free flow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ era of Trump .
It largely stems from the U.S. government ’ s panicked response to U.S. military whistleblower Chelsea Manning and the publication of hundreds of thousands of documents by WikiLeaks , as well as NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden ’ s disclosures on mass surveillance .
A ‘ Top Down ’ System For Surveillance Of Hundreds Of Thousands Of Pentagon Personnel In 2012 , Pentagon Secretary Leon Panetta oversaw the implementation of a “ top down ” system for monitoring “ major , national media reporting for ‘ unauthorized disclosures . '
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ what constituted an “ unauthorized disclosure ” and developed an “ Automated Security Incident Reporting System , ” an “ online reporting system for significant security incidents for use across the department.
” Limitations were set on the use of removable storage devices on the Secret Internet Protocol Router Network ( SIPRNet ) , which is a network of databases with information shared among numerous agencies in the federal government .
Surveillance of Defense Department networks was “ escalated ” to “ spot anomalous behavior ” and identify “ malicious insiders.
” That @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Insider Threat Program ” and the establishment of an Unauthorized Disclosures Working Group .
That same year , the Army Times reported that the military would monitor soldiers ’ “ keystrokes , downloads , and web searches on computers.
” By 2015 , according to a report to Congress also obtained by Secrecy News , at least 100,000 military , civilian , and contractor personnel at the Defense Department were placed under constant surveillance with all their electronic activities and communications tracked .
The amount of personnel monitored was on track to balloon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the year .
One million employees were expected to be tracked constantly by 2017 .
McClatchy Newspapers exposed the McCarthyism central to the operations of newly implemented insider threat programs .
During 2016 , the Project on Government Oversight ( POGO ) called attention to the Pentagon as it required contractors to “ gather , integrate , and report ” information on “ potential internal threats in order to identify and stop the unauthorized disclosure of classified information before it occurs.
” POGO warned such an expansion of insider threat programs in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ report waste , fraud , and abuse because they do not differentiate between genuine threats and those who are acting in the interest of the public.
” Indeed , training has lumped Chelsea Manning and NSA whistleblowers Thomas Drake , Edward Snowden , and Reality Winner in with Nidal Hasan and Aaron Alexis , the Fort Hood and Navy Yard shooters .
Manning obtained a document from 2014 that showed agencies may target anyone who has “ motives of ‘ greed , ’ ‘ financial difficulties , ’ is ‘ disgruntled , ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ divided loyalty , ’ an ‘ ego ’ or ‘ self-image , ’ or ‘ any family/personal issues ’ —the words used to describe [ Manning ’ s ] motives.
” “ Such subjective labeling could easily be applied to virtually every single person currently holding a security clearance , ” Nothing in the file described what would happen if a person exhibiting these “ behavior indicators ” or “ insider threat motives ” was , in fact , going through “ proper channels ” —through the chain of command or to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fraud , abuse , illegality , or other acts of corruption .
However , it is entirely possible an employee could exhibit these behaviors because he or she was concerned their superiors would find out he or she was exposing their misconduct to officials .
They may seem paranoid because they feared what would happen to their careers .
While Panetta was in the middle of expanding the intrusive infrastructure for an insider threat program , the Pentagon chief leaked classified information about the Osama bin Laden raid .
He was never prosecuted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ employee , provided an unclassified version of an inspector general ’ s report to Congress , which contained details on the leak .
Meyer became the target of a leak prosecution .
The episode is one of many examples in the past decade of the double standard in the Pentagon and all U.S. intelligence agencies , where high-ranking officials are allowed to engage in freedom of speech on issues and policy matters and low-ranking personnel are forced to submit to authority or face the consequences .
In 2017 , Pentagon Secretary James Mattis @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a memo warning personnel against leaks the same week that he leaked information about rules of engagement in Afghanistan before they were “ issued as orders to troops.
” The New York Times reported , “ With the new rules caught in bureaucratic limbo , Mr. Mattis effectively telegraphed the military ’ s plans to the Taliban before they could be put into action .
“ The disclosure signaled to Taliban fighters that some of their well-established sanctuaries [ were ] no longer safe and that they will need to change how they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bombs , ” according to the Times .
“ It also [ took ] away the element of surprise , a core aspect of any battle plan.
” Mattis even told the House Armed Services Committee in 2018 , “ What I don ’ t want is pre-decisional information , or classified information or any information about upcoming military movements or operations [ disclosed ] , which is the normal loose lips sink ships kind of restriction.
” Justice Department officials have prosecuted several individuals for leaks in the past 12 years , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they have invoked elements of the Espionage Act—particularly the part about disclosing information that “ could be used to the injury of the United States ” —to make an example out of lower level government employees .
Yet , someone like Mattis will never be categorized as an “ insider threat ” and spied upon until their access to classified information is revoked or monitors determine greater intervention is necessary .
At the same hearing , Mattis also stated , “ I want more engagement with the media .
I want you to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t want to read that somebody [ spoke ] on the condition of anonymity because they weren ’ t authorized to speak .
I have yet to tell anyone they are not authorized to speak .
So if they are not willing to say they know about the issue and give their name , that would concern me .
“ If they are giving background , they should just be a defense official giving background information authorized to give it.
” Which shows the present system is one of authorized leaks from “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ serves the Pentagon ’ s daily talking points but conceals waste , fraud , abuse , and illegality .
It relies on the over-classification of information to shield those high in the chain of command from accountability .
The outcome of Esper ’ s “ aggressive ” leak investigation will reflect this dynamic .
To the extent that anyone is penalized or punished , it will depend on their rank at the Pentagon and whether what was revealed disrupted the gears of a war machine .

Editor’s Note The following is the third edition of a newly launched newsletter, “The Dissenter,” which covers whistleblower stories and the obstacles they face. A subscription is $5/month. To subscribe, visit https://dissenter.substack.com/subscribe
The Pentagon launched an “aggressive” investigation of leaks earlier this year that relies upon an insider threat program established and expanded under President Barack Obama.
Officials are also employing “continuous evaluation,” or total surveillance, of personnel, yet there is very little evidence that safeguards have been implemented to protect the rights of employees and ensure a chilling effect that already lingers does not intensify against potential whistleblowers.
At a House Armed Services Committee hearing on July 9, Esper revealed the Pentagon is pursuing “bad leaks” from “last fall.” He encouraged personnel to focus on “operational security,” however, leaks continued. So, Esper initiated an investigation into leaks, whether it was classified information or “unclassified information” that was “sensitive.” He also urged investigators to examine “unauthorized discussions with the media.”
Esper ticked off nearly every box an official typically would when providing an evidence-free boilerplate condemnation of leaks.
“All those things, again, hurt our nation’s security. They undermine our troops, their safety. They affect our relations with other countries. They undermine our national policy. It’s bad, and it’s happening all over the government—executive branch, legislative branch, to some degree.”
“So it’s something we need to get control of, and that is not new to this administration,” Esper added. “Previous administrations, Republican and Democrat alike, have had to deal with this. It’s just, it’s bad, and it’s unlawful, and it needs to stop.”
Esper’s testimony was in response to a question from Don Bacon, a Republican Representative in Nebraska. Bacon was upset about leaks to the media that alleged the Russian government paid militants to attack United States soldiers deployed in Afghanistan.
“I think it’s imperative that we start holding people accountable to the maximum sentence, you know, that the law allows,” Bacon declared. (Note: U.S. intelligence agencies never found conclusive evidence to corroborate allegations, which were laundered through the press.)
The zeal to crack down on leaks is emblematic of President Donald Trump’s administration. As reported by Steven Aftergood of Secrecy News, the number of “classified information” leaks referred for prosecution by the Justice Department surged to their highest levels in 2017 (120 referrals) and 2018 (88 referrals).
But the infrastructure for controlling the free flow of information was not developed in the era of Trump. It largely stems from the U.S. government’s panicked response to U.S. military whistleblower Chelsea Manning and the publication of hundreds of thousands of documents by WikiLeaks, as well as NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden’s disclosures on mass surveillance.
A ‘Top Down’ System For Surveillance Of Hundreds Of Thousands Of Pentagon Personnel
In 2012, Pentagon Secretary Leon Panetta oversaw the implementation of a “top down” system for monitoring “major, national media reporting for ‘unauthorized disclosures.'”
The system further established training on what constituted an “unauthorized disclosure” and developed an “Automated Security Incident Reporting System,” an “online reporting system for significant security incidents for use across the department.”
Limitations were set on the use of removable storage devices on the Secret Internet Protocol Router Network (SIPRNet), which is a network of databases with information shared among numerous agencies in the federal government.
Surveillance of Defense Department networks was “escalated” to “spot anomalous behavior” and identify “malicious insiders.” That involved the creation of a “Comprehensive Insider Threat Program” and the establishment of an Unauthorized Disclosures Working Group.
That same year, the Army Times reported that the military would monitor soldiers’ “keystrokes, downloads, and web searches on computers.”
By 2015, according to a report to Congress also obtained by Secrecy News, at least 100,000 military, civilian, and contractor personnel at the Defense Department were placed under constant surveillance with all their electronic activities and communications tracked.
The amount of personnel monitored was on track to balloon to 225,000 agency personnel by the end of the year. One million employees were expected to be tracked constantly by 2017.
McClatchy Newspapers exposed the McCarthyism central to the operations of newly implemented insider threat programs.
During 2016, the Project on Government Oversight (POGO) called attention to the Pentagon as it required contractors to “gather, integrate, and report” information on “potential internal threats in order to identify and stop the unauthorized disclosure of classified information before it occurs.”
POGO warned such an expansion of insider threat programs in government “threaten whistleblowers’ ability to report waste, fraud, and abuse because they do not differentiate between genuine threats and those who are acting in the interest of the public.”
Indeed, training has lumped Chelsea Manning and NSA whistleblowers Thomas Drake, Edward Snowden, and Reality Winner in with Nidal Hasan and Aaron Alexis, the Fort Hood and Navy Yard shooters.
Manning obtained a document from 2014 that showed agencies may target anyone who has “motives of ‘greed,’ ‘financial difficulties,’ is ‘disgruntled,’ has ‘an ideology,’ a ‘divided loyalty,’ an ‘ego’ or ‘self-image,’ or ‘any family/personal issues’—the words used to describe [Manning’s] motives.”
“Such subjective labeling could easily be applied to virtually every single person currently holding a security clearance,”
Nothing in the file described what would happen if a person exhibiting these “behavior indicators” or “insider threat motives” was, in fact, going through “proper channels”—through the chain of command or to a member of Congress—to reveal waste, fraud, abuse, illegality, or other acts of corruption.
However, it is entirely possible an employee could exhibit these behaviors because he or she was concerned their superiors would find out he or she was exposing their misconduct to officials. They may seem paranoid because they feared what would happen to their careers.
The Loose Lips Of High-Ranking Pentagon Officials
While Panetta was in the middle of expanding the intrusive infrastructure for an insider threat program, the Pentagon chief leaked classified information about the Osama bin Laden raid. He was never prosecuted.
But Daniel Meyer, a Pentagon employee, provided an unclassified version of an inspector general’s report to Congress, which contained details on the leak. Meyer became the target of a leak prosecution.
The episode is one of many examples in the past decade of the double standard in the Pentagon and all U.S. intelligence agencies, where high-ranking officials are allowed to engage in freedom of speech on issues and policy matters and low-ranking personnel are forced to submit to authority or face the consequences.
In 2017, Pentagon Secretary James Mattis, Esper’s predecessor, issued a memo warning personnel against leaks the same week that he leaked information about rules of engagement in Afghanistan before they were “issued as orders to troops.”
The New York Times reported, “With the new rules caught in bureaucratic limbo, Mr. Mattis effectively telegraphed the military’s plans to the Taliban before they could be put into action.
“The disclosure signaled to Taliban fighters that some of their well-established sanctuaries [were] no longer safe and that they will need to change how they move around the battlefield to avoid American bombs,” according to the Times. “It also [took] away the element of surprise, a core aspect of any battle plan.”
Mattis even told the House Armed Services Committee in 2018, “What I don’t want is pre-decisional information, or classified information or any information about upcoming military movements or operations [disclosed], which is the normal loose lips sink ships kind of restriction.”
Justice Department officials have prosecuted several individuals for leaks in the past 12 years, and in each of those cases, they have invoked elements of the Espionage Act—particularly the part about disclosing information that “could be used to the injury of the United States”—to make an example out of lower level government employees.
Yet, someone like Mattis will never be categorized as an “insider threat” and spied upon until their access to classified information is revoked or monitors determine greater intervention is necessary.
At the same hearing, Mattis also stated, “I want more engagement with the media. I want you to give your name. I don’t want to read that somebody [spoke] on the condition of anonymity because they weren’t authorized to speak. I have yet to tell anyone they are not authorized to speak. So if they are not willing to say they know about the issue and give their name, that would concern me.
“If they are giving background, they should just be a defense official giving background information authorized to give it.”
Which shows the present system is one of authorized leaks from “senior officials.” It encourages propaganda that serves the Pentagon’s daily talking points but conceals waste, fraud, abuse, and illegality. It relies on the over-classification of information to shield those high in the chain of command from accountability.
The outcome of Esper’s “aggressive” leak investigation will reflect this dynamic. To the extent that anyone is penalized or punished, it will depend on their rank at the Pentagon and whether what was revealed disrupted the gears of a war machine.


shadowproof--2020-07-22--Philadelphia Threatens Protest Encampment With Eviction But Still Has No Plan For Unhoused Residents

Philadelphia Threatens Protest Encampment With Eviction But Still Has No Plan For Unhoused Residents Community support prevented the eviction of a massive tent city and protest in Philadelphia , and unhoused organizers say they are not going anywhere until all residents have a guaranteed home .
The encampment formed June 10 to provide shelter , social support , and resources to Philadelphia ’ s unhoused residents , many of whom have been denied access to housing and COVID-19 prevention hotels .
But its existence remains threatened by the city , which is determined to remove hundreds of unhoused people to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ upon which the encampment has encroached .
Hundreds gathered on July 13 for an anti-eviction rally outside the protest encampment .
Large “ No Cop Zone ” and “ Housing Now ” banners hung high over the neighboring streets .
Protest demands were posted in all communal spaces and distributed as flyers to passersby .
“ Make no mistake , this is a homeless encampment , this is a protest , ” said organizer Jennifer Bennetech .
“ But this is really a civil war between the poor and Black citizens of Philadelphia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ left without homes or shelter of any kind in Philadelphia , this tent city is a haven .
Encampment founders , inspired by the recent anti-police revolts and frustrated by the city ’ s inaction to protect unhoused populations from the COVID-19 outbreak , formed an encampment of five tents .
Word-of-mouth quickly increased that number to over 150 in a sprawling tent city on a grassy field along the Benjamin Franklin Parkway .
Organizers look for more stable housing for those who arrive with children , and they have moved nearly fifty @ @ @ @ @ @ @ For those living at the encampment , every resident is provided with a tent and access to free supplies , a medic station , a library , and even movie nights .
Despite meetings between organizers and city officials to discuss encampment demands and negotiate housing solutions , the city has offered no plan for where camp residents could otherwise live .
Instead , they asked campers to relocate based on the hope of housing some time in the future , including the “ potential ” of a city-sanctioned encampment or tiny houses @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of living without a house during a global health crisis , a far-off promise wasn ’ t good enough .
On July 9 , organizers announced the dissolution of negotiations , citing “ the failure of the City to provide or even offer a single unit of housing to any of the camp ’ s 150+ residents.
” Shortly after , they received a notice to vacate the parkway encampment by July 17 .
Residents held strong , yelling publicly and tearfully at a press conference days later that they would not be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ painting it as if we want to live here–in tents , out in the rain , relying on donations , ” said camp resident Scott , standing in front of a sea of tents and signs demanding housing .
“ If you want people out of here by Friday , then by Friday take our elderly out of here .
Take our very young people out of here .
Take our people with disabilities out of here .
If the city wants us to play our part then they can stop being the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ city to rally around them on eviction day and defend the camp at all costs , assembling supporters through public Facebook events .
The day before the camp ’ s removal was to take place , city officials backed down and it was postponed .
This did nothing to sway hundreds of supporters from gathering in the early hours of the morning to deliver a clear message that the city would not be able to dismantle the camp without pushback .
Mayor Jim Kenney tweeted about the postponed closure of the camp , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ teams and providers more time to engage people experiencing homelessness to offer housing and other services.
” However , according to organizers , the only services offered so far were abstinence-based drug treatment and access to the COVID-19 prevention hotel for people with certain health conditions .
While offering far-off promises of affordable housing , the city has offered no solutions for housing at the time of the camp ’ s end .
James-Talib Dean Camp , as its residents now call it , is both a home and a protest .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ surrounding the massive field .
Tents are decorated with sunflowers and front porches sculpted out of tarps with cushions for visitors .
There are PPE giveaway and handwashing stations , with COVID-19 testing offered every Monday .
Residents can charge their phones at a charging station .
Medical , kitchen , and supply tents form the heart of the field , surrounded by long strips of tents .
This includes mini-communities for queer and trans inhabitants .
Days after the city agreed to postpone the closure , a new street mural appeared along @ @ @ @ @ @ @ out boldly “ I Will Breathe.
” While the Workers Revolutionary Collective and Occupy PHA have supported the unhoused organizers from the beginning , the camp has since taken on its own life .
It is led by unhoused people .
Many of the residents have experience with foodservice and restaurants , allowing for careful kitchen hygiene as mass meals are prepared and served .
Groups of unhoused organizers sort through piles of clothing donations , pick up trash , and set up tents for the steady flow of new arrivals .
Tara @ @ @ @ @ @ @ full-time resident after leaving unstable housing .
For them , community is really what this is about .
“ I think there ’ s this idea that the homeless don ’ t already have communities , which isn ’ t true .
They very much do have communities , even though they are displaced and often disconnected from one another.
” Despite the hardship of living outside , this is home for Taylor .
“ When you walk around here , we call each other ‘ neighbor , ’ and it actually feels @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about the encampment .
Marsha Cohen of the Homeless Advocacy Project shamed the camp for its risk during a pandemic , calling the unhoused people living there “ political pawns ” of the organizers .
“ The problem is that folks refuse to recognize that the homeless are organizers .
So yes , these are the demands that were put together by the organizers of this homeless encampment , which is the homeless , ” Tara explains .
“ They wanted permanent ownership that was going to be able to be managed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talk about actions together.
” Taking Housing Into Their Own Hands The residents ’ most pressing demand is to transfer city-owned properties into a community land trust for permanent low-income housing .
The city estimates it has approximately 40,000 vacant parcels of housing and lots , 26 percent of which are publicly owned .
Though many homes are in need of major repairs , some are ready to move into .
Sterling Johnson , an organizer with the Black and Brown Workers Cooperative , insisted a community land trust is the only viable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community , work together , survive together .
But not within a program , not within a security state or a surveillance state .
The focus is on getting actual houses for people so they can have a stake in the property ownership.
” In the meantime , people are taking housing solutions into their own hands .
Encampment organizers have moved fifty unhoused families into empty publicly-owned properties , with volunteers doing the work themselves to fix up the homes .
The Public Housing Authority ( PHA ) has given out notices @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reason to bring their children back outdoors when the properties have otherwise been sitting empty .
Camp residents claim they have the ability to remove blight and transform this unused property into stable and safe housing if given the chance .
Dee Black , a lead organizer at the camp , quickly points to the handwashing , medic and kitchen stations , and other structures that required handy skills to create .
“ All we are asking for is at least an abandoned building , a big one , that we can actually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the community that know how to fix cars , houses , you name it.
” Others point to the money invested in the police budget , which could be used to pay people to repair houses .
The tent city was birthed in the weeks following the Black Lives Matter uprisings , as is evident in the primarily Black ( though multi-racial ) demands around policing .
Residents demand both disarming and defunding the police , including the housing authority ’ s private police force .
Early on , they established their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ attempt to combat the police harassment experienced by many residents .
As Johnson put it , “ We ’ re talking about people being able to smoke without being hassled , being able to go without being sexually assaulted by police or harassed by police , woken up by police or outreach workers on a daily basis .
It shouldn ’ t be a crime to exist , but it is right now.
” In Philadelphia , camping in tents on the streets is illegal .
Designating the camp as a protest rather @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unhoused with more protection from the police .
On hot summer days , a tent offers relief from the sun , in addition to privacy and the ability to social distance .
Tent living without police harassment draws many people to the camp .
Cops seem to have accepted their exclusion from the area despite conflict between camp residents and its neighbors .
Tara reported that annoyed neighbors would come to ask questions , but they were often unwilling to call the city and ask for housing for the residents so they could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fights between neighbors and residents .
Most recently , they responded to tension when a white woman jogging past the camp confronted residents in their tents .
She was annoyed she paid $ 1700 a month for her apartment only to have a homeless camp outside of it .
Tensions escalated , and an organizer called the woman a racist .
The woman called the cops , but none came .
Declaring a no-cop zone has its difficulties , but it ’ s given residents room to breathe .
Black told Shadowproof , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a no-cop zone .
It gives us the time to dwell on what we need to do , what steps we need to take , to get paperwork done.
” Black has been struggling living without stable housing for the last eight years , separated from her children who she wanted to keep off the streets .
Her goal is to have a place—any place—she can call home and bring her children .
This has sparked her organizing .
Black created a petition demanding permanent housing for Philly ’ s unhoused .
She @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has received–her initial goal was for only a thousand .
“ I ’ m not just speaking for myself , I am speaking for every individual that is homeless out here .
Who can hear us if we don ’ t speak out ?
” The root of the encampment is the substantial failure of the city to meet the needs of its unhoused population , and to offer only basic services rather than housing .
Both shelters and homeless outreach have fallen flat .
Before the encampment , organizers fought for months @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and expanded access for people to reside in hotels .
None of their demands were met , and in the meantime , more tent encampments were destroyed .
The city reports that Philadelphia has about 5,700 people experiencing homelessness , and of those 950 are without shelter .
COVID-19 prevention hotels have been offered to those on the streets , but only to those with disabilities and who are otherwise at high-risk for the virus .
These hotels also prevent partnerships .
Some people are approved to enter hotels but return to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outdoors .
It ’ s also common for people to be discharged from shelters , due to fights with other residents , drug use , for example .
One mistake can get a person booted out of shelter access for months or even years .
Notably , the solutions of the camp have all developed outside the scope of what critics call the “ nonprofit industrial complex , ” a system in which nonprofits facilitate the government ’ s imposition of houselessness by providing an endless loop of ‘ access to resources ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taken a position against allowing outreach providers , who organizers say have only offered drug treatment and spaces in shelters .
Johnson explained that many of the residents have been through treatment and shelters , and are already aware of the services available .
He described how outreach providers were allowed in for the first two days but were dismissed by residents after they started taking photos and notes , which felt dehumanizing .
Between the documentation and the distribution of “ mostly water bottles and granola bars , ” their presence felt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it clear their biggest need is housing .
At the beginning of the pandemic , tent camps in Philadelphia were viewed by the city as a risk and broken up , leaving residents scattered .
Yet breaking up the tent camps may pose a greater risk .
The city has been defying CDC guidelines and relocating residents from tent encampments to shelters .
The indoor , crowded environment means these shelters have been a hotspot for COVID-19 .
The dismantling of one major encampment led to a large shelter outbreak and one death @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stable home residents are demanding , it is the preferred option for many when compared with sleeping rough or risking the shelter system .
City officials ’ reasons for shutting the camp down include safety and health concerns .
But many of the risks are not inherent to the camp , simply risks that arise from being unhoused .
Organizers maintained violence due to theft and health scares from lack of proper bathrooms are not new problems for those without stable housing .
COVID-19 is as much of a risk in the rest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of residents helped keep numbers down ( at the time of reporting , there has only been 1 confirmed case ) .
The encampment has seen both violence and overdoses , but “ those are things that happen regularly in our city , ” Johnson emphasized .
“ The way communities are safest is together .
Here we reverse many overdoses for people who are using .
We are also there to monitor drug poisoning due to K2 and crack .
We ’ re providing Narcan.
” To the risks of setting up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risks of leaving people homeless during a pandemic ?
“ We know that the demands we are fighting for are imminently actionable , and available to us right now ” Taylor shared .
“ I think once the city sees we are not giving them any other options , they will follow our graceful guidance in terms of how they can make this problem go away.
“ According to organizers , the city claims it doesn ’ t have control over the housing authority and can not transfer its properties to a community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2012 that explicitly grants it control over PHA .
In response to this claim , organizers took the fight directly to protest at PHA headquarters , and have now established a second encampment there .
Housing activists have long complained about the practices of the public housing authority and its private police force .
Last year members of Occupy PHA established an encampment at the same location to demand an oversight board .
Many long-term Philly residents see PHA as simply a tool of gentrification .
The housing authority has been authorized @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , recently seizing one-third of an entire neighborhood .
But the city lacks the funds and capacity to repair all of its seized property .
So PHA has held an auction almost every year since 2011 , most recently auctioning off nearly 150 of their properties , including to large developers known for building high-income housing .
To many unhoused people , a walk down the block past empty , publicly-owned housing is a looming sign of the city ’ s disordered priorities .
The unknown future of the camp is uncomfortable for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by housing instability .
But they are very clear they have no plans to go anywhere , regardless of the city ’ s actions or neighbors ’ insistence on baseball as a human right .
Every day living without shelter under COVID-19 is a matter of survival and a need to support the survival of others .
“ It ’ s hard to be in a situation where you are fighting not just for your own life but for your families ’ lives , and other people around you , ” Black said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ We might not be blood , but technically all of us are family .
No matter how you see it .
”

Community support prevented the eviction of a massive tent city and protest in Philadelphia, and unhoused organizers say they are not going anywhere until all residents have a guaranteed home.
The encampment formed June 10 to provide shelter, social support, and resources to Philadelphia’s unhoused residents, many of whom have been denied access to housing and COVID-19 prevention hotels. But its existence remains threatened by the city, which is determined to remove hundreds of unhoused people to prioritize the needs of the baseball field upon which the encampment has encroached.
Hundreds gathered on July 13 for an anti-eviction rally outside the protest encampment. Large “No Cop Zone” and “Housing Now” banners hung high over the neighboring streets. Protest demands were posted in all communal spaces and distributed as flyers to passersby.
“Make no mistake, this is a homeless encampment, this is a protest,” said organizer Jennifer Bennetech. “But this is really a civil war between the poor and Black citizens of Philadelphia, and the city.”
For many left without homes or shelter of any kind in Philadelphia, this tent city is a haven. Encampment founders, inspired by the recent anti-police revolts and frustrated by the city’s inaction to protect unhoused populations from the COVID-19 outbreak, formed an encampment of five tents. Word-of-mouth quickly increased that number to over 150 in a sprawling tent city on a grassy field along the Benjamin Franklin Parkway.
Organizers look for more stable housing for those who arrive with children, and they have moved nearly fifty families into empty public housing units. For those living at the encampment, every resident is provided with a tent and access to free supplies, a medic station, a library, and even movie nights.
Despite meetings between organizers and city officials to discuss encampment demands and negotiate housing solutions, the city has offered no plan for where camp residents could otherwise live. Instead, they asked campers to relocate based on the hope of housing some time in the future, including the “potential” of a city-sanctioned encampment or tiny houses.
For people under the severe stress of living without a house during a global health crisis, a far-off promise wasn’t good enough.
On July 9, organizers announced the dissolution of negotiations, citing “the failure of the City to provide or even offer a single unit of housing to any of the camp’s 150+ residents.” Shortly after, they received a notice to vacate the parkway encampment by July 17.
Residents held strong, yelling publicly and tearfully at a press conference days later that they would not be moved.
“They’ve been painting it as if we want to live here–in tents, out in the rain, relying on donations,” said camp resident Scott, standing in front of a sea of tents and signs demanding housing. “If you want people out of here by Friday, then by Friday take our elderly out of here. Take our very young people out of here. Take our people with disabilities out of here. If the city wants us to play our part then they can stop being the obstacle.”
Unhoused organizers called for the city to rally around them on eviction day and defend the camp at all costs, assembling supporters through public Facebook events. The day before the camp’s removal was to take place, city officials backed down and it was postponed.
This did nothing to sway hundreds of supporters from gathering in the early hours of the morning to deliver a clear message that the city would not be able to dismantle the camp without pushback.
Mayor Jim Kenney tweeted about the postponed closure of the camp, noting “this also gives our outreach teams and providers more time to engage people experiencing homelessness to offer housing and other services.”
However, according to organizers, the only services offered so far were abstinence-based drug treatment and access to the COVID-19 prevention hotel for people with certain health conditions. While offering far-off promises of affordable housing, the city has offered no solutions for housing at the time of the camp’s end.
A Home And A Protest
James-Talib Dean Camp, as its residents now call it, is both a home and a protest. The community is visible from every intersecting street surrounding the massive field. Tents are decorated with sunflowers and front porches sculpted out of tarps with cushions for visitors. There are PPE giveaway and handwashing stations, with COVID-19 testing offered every Monday.
Residents can charge their phones at a charging station. Medical, kitchen, and supply tents form the heart of the field, surrounded by long strips of tents. This includes mini-communities for queer and trans inhabitants.
Days after the city agreed to postpone the closure, a new street mural appeared along the stretch of the parkway, spelling out boldly “I Will Breathe.”
While the Workers Revolutionary Collective and Occupy PHA have supported the unhoused organizers from the beginning, the camp has since taken on its own life. It is led by unhoused people.
Many of the residents have experience with foodservice and restaurants, allowing for careful kitchen hygiene as mass meals are prepared and served. Groups of unhoused organizers sort through piles of clothing donations, pick up trash, and set up tents for the steady flow of new arrivals.
Tara Taylor moved to the camp as a full-time resident after leaving unstable housing. For them, community is really what this is about.
“I think there’s this idea that the homeless don’t already have communities, which isn’t true. They very much do have communities, even though they are displaced and often disconnected from one another.”
Despite the hardship of living outside, this is home for Taylor. “When you walk around here, we call each other ‘neighbor,’ and it actually feels like that.”
The city feels differently about the encampment. Marsha Cohen of the Homeless Advocacy Project shamed the camp for its risk during a pandemic, calling the unhoused people living there “political pawns” of the organizers.
“The problem is that folks refuse to recognize that the homeless are organizers. So yes, these are the demands that were put together by the organizers of this homeless encampment, which is the homeless,” Tara explains.
“They wanted permanent ownership that was going to be able to be managed by people they trusted. We brainstorm and talk about actions together.”
Taking Housing Into Their Own Hands
The residents’ most pressing demand is to transfer city-owned properties into a community land trust for permanent low-income housing. The city estimates it has approximately 40,000 vacant parcels of housing and lots, 26 percent of which are publicly owned. Though many homes are in need of major repairs, some are ready to move into.
Sterling Johnson, an organizer with the Black and Brown Workers Cooperative, insisted a community land trust is the only viable solution.
“People can be in community, work together, survive together. But not within a program, not within a security state or a surveillance state. The focus is on getting actual houses for people so they can have a stake in the property ownership.”
In the meantime, people are taking housing solutions into their own hands. Encampment organizers have moved fifty unhoused families into empty publicly-owned properties, with volunteers doing the work themselves to fix up the homes. The Public Housing Authority (PHA) has given out notices to vacate, but people see no reason to bring their children back outdoors when the properties have otherwise been sitting empty.
Camp residents claim they have the ability to remove blight and transform this unused property into stable and safe housing if given the chance.
Dee Black, a lead organizer at the camp, quickly points to the handwashing, medic and kitchen stations, and other structures that required handy skills to create.
“All we are asking for is at least an abandoned building, a big one, that we can actually fix-up. We got some of us in the community that know how to fix cars, houses, you name it.”
Others point to the money invested in the police budget, which could be used to pay people to repair houses.
‘It Shouldn’t Be A Crime To Exist’
The tent city was birthed in the weeks following the Black Lives Matter uprisings, as is evident in the primarily Black (though multi-racial) demands around policing.
Residents demand both disarming and defunding the police, including the housing authority’s private police force. Early on, they established their space as a no-cop zone, an attempt to combat the police harassment experienced by many residents.
As Johnson put it, “We’re talking about people being able to smoke without being hassled, being able to go without being sexually assaulted by police or harassed by police, woken up by police or outreach workers on a daily basis. It shouldn’t be a crime to exist, but it is right now.”
In Philadelphia, camping in tents on the streets is illegal. Designating the camp as a protest rather simply than a homeless community provides the unhoused with more protection from the police.
On hot summer days, a tent offers relief from the sun, in addition to privacy and the ability to social distance. Tent living without police harassment draws many people to the camp.
Cops seem to have accepted their exclusion from the area despite conflict between camp residents and its neighbors. Tara reported that annoyed neighbors would come to ask questions, but they were often unwilling to call the city and ask for housing for the residents so they could relocate.
Taylor has had to de-escalate fights between neighbors and residents. Most recently, they responded to tension when a white woman jogging past the camp confronted residents in their tents. She was annoyed she paid $1700 a month for her apartment only to have a homeless camp outside of it. Tensions escalated, and an organizer called the woman a racist. The woman called the cops, but none came.
Declaring a no-cop zone has its difficulties, but it’s given residents room to breathe. Black told Shadowproof, “It’s beneficial to have a no-cop zone. It gives us the time to dwell on what we need to do, what steps we need to take, to get paperwork done.”
Black has been struggling living without stable housing for the last eight years, separated from her children who she wanted to keep off the streets. Her goal is to have a place—any place—she can call home and bring her children.
This has sparked her organizing. Black created a petition demanding permanent housing for Philly’s unhoused. She’s humbled by the signatures it has received–her initial goal was for only a thousand. “I’m not just speaking for myself, I am speaking for every individual that is homeless out here. Who can hear us if we don’t speak out?”
Surviving Without Shelter During COVID-19
The root of the encampment is the substantial failure of the city to meet the needs of its unhoused population, and to offer only basic services rather than housing.
Both shelters and homeless outreach have fallen flat. Before the encampment, organizers fought for months for better services, like public bathrooms and expanded access for people to reside in hotels. None of their demands were met, and in the meantime, more tent encampments were destroyed.
The city reports that Philadelphia has about 5,700 people experiencing homelessness, and of those 950 are without shelter. COVID-19 prevention hotels have been offered to those on the streets, but only to those with disabilities and who are otherwise at high-risk for the virus.
These hotels also prevent partnerships. Some people are approved to enter hotels but return to the streets because their partner is still sleeping outdoors. It’s also common for people to be discharged from shelters, due to fights with other residents, drug use, for example. One mistake can get a person booted out of shelter access for months or even years.
Notably, the solutions of the camp have all developed outside the scope of what critics call the “nonprofit industrial complex,” a system in which nonprofits facilitate the government’s imposition of houselessness by providing an endless loop of ‘access to resources’ but never housing.
The camp has taken a position against allowing outreach providers, who organizers say have only offered drug treatment and spaces in shelters.
Johnson explained that many of the residents have been through treatment and shelters, and are already aware of the services available. He described how outreach providers were allowed in for the first two days but were dismissed by residents after they started taking photos and notes, which felt dehumanizing.
Between the documentation and the distribution of “mostly water bottles and granola bars,” their presence felt like an insult when residents have made it clear their biggest need is housing.
At the beginning of the pandemic, tent camps in Philadelphia were viewed by the city as a risk and broken up, leaving residents scattered. Yet breaking up the tent camps may pose a greater risk.
The city has been defying CDC guidelines and relocating residents from tent encampments to shelters. The indoor, crowded environment means these shelters have been a hotspot for COVID-19. The dismantling of one major encampment led to a large shelter outbreak and one death. While the encampment is not the stable home residents are demanding, it is the preferred option for many when compared with sleeping rough or risking the shelter system.
City officials’ reasons for shutting the camp down include safety and health concerns. But many of the risks are not inherent to the camp, simply risks that arise from being unhoused. Organizers maintained violence due to theft and health scares from lack of proper bathrooms are not new problems for those without stable housing.
COVID-19 is as much of a risk in the rest of the city, and regular testing of residents helped keep numbers down (at the time of reporting, there has only been 1 confirmed case). The encampment has seen both violence and overdoses, but “those are things that happen regularly in our city,” Johnson emphasized. “The way communities are safest is together. Here we reverse many overdoses for people who are using. We are also there to monitor drug poisoning due to K2 and crack. We’re providing Narcan.”
To the risks of setting up an encampment, they ask—what about the risks of leaving people homeless during a pandemic?
“We know that the demands we are fighting for are imminently actionable, and available to us right now” Taylor shared. “I think once the city sees we are not giving them any other options, they will follow our graceful guidance in terms of how they can make this problem go away.“
According to organizers, the city claims it doesn’t have control over the housing authority and cannot transfer its properties to a community land trust, despite an act signed in 2012 that explicitly grants it control over PHA. In response to this claim, organizers took the fight directly to protest at PHA headquarters, and have now established a second encampment there.
Housing activists have long complained about the practices of the public housing authority and its private police force. Last year members of Occupy PHA established an encampment at the same location to demand an oversight board. Many long-term Philly residents see PHA as simply a tool of gentrification.
The housing authority has been authorized by the city to practice eminent domain, recently seizing one-third of an entire neighborhood. But the city lacks the funds and capacity to repair all of its seized property. So PHA has held an auction almost every year since 2011, most recently auctioning off nearly 150 of their properties, including to large developers known for building high-income housing. To many unhoused people, a walk down the block past empty, publicly-owned housing is a looming sign of the city’s disordered priorities.
The unknown future of the camp is uncomfortable for people whose lives have already been steered by housing instability. But they are very clear they have no plans to go anywhere, regardless of the city’s actions or neighbors’ insistence on baseball as a human right. Every day living without shelter under COVID-19 is a matter of survival and a need to support the survival of others.
“It’s hard to be in a situation where you are fighting not just for your own life but for your families’ lives, and other people around you,” Black said of her fellow camp residents. “We might not be blood, but technically all of us are family. No matter how you see it.”


shadowproof--2020-07-23--California Initiative Moves Away From Relying On Police To Address Mental Health Crises

California Initiative Moves Away From Relying On Police To Address Mental Health Crises As more Americans wake up to the notion of police abolition , one organization in California is already making it a reality .
Mental Health First—from the Anti Police-Terror Project—is a community-centered initiative to eliminate the need for law enforcement as the first response to mental health crises .
On May 22 , Maurice Gordon ’ s friend called the cops concerned about the 28-year-old ’ s whereabouts .
He informed the dispatcher of Gordon ’ s mental health history , and said Gordon appeared “ panicked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a “ paranormal experience.
” More than 24 hours later , Gordon was fatally shot by a state trooper during a routine traffic stop in New Jersey .
What happened to Gordon is not an unusual occurrence in the United States .
One-in-four people fatally shot by police have a severe mental illness , according to a 2015 report by the Treatment Advocacy Center .
Government statistics on police shootings and mental illness show that mental health disorders comprise about one-in-two fatal police encounters in the U.S. and across the Western world .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ made to the police are for violent crime , according to a New York Times analysis of publicly available data from a handful of police departments .
And yet nationally , one-in-ten calls to the police are related to mental health .
Calls to defund the police have grown louder in response to the recent killings of George Floyd , Breonna Taylor , and so many others .
As cities grapple with how to redistribute funds , some American communities have already adopted an abolitionist model .
A Quarter Of People Killed By @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chapter of the Anti Police-Terror Project ( APTP ) , a multiracial coalition seeking to eradicate police violence , launched Mental Health First ( MH First ) in January .
In developing this program , APTP collaborated with medical professionals , community organizers , and people who have used mental health services to understand what currently exists and what is needed .
“ When you ’ re in crisis , what you need isn ’ t necessarily the formula that we use within our current system , ” Carly Brannin , a core @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s a lot better to have somebody come in and be like , ‘ Hey , I get where you are .
I ’ ve experienced something similar before .
Here ’ s how I can help you feel better.
’ ” Volunteers work in shifts of three people—a crisis interventionist , a medic , and a safety liaison .
The crisis interventionist works directly with the person in need .
While the medic can not prescribe medication , the individual can provide basic first aid .
And the safety liaison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dangers .
Brannin illustrated that the team usually dispatches when they receive a call , especially if the person is in an unsafe environment or the police are present .
“ We automatically dispatch if the police are on scene because we also teach all of our volunteers how to cop-watch , which may influence the officers ’ behavior to be a little bit less bad .
It ’ s a way to document any civil rights violations , ” Brannin said .
“ And the whole team can also advocate for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to arrest the person , we can say , ‘ That person needs to go to a mental health urgent care center , not to jail.
’ ” The team responds to a wide range of situations including psychiatric emergencies , domestic violence , substance use , and individuals walking into traffic .
MH First only works nights on the weekends and has responded to an average of 30 calls per month since its debut .
“ If somebody were to call us and say , ‘ I ’ m in an abusive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to get out , ’ we can help them build a basic plan and let them know what resources are available , ” Brannin told Shadowproof .
“ What it comes down to is coming in and helping that person build their own self-determined exit plan or treatment plan or whatever is needed at that time.
” Despite mental health situations making up the bulk of calls to police , law enforcement is not required to undergo mental health-related training .
And with police abolition sweeping the nation , the Sacramento City Council @ @ @ @ @ @ @ establish a non-police response to mental health calls .
Given its community connections , MH First hopes to be part of this initiative .
‘ It Is Not Criminal To Be Poor , To Be Mentally Unwell , Or To Even Have An Addiction ’ Community-driven approaches to emergencies are gaining greater momentum in California with the proposal of the Community Response Initiative to Strengthen Emergency Systems ( CRISES Act ) .
The legislation introduced by Assemblymember Sydney Kamlager ( D-Los Angeles ) and co-sponsored by APTP would fund community organizations responding to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and homelessness—that police are traditionally called in for .
“ This bill came about because of the number of instances where law enforcement has intervened , and the result has been deadly , ” Kamlager said .
“ We ’ ve seen a ballooning of folks entering our justice system never to get out , ” Kamlager continued .
“ We have now decided to criminalize all kinds of activity , including activity that is not inherently criminal .
It is not criminal to be poor , to be mentally unwell , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The CRISES Act is currently on the Senate floor and is expected to be voted on once the legislature reconvenes on July 27 .
However , Kamlager fears the bill may not make it out of the Senate because of its $ 16 million price tag .
“ I ’ m concerned that in the time of COVID , when we already are dealing with a budget deficit , that we will try to pass something that doesn ’ t come with funding or that we will pass something that is so diluted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ kind of solutions that we want , ” Kamlager said .
“ And I believe that activists are tired of hollow legislation.
” “ Defund ” and “ abolish ” have become rallying cries in demonstrations against police brutality .
Kamlager emphasizes that the state can ’ t defund police departments .
Only cities and counties can do that .
Yet , she does point out that different approaches can encourage municipalities to rethink how they allocate funding .
For APTP , even just the mainstream conversation about defunding and abolition is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agree with or disagree with [ abolition ] , it ’ s still in the forefront of folks ’ minds , ” Asantewaa Boykin , co-founder of the APTP told Shadowproof .
“ Just like years ago , we were saying ‘ police terrorism ’ and people were like , ‘ Oh my God , that ’ s so radical !
’ ” “ And now it ’ s like common knowledge and people at home who don ’ t share our common ideology are using the word police terrorism .
So , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sway onto our side , ” Boykin concluded .

As more Americans wake up to the notion of police abolition, one organization in California is already making it a reality. Mental Health First—from the Anti Police-Terror Project—is a community-centered initiative to eliminate the need for law enforcement as the first response to mental health crises.
On May 22, Maurice Gordon’s friend called the cops concerned about the 28-year-old’s whereabouts. He informed the dispatcher of Gordon’s mental health history, and said Gordon appeared “panicked” and told him he was having a “paranormal experience.” More than 24 hours later, Gordon was fatally shot by a state trooper during a routine traffic stop in New Jersey.
What happened to Gordon is not an unusual occurrence in the United States. One-in-four people fatally shot by police have a severe mental illness, according to a 2015 report by the Treatment Advocacy Center.
Government statistics on police shootings and mental illness show that mental health disorders comprise about one-in-two fatal police encounters in the U.S. and across the Western world. Roughly 1 to 4 percent of calls made to the police are for violent crime, according to a New York Times analysis of publicly available data from a handful of police departments. And yet nationally, one-in-ten calls to the police are related to mental health.
Calls to defund the police have grown louder in response to the recent killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, and so many others. As cities grapple with how to redistribute funds, some American communities have already adopted an abolitionist model.
A Quarter Of People Killed By Police Struggle With Mental Illness
The Sacramento chapter of the Anti Police-Terror Project (APTP), a multiracial coalition seeking to eradicate police violence, launched Mental Health First (MH First) in January.
In developing this program, APTP collaborated with medical professionals, community organizers, and people who have used mental health services to understand what currently exists and what is needed.
“When you’re in crisis, what you need isn’t necessarily the formula that we use within our current system,” Carly Brannin, a core member of APTP, said. “It’s a lot better to have somebody come in and be like, ‘Hey, I get where you are. I’ve experienced something similar before. Here’s how I can help you feel better.’”
Volunteers work in shifts of three people—a crisis interventionist, a medic, and a safety liaison. The crisis interventionist works directly with the person in need. While the medic cannot prescribe medication, the individual can provide basic first aid. And the safety liaison keeps an eye out for any potential dangers. Brannin illustrated that the team usually dispatches when they receive a call, especially if the person is in an unsafe environment or the police are present.
“We automatically dispatch if the police are on scene because we also teach all of our volunteers how to cop-watch, which may influence the officers’ behavior to be a little bit less bad. It’s a way to document any civil rights violations,” Brannin said. “And the whole team can also advocate for the person. So if cops are trying to arrest the person, we can say, ‘That person needs to go to a mental health urgent care center, not to jail.’”
The team responds to a wide range of situations including psychiatric emergencies, domestic violence, substance use, and individuals walking into traffic. MH First only works nights on the weekends and has responded to an average of 30 calls per month since its debut.
“If somebody were to call us and say, ‘I’m in an abusive relationship and I want to know how to get out,’ we can help them build a basic plan and let them know what resources are available,” Brannin told Shadowproof. “What it comes down to is coming in and helping that person build their own self-determined exit plan or treatment plan or whatever is needed at that time.”
Despite mental health situations making up the bulk of calls to police, law enforcement is not required to undergo mental health-related training. And with police abolition sweeping the nation, the Sacramento City Council passed a measure earlier this month to establish a non-police response to mental health calls. Given its community connections, MH First hopes to be part of this initiative.
‘It Is Not Criminal To Be Poor, To Be Mentally Unwell, Or To Even Have An Addiction’
Community-driven approaches to emergencies are gaining greater momentum in California with the proposal of the Community Response Initiative to Strengthen Emergency Systems (CRISES Act).
The legislation introduced by Assemblymember Sydney Kamlager (D-Los Angeles) and co-sponsored by APTP would fund community organizations responding to emergency situations—like mental illness, substance use, and homelessness—that police are traditionally called in for.
“This bill came about because of the number of instances where law enforcement has intervened, and the result has been deadly,” Kamlager said.
“We’ve seen a ballooning of folks entering our justice system never to get out,” Kamlager continued. “We have now decided to criminalize all kinds of activity, including activity that is not inherently criminal. It is not criminal to be poor, to be mentally unwell, or to even have an addiction.”
The CRISES Act is currently on the Senate floor and is expected to be voted on once the legislature reconvenes on July 27. However, Kamlager fears the bill may not make it out of the Senate because of its $16 million price tag.
“I’m concerned that in the time of COVID, when we already are dealing with a budget deficit, that we will try to pass something that doesn’t come with funding or that we will pass something that is so diluted that we don’t get the kind of solutions that we want,” Kamlager said. “And I believe that activists are tired of hollow legislation.”
“Defund” and “abolish” have become rallying cries in demonstrations against police brutality. Kamlager emphasizes that the state can’t defund police departments. Only cities and counties can do that. Yet, she does point out that different approaches can encourage municipalities to rethink how they allocate funding.
For APTP, even just the mainstream conversation about defunding and abolition is a victory in itself.
“If folks agree with or disagree with [abolition], it’s still in the forefront of folks’ minds,” Asantewaa Boykin, co-founder of the APTP told Shadowproof. “Just like years ago, we were saying ‘police terrorism’ and people were like, ‘Oh my God, that’s so radical!’”
“And now it’s like common knowledge and people at home who don’t share our common ideology are using the word police terrorism. So, there’s room for folks to sway onto our side,” Boykin concluded.


shadowproof--2020-07-24--Dissenter Weekly: Massive COVID-19 Outbreak At Women’s Medical Prison—Plus, Disney, McDonald’s Retal

Dissenter Weekly: Massive COVID-19 Outbreak At Women’s Medical Prison—Plus, Disney, McDonald’s Retaliate Against Workers

On this edition of the “ Dissenter Weekly , ” host and Shadowproof editor Kevin Gosztola provides an update on @ @ @ @ @ Medical Center Carswell , where the number of women who have tested positive is now @ @ @ @ @ Reality Winner is one of the prisoners that received positive results .
Later in the @ @ @ @ @ Pentagon ’ s “ aggressive ” leak investigation that Pentagon Secretary Mark Esper apparently launched @ @ @ @ @ breaks down how the insider threat program was likely used and the impact it probably @ @ @ @ @ .
This edition also highlights multiple stories of workplace retaliation against employees at Disney and @ @ @ @ @ demanded safety protections during the COVID-19 pandemic .
In fact , McDonald ’ s apparently @ @ @ @ @ of gossipers or troublemakers .
To watch the show , click on the above player @ @ @ @

On this edition of the “Dissenter Weekly,” host and Shadowproof editor Kevin Gosztola provides an update on the COVID-19 outbreak at Federal Medical Center Carswell, where the number of women who have tested positive is now over 500. NSA whistleblower Reality Winner is one of the prisoners that received positive results.
Later in the show, Gosztola covers the Pentagon’s “aggressive” leak investigation that Pentagon Secretary Mark Esper apparently launched in early 2020. He breaks down how the insider threat program was likely used and the impact it probably has had on potential whistleblowers.
This edition also highlights multiple stories of workplace retaliation against employees at Disney and McDonald’s because they demanded safety protections during the COVID-19 pandemic. In fact, McDonald’s apparently has a “blacklist” of gossipers or troublemakers.
To watch the show, click on the above player or go here.
This week’s stories:


shadowproof--2020-07-24--Top Ten Protest Albums Of 2020 (So Far)

Top Ten Protest Albums Of 2020 (So Far)

In March , Fiona Apple announced that the recording of her long-awaited album was completed .
The record company planned to release it in October , but Apple insisted it come out sooner .
So fans were treated to a release on April 17 , amidst a global pandemic .
The timing was appropriate , as the songs encapsulate feelings of anxiety that are compounded by a sense of isolation .
It is one of the best-reviewed albums of the year , and Apple addresses themes of empowerment and encourages listeners to get out the metaphorical bolt cutters to release @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a prime example of how the personal is often political .
For example , on “ Under the Table , ” Apple sings , “ Kick me under the table all you want .
I won ’ t shut up.
” This relates to an uncomfortable dinner party , where Apple decides to call out one of the other guests for their offensive remarks , but it can apply to any situation where someone tries to silence your voice .
Apple shows empathy for the trauma of others .
For instance , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with permission , about a friend who used to intern for a Hollywood producer .
The disconcerting line , “ Good morning .
You raped me in the same bed your daughter was born in , ” resonates in the # MeToo era .
At the bottom of the tracklist , the back album cover reads , “ Made on unceded Tongva , Mescalero Apache , and Suma territories.
” This is Apple acknowledging the land on which she recorded belonged to indigenous people .
Algiers — There Is No Year The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some abstract version of the front page of a newspaper .
It takes poetic fragments and articulates a world of gloom while at the same time saying , “ We ’ ll be ok with the darkness.
” And the final words allude to Donald Trump , Boris Johnson , or any demagogue thriving off chaos to amass and consolidate their power .
It was released in January before a pandemic shut down the entire world and way before resurgent Black Lives Matter uprisings spread globally .
This gives the music a stark @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fear of civilization collapsing .
Algiers is from Atlanta , Georgia , and their music is a combination of gospel , soul , and industrial styles .
The name of the band connects it to anti-colonial struggle and the need for a global consciousness that can supplant the elite cosmopolitanism that dominates society .
We have all felt like , “ There is no year , ” in 2020 .
It is a somber yet perfect mantra for grappling with how we survive the rest of this year .
This was the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the first nonprofit record label for current and formerly incarcerated musicians .
It translates to “ she who struggles is a warrior , ” and it was released on Juneteenth .
BL Shirelle , who is the deputy director for the label , put together an intensely personal album .
It partly reflects on her time in prison while seeking to transcend that chapter in her life .
On “ SIGS , ” an acronym for “ shit I got ta say , ” and “ Generational Curse , ” Shirelle spits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She grew up as the child of a crack addict and sold crack to her mom at the age of 12 .
That put her on a path that she does not want for her children .
“ Conspiracy , ” Shirelle describes , is a “ cinematic ” song that tells an incarceration story specific to Pennsylvania , where she lives .
It focuses on a juvenile , who is sentenced to life in prison after making some choices that put them in a situation that results in conspiracy charges .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ track ends with a guitar solo .
Each entry on the album is sonically diverse enough to create a tapestry that brings out both the joy and pain , which inspires BL Shirelle to make music and collaborate with artists who remain behind bars .
( Kevin Gosztola ) Centered on survivors of the Upper Big Branch coal mine explosion , most of the music on “ Ghosts of West Virginia ” comes from a play called “ Coal Country ” that was performed at the Public Theater in New York until the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like “ Time Is Never On Our Side ” and “ If I Could See Your Face Again ” humanize residents of Appalachia Country in a manner that creates solidarity by introducing their lives and experiences to metropolitan communities , who may know very little about what rural West Virginians endure .
Earle blends styles of folk , bluegrass , and American to reinforce the pride workers have for their labor , their land , and their sacrifices and their families ’ sacrifices .
It honors their blood , sweat , and tears @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coal In the Ground ” and “ It ’ s About Blood , ” the music acknowledges their indignation and resolve to fight on in spite of decades of exploitation .
Irreversible Entanglements – Who Sent You ?
Irreversible Entanglements describes itself as a liberation-oriented free jazz collective .
They formed at a Musicians Against Police Brutality event after the New York Police Department murdered Akai Gurley .
The ensemble ’ s second album builds on the free jazz sound they developed to restore the genre ’ s connection to Black liberation .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ entire holistic jam of ‘ infinite possibilities coming back around , ’ a sprawling meditation for afro-cosmonauts , a reminder of the forms and traumas of the past , and the shape and vision of Afrotopian sounds to come.
” Camae Ayewa ( a.k.a .
Moor Mother ) , Keir Neuringer , Aquiles Navarro , Tcheser Holmes , and Luke Stewart collectively reckon with past demons while agitating for a better future for humanity .
“ At what point do we stand up ?
At the breaking point ?
At the point of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The Code Noir/Amina.
” “ At what point ?
At what point do we pull each other up , up out of the void , up out of a hell ?
At what point ?
At what point ?
At what point do we give a shit ?
Do we stand up and say something ?
” Another track “ No Más ” revolves around the concept of Africans fleeing Earth to escape oppression .
“ No más .
No more .
No longer will we allow them to divide and conquer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ humanity.
” It ’ s provocative and invigorating jazz , both sonically and lyrically , that pushes boundaries as the best music should .
The rapper ’ s second full-length album is a departure from his 2018 full-length debut “ ensley.
” It also does not feature much rap .
Instead , it features intense growls , which Pink Siifu effectively uses to express black rage .
The eclectic album is a hybrid of several genres , including hardcore punk and free jazz .
The confrontational album heavily addresses systemic racism and police @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the back-to-back tracks “ ameriKKKa , try no pork ” and “ run pig run.
” The first of those two tracks features news soundbites of police murdering black people , and the next track addresses the potential backlash that will come if the system is not overhauled .
The songs express the natural desire to see a reckoning for those who abuse power .
At over 20 songs that last 37 minutes , Pink Siifu does not waste any time in taking aim at his targets .
Killer Mike and El-P ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the political .
On their fourth album , their music is more relevant than ever .
It also has had quite an impact in the two months since its release , making it a momentous album .
Many of the songs were composed before 2020 and written before widespread protests against police brutality .
Yet the album perfectly encapsulates the current political climate .
A prime example of the prescient nature of the album is “ walking in the snow.
” Killer Mike raps , “ And every day on the evening news @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
And you so numb , you watch the cops choke out a man like me .
Until my voice goes from a shriek to whisper , ‘ I can ’ t breathe , ’ ” referring to the dying words of Eric Garner .
He could ’ ve been referring to the murder of George Floyd .
Likewise , the tune “ JU $ T ” features the lines , “ Where murderous chokehold cops still earnin ’ a livin ’ .
Funny how some say money don ’ t matter .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t it ?
Get it ?
Comedy .
Try to sell a pack of smokes to get food .
Get killed and it ’ s not an anomaly.
” That same song , which features vocals from Pharrell Williams and Zack de la Rocha , is a pointed examination of the link between capitalism and systemic racism .
The lyric “ Look at all these slave masters posin ’ on yo ’ dollar ” packs a lot of weight .
Over 20 tracks , SAULT weaves a sonically rich and spiritually affirming @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people than ever seem to be throwing off the chains that have oppressed them for so long .
SAULT is a collective that in the past has presented their music anonymously .
This album credits Inflo and Cleo Sol , an R & B singer-songwriter , and the collective presented it to “ mark the moment in time where we as Black People , and of Black Origin are fighting for our lives.
” They connected it to the murder of George Floyd and “ all those who have suffered from police brutality @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an eruption of music centered on Black experiences , especially as they relate to policing and protests .
But “ UNTITLED ” distinguishes itself by having so many collaborators and a diverse sound that truly represents what is a global movement .
Each track , like “ Hard Life , ” “ Don ’ t Shoot , ” “ Bow , ” or “ Monsters , ” plays like a dispatch from those on the front lines of struggle .
And this incredible album is SAULT ’ s spiritual contribution to those facing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cracks in political structures that finally present openings for revolutionary change .
The New Orleans anarcho-glam band aptly describes their sophomore album as “ a precise and deranged vision of punk , an apocalyptic celebration , a step forward into a perverse and uncertain landscape.
” Gloomy soundscapes provide the backdrop for lead singer and lyricist Alli Logout to express the emotions many feel in the current state of upheaval .
One of the album ’ s highlights is “ All Tomorrow ’ s Carry , ” which Shadowproof highlighted as a “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ addresses how gentrification contributes to systemic poverty and homelessness ( “ Arise from the rubble .
Another tawdry condo .
And a high rise suite .
Yeah , they were pushed out .
Soon evacuated .
House was near dilapidated.
” ) .
The song calls attention to the prevalence of apathy ( “ We were willingly blind ” ) .
Similar issues are explored on “ Homogenized Milk ” ( “ What happens when there ’ s nothing left to gentrify .
And genocide is on your side ” ) .
Altogether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ urgent wake-up call .
David Strickland has had a successful career as a producer , mixer , and engineer .
After spending over two decades behind the scenes , he finally received prime billing with his debut album .
Strickland heavily taps into his Mi ’ kmaq heritage , a lineage that can be traced back five generations .
It explores indigenous themes , yet many of the subjects resonate across several demographics .
For example , multiple tunes address the issue of policing .
Lyrics such as “ Fuck em , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Running Away ” ) , “ Ain ’ t nothing new on the block , getting shot by the cops ” ( “ Turtle Island ” ) and “ Looking so cold outside , remind me of the po-po , when they beat my ass that night and threw me in a chokehold ” ( “ Rez Life ” ) call out brutality .
It is a powerful album , which educates the mind and moves the body .
And while his name appears on the album , he still provides a platform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he has done throughout his career .
Hip-hop luminaries , such as EPMD , Def Squad , and young and upcoming Canadian and American indigenous hip-hop artists like Que Rock , Supaman and Snotty Nose Rez Kids are featured .

Fiona Apple — Fetch The Bolt Cutters In March, Fiona Apple announced that the recording of her long-awaited album was completed. The record company planned to release it in October, but Apple insisted it come out sooner. So fans were treated to a release on April 17, amidst a global pandemic. The timing was appropriate, as the songs encapsulate feelings of anxiety that are compounded by a sense of isolation. It is one of the best-reviewed albums of the year, and Apple addresses themes of empowerment and encourages listeners to get out the metaphorical bolt cutters to release themselves from oppression. Also, it is a prime example of how the personal is often political. For example, on “Under the Table,” Apple sings, “Kick me under the table all you want. I won’t shut up.” This relates to an uncomfortable dinner party, where Apple decides to call out one of the other guests for their offensive remarks, but it can apply to any situation where someone tries to silence your voice. Apple shows empathy for the trauma of others. For instance, “For Her,” was written, with permission, about a friend who used to intern for a Hollywood producer. The disconcerting line, “Good morning. You raped me in the same bed your daughter was born in,” resonates in the #MeToo era. At the bottom of the tracklist, the back album cover reads, “Made on unceded Tongva, Mescalero Apache, and Suma territories.” This is Apple acknowledging the land on which she recorded belonged to indigenous people. (C.J. Baker)
Algiers — There Is No Year The album cover arranges textures and images like some abstract version of the front page of a newspaper. It takes poetic fragments and articulates a world of gloom while at the same time saying, “We’ll be ok with the darkness.” And the final words allude to Donald Trump, Boris Johnson, or any demagogue thriving off chaos to amass and consolidate their power. It was released in January before a pandemic shut down the entire world and way before resurgent Black Lives Matter uprisings spread globally. This gives the music a stark prescience as it ruminates on the collective fear of civilization collapsing. Algiers is from Atlanta, Georgia, and their music is a combination of gospel, soul, and industrial styles. The name of the band connects it to anti-colonial struggle and the need for a global consciousness that can supplant the elite cosmopolitanism that dominates society. We have all felt like, “There is no year,” in 2020. It is a somber yet perfect mantra for grappling with how we survive the rest of this year. (Kevin Gosztola)
BL Shirelle – Assata Troi This was the first album released by Die Jim Crow Records, the first nonprofit record label for current and formerly incarcerated musicians. It translates to “she who struggles is a warrior,” and it was released on Juneteenth.
BL Shirelle, who is the deputy director for the label, put together an intensely personal album. It partly reflects on her time in prison while seeking to transcend that chapter in her life.
On “SIGS,” an acronym for “shit I gotta say,” and “Generational Curse,” Shirelle spits lyrics that deal with breaking a cycle. She grew up as the child of a crack addict and sold crack to her mom at the age of 12. That put her on a path that she does not want for her children.
“Conspiracy,” Shirelle describes, is a “cinematic” song that tells an incarceration story specific to Pennsylvania, where she lives. It focuses on a juvenile, who is sentenced to life in prison after making some choices that put them in a situation that results in conspiracy charges. The beat is grimy, and the track ends with a guitar solo.
Each entry on the album is sonically diverse enough to create a tapestry that brings out both the joy and pain, which inspires BL Shirelle to make music and collaborate with artists who remain behind bars.
(Kevin Gosztola)
Steve Earle – Ghosts Of West Virginia Centered on survivors of the Upper Big Branch coal mine explosion, most of the music on “Ghosts of West Virginia” comes from a play called “Coal Country” that was performed at the Public Theater in New York until the coronavirus pandemic shut everything down.
Songs like “Time Is Never On Our Side” and “If I Could See Your Face Again” humanize residents of Appalachia Country in a manner that creates solidarity by introducing their lives and experiences to metropolitan communities, who may know very little about what rural West Virginians endure.
Earle blends styles of folk, bluegrass, and American to reinforce the pride workers have for their labor, their land, and their sacrifices and their families’ sacrifices. It honors their blood, sweat, and tears, and through “Devil Put the Coal In the Ground” and “It’s About Blood,” the music acknowledges their indignation and resolve to fight on in spite of decades of exploitation. (Kevin Gosztola)
Irreversible Entanglements – Who Sent You? Irreversible Entanglements describes itself as a liberation-oriented free jazz collective. They formed at a Musicians Against Police Brutality event after the New York Police Department murdered Akai Gurley. The ensemble’s second album builds on the free jazz sound they developed to restore the genre’s connection to Black liberation. The ensemble describes the album as an “entire holistic jam of ‘infinite possibilities coming back around,’ a sprawling meditation for afro-cosmonauts, a reminder of the forms and traumas of the past, and the shape and vision of Afrotopian sounds to come.” Camae Ayewa (a.k.a. Moor Mother), Keir Neuringer, Aquiles Navarro, Tcheser Holmes, and Luke Stewart collectively reckon with past demons while agitating for a better future for humanity. “At what point do we stand up? At the breaking point? At the point of no return?” declares Ayewa on “The Code Noir/Amina.” “At what point? At what point do we pull each other up, up out of the void, up out of a hell? At what point? At what point? At what point do we give a shit? Do we stand up and say something?” Another track “No Más” revolves around the concept of Africans fleeing Earth to escape oppression. “No más. No more. No longer will we allow them to divide and conquer, divide and oppress, define our humanity.” It’s provocative and invigorating jazz, both sonically and lyrically, that pushes boundaries as the best music should. (Kevin Gosztola)
Pink Siifu – NEGRO The rapper’s second full-length album is a departure from his 2018 full-length debut “ensley.” It also does not feature much rap. Instead, it features intense growls, which Pink Siifu effectively uses to express black rage. The eclectic album is a hybrid of several genres, including hardcore punk and free jazz. The confrontational album heavily addresses systemic racism and police brutality. This is best exemplified with the back-to-back tracks “ameriKKKa, try no pork” and “run pig run.” The first of those two tracks features news soundbites of police murdering black people, and the next track addresses the potential backlash that will come if the system is not overhauled. The songs express the natural desire to see a reckoning for those who abuse power. At over 20 songs that last 37 minutes, Pink Siifu does not waste any time in taking aim at his targets. (C.J. Baker)
Run The Jewels – Run The Jewels 4 Killer Mike and El-P’s rap duo never shy away from the political. On their fourth album, their music is more relevant than ever. It also has had quite an impact in the two months since its release, making it a momentous album. Many of the songs were composed before 2020 and written before widespread protests against police brutality. Yet the album perfectly encapsulates the current political climate. A prime example of the prescient nature of the album is “walking in the snow.” Killer Mike raps, “And every day on the evening news, they feed you fear for free. And you so numb, you watch the cops choke out a man like me. Until my voice goes from a shriek to whisper, ‘I can’t breathe,’” referring to the dying words of Eric Garner. He could’ve been referring to the murder of George Floyd. Likewise, the tune “JU$T” features the lines, “Where murderous chokehold cops still earnin’ a livin’. Funny how some say money don’t matter. That’s rich now, isn’t it? Get it? Comedy. Try to sell a pack of smokes to get food. Get killed and it’s not an anomaly.” That same song, which features vocals from Pharrell Williams and Zack de la Rocha, is a pointed examination of the link between capitalism and systemic racism. The lyric “Look at all these slave masters posin’ on yo’ dollar” packs a lot of weight. (C.J. Baker)
SAULT – UNTITLED (Black Is) Over 20 tracks, SAULT weaves a sonically rich and spiritually affirming tapestry for an era, when more people than ever seem to be throwing off the chains that have oppressed them for so long. SAULT is a collective that in the past has presented their music anonymously. This album credits Inflo and Cleo Sol, an R&B singer-songwriter, and the collective presented it to “mark the moment in time where we as Black People, and of Black Origin are fighting for our lives.” They connected it to the murder of George Floyd and “all those who have suffered from police brutality and systemic racism.” There has been an eruption of music centered on Black experiences, especially as they relate to policing and protests. But “UNTITLED” distinguishes itself by having so many collaborators and a diverse sound that truly represents what is a global movement. Each track, like “Hard Life,” “Don’t Shoot,” “Bow,” or “Monsters,” plays like a dispatch from those on the front lines of struggle. And this incredible album is SAULT’s spiritual contribution to Black people, and those of Black Origin, facing everything from trauma and hardship to cracks in political structures that finally present them with openings for revolutionary change. (Kevin Gosztola)
Special Interest – Passion Of The New Orleans anarcho-glam band aptly describes their sophomore album as “a precise and deranged vision of punk, an apocalyptic celebration, a step forward into a perverse and uncertain landscape.” Gloomy soundscapes provide the backdrop for lead singer and lyricist Alli Logout to express the emotions many feel in the current state of upheaval. One of the album’s highlights is “All Tomorrow’s Carry,” which Shadowproof highlighted as a “Protest Song Of the Week.” It addresses how gentrification contributes to systemic poverty and homelessness (“Arise from the rubble. Another tawdry condo. And a high rise suite. Yeah, they were pushed out. Soon evacuated. House was near dilapidated.”). The song calls attention to the prevalence of apathy (“We were willingly blind”). Similar issues are explored on “Homogenized Milk” (“What happens when there’s nothing left to gentrify. And genocide is on your side”). Altogether, the album is an intense and urgent wake-up call. (C.J. Baker)
David Strickland – Spirit Of Hip Hop David Strickland has had a successful career as a producer, mixer, and engineer. After spending over two decades behind the scenes, he finally received prime billing with his debut album. Strickland heavily taps into his Mi’kmaq heritage, a lineage that can be traced back five generations. It explores indigenous themes, yet many of the subjects resonate across several demographics. For example, multiple tunes address the issue of policing. Lyrics such as “Fuck em, we need less cops” (“Times Running Away”), “Ain’t nothing new on the block, getting shot by the cops” (“Turtle Island”) and “Looking so cold outside, remind me of the po-po, when they beat my ass that night and threw me in a chokehold” (“Rez Life”) call out brutality. It is a powerful album, which educates the mind and moves the body. And while his name appears on the album, he still provides a platform for other artists to shine, as he has done throughout his career. Hip-hop luminaries, such as EPMD, Def Squad, and young and upcoming Canadian and American indigenous hip-hop artists like Que Rock, Supaman and Snotty Nose Rez Kids are featured. (C.J. Baker)