shadowproof--2020-11-11--Protest Song Of The Week: ‘Don’t (Just) Vote’ By Cass McCombs

Protest Song Of The Week : ‘ Don ’ t ( Just ) Vote ’ By Cass McCombs “ We have to excise a malignant cancer from the body politic .
But that ’ s just the beginning .
Real politics is what you do before and after you push the lever .
You have to keep your shoulder to the wheel : engagement , activism , organizing – that ’ s what will make the difference.
” This statement by the political scholar Noam Chomsky was included at the conclusion of “ Don ’ t ( Just ) Vote @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cass McCombs .
The song is an update of the tune “ Don ’ t Vote ” off McCombs ’ 2009 album “ Catacombs.
” McCombs described why he updated the tune .
“ I was compelled to write something for the election and I thought of no better way than to troll myself , laying waste to a much-misunderstood song of mine from over a decade ago , ‘ Don ’ t Vote.
’ Most people never made it much further than the title , anyway.
” For this new song , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Vote , ’ the message is clear : Vote , yes , but when you do , imagine the world you would like to see , beyond what appears on your ballot .
Harness your imagination and justice becomes inevitable.
” The elections are over ( save for a couple of Senate runoffs in Georgia ) , and Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden was declared the winner .
Yet , as McCombs pointed out , the result will not has no bearing on the work that must still be done .
Biden is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t support the expansion of Medicare to cover all Americans .
He is unlikely to do much to address issues such as income inequality , mass incarceration , police brutality , systemic racism , and climate change .
Intuitional injustices do not miraculously go away with the results of an election .
Real change is going to come from people making their voices heard and mobilizing to hold elected officials accountable .

“We have to excise a malignant cancer from the body politic. But that’s just the beginning. Real politics is what you do before and after you push the lever. You have to keep your shoulder to the wheel: engagement, activism, organizing – that’s what will make the difference.”
This statement by the political scholar Noam Chomsky was included at the
conclusion of “Don’t (Just) Vote,” the latest single by singer-songwriter Cass McCombs.
The song is an update of the tune “Don’t Vote” off McCombs’ 2009 album “Catacombs.”
McCombs described why he updated the tune. “I was compelled to write something for the election and I thought of no better way than to troll myself, laying waste to a much-misunderstood song of mine from over a decade ago, ‘Don’t Vote.’ Most people never made it much further than the title, anyway.”
For this new song, ‘Don’t (Just) Vote,’ the message is clear: Vote, yes, but when you do, imagine the world you would like to see, beyond what appears on your ballot. Harness your imagination and justice becomes inevitable.”
The elections are over (save for a couple of Senate runoffs in Georgia), and Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden was declared the winner. Yet, as McCombs pointed out, the result will not has no bearing on the work that must still be done.
Biden is a status quo politician, who doesn’t support the expansion of Medicare to cover all Americans. He is unlikely to do much to address issues such as income inequality, mass incarceration, police brutality, systemic racism, and climate change.
Intuitional injustices do not miraculously go away with the results of an election. Real change is going to come from people making their voices heard and mobilizing to hold elected officials accountable.


shadowproof--2020-11-14--Dissenter Weekly: The Biden Transition And The War On Whistleblowers

Dissenter Weekly : The Biden Transition And The War On Whistleblowers On this edition of the “ Dissenter Weekly , @ @ @ @ @ Kevin Gosztola highlights some of the individuals on President-elect Joe Biden ’ s agency review @ @ @ @ @ for his transition to the White House who previously participated in the war on whistleblowers @ @ @ @ @ .
Later in the show , Gosztola covers the closing argument that was submitted by @ @ @ @ @ s legal team .
He obtained a copy and covered it earlier in the week @ @ @ @ @ to you by Shadowproof.com , a 100 % reader-funded press organization .
If you enjoy @ @ @ @ @ support us with a donation or by subscribing for $ 5/month or more : https @ @

On this edition of the “Dissenter Weekly,” host and Shadowproof editor Kevin Gosztola highlights some of the individuals on President-elect Joe Biden’s agency review teams, which he appointed for his transition to the White House who previously participated in the war on whistleblowers when Barack Obama was president.
Later in the show, Gosztola covers the closing argument that was submitted by WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange’s legal team. He obtained a copy and covered it earlier in the week.
Send tips and feedback to editor@shadowproof.com
This show is brought to you by Shadowproof.com, a 100% reader-funded press organization. If you enjoy our work, you can support us with a donation or by subscribing for $5/month or more: https://shadowproof.com/donate


shadowproof--2020-11-16--Suicide Crisis In Prisons Compounded By COVID-19, Lack Of Health Care

Suicide Crisis In Prisons Compounded By COVID-19 , Lack Of Health Care In the normal course of its work connecting prisoners across Wisconsin via email correspondence and newsletters , the Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee of Milwaukee receives reports of the deaths of incarcerated people from their fellow prisoners .
One recent report involved Kristopher Carlisle , who was incarcerated at the Columbia Correctional Institution .
According to the report , Carlisle was in poor health , suffering from diabetes and requiring a wheelchair , yet he was given only a walker and made to climb stairs multiple times a day @ @ @ @ @ @ @ checks , and other routine necessities .
On January 14 , Carlisle crawled to the upper tier of his cell block and dove over the railing , falling two stories to his death .
Deaths like Carlisle ’ s are not uncommon within prisons across the United States , where administrators ’ neglect of inmates ’ general health care needs are compounded by their particular neglect of adequate suicide prevention .
Worse yet , even the relatively robust network of suicide prevention resources available to the general public do little to assist prisoners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ among prisoners in the United States are matched by suicide rates .
When figures available from the Bureau of Justice Statistics ( BJS ) and the Centers for Disease Control are compared , it becomes clear prisoners suffer from significantly higher mortality rates from preventable diseases than the wider population , including cancer ( 30 percent to 22 percent ) , heart disease ( 30 percent to 23 percent ) , and liver disease ( 7 percent to 2 percent ) .
Similarly , suicide rates are nearly four times higher among prisoners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public ( 2 percent ) , reaching a 16-year peak in 2016 .
In fact , some prisoners and their advocates believe that suicide rates may actually be even higher , however , they are obscured by administrators as accident-related deaths ( 1 percent ) .
Prisoners ’ advocacy groups like the Southern Center for Human Rights also report that suicide rates have reached “ unprecedented levels ” due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic , especially since administrators responded to the virus by keeping inmates in their cells for weeks at a time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be gleaned from the more recent reports received by IWOC Milwaukee , as the Wisconsin Department of Corrections confirms COVID infections in the thousands .
On the evening of October 24 , a prisoner at Fox Lake Correctional Institution reported two ambulances were called to the “ quarantine wings.
” Whether the ambulances were responding to COVID cases , other emergency medical conditions , or instances of self-harm remained unclear .
“ Suicides within prisons and correctional facilities are rapidly becoming the rule and not the exception , ” argued Nicasio Cuevas @ @ @ @ @ @ @ du Chien Correctional Institution .
“ Statistics remain the highest unreported occurrence within prisons as the primary cause of death—second only to deaths caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.
” “ The [ Wisconsin Department of Corrections ( DOC ) ] seems very good at burying such statistics as accidents and other causes , trying very hard not to admit that there ’ s a problem , ” reiterated Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee ( IWOC ) Milwaukee organizer Robert Thibault .
Prisoners themselves connect inadequate health care with the preponderance of suicide .
Jeremiah @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Correctional Institution , describes being diagnosed with ADHD and prescribed methylphenidate , better known as Ritalin , in 2004 .
But because Grube is now unable to obtain his medication from the prison psychiatrist , he self-medicates with contraband opiates and methamphetamine .
He has also seen where that may lead , pointing to the suicides of two fellow prisoners : Shawn McNutt on January 7 , 2019 , and Scot Weiss on October 5 .
“ The prison does not help or treat addiction at all , ” said Grube .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” The pain prisoners experience is compounded by the negligence with which it is received by administrators .
Not only are inmates ’ health care needs routinely ignored , as in the cases of both Carlisle and Grube , but even their suicide attempts are scorned .
Prisoners complain of staff making suicide jokes , threatening suicidal inmates with isolation , or simply ignoring suicide attempts .
“ It is a common ‘ mistake ’ for guards to just walk away , saying they believed the inmate was being manipulative or misleading , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t really mean it , ” explained Aaron Pavin , a prisoner at Waupun Correctional Facility .
“ Then the inmate harms themself , and no one gets in trouble.
” Representatives from both the Federal Bureau of Prisons and the Wisconsin Department of Corrections tout their respective staffs ’ mandatory suicide prevention training , which they say is delivered on a regular basis and includes instruction on mental illness .
“ We train that every self-harm attempt or suicide attempt should be taken seriously , ” said one DOC representative @ @ @ @ @ @ @ malingering , or exaggerating the risk of suicide for their own benefit , is so persistent that the National Insistute of Corrections shares resources like “ Is He Faking ?
Why You Should Treat All Suicide Threats as Real.
” Outside the prison walls , suicide prevention resources are relatively prevalent .
The best-known of these is the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline , a network of more than 180 crisis centers across the United States , which make up the leading suicide prevention effort in the country .
Callers to the National Suicide @ @ @ @ @ @ @ routed to local crisis centers for free mental health services and emotional support .
But the lifeline provides no inmate-specific support .
“ The lifeline provides support to anyone that contacts the lifeline , ” explains Hannah Collins , a communications manager with National Suicide Prevention Lifeline .
Collins notes that , while she is not aware of a nationwide suicide prevention initiative specifically supporting prisoners , the individual crisis centers associated with National Suicide Prevention Lifeline may have their own , independent programs to that end .
However , after contacting all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Shadowproof was unable to confirm that even one provided support specifically to local prisoners .
On the contrary , a representative from one crisis center , Journey Mental Health Center in Madison , explained that the center provides support to those released from prison , but not those currently incarcerated .
Denied adequate health care or suicide prevention resources inside , and unable to access the more prevalent prevention resources available outside , prisoners are left to fend for themselves as circumstances become increasingly dire .
As previously mentioned , the latest figures @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prisoners reached a 16-year high in 2016—well before the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic threatened to turn every sentence into a death sentence .
The intersection of already rising suicide rates and the failure of administrators to adequately respond to the pandemic raises the spectre of even more deaths from self-harm , lending greater urgency to the calls for release from prisoners and their advocates .
Since mid-March , IWOC Milwaukee has argued for the release of all prisoners age 60 and over , as well as those expecting trial , and a halt to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one misstep to turn an isolated , overpopulated institution into a death camp , ” reads the appeal .
But as with the suicide crisis , the question remains : is anyone listening ?

In the normal course of its work connecting prisoners across Wisconsin via email correspondence and newsletters, the Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee of Milwaukee receives reports of the deaths of incarcerated people from their fellow prisoners.
One recent report involved Kristopher Carlisle, who was incarcerated at the Columbia Correctional Institution.
According to the report, Carlisle was in poor health, suffering from diabetes and requiring a wheelchair, yet he was given only a walker and made to climb stairs multiple times a day for meals, medication, blood sugar checks, and other routine necessities.
On January 14, Carlisle crawled to the upper tier of his cell block and dove over the railing, falling two stories to his death.
Deaths like Carlisle’s are not uncommon within prisons across the United States, where administrators’ neglect of inmates’ general health care needs are compounded by their particular neglect of adequate suicide prevention. Worse yet, even the relatively robust network of suicide prevention resources available to the general public do little to assist prisoners.
The heightened rates of illness-related deaths among prisoners in the United States are matched by suicide rates.
When figures available from the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) and the Centers for Disease Control are compared, it becomes clear prisoners suffer from significantly higher mortality rates from preventable diseases than the wider population, including cancer (30 percent to 22 percent), heart disease (30 percent to 23 percent), and liver disease (7 percent to 2 percent).
Similarly, suicide rates are nearly four times higher among prisoners (7 percent) than the general public (2 percent), reaching a 16-year peak in 2016. In fact, some prisoners and their advocates believe that suicide rates may actually be even higher, however, they are obscured by administrators as accident-related deaths (1 percent).
Prisoners’ advocacy groups like the Southern Center for Human Rights also report that suicide rates have reached “unprecedented levels” due to the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, especially since administrators responded to the virus by keeping inmates in their cells for weeks at a time.
A sense of the new reality can be gleaned from the more recent reports received by IWOC Milwaukee, as the Wisconsin Department of Corrections confirms COVID infections in the thousands.
On the evening of October 24, a prisoner at Fox Lake Correctional Institution reported two ambulances were called to the “quarantine wings.” Whether the ambulances were responding to COVID cases, other emergency medical conditions, or instances of self-harm remained unclear.
“Suicides within prisons and correctional facilities are rapidly becoming the rule and not the exception,” argued Nicasio Cuevas Quiles III, an inmate at Prairie du Chien Correctional Institution. “Statistics remain the highest unreported occurrence within prisons as the primary cause of death—second only to deaths caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.”
“The [Wisconsin Department of Corrections (DOC)] seems very good at burying such statistics as accidents and other causes, trying very hard not to admit that there’s a problem,” reiterated Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee (IWOC) Milwaukee organizer Robert Thibault.
Prisoners themselves connect inadequate health care with the preponderance of suicide.
Jeremiah Grube, an inmate at New Lisbon Correctional Institution, describes being diagnosed with ADHD and prescribed methylphenidate, better known as Ritalin, in 2004. But because Grube is now unable to obtain his medication from the prison psychiatrist, he self-medicates with contraband opiates and methamphetamine. He has also seen where that may lead, pointing to the suicides of two fellow prisoners: Shawn McNutt on January 7, 2019, and Scot Weiss on October 5.
“The prison does not help or treat addiction at all,” said Grube. “People rather die than live in pain.”
The pain prisoners experience is compounded by the negligence with which it is received by administrators. Not only are inmates’ health care needs routinely ignored, as in the cases of both Carlisle and Grube, but even their suicide attempts are scorned.
Prisoners complain of staff making suicide jokes, threatening suicidal inmates with isolation, or simply ignoring suicide attempts.
“It is a common ‘mistake’ for guards to just walk away, saying they believed the inmate was being manipulative or misleading, or making threats out of anger and didn’t really mean it,” explained Aaron Pavin, a prisoner at Waupun Correctional Facility. “Then the inmate harms themself, and no one gets in trouble.”
Representatives from both the Federal Bureau of Prisons and the Wisconsin Department of Corrections tout their respective staffs’ mandatory suicide prevention training, which they say is delivered on a regular basis and includes instruction on mental illness.
According to John Beard, director of communications for the Wisconsin Department of Corrections, state prisons averaged less than four suicides per year from 2010 to 2019. Beard claimed suicide prevention resources available to prisoners include clinical monitoring, crisis services, emergency call buttons in restrictive housing cells, and more. Yet all of the prisoners interviewed by Shadowproof described the services available as inadequate — or, in the words of one interviewee, “a joke.”
The belief that prisoners are malingering, or exaggerating the risk of suicide for their own benefit, is so persistent that the National Institute of Corrections shares resources like, “Is He Faking? Why You Should Treat All Suicide Threats as Real.”
Outside the prison walls, suicide prevention resources are relatively prevalent. The best-known of these is the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline, a network of more than 180 crisis centers across the United States, which make up the leading suicide prevention effort in the country. Callers to the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline’s hotline number are routed to local crisis centers for free mental health services and emotional support. But the lifeline provides no inmate-specific support.
“The lifeline provides support to anyone that contacts the lifeline,” explains Hannah Collins, a communications manager with National Suicide Prevention Lifeline.
Collins notes that, while she is not aware of a nationwide suicide prevention initiative specifically supporting prisoners, the individual crisis centers associated with National Suicide Prevention Lifeline may have their own, independent programs to that end.
However, after contacting all four crisis centers based in Wisconsin, Shadowproof was unable to confirm that even one provided support specifically to local prisoners. On the contrary, a representative from one crisis center, Journey Mental Health Center in Madison, explained that the center provides support to those released from prison, but not those currently incarcerated.
Denied adequate health care or suicide prevention resources inside, and unable to access the more prevalent prevention resources available outside, prisoners are left to fend for themselves as circumstances become increasingly dire.
As previously mentioned, the latest figures from the BJS indicate that suicide among prisoners reached a 16-year high in 2016—well before the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic threatened to turn every sentence into a death sentence. The intersection of already rising suicide rates and the failure of administrators to adequately respond to the pandemic raises the spectre of even more deaths from self-harm, lending greater urgency to the calls for release from prisoners and their advocates.
Since mid-March, IWOC Milwaukee has argued for the release of all prisoners age 60 and over, as well as those expecting trial, and a halt to all arrests. “It only takes one misstep to turn an isolated, overpopulated institution into a death camp,” reads the appeal. But as with the suicide crisis, the question remains: is anyone listening?


shadowproof--2020-11-17--Shadowproof Launches Marvel Cooke Journalism Fellowship

Shadowproof is thrilled to announce the launch of the Marvel Cooke Fellowship , which will fund reporting from writers of color on the movement to abolish the prison industrial complex .
Over the summer , a historic wave of protests against death-by-policing elevated demands to defund police departments .
Unprecedented public curiosity in abolition followed , prompting many media organizations to produce introductory articles on the subject .
Shadowproof responded with journalism exploring abolition ’ s presence in a variety of organizing efforts .
We published eight articles from a variety of writers that showed , for example , how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ violence without involving police .
Throughout this project , our goal was to show how communities are manifesting abolition now , and to push back against the perception that it is an idea confined to a distant future .
The funding we can provide through the Marvel Cooke Fellowship will carry our abolition series into 2021 and ensure we have dedicated resources for publishing work by a diversity of writers .
Though Marvel Jackson Cooke ’ s reporting was published a century ago , it remains deeply relevant to the journalism we will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the only Black child in Mankato , Michigan , born in 1901 to parents she described as “ Eugene V. Debs socialists.
” She moved to New York City in the 1920s and joined the Harlem Renaissance , engaging in fearless journalism and activism confronting issues of race , class , and gender .
She wrote for The Crisis at the invitation of W.E.B .
Du Bois , and was later published in The Amsterdam News .
As the Washington Press Club Foundation notes , she was The Amsterdam News ’ first woman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ well .
While at the paper , Cooke helped organize the first Newspaper Guild unit at a Black-owned newspaper Later , she worked as the assistant managing editor at The People ’ s Voice and as a reporter and feature writer at The Compass , where she was not just the only woman reporter but the only Black person writing for the organization .
Cooke was questioned before Congress for her Communist Party membership , and the FBI harassed her and confiscated her passport as it had other Black radicals of the era @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Cooke played a leading role in defense campaigns for Dr. Angela Y. Davis , and continued her activism until her death in 2000 at age 99 .
Her groundbreaking reporting on the exploitation of Black women working as domestic day laborers in New York City is exemplary of the journalism Shadowproof strives to fund through the Marvel Cooke Fellowship .
The first article Cooke wrote on the subject , “ The Slave Market , ” was a collaboration with Ella Baker and appeared in The Crisis in 1935 .
She returned with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Slave Market ” in 1950 , reporting on her own experiences as part of the “ paperbag brigade ” in the pages of The Compass .
In her work , Cooke did not just tabulate the exploitation of working Black women but explored its root causes .
She gave readers a sense of time and place , situating these newer forms of abuse within shifting currents of race , labor , gender , and migration following the Great Depression and post-World War II deindustrialization .
Cooke demanded more from government responses in her @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hiring halls dealt with only the most superficial complaints and , in some ways , further entrenched oppression .
She told the stories of workers instead of attempting to impose a contrived “ objectivity ” to show “ both sides.
” She presented her subjects as human beings with agency instead of silently oppressed objects , chronicling how workers overcame their isolation from one another to share strategies and organize collective resistance to stolen and suppressed wages , and other forms of abuse .
It is through this lens that Cooke argued the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not and could not be reasonably reformed .
Instead , through labor organizing and struggle to destroy the conditions that enabled their existence , she called for the markets to be abolished altogether .
In the 70 years since Cooke traced the survivals of slavery to New York City ’ s “ paperbag brigade , ” Black people and other marginalized populations have encountered new forms of exploitation and coercion as they pursue survival in an increasingly hazardous world .
Their efforts to organize against these new forms are not always visible to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are part of criminalized and stigmatized populations , but these efforts are nonetheless critical to shaping the future .
The upheavals and displacement of the the early 21st century by economic , health , and climate crises , an increasingly militarized state , and ever-more precarious working conditions , therefore deserve the same on-the-ground attention as Cooke provided her subjects in the Bronx during the 1930s and 1950s .
We are honored to provide this opportunity to writers of color working in the tradition of Marvel Cooke and look forward to reading your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ apply for the Marvel Cooke Fellowship are encouraged to pitch original news stories and analyses related to the movement to abolish the prison industrial complex .
We seek fact-based reporting that involves original source materials and the perspectives of impacted people .
Black people , people of color , people from poor and working class backgrounds , immigrants , lesbian , gay , bisexual , intersex , trans and gender non-conforming people , women , young people , formerly criminalized people , and people with disabilities are strongly encouraged to apply .
Shadowproof @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not discriminate based upon gender , race , national origin , disability , age , religion , sexual orientation , or gender expression .
Potential areas of investigation include but are not limited to : • Grassroots abolitionist organizing to take power and resources away from policing , prisons , or other arms of the carceral state ( like defunding police , etc . )
• Examples of transformative justice , community accountability , and other non-carceral anti-violence processes that exist in most impacted communities • Critical analysis of reformist-reforms and exploration of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country • Reporting on the abolitionist approaches to organizing in spaces such as labor , health care , the environment , housing , transportation , etc .
Applicants should demonstrate an understanding of and experience with reporting on the abolition movement .
We are looking for journalism that examines issues involving abolition or reflects the work of abolitionist organizing .
Shadowproof is committed to the safety and privacy of our sources .
We are open to discussing measures to protect sources featured in our reporting , as we acknowledge the sensitive and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Please begin the subject line of your email with : “ MARVEL COOKE : ” • 1-2 paragraph summary of the story you want to tell • If possible , a few sentences about the style of the story , how long you expect the story to be , and whether you plan to incorporate any original media ( photos , infographics , video , etc . )
• What kind of work you plan to put into creating the piece ( interviews , research , document requests , etc . )
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you : • A brief bio telling us about yourself , any relevant details about your experience as a journalist , why you are covering this story .
You may provide links to any websites , portfolios , or other materials relevant to this work .
• A writing sample if you haven ’ t been previously published by Shadowproof .
• Fellowship amounts are not fixed and depend on the story you ’ re pitching us .
Tell us what you feel is fair compensation for your piece .
You may include @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , etc . )
that you expect to incur , but please list them out separately .
If you ’ re wondering whether your story might be right for Shadowproof , we encourage you to browse some of the reporting we ’ ve published from other writers , especially reporting we have published on the abolition movement .
Our coverage is generally focused on the United States , where we are based .
However , in recognition of the international scope of the abolitionism , we are willing to support pitches about the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Please do not pitch personal essays , editorials , or first-person narratives .
What Happens After I Apply ?
We ’ re eager to read your application .
Please give us at least one week to respond as we typically receive a high volume of emails .
Shadowproof will consider your application and respond if we have any additional questions .
Once we have all of the information we need , we will email you with a clear decision .
Unless the story is extremely time-sensitive , we encourage you to follow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t received a response within a week of pitching .
If it is time-sensitive , we ask that you make this clear in the subject line or at the top of your message .
If your application is approved , we ’ ll share information on our process , our style guidelines , and work with you to establish a deadline .
Shadowproof has a collaborative editorial process in which we encourage your active participation .
We ’ re here to help you at every stage along the way , and you will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and approve our edits before publication .
Shadowproof supports all paid contributions by featuring them prominently on our homepage and sharing them widely on social media .
Occasionally , we ’ ll also invite authors to participate in community activities with us , like Q & A ’ s .
Unless all parties involved have made an agreement stating otherwise , we pay writers on the day of publication .

Want to support the Marvel Cooke fellowship and fund journalism on the abolition movement?
Make a donation today.
Shadowproof is thrilled to announce the launch of the Marvel Cooke Fellowship, which will fund reporting from writers of color on the movement to abolish the prison industrial complex.
Over the summer, a historic wave of protests against death-by-policing elevated demands to defund police departments. Unprecedented public curiosity in abolition followed, prompting many media organizations to produce introductory articles on the subject.
Shadowproof responded with journalism exploring abolition’s presence in a variety of organizing efforts. We published eight articles from a variety of writers that showed, for example, how abolitionists approach mental health crises and interpersonal violence without involving police. Throughout this project, our goal was to show how communities are manifesting abolition now, and to push back against the perception that it is an idea confined to a distant future.
The funding we can provide through the Marvel Cooke Fellowship will carry our abolition series into 2021 and ensure we have dedicated resources for publishing work by a diversity of writers.
*
Though Marvel Jackson Cooke’s reporting was published a century ago, it remains deeply relevant to the journalism we will fund through this fellowship.
Cooke was the only Black child in Mankato, Michigan, born in 1901 to parents she described as “Eugene V. Debs socialists.” She moved to New York City in the 1920s and joined the Harlem Renaissance, engaging in fearless journalism and activism confronting issues of race, class, and gender.
She wrote for The Crisis at the invitation of W.E.B. Du Bois, and was later published in The Amsterdam News. As the Washington Press Club Foundation notes, she was The Amsterdam News’ first woman journalist and worked in editorial roles as well. While at the paper, Cooke helped organize the first Newspaper Guild unit at a Black-owned newspaper
Later, she worked as the assistant managing editor at The People’s Voice and as a reporter and feature writer at The Compass, where she was not just the only woman reporter but the only Black person writing for the organization.
Cooke was questioned before Congress for her Communist Party membership, and the FBI harassed her and confiscated her passport as it had other Black radicals of the era like Paul Robeson. In the 1970s, Cooke played a leading role in defense campaigns for Dr. Angela Y. Davis, and continued her activism until her death in 2000 at age 99.
Her groundbreaking reporting on the exploitation of Black women working as domestic day laborers in New York City is exemplary of the journalism Shadowproof strives to fund through the Marvel Cooke Fellowship.
The first article Cooke wrote on the subject, “The Slave Market,” was a collaboration with Ella Baker and appeared in The Crisis in 1935. She returned with a three-part series called “The Bronx Slave Market” in 1950, reporting on her own experiences as part of the “paperbag brigade” in the pages of The Compass.
In her work, Cooke did not just tabulate the exploitation of working Black women but explored its root causes. She gave readers a sense of time and place, situating these newer forms of abuse within shifting currents of race, labor, gender, and migration following the Great Depression and post-World War II deindustrialization.
Cooke demanded more from government responses in her reporting, showing that efforts like free hiring halls dealt with only the most superficial complaints and, in some ways, further entrenched oppression.
She told the stories of workers instead of attempting to impose a contrived “objectivity” to show “both sides.” She presented her subjects as human beings with agency instead of silently oppressed objects, chronicling how workers overcame their isolation from one another to share strategies and organize collective resistance to stolen and suppressed wages, and other forms of abuse.
It is through this lens that Cooke argued the Slave Markets of the 20th century should not and could not be reasonably reformed. Instead, through labor organizing and struggle to destroy the conditions that enabled their existence, she called for the markets to be abolished altogether.
In the 70 years since Cooke traced the survivals of slavery to New York City’s “paperbag brigade,” Black people and other marginalized populations have encountered new forms of exploitation and coercion as they pursue survival in an increasingly hazardous world. Their efforts to organize against these new forms are not always visible to the general public, especially if they are part of criminalized and stigmatized populations, but these efforts are nonetheless critical to shaping the future.
The upheavals and displacement of the the early 21st century by economic, health, and climate crises, an increasingly militarized state, and ever-more precarious working conditions, therefore deserve the same on-the-ground attention as Cooke provided her subjects in the Bronx during the 1930s and 1950s.
We are honored to provide this opportunity to writers of color working in the tradition of Marvel Cooke and look forward to reading your pitches.
Who Should Apply?
Journalists who would like to apply for the Marvel Cooke Fellowship are encouraged to pitch original news stories and analyses related to the movement to abolish the prison industrial complex.
We seek fact-based reporting that involves original source materials and the perspectives of impacted people.
Black people, people of color, people from poor and working class backgrounds, immigrants, lesbian, gay, bisexual, intersex, trans and gender non-conforming people, women, young people, formerly criminalized people, and people with disabilities are strongly encouraged to apply.
Shadowproof is an equal-opportunity employer and we do not discriminate based upon gender, race, national origin, disability, age, religion, sexual orientation, or gender expression.
Potential areas of investigation include but are not limited to:
Grassroots abolitionist organizing to take power and resources away from policing, prisons, or other arms of the carceral state (like defunding police, etc.)
Examples of transformative justice, community accountability, and other non-carceral anti-violence processes that exist in most impacted communities
Critical analysis of reformist-reforms and exploration of non-reformist (abolitionist) reform proposals around the country
Reporting on the abolitionist approaches to organizing in spaces such as labor, health care, the environment, housing, transportation, etc.
Applicants should demonstrate an understanding of and experience with reporting on the abolition movement. We are looking for journalism that examines issues involving abolition or reflects the work of abolitionist organizing.
Shadowproof is committed to the safety and privacy of our sources. We are open to discussing measures to protect sources featured in our reporting, as we acknowledge the sensitive and often dangerous nature of anti-violence organizing.
How To Apply
Please send pitches only —not finished drafts—to brian@shadowproof.com.
Please begin the subject line of your email with: “MARVEL COOKE:”
Your pitch should include:
1-2 paragraph summary of the story you want to tell
If possible, a few sentences about the style of the story, how long you expect the story to be, and whether you plan to incorporate any original media (photos, infographics, video, etc.)
What kind of work you plan to put into creating the piece (interviews, research, document requests, etc.)
We would also like the following information about you:
A brief bio telling us about yourself, any relevant details about your experience as a journalist, why you are covering this story. You may provide links to any websites, portfolios, or other materials relevant to this work.
A writing sample if you haven’t been previously published by Shadowproof.
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shadowproof--2020-11-17--Kings Bay Plowshares Activists Pay Heavy Price For Resisting Nuclear Warfare

Patrick O ’ Neill gripped the hammer tightly in his hands .
The police would soon surround him .
O ’ Neill and six other Catholic peace activists had infiltrated the Kings Bay Naval Base in St. Mary ’ s , Georgia , with the goal of symbolically disarming the base ’ s six Trident submarines armed with first-strike missiles capable of holding 200 nuclear warheads .
Some of the activists strung up crime scene tape and hung protest banners that read “ The Ultimate Logic of Trident is Omnicide.
” Others poured baby bottles of their own blood around @ @ @ @ @ @ @ O ’ Neill and Mark Colville discovered a macabre shrine to nuclearism consisting of a half dozen statues of nuclear missiles that looked as if they were suspended in motion just seconds after launch .
Staring up at a replica of a Trident D5 intercontinental ballistic missile , O ’ Neill ’ s mind turned to the book of Exodus in the Bible : the shrine offered proof that nuclear weapons were modern-day idols more powerful than a golden calf .
Unlike that empty signifier , the pacifist recognized the immutable power of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was the same as worshipping death .
Time was running short .
O ’ Neill sprinted up to the statue and beat it with the hammer .
The missile was solid cement and the hammerhead broke clean off .
Catholic peace activists like the ones who infiltrated the naval base at Kings Bay in 2018 have attempted to topple the formidable idol of nuclearism for 40 years , and they have paid a heavy price .
Liz McAlister has already served 17 months behind bars and Father Steve Kelley continues to languish in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more than 28 months under house arrest , O ’ Neill was slapped with a 14-month prison sentence in October .
Carmen Trotta and Clare Grady will serve more than a year in prison , while Martha Hennessy expects to be incarcerated for 10 months .
Mark Colville will be sentenced in December .
On top of that , the activists are grappling with an establishment media blackout that they fear could be reflective of Americans ’ apathy towards nuclear abolition at a moment when the threat of a nuclear holocaust is at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ Neill and the other Catholic peace activists knew they possessed neither the tools nor the numbers to physically disarm the nuclear naval base at Kings Bay .
Rather , the goal of the Kings Bay action , like every Plowshares action dating back to the movement ’ s inception , was to call attention to the omnicidal threat that nuclear weapons continue to pose for humanity .
The Plowshares movement began in 1980 when Roman Catholic priests Philip and Daniel Berrigan and six others surreptitiously gained access to the Re-Entry Division at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ King of Prussia , Pennsylvania .
Carrying only hammers and pints of their own blood to symbolize the human cost of nuclear war , the activists pounded on nose cones that covered Mark 12A nuclear warheads and poured the blood over engineering blueprints and other documents .
As their objective was to convert weapons of war into instruments of peace , the activists dubbed themselves the Plowshares Eight , a reference to a verse in the book of Isaiah in the Bible calling nations to “ beat swords into plowshares.
” The King @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation–the New York Times to call it “ one of the best-known antiwar incidents in this country since the Vietnam War ” –and announced to the world the beginning of a bold new faction within the broader anti-war movement in the U.S. that fused religion with non-violent direct action against nuclear weapons .
“ They were different .
They were risky .
They were costly , ” said McAlister , a former Catholic nun and longtime Plowshares activist .
Since 1980 , dozens of Plowshares activists have repeatedly penetrated sites across the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ silos and in the process laid waste to the idea that nuclear weapons could ever be stored safely .
The 2018 infiltration of the naval base at Kings Bay is estimated to be the 100th Plowshares action .
Legal trials and prison sentences that were sure to follow their acts of civil disobedience were viewed as opportunities for the activists to draw more attention to their cause and often revealed the extraordinary lengths the government took to suppress dissent among those who dared to confront the American war machine .
“ You could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” McAlister said .
“ And [ the federal government was ] consistent about seeing to it that we did that time.
” McAlister and Philip Berrigan were excommunicated from the Catholic church after they married in 1973 but their social justice activism continued .
McAlister said she avoided participating in Plowshares actions at the same time as her husband so that one parent could be home with their children .
The couple estimated that they spent more than 10 years of their marriage separated by the carceral system .
McAlister served @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including jail time for the Kings Bay action , since Berrigan died in 2002 .
When Grady first heard about the King of Prussia action , her initial reaction was alarm at the personal risks that the activists undertook to broadcast their message out to the public .
Her second reaction was skepticism that their actions , though brave , would lead to any concessions on the part of the American military-industrial complex .
After some consideration , Grady realized , “ Oh , our friends are not asking the U.S. government to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it themselves.
” Two years later , Grady joined McAlister and five others in penetrating the Griffiss Air Force Base in New York in order to gain access to a B-52 bomber , which were once outfitted to carry nuclear payloads that could be dropped onto the former Soviet Union .
Base security did not appear until an hour after the activists started beating on the hanger doors , which incidentally were unlocked .
“ In 1983 , when we hammered on the B-52 bomber and related parts , that plane was actually @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Grady said .
“ That is one of the few moments where nuclear weapons with these actions actually were disarmed .
I ’ m not sure that too many efforts could claim that at that moment.
” The grassroots movement against nuclear weapons in the U.S. reached a peak in 1982 when an estimated one million people converged in New York City for a massive demonstration .
Grady remembered the thrill of being a part of the historic protest , which stands in stark contrast to the minority status that anti-nuclearism maintains @ @ @ @ @ @ @ aware at that time of the danger of nuclear weapons , ” Grady said .
“ Nowadays , very few people know about it and very few people are organizing around it.
” The dearth of activism against nuclear weapons in the U.S. coincides with a new nuclear arms race as measures designed to mitigate nuclear proliferation that took decades to stitch together are being dismantled piece-by-piece .
The world is currently just 100 seconds away from global destruction , according to the Doomsday Clock created by the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people about the threat of nuclear annihilation .
Here in the U.S. , a new nuclear threat , one potentially more cataclysmic than the first , is currently underway .
And not unlike the nuclear submarines that pass innocuously through the waters of Kings Bay in Georgia , it is happening right under the noses of the American public .
“ What has happened is the end of the Cold War and the disappearance of a single focused enemy with a peer competitor in the nuclear field , ” Jessica T. Matthews told @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace .
“ Older people remember getting under their desks for nuclear drills when they were in elementary school and putting their coats over their heads .
Growing up in the era of above-ground nuclear testing all the time .
All that went away with the end of the Cold War and I think it seemed as though the threat of nuclear conflict went with it.
” The United States ushered in the nuclear age in 1945 and despite deepening wealth inequality and skyrocketing unemployment resulting from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to spend billions of dollars to maintain its nuclear hegemony over the rest of the world .
This new nuclear arms race is a reminder of how even in an era marked by entrenched partisan divisiveness , Democratic and Republican lawmakers remain united on maintaining America ’ s nuclear supremacy regardless of the financial , environmental or human costs .
In 2001 , Republican President George W. Bush withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty , an arms control agreement dating back to the 1970s .
President Obama , a Democrat , secured passage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ number of nuclear weapons but only after he struck a deal with Congress to spend $ 100 billion to refit American nuclear facilities and labs .
That plan has now turned into an across-the-board modernization of the country ’ s nuclear apparatus , including the Trident II D5 nuclear missiles that are housed at the Kings Bay naval base , currently priced at $ 1.7 trillion , Matthews said .
More than any other president , Trump seemed bent on turning the clock back to the 1950s when the country maintained more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stockpile , compared to roughly 5,800 weapons today .
In May , Trump administration officials signalled their interest in breaking the 28-year moratorium on nuclear testing to get China and Russia to agree to arms limitations under the New START treaty , which expires in 2021 .
President-elect Joe Biden will likely extend the treaty but the result of all these infractions upon our already threadbare nuclear safety net amount to a running leap into a second nuclear arms race that is expected to continue regardless of who sits in the White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that ’ s in motion and it ’ s going to be very hard to slow it down or redirect it , ” Matthews warned .
So hard that barring any unforeseen conflicts that might actually bring us closer to the brink of nuclear war , Matthews is dubious that Plowshares actions and other grassroots organizing will be enough on their own to force the issue into the national discourse .
“ I think it ’ s a really hard time for that to happen , ” Matthews said .
“ If there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ] administration decided to test [ nuclear weapons ] and then if Korea got hot , and if several things happened at once , I can imagine it .
But I just don ’ t think this is an issue whose time has come for public attention.
” Calls to drop the charges against members of the Kings Bay Plowshares Seven elicited support from figures like Daniel Ellsberg , whistleblower and longtime anti-nuclear activist , along with religious leaders , including Reverend William J. Barber of the revived Poor People ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Though he has not publicly commented on the legal fate of the Kings Bay Plowshares Seven , Pope Francis has embraced the Catholic peace activists ’ once radical demand for the abolishment of nuclear weapons .
“ There is an urgent need to work for a world free of nuclear weapons , ” Pope Francis told the United Nations in 2015 , “ in full application of the non-proliferation treaty , in letter and spirit , with the goal of a complete prohibition of these weapons.
” Media coverage , meanwhile , has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Catholic pacifists ’ bold act of nonviolent civil disobedience at Kings Bay and their subsequent trial appears predominantly in progressive or religious publications like the National Catholic Reporter .
Mainstream outlets , including those in Atlanta and nearby Jacksonville , Florida , have steered clear of the Plowshares activists .
The lack of coverage has prompted some Plowshares supporters to conclude the seven activists have become the victims of a media blackout .
Journalist Jeremy Scahill recently gave voice to that concern following the recent sentencing of Kelley and O ’ Neill @ @ @ @ @ @ @ !
, Scahill slammed the press ’ refusal to cover the Kings Bay Plowshares Seven .
“ These Catholic peace activists , during the Trump administration , tried to confront that nuclear threat , and there was a total media blackout on the action that they did , ” Scahill said .
“ And , you know , if we lived in a just society , the Kings Bay Plowshares activists ’ trial would have been reported on as one of the most brave confrontations of the most dangerous aspect of this government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ Neill pointed to a 2019 hearing for the Kings Bay Plowshares Seven attended by the actor and Catholic activist Martin Sheen .
Only one reporter from a local newspaper showed up to document Sheen ’ s public show of support .
Rather than a concerted effort by the media to suppress the activists , O ’ Neill fears that the lack of press coverage is instead a reflection of how complacent Americans have become after 75 years of living on hair-trigger alert .
In the absence of sustained grassroots mobilization aimed at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the spotlight , O ’ Neill imagines news editors and journalists view the Plowshares activists as if they are political outliers or relics of a bygone era , with little incentive to cover them .
“ The media is not blacking us out , ” said O ’ Neill .
“ They just made a conscious decision to say we ’ re not worthy of coverage .
It just says something about how relaxed people are about being under the shadow of the nuclear arms race.
” The deadly coronavirus pandemic compounds what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prison sentence , posing an additional threat for members of the Kings Bay Plowshares Seven , all of whom are more susceptible to COVID-19 since they are over the age of 60 .
In October , United States District Court Judge Lisa Godbey Wood sentenced O ’ Neill to 14 months in prison .
Since he lives at a Catholic worker house in Garner , North Carolina , O ’ Neill told Shadowproof that he preferred to serve out his sentence close to home at the nearby federal prison in Butner even though @ @ @ @ @ @ @ infections .
More people at Butner have died from COVID-19–26 prisoners and one staff member–than at any other federal federal correctional institution .
Instead , O ’ Neill was ordered to report to the Elkton Federal Prison in Ohio .
The facility was at the center of a COVID-19 outbreak that was so bad with one in four prisoners infected that it drew legal action from the ACLU .
So far , nine prisoners have died from the coronavirus .
O ’ Neill said he is appealing the order but clearly both options @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When asked about whether the Kings Bay action was worth losing his life over , O ’ Neill echoed the words of past Plowshares activists who saw a greater danger–in this case , the death of all living things–in not speaking out .
“ There are people in the world working to change the direction of the world , to move the world away from nuclearism and the development of more nuclear weapons and we ’ re very much in the minority right now , ” O ’ Neill said .
“ But @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in vain.
” “ If we hadn ’ t gone to Kings Bay , people living in those communities there would never have given any thought to Kings Bay as being anything more than an employer , an economic boost .
I think people now have to sort of think about things in a different light.
” It is reasonable to think that at nearly 81 years old , McAlister ’ s 17-month stretch for breaking into the naval submarine base at Kings Bay will be her last time behind bars for nonviolent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as well as anyone else that nuclear annihilation is not reasonable and she stopped short at saying definitively whether Kings Bay would be her last Plowshares action .
McAlister acknowledged her concern that fewer people are willing to join the Plowshares movement than they were 40 years ago at the height of anti-nuclearism .
But just as the threat of nuclear war has not subsided since the end of the Cold War , McCalister is hopeful that people of conscience will continue to fight for a nuclear-free world .
A former nun , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to undertake the risks that Plowshares activists must take if it weren ’ t for her faith in God .
She firmly believes that it was God performing “ minor miracles ” that facilitated the entry of dozens of Plowshares activists into highly secured nuclear facilities and enabled them to put their hands directly onto the doomsday machine .
“ These are the most deadly weapons in the world , ” said McAlister .
“ How is it possible for somebody like me to walk right in and be right next to them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a hammer on them ?
But I ’ ve done it a number of times and so have some of my friends and my husband.
” “ And please , God , others will continue to do it , ” she said .
One person who answered the call was Martha Hennessy .
The 2018 infiltration of the Kings Bay naval base was her first Plowshares action , which makes her an anomaly among the other activists .
Hennessy , though , is no stranger to the movement .
In fact , she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who was one of the principal driving forces behind the creation of the Catholic Worker movement in the 1930s .
Growing up , Hennessy witnessed firsthand the evolution of the Plowshares movement under the guidance of Catholic peace activists like McAlister and the Berrigan brothers who dared to take a stand against the threat of nuclear armageddon even in the face of assured retribution from the federal government .
Her decision to infiltrate the Kings Bay naval base in a defiant act of civil disobedience against the world ’ s most powerful military @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a kind of internal examination about what risks she was willing to take on behalf of her religious beliefs and moral convictions .
The integrity of the Plowshares movement gave Hennessy the strength to take part in the Kings Bay action , a cohort that she believes will help her survive her 10-month prison sentence .
“ You know , walking onto a military base was not the first thing I wanted to do in this resistance work for nuclear abolition , ” recalled Hennessy .
“ But the power of such @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we had to bring the body of Christ there to the base.
” “ It ’ s our obligation to speak out , ” she proclaimed .

Patrick O’Neill gripped the hammer tightly in his hands. The police would soon surround him.
O’Neill and six other Catholic peace activists had infiltrated the Kings Bay Naval Base in St. Mary’s, Georgia, with the goal of symbolically disarming the base’s six Trident submarines armed with first-strike missiles capable of holding 200 nuclear warheads.
Some of the activists strung up crime scene tape and hung protest banners that read “The Ultimate Logic of Trident is Omnicide.” Others poured baby bottles of their own blood around the base.
Using Google Maps, O’Neill and Mark Colville discovered a macabre shrine to nuclearism consisting of a half dozen statues of nuclear missiles that looked as if they were suspended in motion just seconds after launch.
Staring up at a replica of a Trident D5 intercontinental ballistic missile, O’Neill’s mind turned to the book of Exodus in the Bible: the shrine offered proof that nuclear weapons were modern-day idols more powerful than a golden calf. Unlike that empty signifier, the pacifist recognized the immutable power of nuclear weapons. For him, it was the same as worshipping death.
Time was running short. O’Neill sprinted up to the statue and beat it with the hammer. The missile was solid cement and the hammerhead broke clean off.
“It was a formidable idol,” recalled O’Neill.
Catholic peace activists like the ones who infiltrated the naval base at Kings Bay in 2018 have attempted to topple the formidable idol of nuclearism for 40 years, and they have paid a heavy price.
Liz McAlister has already served 17 months behind bars and Father Steve Kelley continues to languish in a jail in Georgia. After spending more than 28 months under house arrest, O’Neill was slapped with a 14-month prison sentence in October. Carmen Trotta and Clare Grady will serve more than a year in prison, while Martha Hennessy expects to be incarcerated for 10 months. Mark Colville will be sentenced in December.
On top of that, the activists are grappling with an establishment media blackout that they fear could be reflective of Americans’ apathy towards nuclear abolition at a moment when the threat of a nuclear holocaust is at its highest point in decades.
(Left to right) Clare Grady, Liz McAlister, Patrick O’Neill, Carmen Trotta, Steve Kelley, Martha Hennessy and Mark Colville. Photo courtesy Kings Bay Plowshares.
Beating Swords Into Plowshares
O’Neill and the other Catholic peace activists knew they possessed neither the tools nor the numbers to physically disarm the nuclear naval base at Kings Bay. Rather, the goal of the Kings Bay action, like every Plowshares action dating back to the movement’s inception, was to call attention to the omnicidal threat that nuclear weapons continue to pose for humanity.
The Plowshares movement began in 1980 when Roman Catholic priests Philip and Daniel Berrigan and six others surreptitiously gained access to the Re-Entry Division at the General Electric Space Technology Center in King of Prussia, Pennsylvania. Carrying only hammers and pints of their own blood to symbolize the human cost of nuclear war, the activists pounded on nose cones that covered Mark 12A nuclear warheads and poured the blood over engineering blueprints and other documents.
As their objective was to convert weapons of war into instruments of peace, the activists dubbed themselves the Plowshares Eight, a reference to a verse in the book of Isaiah in the Bible calling nations to “beat swords into plowshares.”
The King of Prussia action captured the attention of the nation–the New York Times to call it “one of the best-known antiwar incidents in this country since the Vietnam War”–and announced to the world the beginning of a bold new faction within the broader anti-war movement in the U.S. that fused religion with non-violent direct action against nuclear weapons.
“They were different. They were risky. They were costly,” said McAlister, a former Catholic nun and longtime Plowshares activist.
Since 1980, dozens of Plowshares activists have repeatedly penetrated sites across the country ranging from military installations to missile silos and in the process laid waste to the idea that nuclear weapons could ever be stored safely. The 2018 infiltration of the naval base at Kings Bay is estimated to be the 100th Plowshares action.
Legal trials and prison sentences that were sure to follow their acts of civil disobedience were viewed as opportunities for the activists to draw more attention to their cause and often revealed the extraordinary lengths the government took to suppress dissent among those who dared to confront the American war machine.
“You could count on serious time as a consequence,” McAlister said. “And [the federal government was] consistent about seeing to it that we did that time.”
McAlister and Philip Berrigan were excommunicated from the Catholic church after they married in 1973 but their social justice activism continued. McAlister said she avoided participating in Plowshares actions at the same time as her husband so that one parent could be home with their children.
The couple estimated that they spent more than 10 years of their marriage separated by the carceral system. McAlister served another two and a half years, including jail time for the Kings Bay action, since Berrigan died in 2002.
When Grady first heard about the King of Prussia action, her initial reaction was alarm at the personal risks that the activists undertook to broadcast their message out to the public. Her second reaction was skepticism that their actions, though brave, would lead to any concessions on the part of the American military-industrial complex.
After some consideration, Grady realized, “Oh, our friends are not asking the U.S. government to do anything. They’re doing it themselves.”
Two years later, Grady joined McAlister and five others in penetrating the Griffiss Air Force Base in New York in order to gain access to a B-52 bomber, which were once outfitted to carry nuclear payloads that could be dropped onto the former Soviet Union. Base security did not appear until an hour after the activists started beating on the hanger doors, which incidentally were unlocked.
“In 1983, when we hammered on the B-52 bomber and related parts, that plane was actually frozen for evidence for five months,” Grady said. “That is one of the few moments where nuclear weapons with these actions actually were disarmed. I’m not sure that too many efforts could claim that at that moment.”
The grassroots movement against nuclear weapons in the U.S. reached a peak in 1982 when an estimated one million people converged in New York City for a massive demonstration. Grady remembered the thrill of being a part of the historic protest, which stands in stark contrast to the minority status that anti-nuclearism maintains today.
“People were very much aware at that time of the danger of nuclear weapons,” Grady said. “Nowadays, very few people know about it and very few people are organizing around it.”
The dearth of activism against nuclear weapons in the U.S. coincides with a new nuclear arms race as measures designed to mitigate nuclear proliferation that took decades to stitch together are being dismantled piece-by-piece.
(Left to right) Liz McAlister, Steve Kelley, Carmen Trotta, Mark Colville, Martha Hennessy, Clare Grady and Patrick O’Neill. Photo courtesy Kings Bay Plowshares.
The New Nuclear Arms Race
The world is currently just 100 seconds away from global destruction, according to the Doomsday Clock created by the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists in 1947 as a way to remind people about the threat of nuclear annihilation.
Here in the U.S., a new nuclear threat, one potentially more cataclysmic than the first, is currently underway. And not unlike the nuclear submarines that pass innocuously through the waters of Kings Bay in Georgia, it is happening right under the noses of the American public.
“What has happened is the end of the Cold War and the disappearance of a single focused enemy with a peer competitor in the nuclear field,” Jessica T. Matthews told Shadowproof. Matthews is the former president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
“Older people remember getting under their desks for nuclear drills when they were in elementary school and putting their coats over their heads. Growing up in the era of above-ground nuclear testing all the time. All that went away with the end of the Cold War and I think it seemed as though the threat of nuclear conflict went with it.”
The United States ushered in the nuclear age in 1945 and despite deepening wealth inequality and skyrocketing unemployment resulting from the coronavirus pandemic, the country continues to spend billions of dollars to maintain its nuclear hegemony over the rest of the world. This new nuclear arms race is a reminder of how even in an era marked by entrenched partisan divisiveness, Democratic and Republican lawmakers remain united on maintaining America’s nuclear supremacy regardless of the financial, environmental or human costs.
In 2001, Republican President George W. Bush withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, an arms control agreement dating back to the 1970s. President Obama, a Democrat, secured passage of the New START treaty limiting the number of nuclear weapons but only after he struck a deal with Congress to spend $100 billion to refit American nuclear facilities and labs. That plan has now turned into an across-the-board modernization of the country’s nuclear apparatus, including the Trident II D5 nuclear missiles that are housed at the Kings Bay naval base, currently priced at $1.7 trillion, Matthews said.
More than any other president, Trump seemed bent on turning the clock back to the 1950s when the country maintained more than 30,000 nuclear warheads and bombs in its stockpile, compared to roughly 5,800 weapons today. In May, Trump administration officials signalled their interest in breaking the 28-year moratorium on nuclear testing to get China and Russia to agree to arms limitations under the New START treaty, which expires in 2021.
President-elect Joe Biden will likely extend the treaty but the result of all these infractions upon our already threadbare nuclear safety net amount to a running leap into a second nuclear arms race that is expected to continue regardless of who sits in the White House.
“It’s a train that’s in motion and it’s going to be very hard to slow it down or redirect it,” Matthews warned.
So hard that barring any unforeseen conflicts that might actually bring us closer to the brink of nuclear war, Matthews is dubious that Plowshares actions and other grassroots organizing will be enough on their own to force the issue into the national discourse.
“I think it’s a really hard time for that to happen,” Matthews said. “If there were a confluence of events…if the [Trump] administration decided to test [nuclear weapons] and then if Korea got hot, and if several things happened at once, I can imagine it. But I just don’t think this is an issue whose time has come for public attention.”
Emmy-winning actor and Catholic activist, Martin Sheen, attended a court hearing in support of the Kings Bay Plowshares Seven. Photo courtesy Kings Bay Plowshares.
A Nuclear Media Blackout
Calls to drop the charges against members of the Kings Bay Plowshares Seven elicited support from figures like Daniel Ellsberg, whistleblower and longtime anti-nuclear activist, along with religious leaders, including Reverend William J. Barber of the revived Poor People’s Campaign and former archbishop Desmond Tutu.
Though he has not publicly commented on the legal fate of the Kings Bay Plowshares Seven, Pope Francis has embraced the Catholic peace activists’ once radical demand for the abolishment of nuclear weapons.
“There is an urgent need to work for a world free of nuclear weapons,” Pope Francis told the United Nations in 2015, “in full application of the non-proliferation treaty, in letter and spirit, with the goal of a complete prohibition of these weapons.”
Media coverage, meanwhile, has failed to keep pace. News about the Catholic pacifists’ bold act of nonviolent civil disobedience at Kings Bay and their subsequent trial appears predominantly in progressive or religious publications like the National Catholic Reporter. Mainstream outlets, including those in Atlanta and nearby Jacksonville, Florida, have steered clear of the Plowshares activists.
The lack of coverage has prompted some Plowshares supporters to conclude the seven activists have become the victims of a media blackout.
Journalist Jeremy Scahill recently gave voice to that concern following the recent sentencing of Kelley and O’Neill. Speaking in October on Democracy Now!, Scahill slammed the press’ refusal to cover the Kings Bay Plowshares Seven.
“These Catholic peace activists, during the Trump administration, tried to confront that nuclear threat, and there was a total media blackout on the action that they did,” Scahill said. “And, you know, if we lived in a just society, the Kings Bay Plowshares activists’ trial would have been reported on as one of the most brave confrontations of the most dangerous aspect of this government, and particularly this administration.”
O’Neill pointed to a 2019 hearing for the Kings Bay Plowshares Seven attended by the actor and Catholic activist Martin Sheen. Only one reporter from a local newspaper showed up to document Sheen’s public show of support.
Rather than a concerted effort by the media to suppress the activists, O’Neill fears that the lack of press coverage is instead a reflection of how complacent Americans have become after 75 years of living on hair-trigger alert. In the absence of sustained grassroots mobilization aimed at keeping the issue of nuclear abolition in the spotlight, O’Neill imagines news editors and journalists view the Plowshares activists as if they are political outliers or relics of a bygone era, with little incentive to cover them.
“The media is not blacking us out,” said O’Neill. “They just made a conscious decision to say we’re not worthy of coverage. It just says something about how relaxed people are about being under the shadow of the nuclear arms race.”
‘It’s Our Obligation To Speak Out’
The deadly coronavirus pandemic compounds what is sure to be an already arduous prison sentence, posing an additional threat for members of the Kings Bay Plowshares Seven, all of whom are more susceptible to COVID-19 since they are over the age of 60.
In October, United States District Court Judge Lisa Godbey Wood sentenced O’Neill to 14 months in prison. Since he lives at a Catholic worker house in Garner, North Carolina, O’Neill told Shadowproof that he preferred to serve out his sentence close to home at the nearby federal prison in Butner even though it has become a hotspot for coronavirus infections. More people at Butner have died from COVID-19–26 prisoners and one staff member–than at any other federal federal correctional institution.
Instead, O’Neill was ordered to report to the Elkton Federal Prison in Ohio. The facility was at the center of a COVID-19 outbreak that was so bad with one in four prisoners infected that it drew legal action from the ACLU. So far, nine prisoners have died from the coronavirus. O’Neill said he is appealing the order but clearly both options pose a risk to his health.
When asked about whether the Kings Bay action was worth losing his life over, O’Neill echoed the words of past Plowshares activists who saw a greater danger–in this case, the death of all living things–in not speaking out.
“There are people in the world working to change the direction of the world, to move the world away from nuclearism and the development of more nuclear weapons and we’re very much in the minority right now,” O’Neill said. “But nonetheless, we’re not acting in vain.”
“If we hadn’t gone to Kings Bay, people living in those communities there would never have given any thought to Kings Bay as being anything more than an employer, an economic boost. I think people now have to sort of think about things in a different light.”
It is reasonable to think that at nearly 81 years old, McAlister’s 17-month stretch for breaking into the naval submarine base at Kings Bay will be her last time behind bars for nonviolent civil disobedience. But McAlister knows just as well as anyone else that nuclear annihilation is not reasonable and she stopped short at saying definitively whether Kings Bay would be her last Plowshares action.
McAlister acknowledged her concern that fewer people are willing to join the Plowshares movement than they were 40 years ago at the height of anti-nuclearism. But just as the threat of nuclear war has not subsided since the end of the Cold War, McCalister is hopeful that people of conscience will continue to fight for a nuclear-free world.
A former nun, McAlister says she never would have dared to undertake the risks that Plowshares activists must take if it weren’t for her faith in God. She firmly believes that it was God performing “minor miracles” that facilitated the entry of dozens of Plowshares activists into highly secured nuclear facilities and enabled them to put their hands directly onto the doomsday machine.
“These are the most deadly weapons in the world,” said McAlister. “How is it possible for somebody like me to walk right in and be right next to them and pour blood on them? Use a hammer on them? But I’ve done it a number of times and so have some of my friends and my husband.”
“And please, God, others will continue to do it,” she said.
One person who answered the call was Martha Hennessy. The 2018 infiltration of the Kings Bay naval base was her first Plowshares action, which makes her an anomaly among the other activists.
Hennessy, though, is no stranger to the movement. In fact, she is the granddaughter of Dorothy Day, who was one of the principal driving forces behind the creation of the Catholic Worker movement in the 1930s. Growing up, Hennessy witnessed firsthand the evolution of the Plowshares movement under the guidance of Catholic peace activists like McAlister and the Berrigan brothers who dared to take a stand against the threat of nuclear armageddon even in the face of assured retribution from the federal government.
Her decision to infiltrate the Kings Bay naval base in a defiant act of civil disobedience against the world’s most powerful military came only after months of prayerful discernment, a kind of internal examination about what risks she was willing to take on behalf of her religious beliefs and moral convictions.
The integrity of the Plowshares movement gave Hennessy the strength to take part in the Kings Bay action, a cohort that she believes will help her survive her 10-month prison sentence.
“You know, walking onto a military base was not the first thing I wanted to do in this resistance work for nuclear abolition,” recalled Hennessy. “But the power of such an act can speak for itself and we had to bring the body of Christ there to the base.”
“It’s our obligation to speak out,” she proclaimed.


shadowproof--2020-11-20--Dissenter Weekly: Despite War Crimes Investigation, Australian Military Whistleblower Still Faces Pr

Dissenter Weekly: Despite War Crimes Investigation, Australian Military Whistleblower Still Faces Prosecution

On this edition of the “ Dissenter Weekly , ” host and Shadowproof editor Kevin Gosztola highlights a whistleblower from @ @ @ @ @ McBride , who still faces prosecution for leaking information on war crimes in Afghanistan even @ @ @ @ @ an investigation into the violence .
Later in the show , Gosztola provides an update @ @ @ @ @ , who finally had an appeal hearing for her request for release , and he @ @ @ @ @ the prison block at Belmarsh , where WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange is confined .
Australian @ @ @ @ @ Crimes In Afghanistan Demands Charges Against Him Be Dropped NSA Whistleblower Reality Winner Finally Has @ @ @ @ @ For Release Prison Block Where Assange Is Confined Has COVID-19 Outbreak This show is brought @ @ @ @ @ a 100 % reader-funded press organization .
If you enjoy our work , you can @ @ @ @ @ or by subscribing for $ 5/month or more : https : //shadowproof.com/donate

On this edition of the “Dissenter Weekly,” host and Shadowproof editor Kevin Gosztola highlights a whistleblower from the Australian military named David McBride, who still faces prosecution for leaking information on war crimes in Afghanistan even though the country recently completed an investigation into the violence.
Later in the show, Gosztola provides an update on NSA whistleblower Reality Winner, who finally had an appeal hearing for her request for release, and he covers the COVID-19 outbreak in the prison block at Belmarsh, where WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange is confined.
This week’s stories:
Australian Military Whistleblower Who Revealed War Crimes In Afghanistan Demands Charges Against Him Be Dropped
NSA Whistleblower Reality Winner Finally Has Appeal Hearing On Her Request For Release
Prison Block Where Assange Is Confined Has COVID-19 Outbreak
Send tips and feedback to editor@shadowproof.com
This show is brought to you by Shadowproof.com, a 100% reader-funded press organization. If you enjoy our work, you can support us with a donation or by subscribing for $5/month or more: https://shadowproof.com/donate


shadowproof--2020-11-19--US Wildfire Victims Forced To Crowdfund To Rebuild Their Lives

US Wildfire Victims Forced To Crowdfund To Rebuild Their Lives Americans who lost their homes and belongings to wildfires that spread across the western United States over the past months are struggling to rebuild their lives in the aftermath .
Rachelle McMaster , a single mother of two , lost her trailer home in Otis , Oregon during the Echo Mountain wildfire in early September .
Her sister showed up to her home early in the morning to warn her of the evacuation , and McMaster stepped outside to see the sky filled with a red and orange haze from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ quickly evacuated into town , where she was able to get cellphone service and alert the rest of her family she was okay .
McMaster spent the next several hours moving to her sister ’ s place , and then evacuating from there to a nearby church , where her family once again was forced to evacuate .
Both her home and her sister ’ s were destroyed by the fires .
“ The night I found out my trailer was gone , I collapsed , my feet went out from under me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the trailer for the past five years .
“ The next few days were just a blur for me .
About a week later , things reopened and I got to go out to my trailer .
It was so surreal to see what used to be a bunch of homes .
There was nothing .
It was just rubble.
” McMaster lost all her belongings and several family heirlooms in the fire , currently lives in an apartment temporarily because the rent is three-quarters of what she makes in a month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She does not know if she will be able to get a new trailer to replace the one she lost , and she is raising money through a GoFundMe campaign to help rebuild her family ’ s life .
“ My whole life was in that trailer , ” McMaster added.
” It ’ s still very surreal , even a month afterwards .
I ’ ll go out there and still have a hard time understanding it.
” This year has been the most active year on record for wildfires on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ data compiled by the National Interagency Fire Center , as of October 16 over 14,000 structures in the U.S. were destroyed by wildfires so far in 2020 , with estimated fire suppression costs exceeding $ 3 billion , which doesn ’ t include the costs in damage to properties and structures .
The climate crisis doubled the area burned by wildfire in the region between 1984 to 2015 , according to research cited in the federal government ’ s climate assessment .
In California , a record area of more than 4 million @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the amount of land burned in the state in a single year .
Sarah Ann Howe and her partner lost the home they rented to the wildfire in Mad River , California in August , and their dog , Wayne , died in the fire after her partner was unable to get back to the house to save him .
“ It came out of nowhere .
The day was calm .
The sky was blue , There were still fires burning in the hills , but there was no immediate threat to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fast , and there was no stopping it , ” said Howe .
“ The whole grievance process is like losing a loved one.
” They attempted to evacuate with their RV trailer , but their truck broke down in the process of leaving .
Fortunately , they were helped by strangers , and it was towed to a parking lot .
Howe and her partner are currently staying in a hotel room with their infant daughter with assistance from Red Cross .
They are beginning the process of seeing what they qualify @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home and raising money through GoFundMe .
“ It ’ s been hard staying in a hotel room with a baby , but we ’ re making it work , ” Howe added .
Ram Moore and his partner , Maribeth McCracken , have struggled to receive relief since losing their home in the Happy Camp , California wildfire in early September .
They used what funds they were able to raise from GoFundMe to purchase a new vehicle after their van broke down after the fires .
“ It ’ s been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said Moore .
“ It ’ s a nightmare scenario.
” Moore and McCracken have shuffled around temporary housing , hoping to find permanent , stable housing in the area while digging through the ashes of their property to salvage what they can find .
Both lost their jobs after the fire , as Moore ’ s equipment he used for music production was burned and McCracken hasn ’ t been able to return to work in homecare .
Twice FEMA denied them relief , and they ’ ve been going back and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Meanwhile , during the COVID-19 pandemic , they are struggling to get their children set up with online learning through Zoom .
“ My family is very stressed out .
We see a lot of big fundraisers and donation sites for this fire , but it seems impossible to get any help .
You have to be at the right place at the right time , ” Moore added .
“ I ’ m afraid we are going to be on the streets in a week.
” JulieAnn Steinbergerand her partner , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lost their home to wildfire in the beginning of October .
They recently moved to their fourth temporary housing unit since losing their home .
A GoFundMe was started for the family by a friend to help them recover .
“ There ’ s a tremendous pain , an added depth of grief of the community being swept away—not only your house , your things , your neighbor , but your whole community , your whole neighborhood .
It ’ s a real profound change , ” sharedSteinberger .
Rachel Kalb , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Oregon , lost her home in the Almeda fire , which destroyed the entire town in early September .
The morning the fires swept through the area Kalb dropped her children off at a local YMCA .
She was somewhat concerned but unaware of how quickly the fires would spread .
“ I grew up here and lived here on and off throughout my life .
The conditions were never something I experienced before , that dry , that hot and these crazy winds , ” Kalb said .
“ As the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I didn ’ t think it was going to take out almost two complete towns.
” By the time Kalb headed home after dropping off her children , the freeway was shut down by the fires and traffic was backed up from people evacuating .
She picked up her children and drove to her parents ’ home in Ashland , Oregon , where they now live because their house was lost in the fire .
“ I had moved into this home in June .
I was living in student family housing for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s degree , raising my twins , and finally found this beautiful home , ” added Kalb .
According to Kalb , the area has a housing shortage at the moment and rental prices are high .
She attempted to apply for federal relief but was denied a disaster loan because she has student loans .
She is currently raising money for her and her children through a GoFundMe campaign .
“ It ’ s emotionally draining , ” Kalb added .
“ There ’ s a lot to wade through , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lose everything , but also dealing with the post traumatic stress , grief , and triggering memories.
” Tifany Reames , who lives with her parents and 11 year old son , also lost her home to the fire in Talent , Oregon .
She is also raising money through crowdfunding and hoping to find a new home .
“ It ’ s been a struggle to find housing big enough or that allows pets .
Rent is high in southern Oregon , and I feel like homeowners raised rents after the Almeda @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so many people being without homes , ” said Reames .
Reames Is currently in temporary housing and considered leaving the area to find a home her family could afford .
“ We lost all kinds of sentimental things that can ’ t be replaced , ” she shared .
“ A lot of paperwork we need for a home was burned , so we have slowly been trying to replace that to see if we qualify .
”

Americans who lost their homes and belongings to wildfires that spread across the western United States over the past months are struggling to rebuild their lives in the aftermath.
Rachelle McMaster, a single mother of two, lost her trailer home in Otis, Oregon during the Echo Mountain wildfire in early September.
Her sister showed up to her home early in the morning to warn her of the evacuation, and McMaster stepped outside to see the sky filled with a red and orange haze from the wildfires in the area. She quickly evacuated into town, where she was able to get cellphone service and alert the rest of her family she was okay.
McMaster spent the next several hours moving to her sister’s place, and then evacuating from there to a nearby church, where her family once again was forced to evacuate. Both her home and her sister’s were destroyed by the fires.
“The night I found out my trailer was gone, I collapsed, my feet went out from under me,” shared McMaster, who lived in the trailer for the past five years. “The next few days were just a blur for me. About a week later, things reopened and I got to go out to my trailer. It was so surreal to see what used to be a bunch of homes. There was nothing. It was just rubble.”
McMaster lost all her belongings and several family heirlooms in the fire,currently lives in an apartment temporarily because the rent is three-quarters of what she makes in a month working in a nearby assisted living facility. She does not know if she will be able to get a new trailer to replace the one she lost, and she is raising money through a GoFundMe campaign to help rebuild her family’s life.
“My whole life was in that trailer,” McMaster added.”It’s still very surreal, even a month afterwards. I’ll go out there and still have a hard time understanding it.”
This year has been the most active year on record for wildfires on the U.S. West Coast. According to data compiled by the National Interagency Fire Center, as of October 16 over 14,000 structures in the U.S. were destroyed by wildfires so far in 2020, with estimated fire suppression costs exceeding $3 billion, which doesn’t include the costs in damage to properties and structures.
The climate crisis doubled the area burned by wildfire in the region between 1984 to 2015, according to research cited in the federal government’s climate assessment.
In California, a record area of more than 4 million acres burned in 2020, over twice the amount of land burned in the state in a single year.
Sarah Ann Howe and her partner lost the home they rented to the wildfire in Mad River, California in August, and their dog, Wayne, died in the fire after her partner was unable to get back to the house to save him.
“It came out of nowhere. The day was calm. The sky was blue, There were still fires burning in the hills, but there was no immediate threat to our house. It just came so fast, and there was no stopping it,” said Howe. “The whole grievance process is like losing a loved one.”
They attempted to evacuate with their RV trailer, but their truck broke down in the process of leaving. Fortunately, they were helped by strangers, and it was towed to a parking lot.
Howe and her partner are currently staying in a hotel room with their infant daughter with assistance from Red Cross. They are beginning the process of seeing what they qualify for with banks to get a new home and raising money through GoFundMe.
“It’s been hard staying in a hotel room with a baby, but we’re making it work,” Howe added.
Ram Moore and his partner, Maribeth McCracken, have struggled to receive relief since losing their home in the Happy Camp, California wildfire in early September. They used what funds they were able to raise from GoFundMe to purchase a new vehicle after their van broke down after the fires.
“It’s been one headache after the other,” said Moore. “It’s a nightmare scenario.”
Moore and McCracken have shuffled around temporary housing, hoping to find permanent, stable housing in the area while digging through the ashes of their property to salvage what they can find.
Both lost their jobs after the fire, as Moore’s equipment he used for music production was burned and McCracken hasn’t been able to return to work in homecare.
Twice FEMA denied them relief, and they’ve been going back and forth with the Red Cross for relief.. Meanwhile, during the COVID-19 pandemic, they are struggling to get their children set up with online learning through Zoom.
“My family is very stressed out. We see a lot of big fundraisers and donation sites for this fire, but it seems impossible to get any help. You have to be at the right place at the right time,” Moore added. “I’m afraid we are going to be on the streets in a week.”
JulieAnn Steinbergerand her partner, who lived in Santa Rosa, California, lost their home to wildfire in the beginning of October. They recently moved to their fourth temporary housing unit since losing their home.
A GoFundMe was started for the family by a friend to help them recover.
“There’s a tremendous pain, an added depth of grief of the community being swept away—not only your house, your things, your neighbor, but your whole community, your whole neighborhood. It’s a real profound change,” sharedSteinberger.
Rachel Kalb, a single mother of two twins in Talent, Oregon, lost her home in the Almeda fire, which destroyed the entire town in early September.
The morning the fires swept through the area Kalb dropped her children off at a local YMCA. She was somewhat concerned but unaware of how quickly the fires would spread.
“I grew up here and lived here on and off throughout my life. The conditions were never something I experienced before, that dry, that hot and these crazy winds,” Kalb said. “As the day grew on it kept growing. I didn’t think it was going to take out almost two complete towns.”
By the time Kalb headed home after dropping off her children, the freeway was shut down by the fires and traffic was backed up from people evacuating. She picked up her children and drove to her parents’ home in Ashland, Oregon, where they now live because their house was lost in the fire.
“I had moved into this home in June. I was living in student family housing for the past few years getting my master’s degree, raising my twins, and finally found this beautiful home,” added Kalb.
According to Kalb, the area has a housing shortage at the moment and rental prices are high. She attempted to apply for federal relief but was denied a disaster loan because she has student loans. She is currently raising money for her and her children through a GoFundMe campaign.
“It’s emotionally draining,” Kalb added. “There’s a lot to wade through, figuring out what to get when you lose everything, but also dealing with the post traumatic stress, grief, and triggering memories.”
Tifany Reames, who lives with her parents and 11 year old son, also lost her home to the fire in Talent, Oregon. She is also raising money through crowdfunding and hoping to find a new home.
“It’s been a struggle to find housing big enough or that allows pets. Rent is high in southern Oregon, and I feel like homeowners raised rents after the Almeda fire. Help is slim due to so many people being without homes,” said Reames.
Reames Is currently in temporary housing and considered leaving the area to find a home her family could afford.
“We lost all kinds of sentimental things that can’t be replaced,” she shared. “A lot of paperwork we need for a home was burned, so we have slowly been trying to replace that to see if we qualify.”