foreignpolicy--2020-09-18--Lukashenko Puts Troops on High Alert

Lukashenko Puts Troops on High Alert

Welcome to While You Weren ’ t Looking , Foreign Policy ’ s weekly newsletter focused on non-coronavirus news .
Here ’ s what we ’ re watching this week : Belarusian President Aleksandr Lukashenko threatens to close the borders with NATO neighbors , renewed sanctions against Iran set the stage for a showdown at the United Nations General Assembly , and U.N. investigators implicate Venezuela ’ s government in crimes against humanity in a new report .
If you would like to receive While You Weren ’ t Looking in your inbox on Fridays , please sign up here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thursday that he would put the country ’ s troops on high alert and close the borders with neighboring NATO members Lithuania and Poland after weeks of street protests posing the biggest threat yet to his 26-year rule .
Lukashenko has repeatedly , without evidence , accused NATO of trying to topple him by fomenting unrest .
The protests erupted in the wake of the Aug. 9 presidential election , which both the European Union and the United States say was rigged .
On Thursday , the European Parliament voted to no longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leader once his current term expires on Nov. 5 and called for sanctions against the embattled president .
The vote is not legally binding but will weigh heavily on future EU decisions regarding Belarus .
On Friday , Belarus ’ s border with Poland and Lithuania remained open , and authorities in those two countries said there was no change in levels of traffic at crossing points .
Iron curtain .
Anaïs Marin , the U.N. special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Belarus , warned on Friday that conditions in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a meeting of the U.N. Human Rights Council , Marin said , “ Let ’ s not allow another iron curtain to descend on the European continent.
” Six weeks since the demonstrations began , neither the protesters nor Lukashenko show any signs of backing down .
On Sunday , more than 100,000 protesters took to the streets of Minsk to demand the president ’ s resignation .
The demonstrators have shown remarkable resilience in the face of a brutal crackdown that has seen at least 7,000 people arrested .
Hundreds have been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prolonged stress positions , electric shocks , and , in at least one case , rape , Human Rights Watch said on Wednesday .
“ The sweeping brutality of the crackdown shows the lengths to which the Belarusian authorities will go to silence people , but tens of thousands of peaceful protesters continue to demand fair elections and justice for abuses , ” said Hugh Williamson , the Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch .
The opposition leader Maria Kolesnikova was charged this week with incitement to undermine national security @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ imprisonment if found guilty .
Of the three women leading the country ’ s opposition , Kolesnikova is the last to remain in Belarus .
She ripped her passport at the border with Ukraine last week after refusing to be forced into exile and is currently imprisoned in Minsk .
Naming and shaming .
In recent days , the protesters have discovered one Achilles ’ heel of the well-equipped and ruthless security services : exposure .
Groups of protesters have begun pulling down police officers ’ masks and balaclavas , prompting them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their hands .
A Telegram channel devoted to exposing the identities of police officers using facial recognition technology and crowd-sourcing has attracted more than 100,000 followers .
“ An officer who is no longer anonymous will think twice before he grabs , beats or kidnaps someone , ” the founder of the channel , Black Book , told the Guardian .
On Wednesday , another Telegram channel that has coordinated many of the protests published the names and dates of birth of 12 officers who it claimed had “ blood on their hands.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ that they sought to encourage violence against the police , but the founder of Black Book warned that if the state stepped up its attacks , people might take matters into their own hands .
Uncle Vladimir .
On Monday , Lukashenko met with Russian President Vladimir Putin for the first time since the protests erupted .
Putin pledged to lend $ 1.5 billion to Belarus , but analysts were quick to note that the move was more style than substance : The deal mostly consists of refinancing debt that Minsk already owes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic have taken a toll on Belarus ’ s beleaguered economy .
Belarus spent $ 1.4 billion of its gold and foreign exchange reserves last month in a bid to prop up its currency , which hit a record low in August .
U.N. General Assembly showdown .
The U.S. State Department ’ s counterterrorism coordinator , Nathan Sales , announced that Hezbollah has been stockpiling weapons and the explosive ammonium nitrate in locations across Europe in preparation for possible terrorist attacks ordered by the group ’ s backer , Iran .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weapons ] caches have been moved through Belgium to France , Greece , Italy , Spain and Switzerland .
I can also reveal that significant ammonium nitrate caches have been discovered or destroyed in France , Greece , and Italy , ” said Sales , speaking at an online event hosted by the American Jewish Committee on Thursday .
The revelations come amid escalating tensions between Washington and Tehran : The United States is preparing to reimpose U.N. sanctions against Iran this weekend .
Sanctions were eased as part of the 2015 nuclear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.N. , including the other members of the Security Council , oppose their reimposition .
This sets the stage for a tense showdown at the U.N. General Assembly session next week , where U.S. President Donald Trump is expected to address Iran in his speech on Tuesday .
Cyber-threats .
FBI Director Chris Wray told the U.S. Congress on Thursday that Russia is actively working to undermine Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden ahead of the November election .
Wray said that most of Moscow ’ s efforts have so far centered around online @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Biden , whom the Kremlin views as part of an anti-Russian foreign-policy establishment .
In other malicious cyber-activity news , the U.S. Justice Department has charged five Chinese nationals in connection with hacks against over 100 companies , nonprofits , think tanks , and universities both in the United States and abroad .
In three indictments , unsealed on Wednesday , the individuals were accused of working for the prolific hacking group APT41 .
The Justice Department did not explicitly accuse the group of working on behalf of the Chinese government but said @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for Beijing .
“ A hacker for profit is not going to hack a pro-democracy group , ” said Michael Sherwin , the acting U.S. attorney of the District of Columbia .
Crimes against humanity in Venezuela .
On Wednesday , a team of U.N. investigators said that Venezuela ’ s government had “ committed egregious violations , ” including killings , torture , disappearances , and violence that amount to crimes against humanity .
President Nicolás Maduro and other senior officials were implicated in the crimes detailed in the U.N. report .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ these crimes were coordinated and committed pursuant to state policies , with the knowledge or direct support of commanding officers and senior government officials , ” said Marta Valiñas , the chairperson of the fact-finding mission , in a statement .
Climate change bird-watching .
Thousands of migrating birds have been “ falling out of the sky ” in the southwestern United States in what ornithologists fear may be a mass die-off due to changes in their environment brought about by climate change .
Possible causes include the impact of the wildfires , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the southwest .
Allison Salas , a graduate researcher at New Mexico State University , wrote on Twitter that the birds were emaciated— “ Almost as if they have been flying until they just couldn ’ t fly anymore.
” Martha Desmond , a professor in the biology department at New Mexico State University , told the Guardian that hundreds of thousands of birds could have died already .
A royal goodbye .
The government of Barbados announced this week that it plans to remove Queen Elizabeth II as its head of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The time has come to fully leave our colonial past behind , ” Barbados Governor-General Sandra Mason said in a speech on behalf of the country ’ s prime minister , Mia Mottley .
Only 15 countries , including the United Kingdom , still recognize the queen as their head of state .
Caribbean nations Guyana , Trinidad and Tobago , and Dominica declared themselves republics in the 1970s .
Rebranding Asbestos .
A Canadian town called Asbestos is on the hunt for a new name .
Mining of the cancer-causing mineral was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but several years after the mines closed the predominantly French-speaking town in Quebec is looking for a rebrand .
Having received around 1,000 suggestions , the town ’ s council announced the four finalists on Monday : Phénix , Trois-Lacs , Apalone , and Jeffrey , the name of the mine ’ s first operator .
That ’ s it for this week .
For more from FP , visit foreignpolicy.com , subscribe here , or sign up for our other newsletters .
Send your tips , comments , questions , or corrections @ @ @ @ @

Welcome to While You Weren’t Looking, Foreign Policy’s weekly newsletter focused on non-coronavirus news.
Here’s what we’re watching this week: Belarusian President Aleksandr Lukashenko threatens to close the borders with NATO neighbors, renewed sanctions against Iran set the stage for a showdown at the United Nations General Assembly, and U.N. investigators implicate Venezuela’s government in crimes against humanity in a new report.
If you would like to receive While You Weren’t Looking in your inbox on Fridays, please sign up here.
An ‘Iron Curtain’ Around Belarus?
Belarusian President Aleksandr Lukashenko announced on Thursday that he would put the country’s troops on high alert and close the borders with neighboring NATO members Lithuania and Poland after weeks of street protests posing the biggest threat yet to his 26-year rule. Lukashenko has repeatedly, without evidence, accused NATO of trying to topple him by fomenting unrest.
The protests erupted in the wake of the Aug. 9 presidential election, which both the European Union and the United States say was rigged. On Thursday, the European Parliament voted to no longer recognize Lukashenko as the country’s leader once his current term expires on Nov. 5 and called for sanctions against the embattled president. The vote is not legally binding but will weigh heavily on future EU decisions regarding Belarus.
On Friday, Belarus’s border with Poland and Lithuania remained open, and authorities in those two countries said there was no change in levels of traffic at crossing points.
Iron curtain. Anaïs Marin, the U.N. special rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Belarus, warned on Friday that conditions in the country were “catastrophic.” At a meeting of the U.N. Human Rights Council, Marin said, “Let’s not allow another iron curtain to descend on the European continent.”
Six weeks since the demonstrations began, neither the protesters nor Lukashenko show any signs of backing down. On Sunday, more than 100,000 protesters took to the streets of Minsk to demand the president’s resignation. The demonstrators have shown remarkable resilience in the face of a brutal crackdown that has seen at least 7,000 people arrested.
Hundreds have been subjected to torture, including beatings, prolonged stress positions, electric shocks, and, in at least one case, rape, Human Rights Watch said on Wednesday. “The sweeping brutality of the crackdown shows the lengths to which the Belarusian authorities will go to silence people, but tens of thousands of peaceful protesters continue to demand fair elections and justice for abuses,” said Hugh Williamson, the Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch.
The opposition leader Maria Kolesnikova was charged this week with incitement to undermine national security and could face up to five years’ imprisonment if found guilty. Of the three women leading the country’s opposition, Kolesnikova is the last to remain in Belarus. She ripped her passport at the border with Ukraine last week after refusing to be forced into exile and is currently imprisoned in Minsk.
Naming and shaming. In recent days, the protesters have discovered one Achilles’ heel of the well-equipped and ruthless security services: exposure. Groups of protesters have begun pulling down police officers’ masks and balaclavas, prompting them to run away covering their faces with their hands. A Telegram channel devoted to exposing the identities of police officers using facial recognition technology and crowd-sourcing has attracted more than 100,000 followers.
“An officer who is no longer anonymous will think twice before he grabs, beats or kidnaps someone,” the founder of the channel, Black Book, told the Guardian. On Wednesday, another Telegram channel that has coordinated many of the protests published the names and dates of birth of 12 officers who it claimed had “blood on their hands.” The founders of both channels denied that they sought to encourage violence against the police, but the founder of Black Book warned that if the state stepped up its attacks, people might take matters into their own hands.
Uncle Vladimir. On Monday, Lukashenko met with Russian President Vladimir Putin for the first time since the protests erupted. Putin pledged to lend $1.5 billion to Belarus, but analysts were quick to note that the move was more style than substance: The deal mostly consists of refinancing debt that Minsk already owes Moscow. The political turmoil and the pandemic have taken a toll on Belarus’s beleaguered economy.
Belarus spent $1.4 billion of its gold and foreign exchange reserves last month in a bid to prop up its currency, which hit a record low in August.
What We’re Following
U.N. General Assembly showdown. The U.S. State Department’s counterterrorism coordinator, Nathan Sales, announced that Hezbollah has been stockpiling weapons and the explosive ammonium nitrate in locations across Europe in preparation for possible terrorist attacks ordered by the group’s backer, Iran. “I can reveal that such [Hezbollah weapons] caches have been moved through Belgium to France, Greece, Italy, Spain and Switzerland. I can also reveal that significant ammonium nitrate caches have been discovered or destroyed in France, Greece, and Italy,” said Sales, speaking at an online event hosted by the American Jewish Committee on Thursday.
The revelations come amid escalating tensions between Washington and Tehran: The United States is preparing to reimpose U.N. sanctions against Iran this weekend. Sanctions were eased as part of the 2015 nuclear deal. Most other countries at the U.N., including the other members of the Security Council, oppose their reimposition. This sets the stage for a tense showdown at the U.N. General Assembly session next week, where U.S. President Donald Trump is expected to address Iran in his speech on Tuesday.
Cyber-threats. FBI Director Chris Wray told the U.S. Congress on Thursday that Russia is actively working to undermine Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden ahead of the November election. Wray said that most of Moscow’s efforts have so far centered around online disinformation campaigns seeking to “denigrate” Biden, whom the Kremlin views as part of an anti-Russian foreign-policy establishment.
In other malicious cyber-activity news, the U.S. Justice Department has charged five Chinese nationals in connection with hacks against over 100 companies, nonprofits, think tanks, and universities both in the United States and abroad. In three indictments, unsealed on Wednesday, the individuals were accused of working for the prolific hacking group APT41. The Justice Department did not explicitly accuse the group of working on behalf of the Chinese government but said that they were likely working as proxies for Beijing.
“A hacker for profit is not going to hack a pro-democracy group,” said Michael Sherwin, the acting U.S. attorney of the District of Columbia.
Keep an Eye On
Crimes against humanity in Venezuela. On Wednesday, a team of U.N. investigators said that Venezuela’s government had “committed egregious violations,” including killings, torture, disappearances, and violence that amount to crimes against humanity. President Nicolás Maduro and other senior officials were implicated in the crimes detailed in the U.N. report. “Far from being isolated acts, these crimes were coordinated and committed pursuant to state policies, with the knowledge or direct support of commanding officers and senior government officials,” said Marta Valiñas, the chairperson of the fact-finding mission, in a statement.
Climate change bird-watching. Thousands of migrating birds have been “falling out of the sky” in the southwestern United States in what ornithologists fear may be a mass die-off due to changes in their environment brought about by climate change. Possible causes include the impact of the wildfires, temperature changes, and extremely dry conditions in the southwest. Allison Salas, a graduate researcher at New Mexico State University, wrote on Twitter that the birds were emaciated—“Almost as if they have been flying until they just couldn’t fly anymore.”
Martha Desmond, a professor in the biology department at New Mexico State University, told the Guardian that hundreds of thousands of birds could have died already.
A royal goodbye. The government of Barbados announced this week that it plans to remove Queen Elizabeth II as its head of state and become a republic. “The time has come to fully leave our colonial past behind,” Barbados Governor-General Sandra Mason said in a speech on behalf of the country’s prime minister, Mia Mottley.
Only 15 countries, including the United Kingdom, still recognize the queen as their head of state. Caribbean nations Guyana, Trinidad and Tobago, and Dominica declared themselves republics in the 1970s.
Odds and Ends
Rebranding Asbestos. A Canadian town called Asbestos is on the hunt for a new name. Mining of the cancer-causing mineral was once the lifeblood of the town, but several years after the mines closed the predominantly French-speaking town in Quebec is looking for a rebrand. Having received around 1,000 suggestions, the town’s council announced the four finalists on Monday: Phénix, Trois-Lacs, Apalone, and Jeffrey, the name of the mine’s first operator.
That’s it for this week.
For more from FP, visit foreignpolicy.com, subscribe here, or sign up for our other newsletters. Send your tips, comments, questions, or corrections to newsletters@foreignpolicy.com.


foreignpolicy--2020-09-18--How Politics Are Compounding Israel’s COVID-19 Crisis

TEL AVIV , Israel — The story of an embattled political leader facing deep social divisions in his country and allowing political interests to steer his handling of the coronavirus crisis sounds like a uniquely American one .
But these days it ’ s also the story of Israel , where Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has imposed a second nationwide lockdown to halt a spiraling infection rate , even as he rejected the opinions of experts and succumbed to assorted pressures from ultra-Orthodox groups that give him his governing majority in parliament .
The measure , which went into effect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hashana holiday and will last for at least three weeks , marked the first time a developed country instituted a second nationwide quarantine .
As of 2 p.m. Friday , restaurants , malls and other in-person retail outlets were shuttered , and Israelis were barred from venturing more than 1 kilometer from their own homes except for work , health reasons , or exercise .
Visiting neighbors was also banned , and outdoor gatherings were limited to a maximum of 20 people .
Schools were also closed nationwide .
But analysts described the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the measures Israel imposed to crush the initial surge of COVID-19 in the spring .
And experts warned that hospitals could soon be overwhelmed .
Netanyahu went on national television to warn of an even tighter lockdown in the coming days if the measures don ’ t work—and to plead with the public to wear masks and comply with social distancing directives .
“ Avoid large gatherings .
There ’ s no compromise .
That way countries and populations can avoid harsh measures , ’ ’ he said .
“ I ask @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But compromises made to placate Netanyahu ’ s religious coalition allies—such as a list of exceptions for prayer services and ritual baths—as well as frustration over the clampdown ’ s effect on businesses and anti-government protests raised the possibility that many Israelis would defy the order .
In ultra-Orthodox towns , represented by political parties that have long been bulwarks of Netanyahu ’ s governments , synagogues were preparing for large-scale worship services and yeshivas prepared mass dormitories for students .
Meanwhile , some leaders of the protest movement calling for Netanyahu ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mass demonstrations , alleging the measures are meant to stifle democratic opposition to the government .
And restaurant owners vowed to keep their doors open in spite of the directives .
In the hours leading up to the Rosh Hashana holiday , many Israelis ignored the spirit of Netanyahu ’ s request by holding early holiday meals in order to comply with the letter of the lockdown .
“ Like in the U.S. , the response to corona has become politicized in Israel , but it plays out in different uniquely Israeli ways @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an Israeli-American author and a fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem .
“ The growing sense in the country is that the government is not making its decisions based on pure health considerations and is playing politics with people ’ s lives and with the Israeli economy.
” The public health tug of war started escalating in August , when Netanyahu ’ s coronavirus czar , Ronni Gamzu , began pushing to implement a so-called traffic-light plan that would have imposed local restrictions on “ red ” virus hotspots—singling out predominantly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a former Health Ministry director-general and hospital director , also appealed to Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky to block the annual religious pilgrimage of tens of thousands of Breslov Hasidim from Israel to the grave of the sect ’ s spiritual leader in the city of Uman .
Housing Minister Yakov Litzman , who leads an ultra-Orthodox party in the coalition , pushed back by alleging a conspiracy to shut down holiday worship , while local mayors threatened to defy the plan .
The traffic-light measures were subsequently watered down to a nighttime curfew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ The [ ultra-Orthodox ] community said , ‘ If you enforce limitations on us , we will bring down the government .
Everything you do to regulate corona is a punishment , and everything is hypocritical discrimination in favor of the secularists who are holding mass demonstrations , ’ ” said Dahlia Scheindlin , an public opinion expert and political analyst , referring to the anti-Netanyahu protests .
When cases began spiking after the resumption of the school year , the government abandoned the traffic-light plan altogether in favor of more blunt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opposed .
But after the government ’ s public health advisory panel recommended a 10-person limit on indoor gatherings , the cabinet approved an exception to allow synagogues to be subdivided into “ capsules ” of up to 25 people , separated by plastic dividers .
The arrangement allows for more people to gather for prayers inside rather than what is permissible outside .
It ’ s just one example of how the countrywide restrictions have become riddled with exceptions , reducing them to what is being called a “ Swiss cheese ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hebrew University epidemiologist and a former member of the panel of experts that advised the government .
“ This kind of decision-making is creating confusion among the public .
I ’ m worried that the public will not follow the rules ” and Israel will experience all of the negative fallout from the virus without getting it under control , he said .
“ There is a great civil service in Israel , but it was crushed by the politicians , who want to do whatever they want , regardless of data and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s government has been beset by a protest movement calling for his resignation over corruption charges and his handling of the economic fallout from the pandemic .
Though some leaders have called for a halt to mass demonstrations during the lockdown , others are planning a protest outside his private residence in the Israeli town of Caesarea after the end of the New Year ’ s holiday on Monday .
An anti-Netanyahu banner in central Tel Aviv read , “ You are the virus.
” The blow to small businesses and wage earners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ usually favors Netanyahu—into the protest movement .
Public opinion polls show his Likud party losing support to other right-wing factions .
Grumbling over the closure has been compounded by quarantine exceptions made for members of Netanyahu ’ s delegation that returned from the White House signing ceremony this week between Israel , the United Arab Emirates , and Bahrain .
The crisis “ has intensified the passionate divide over Netanyahu , ’ ’ said Klein Halevi .
“ One side sees him as indispensable , the only one who can keep Israel safe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as a danger.
” Anshel Pfeffer , a columnist for the liberal Haaretz newspaper who wrote an autobiography on the prime minister , said the coronavirus has exposed Netanyahu ’ s relative weakness in handling socioeconomic policy compared to his expertise in foreign policy and defense .
On a broader level , he said , the pandemic has exposed the tribalism inherent in Israeli society .
Netanyahu has exploited those gaps of social and ethnic identity to remain in power .
But those same divisions are now weakening societal cohesion and resilience at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Israelis doesn ’ t lie outside the country ’ s borders , but takes the form of a community-spread virus .
“ When the different parts of the population don ’ t feel solidarity with each other , and worry they will be taken advantage of , you get this tug of war that doesn ’ t allow for the formulation of a policy , ’ ’ said Pfeffer .
“ In a sense you have each tribe looking at each other and asking , ‘ What am I being forced to do @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agree to take precautions until the other guy is forced to do so as well .
’ ’ ’

TEL AVIV, Israel — The story of an embattled political leader facing deep social divisions in his country and allowing political interests to steer his handling of the coronavirus crisis sounds like a uniquely American one.
TEL AVIV, Israel — The story of an embattled political leader facing deep social divisions in his country and allowing political interests to steer his handling of the coronavirus crisis sounds like a uniquely American one.
But these days it’s also the story of Israel, where Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has imposed a second nationwide lockdown to halt a spiraling infection rate, even as he rejected the opinions of experts and succumbed to assorted pressures from ultra-Orthodox groups that give him his governing majority in parliament.
The measure, which went into effect just before the beginning of the Rosh Hashana holiday and will last for at least three weeks, marked the first time a developed country instituted a second nationwide quarantine. As of 2 p.m. Friday, restaurants, malls and other in-person retail outlets were shuttered, and Israelis were barred from venturing more than 1 kilometer from their own homes except for work, health reasons, or exercise. Visiting neighbors was also banned, and outdoor gatherings were limited to a maximum of 20 people. Schools were also closed nationwide.
But analysts described the program as muddled and watered down compared with the measures Israel imposed to crush the initial surge of COVID-19 in the spring. And experts warned that hospitals could soon be overwhelmed.
Netanyahu went on national television to warn of an even tighter lockdown in the coming days if the measures don’t work—and to plead with the public to wear masks and comply with social distancing directives.
“Avoid large gatherings. There’s no compromise. That way countries and populations can avoid harsh measures,’’ he said. “I ask you to enlist in this mission.”
But compromises made to placate Netanyahu’s religious coalition allies—such as a list of exceptions for prayer services and ritual baths—as well as frustration over the clampdown’s effect on businesses and anti-government protests raised the possibility that many Israelis would defy the order.
In ultra-Orthodox towns, represented by political parties that have long been bulwarks of Netanyahu’s governments, synagogues were preparing for large-scale worship services and yeshivas prepared mass dormitories for students.
Meanwhile, some leaders of the protest movement calling for Netanyahu’s resignation have pledged to continue with mass demonstrations, alleging the measures are meant to stifle democratic opposition to the government. And restaurant owners vowed to keep their doors open in spite of the directives.
In the hours leading up to the Rosh Hashana holiday, many Israelis ignored the spirit of Netanyahu’s request by holding early holiday meals in order to comply with the letter of the lockdown.
“Like in the U.S., the response to corona has become politicized in Israel, but it plays out in different uniquely Israeli ways,” said Yossi Klein Halevi, an Israeli-American author and a fellow at the Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem.
“The growing sense in the country is that the government is not making its decisions based on pure health considerations and is playing politics with people’s lives and with the Israeli economy.”
The public health tug of war started escalating in August, when Netanyahu’s coronavirus czar, Ronni Gamzu, began pushing to implement a so-called traffic-light plan that would have imposed local restrictions on “red” virus hotspots—singling out predominantly ultra-Orthodox and Israeli-Arab cities.
Gamzu, a former Health Ministry director-general and hospital director, also appealed to Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky to block the annual religious pilgrimage of tens of thousands of Breslov Hasidim from Israel to the grave of the sect’s spiritual leader in the city of Uman.
Housing Minister Yakov Litzman, who leads an ultra-Orthodox party in the coalition, pushed back by alleging a conspiracy to shut down holiday worship, while local mayors threatened to defy the plan. The traffic-light measures were subsequently watered down to a nighttime curfew in deference to the ultra-Orthodox parties.
“The [ultra-Orthodox] community said, ‘If you enforce limitations on us, we will bring down the government. Everything you do to regulate corona is a punishment, and everything is hypocritical discrimination in favor of the secularists who are holding mass demonstrations,’” said Dahlia Scheindlin, an public opinion expert and political analyst, referring to the anti-Netanyahu protests.
When cases began spiking after the resumption of the school year, the government abandoned the traffic-light plan altogether in favor of more blunt countrywide lockdown— restrictions that public health experts opposed. But after the government’s public health advisory panel recommended a 10-person limit on indoor gatherings, the cabinet approved an exception to allow synagogues to be subdivided into “capsules” of up to 25 people, separated by plastic dividers.
The arrangement allows for more people to gather for prayers inside rather than what is permissible outside. It’s just one example of how the countrywide restrictions have become riddled with exceptions, reducing them to what is being called a “Swiss cheese” lockdown, said Haggai Levine, a Hebrew University epidemiologist and a former member of the panel of experts that advised the government.
“This kind of decision-making is creating confusion among the public. I’m worried that the public will not follow the rules” and Israel will experience all of the negative fallout from the virus without getting it under control, he said. “There is a great civil service in Israel, but it was crushed by the politicians, who want to do whatever they want, regardless of data and planning.”
For months, Netanyahu’s government has been beset by a protest movement calling for his resignation over corruption charges and his handling of the economic fallout from the pandemic. Though some leaders have called for a halt to mass demonstrations during the lockdown, others are planning a protest outside his private residence in the Israeli town of Caesarea after the end of the New Year’s holiday on Monday. An anti-Netanyahu banner in central Tel Aviv read, “You are the virus.”
The blow to small businesses and wage earners has swept some working-class Israelis—a constituency that usually favors Netanyahu—into the protest movement. Public opinion polls show his Likud party losing support to other right-wing factions.
Grumbling over the closure has been compounded by quarantine exceptions made for members of Netanyahu’s delegation that returned from the White House signing ceremony this week between Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain.
The crisis “has intensified the passionate divide over Netanyahu,’’ said Klein Halevi. “One side sees him as indispensable, the only one who can keep Israel safe, while the other side sees him as a danger.”
Anshel Pfeffer, a columnist for the liberal Haaretz newspaper who wrote a biography on the prime minister, said the coronavirus has exposed Netanyahu’s relative weakness in handling socioeconomic policy compared to his expertise in foreign policy and defense.
On a broader level, he said, the pandemic has exposed the tribalism inherent in Israeli society. Netanyahu has exploited those gaps of social and ethnic identity to remain in power. But those same divisions are now weakening societal cohesion and resilience at a time when the enemy faced by Israelis doesn’t lie outside the country’s borders, but takes the form of a community-spread virus.
“When the different parts of the population don’t feel solidarity with each other, and worry they will be taken advantage of, you get this tug of war that doesn’t allow for the formulation of a policy,’’ said Pfeffer. “In a sense you have each tribe looking at each other and asking, ‘What am I being forced to do? I’m not going to agree to take precautions until the other guy is forced to do so as well.’’’


foreignpolicy--2020-09-18--Document of the Week: Pompeo Seeks Deal to Remove Sudan From Terrorist List Before U.S. Election

Document of the Week : Pompeo Seeks Deal to Remove Sudan From Terrorist List Before U.S. Election As Congress prepares a stopgap spending measure to fund the U.S. government , one obscure provision that could be folded into the legislation represents a do-or-die moment for an East African country as it struggles to embrace democracy .
For months , U.S. lawmakers and diplomats have engaged in grueling behind-the-scenes negotiations with a fragile civilian-led government in Sudan to remove the country from the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism .
The designation harkens back more than two decades to a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who helped al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden orchestrate deadly attacks against U.S. embassies in Africa .
The designation turned Sudan into an international pariah and blocked the country from the international financial system .
Now , following a revolution last year that ousted dictator Omar al-Bashir and established a civilian-led government , the Trump administration is looking to change that .
In exchange , Khartoum would settle about $ 335 million worth of decades-old legal claims with the families of victims of terrorist attacks that Bashir ’ s government abetted , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kenya and Tanzania , as well as the deadly bombing in 2000 of the USS Cole in Yemen .
The problem is that not all families who suffered see things the same way .
Some support such a deal , including a proposal for Congress to pass legislation that would grant Sudan “ legal peace ” and absolve it of further legal claims as a sovereign country .
Other families sharply oppose such a move , in part because the deal would grant the families of American citizens who died in the attacks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Still others , including some families of victims of the 9/11 attacks in New York and Washington , are calling on Congress not to grant Sudan legal peace before their claims are advanced in courts .
( Some U.S. officials cast doubt on whether Sudan ’ s former regime played any role in 9/11 , as bin Laden was based in Afghanistan at the time . )
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has now urged lawmakers to support the delisting , in his most vocal support of such a plan to date @ @ @ @ @ @ @ once-in-a-generation opportunity to ensure that compensation is finally provided to victims of the 1998 al-Qa ’ ida-backed terrorist attacks on the U.S. Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania , ” Pompeo wrote in separate letters to Sens .
Mitch McConnell , the Senate Republican leader , and Chris Coons , a Democratic member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee who has played a key behind-the-scenes role in negotiations .
“ At the same time , we also have a unique and narrow window to support the civilian-led transitional government in Sudan that has finally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ previously led that country , ” Pompeo wrote .
Securing the deal would represent another foreign-policy success for the Trump administration , which recently helped secure diplomatic normalization between Israel and Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates .
But , despite backing from both sides of the aisle , it ’ s not a done deal yet .
Democratic Sens .
Chuck Schumer and Bob Menendez are among the lawmakers who have been hesitant to move forward out of respect for victims of 9/11 , officials and congressional aides said .
These victims @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agreement but could be pursued under separate legislation , the Justice Against State Sponsors of Terrorism Act .
Meanwhile , a bloc of leading Democratic and Republican lawmakers have been pressing their leadership to move forward on the deal , arguing that it would both compensate victims of terrorism and restore relations with Sudan .
Ed Royce , a former Republican member of Congress who served as chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and who now represents some of the families of victims in the 1998 bombings , argues it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s democratic transition “ hangs by a thread ” and that the country needs to be taken off the terrorist sponsor list to bolster the Sudanese government politically and unlock much-needed foreign investment .
“ There is no justifiable reason to label it a state sponsor of terrorism and keep the controls on the economy when the people took this chance to try to embrace … democratic values , ” he said .

As Congress prepares a stopgap spending measure to fund the U.S. government, one obscure provision that could be folded into the legislation represents a do-or-die moment for an East African country as it struggles to embrace democracy.
As Congress prepares a stopgap spending measure to fund the U.S. government, one obscure provision that could be folded into the legislation represents a do-or-die moment for an East African country as it struggles to embrace democracy.
For months, U.S. lawmakers and diplomats have engaged in grueling behind-the-scenes negotiations with a fragile civilian-led government in Sudan to remove the country from the U.S. list of state sponsors of terrorism. The designation harkens back more than two decades to a time Sudan was ruled by an authoritarian who helped al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden orchestrate deadly attacks against U.S. embassies in Africa. The designation turned Sudan into an international pariah and blocked the country from the international financial system.
Now, following a revolution last year that ousted dictator Omar al-Bashir and established a civilian-led government, the Trump administration is looking to change that. In exchange, Khartoum would settle about $335 million worth of decades-old legal claims with the families of victims of terrorist attacks that Bashir’s government abetted, including the 1998 bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, as well as the deadly bombing in 2000 of the USS Cole in Yemen.
The problem is that not all families who suffered see things the same way. Some support such a deal, including a proposal for Congress to pass legislation that would grant Sudan “legal peace” and absolve it of further legal claims as a sovereign country. Other families sharply oppose such a move, in part because the deal would grant the families of American citizens who died in the attacks significantly more money than non-American citizens. Still others, including some families of victims of the 9/11 attacks in New York and Washington, are calling on Congress not to grant Sudan legal peace before their claims are advanced in courts. (Some U.S. officials cast doubt on whether Sudan’s former regime played any role in 9/11, as bin Laden was based in Afghanistan at the time.)
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has now urged lawmakers to support the delisting, in his most vocal support of such a plan to date.
“The United States has a once-in-a-generation opportunity to ensure that compensation is finally provided to victims of the 1998 al-Qa’ida-backed terrorist attacks on the U.S. Embassies in Kenya and Tanzania,” Pompeo wrote in separate letters to Sens. Mitch McConnell, the Senate Republican leader, and Chris Coons, a Democratic member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee who has played a key behind-the-scenes role in negotiations. “At the same time, we also have a unique and narrow window to support the civilian-led transitional government in Sudan that has finally rid itself of the Islamist dictatorship that previously led that country,” Pompeo wrote.
Securing the deal would represent another foreign-policy success for the Trump administration, which recently helped secure diplomatic normalization between Israel and Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates. But, despite backing from both sides of the aisle, it’s not a done deal yet.
Democratic Sens. Chuck Schumer and Bob Menendez are among the lawmakers who have been hesitant to move forward out of respect for victims of 9/11, officials and congressional aides said. These victims’ claims are not covered in the agreement but could be pursued under separate legislation, the Justice Against State Sponsors of Terrorism Act. Meanwhile, a bloc of leading Democratic and Republican lawmakers have been pressing their leadership to move forward on the deal, arguing that it would both compensate victims of terrorism and restore relations with Sudan.
Ed Royce, a former Republican member of Congress who served as chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and who now represents some of the families of victims in the 1998 bombings, argues it’s must-pass legislation. He said that Sudan’s democratic transition “hangs by a thread” and that the country needs to be taken off the terrorist sponsor list to bolster the Sudanese government politically and unlock much-needed foreign investment.
“There is no justifiable reason to label it a state sponsor of terrorism and keep the controls on the economy when the people took this chance to try to embrace … democratic values,” he said.


foreignpolicy--2020-09-18--The Huawei Ban Could Crush U.S. Overseas Aid Efforts

The Huawei Ban Could Crush U.S. Overseas Aid Efforts A new U.S. law designed to keep Chinese telecommunications companies out of American networks is threatening to delay , disrupt , or kill vital U.S. military , diplomatic , and aid programs , particularly in Africa and Asia , where Chinese telecoms are the only game in town .
The law , which went into effect in August , is intended to purge Chinese telecommunications technology from the communications systems of U.S. agencies and contractors , a task that is particularly challenging in countries that rely almost entirely on Chinese tech @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wean American agencies and businesses off of Chinese technology and open the market for U.S. and allied countries to compete with China .
But critics say it may have the opposite effect , undermining foreign assistance programs and hamstringing U.S. agencies and companies vying with China and other rivals for influence—providing a boost for China as it seeks to promote its major infrastructure and trade mission , known as the Belt and Road Initiative .
“ The administration ’ s interpretation of the law unequivocally throws a wrench into the works .
Without @ @ @ @ @ @ @ going to have a major impact , with ripple effects across U.S. foreign assistance , ” said Noam Unger , the vice president for development policy , advocacy , and learning at InterAction , an alliance of U.S.-based international relief organizations .
“ If you are trying to compete with China , hobbling yourself in terms of your foreign assistance is not advisable.
” The dispute over Chinese telecom comes as the Trump Administration is pursuing an increasingly confrontational approach to Beijing , which the White House has blamed for unleashing the coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is preparing a large arms sale worth billions of dollars to Taiwan , the New York Times reported , and the Commerce Department announced the administration would ban all U.S. transactions with the Chinese social media apps , WeChat and TikTok .
The law grants the heads of U.S. agencies the authority to issue a one-time , temporary waiver , and it empowers the director of national intelligence to issue renewable waivers on national security grounds .
The current head of national intelligence , John Ratcliffe , recently granted waivers to the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the Defense Department , conceding in both cases that U.S. national security would be best served by a reprieve .
But those waivers are set to expire at the end of the month , and Ratcliffe is weighing whether to extend them .
When USAID appealed for a waiver this summer , it warned that the law would “ cripple our ability to operate overseas ” in the more than 100 nations where it operates .
It claimed that nearly $ 1 billion in funding for U.S. relief , health , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ $ 15.1 million in assistance to victims of the massive Lebanon port explosion , $ 13 million to promote democracy and governance in Indonesia , and a $ 300 million program to treat people with HIV/AIDs in Uganda .
“ While well intentioned , the law and the rule will put programs at risk of interruption , significant delay , or cessation , ” according to a USAID white paper obtained by Foreign Policy .
The requirements , the agency contended , could “ hinder USAID ’ s ability to respond to humanitarian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unclear whether the waivers have secured funding for those programs USAID claimed were under threat .
In response to questions about the law , Pooja Jhunjhunwala , the acting spokesperson for USAID , reiterated that “ while we support the intent of the law to counter potentially non-secure telecommunications and video-surveillance services or equipment , and are fully committed to abiding by the statute and subsequent rules .
we have encountered challenges in implementation and identified potential unintended consequences that could affect our foreign-assistance programs and overseas operations.
” “ In light of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in a statement emailed to FP , “ we informed Congressional Committees of jurisdiction of our analyses and are working closely with the National Security Council , the U.S. Department of State , and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence ( ODNI ) to promote compliance and prevent adverse impacts.
” The legislation is aimed at insulating vital U.S. communications from Chinese tracking or surveillance .
But the Defense Department and USAID have argued that the law would actually undermine their ability to operate in many parts of the world and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relies on banned Chinese telecoms for at least two-thirds of its global operations , especially in Africa , where strategic partners such as Egypt , Kenya , Sudan , and Tanzania would be particularly hard-hit .
“ Ceasing those and other programs could harm the U.S. ’ s reputation as a reliable provider of assistance , leaving a vacuum for adversaries to fill and boosting the propaganda line of the People ’ s Republic of China ’ s ( PRC ) Belt and Road Initiative , ” the USAID paper stated .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Tom Cotton and Marco Rubio and Reps. Michael Conway and Liz Cheney , was passed two years ago as part of the defense authorization bill .
It barred U.S. government agencies from buying or using telecommunications or services from five Chinese firms , including Huawei Technologies Company and ZTE Corporation , that are linked to the ruling Chinese Communist Party , citing concerns that they have been used for spying on Americans .
It also bars U.S. agencies from contracting with any entity that uses “ any equipment , system , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But those companies have already become deeply entrenched in the global economy , providing telecom services to critical U.S. allies from Egypt to Ethiopia to Turkey , not to mention many in Europe .
U.S.-based federal contractors , relief agencies , and lawmakers have pressed Congress and the Trump administration to scale back the prohibitions , clarify a complex array of rules and regulations , and grant government agencies and contractors more time to figure out how to comply with the law , if that is even possible .
U.S. officials , industry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ law is excessively sweeping , confusing to interpret , and will cost billions of dollars annually to implement at home and abroad .
Complicating matters are new federal rules and regulations that include additional requirements .
The law , plus the new regulations , are “ creating significant uncertainty and regulatory hurdles for American businesses across multiple sectors , ” wrote Christopher Roberti , the U.S. Chamber of Commerce ’ s senior vice president for cyber , intelligence , and security , and Matthew Eggers , its vice president for cybersecurity policy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ top procurement official at the White House Office of Management and Budget , Michael Wooten .
Roberti and Eggers proposed suspending implementation of the law until Aug. 13 , 2021 .
The law is likely to hit U.S. federal contractors hardest .
A review by the Federal Communications Commission found that it could cost contractors up to $ 1.8 billion to remove and replace Huawei and ZTE equipment in U.S. networks at home and abroad .
And the FCC estimated that the overall cost of compliance for companies in the United States and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ first year and $ 2.4 billion each year thereafter .
Roberti and Egger warned that the figure would likely be higher .
“ Industry groups need more time to review and comply with the rule .
It can take businesses several months to work with their suppliers to rip and replace equipment or services—and at great cost , ” they wrote .
“ American business could soon face unrealistic compliance burdens , undermining their ability to successfully compete against foreign companies and/or pushing them to choose between doing business abroad and doing business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is that huge chunks of the developing world have turned to Chinese telecoms , especially Huawei and ZTE , to build out their new telecommunications networks .
During the coronavirus pandemic , the two Chinese companies have expanded their penetration of international markets , accounting for nearly half of all international sales equipment in the first quarter of 2020 .
As of last summer , Huawei was the world ’ s largest producer of telecom equipment , with 28.1 percent of the global market and operations in more than 170 countries .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and in many countries where no alternatives exist to the use of prohibited products and services , ” said David Berteau , the president and CEO of the Professional Services Council , an industry advocate .
“ For example , Egypt plays a crucial role in U.S. national security and foreign policy , especially with regard to the Mideast peace process and the Suez Canal , ” he said , noting that Egypt signed big contracts with both Huawei and ZTE in 2019 and 2020 .
“ The current infrastructure of fifth generation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ same companies throughout Africa will likely create a whole swath of the continent , and much of Asia , where U.S. agencies and their implementing partners will be , by statute , unable to certify compliance ” with the new law , he added .
This story has been updated to include an official response from USAID .

A new U.S. law designed to keep Chinese telecommunications companies out of American networks is threatening to delay, disrupt, or kill vital U.S. military, diplomatic, and aid programs, particularly in Africa and Asia, where Chinese telecoms are the only game in town.
A new U.S. law designed to keep Chinese telecommunications companies out of American networks is threatening to delay, disrupt, or kill vital U.S. military, diplomatic, and aid programs, particularly in Africa and Asia, where Chinese telecoms are the only game in town.
The law, which went into effect in August, is intended to purge Chinese telecommunications technology from the communications systems of U.S. agencies and contractors, a task that is particularly challenging in countries that rely almost entirely on Chinese tech. Supporters hope the legislation will gradually wean American agencies and businesses off of Chinese technology and open the market for U.S. and allied countries to compete with China.
But critics say it may have the opposite effect, undermining foreign assistance programs and hamstringing U.S. agencies and companies vying with China and other rivals for influence—providing a boost for China as it seeks to promote its major infrastructure and trade mission, known as the Belt and Road Initiative.
“The administration’s interpretation of the law unequivocally throws a wrench into the works. Without real changes or numerous waivers it is going to have a major impact, with ripple effects across U.S. foreign assistance,” said Noam Unger, the vice president for development policy, advocacy, and learning at InterAction, an alliance of U.S.-based international relief organizations. “If you are trying to compete with China, hobbling yourself in terms of your foreign assistance is not advisable.”
The dispute over Chinese telecom comes as the Trump Administration is pursuing an increasingly confrontational approach to Beijing, which the White House has blamed for unleashing the coronavirus on the world. The White House is preparing a large arms sale worth billions of dollars to Taiwan, the New York Times reported, and the Commerce Department announced the administration would ban all U.S. transactions with the Chinese social media apps, WeChat and TikTok.
The law grants the heads of U.S. agencies the authority to issue a one-time, temporary waiver, and it empowers the director of national intelligence to issue renewable waivers on national security grounds. The current head of national intelligence, John Ratcliffe, recently granted waivers to the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and the Defense Department, conceding in both cases that U.S. national security would be best served by a reprieve. But those waivers are set to expire at the end of the month, and Ratcliffe is weighing whether to extend them.
When USAID appealed for a waiver this summer, it warned that the law would “cripple our ability to operate overseas” in the more than 100 nations where it operates. It claimed that nearly $1 billion in funding for U.S. relief, health, and development programs was at risk, including $15.1 million in assistance to victims of the massive Lebanon port explosion, $13 million to promote democracy and governance in Indonesia, and a $300 million program to treat people with HIV/AIDs in Uganda.
“While well intentioned, the law and the rule will put programs at risk of interruption, significant delay, or cessation,” according to a USAID white paper obtained by Foreign Policy. The requirements, the agency contended, could “hinder USAID’s ability to respond to humanitarian assistance and global emergencies.”
It is unclear whether the waivers have secured funding for those programs USAID claimed were under threat.
In response to questions about the law, Pooja Jhunjhunwala, the acting spokesperson for USAID, reiterated that “while we support the intent of the law to counter potentially non-secure telecommunications and video-surveillance services or equipment, and are fully committed to abiding by the statute and subsequent rules. we have encountered challenges in implementation and identified potential unintended consequences that could affect our foreign-assistance programs and overseas operations.”
“In light of these potential impacts,” she added in a statement emailed to FP, “we informed Congressional Committees of jurisdiction of our analyses and are working closely with the National Security Council, the U.S. Department of State, and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) to promote compliance and prevent adverse impacts.”
The legislation is aimed at insulating vital U.S. communications from Chinese tracking or surveillance. But the Defense Department and USAID have argued that the law would actually undermine their ability to operate in many parts of the world and threaten U.S. national security interests. USAID relies on banned Chinese telecoms for at least two-thirds of its global operations, especially in Africa, where strategic partners such as Egypt, Kenya, Sudan, and Tanzania would be particularly hard-hit.
“Ceasing those and other programs could harm the U.S.’s reputation as a reliable provider of assistance, leaving a vacuum for adversaries to fill and boosting the propaganda line of the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) Belt and Road Initiative,” the USAID paper stated.
The new law, spearheaded by Republican Sens. Tom Cotton and Marco Rubio and Reps. Michael Conway and Liz Cheney, was passed two years ago as part of the defense authorization bill. It barred U.S. government agencies from buying or using telecommunications or services from five Chinese firms, including Huawei Technologies Company and ZTE Corporation, that are linked to the ruling Chinese Communist Party, citing concerns that they have been used for spying on Americans. It also bars U.S. agencies from contracting with any entity that uses “any equipment, system, or service” from those Chinese firms.
But those companies have already become deeply entrenched in the global economy, providing telecom services to critical U.S. allies from Egypt to Ethiopia to Turkey, not to mention many in Europe. U.S.-based federal contractors, relief agencies, and lawmakers have pressed Congress and the Trump administration to scale back the prohibitions, clarify a complex array of rules and regulations, and grant government agencies and contractors more time to figure out how to comply with the law, if that is even possible.
U.S. officials, industry groups, and relief organizations say the law is excessively sweeping, confusing to interpret, and will cost billions of dollars annually to implement at home and abroad. Complicating matters are new federal rules and regulations that include additional requirements.
The law, plus the new regulations, are “creating significant uncertainty and regulatory hurdles for American businesses across multiple sectors,” wrote Christopher Roberti, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce’s senior vice president for cyber, intelligence, and security, and Matthew Eggers, its vice president for cybersecurity policy, in a Sept. 14 letter to the top procurement official at the White House Office of Management and Budget, Michael Wooten. Roberti and Eggers proposed suspending implementation of the law until Aug. 13, 2021.
The law is likely to hit U.S. federal contractors hardest. A review by the Federal Communications Commission found that it could cost contractors up to $1.8 billion to remove and replace Huawei and ZTE equipment in U.S. networks at home and abroad. And the FCC estimated that the overall cost of compliance for companies in the United States and overseas could reach $12 billion the first year and $2.4 billion each year thereafter.
Roberti and Egger warned that the figure would likely be higher.
“Industry groups need more time to review and comply with the rule. It can take businesses several months to work with their suppliers to rip and replace equipment or services—and at great cost,” they wrote. “American business could soon face unrealistic compliance burdens, undermining their ability to successfully compete against foreign companies and/or pushing them to choose between doing business abroad and doing business with the U.S. government.”
The problem is that huge chunks of the developing world have turned to Chinese telecoms, especially Huawei and ZTE, to build out their new telecommunications networks. During the coronavirus pandemic, the two Chinese companies have expanded their penetration of international markets, accounting for nearly half of all international sales equipment in the first quarter of 2020. As of last summer, Huawei was the world’s largest producer of telecom equipment, with 28.1 percent of the global market and operations in more than 170 countries.
“There are still locations in the U.S. and in many countries where no alternatives exist to the use of prohibited products and services,” said David Berteau, the president and CEO of the Professional Services Council, an industry advocate. “For example, Egypt plays a crucial role in U.S. national security and foreign policy, especially with regard to the Mideast peace process and the Suez Canal,” he said, noting that Egypt signed big contracts with both Huawei and ZTE in 2019 and 2020.
“The current infrastructure of fifth generation (5G) networks provided by these same companies throughout Africa will likely create a whole swath of the continent, and much of Asia, where U.S. agencies and their implementing partners will be, by statute, unable to certify compliance” with the new law, he added.
This story has been updated to include an official response from USAID.


foreignpolicy--2020-09-18--Will COVID-19 Kill Democracy?

Will COVID-19 Kill Democracy?

As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to unfold , its implications for good governance and democracy around the world are of increasing concern .
And just as underlying conditions and exposure matter a lot for individual health , those factors are also critical measures of national vulnerability .
Poverty , inadequate public health infrastructure , citizen mistrust , and violent conflict are among the underlying conditions that make countries more susceptible to the pandemic ’ s ravages .
Whereas vulnerable individuals might limit their exposure to prevent illness , though , states should embrace it .
They need to expose their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ light .
Their success will be measured by their ability to galvanize political will , to demonstrate transparency in the collection and sharing of data , and to avoid politicizing the crisis for domestic or international advantage .
In Tanzania , a global pandemic is colliding with a turn toward authoritarianism , making both problems far worse .
When President John Magufuli came to power in 2015 elections , he was lauded as a “ man of the people ” willing to take on the fight against corruption and clean up the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it soon became apparent that his forcefulness on these challenges went hand in hand with a refusal to tolerate dissenting views .
As he took the country further and further away from its decadeslong trajectory toward better democratic governance , Magufuli has become better known as “ the bulldozer.
” Magufuli ’ s tenure has been marked by the targeting of the country ’ s political opposition through a 2016 ban on political activities ; restrictions on the rights to freedom of association and peaceful assembly ; the arrest and harassment of journalists @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outlets .
Attacks on journalists and deepening censorship have been carefully tracked by several international organizations , including Reporters Without Borders .
According to this group , Tanzania has dropped an astonishing 53 places in its annual World Press Freedom Index since 2016—the year after Magufuli took office .
That ’ s the biggest drop of any country in the world in recent years .
Things in Tanzania got markedly worse in April , when three members of the country ’ s parliament died from unknown causes within days of each other .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ opposition party , Chadema , called for the suspension of parliament and COVID-19 testing for all parliamentary members , staff , and families .
Chadema Chairman Freeman Mbowe accused the Magufuli government of a cover-up regarding the extent of coronavirus infections in Tanzania .
Magufuli ’ s government was vague in its response , acknowledging the three deaths but leaving speculation about the cause of their deaths unanswered .
Late that month , the Tanzanian government submitted its COVID-19 infection data to the World Health Organization , reporting 509 cases and 21 deaths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since .
It is hard to trust these numbers ; scores of observers have noted the difficulty many African countries have had effectively collecting data .
In the intervening months , Magufuli has officially suspended parliament .
In May , he also dismissed the head of Tanzania ’ s national laboratory—which leads COVID-19 testing—and he has since declared that the coronavirus was “ absolutely finished ” throughout the nation .
He ’ s gone on to insist that credible national elections will be held in October , although that seems unlikely .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opposition , authorities have attempted to prevent presidential candidates from submitting required nomination forms while arbitrarily disqualifying others from competing .
In August , the government also banned local media from broadcasting foreign-made content without first receiving the government ’ s written approval .
The move is another example of the government tightening its authoritarian grip while also hindering an effective response to COVID-19 .
The stringent new regulations also require foreign journalists to be accompanied by a government-appointed officer when covering local issues .
And a tax on social media enacted the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ using the internet , while posting what the government deems as “ rumors ” —which could be anything from information about the pandemic to criticism of the government—can now land citizens in jail .
In short , in Tanzania , a global pandemic is colliding with a turn toward authoritarianism , making both problems far worse .
A strikingly similar situation has unfolded in Burundi , where the country ’ s president is thought to have died from COVID-19 after months of official denials about the disease ’ s seriousness .
The government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other large gatherings in the country .
In Madagascar , too , the country ’ s authoritarian president has been dogged by criticism , including from the WHO , about his government ’ s response , or lack thereof , which has featured the promotion and distribution—including to Tanzania—of an unproven “ herbal cure.
” Conversely , it seems to be no coincidence that those countries in Africa that have demonstrated the most effective COVID-19 responses are also the most democratic and transparent in the region .
These include Senegal and Ghana @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the development of affordable and effective rapid testing for the new coronavirus .
Senegal , specifically , has stood out for its relative success , ranking No .
2 globally in Foreign Policy ’ s COVID-19 Global Response Index .
These two success stories should serve as a lesson for leaders in Tanzania and elsewhere : Secrecy around COVID-19 infections and poor governance have gone hand in hand .
Some observers have argued that the pandemic might serve to strengthen democratic resistance and expose the weakness of authoritarian rule .
It seems more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sicker before they can start to recover .

As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to unfold, its implications for good governance and democracy around the world are of increasing concern. And just as underlying conditions and exposure matter a lot for individual health, those factors are also critical measures of national vulnerability.
As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to unfold, its implications for good governance and democracy around the world are of increasing concern. And just as underlying conditions and exposure matter a lot for individual health, those factors are also critical measures of national vulnerability.
Poverty, inadequate public health infrastructure, citizen mistrust, and violent conflict are among the underlying conditions that make countries more susceptible to the pandemic’s ravages. Whereas vulnerable individuals might limit their exposure to prevent illness, though, states should embrace it. They need to expose their efforts to fight the disease to more light. Their success will be measured by their ability to galvanize political will, to demonstrate transparency in the collection and sharing of data, and to avoid politicizing the crisis for domestic or international advantage.
Tanzania is one example of many nations in which a synthesis of underlying conditions and lack of exposure has become toxic.
In Tanzania, a global pandemic is colliding with a turn toward authoritarianism, making both problems far worse.
When President John Magufuli came to power in 2015 elections, he was lauded as a “man of the people” willing to take on the fight against corruption and clean up the country’s bloated civil service. But it soon became apparent that his forcefulness on these challenges went hand in hand with a refusal to tolerate dissenting views. As he took the country further and further away from its decadeslong trajectory toward better democratic governance, Magufuli has become better known as “the bulldozer.”
Magufuli’s tenure has been marked by the targeting of the country’s political opposition through a 2016 ban on political activities; restrictions on the rights to freedom of association and peaceful assembly; the arrest and harassment of journalists; and the suspension of independent media outlets. Attacks on journalists and deepening censorship have been carefully tracked by several international organizations, including Reporters Without Borders. According to this group, Tanzania has dropped an astonishing 53 places in its annual World Press Freedom Index since 2016—the year after Magufuli took office. That’s the biggest drop of any country in the world in recent years.
Things in Tanzania got markedly worse in April, when three members of the country’s parliament died from unknown causes within days of each other. Suspecting COVID-19, members of the main opposition party, Chadema, called for the suspension of parliament and COVID-19 testing for all parliamentary members, staff, and families. Chadema Chairman Freeman Mbowe accused the Magufuli government of a cover-up regarding the extent of coronavirus infections in Tanzania. Magufuli’s government was vague in its response, acknowledging the three deaths but leaving speculation about the cause of their deaths unanswered. Late that month, the Tanzanian government submitted its COVID-19 infection data to the World Health Organization, reporting 509 cases and 21 deaths. It has not updated the figures since. It is hard to trust these numbers; scores of observers have noted the difficulty many African countries have had effectively collecting data.
In the intervening months, Magufuli has officially suspended parliament. In May, he also dismissed the head of Tanzania’s national laboratory—which leads COVID-19 testing—and he has since declared that the coronavirus was “absolutely finished” throughout the nation. He’s gone on to insist that credible national elections will be held in October, although that seems unlikely.
In addition to frequently violent attacks on the opposition, authorities have attempted to prevent presidential candidates from submitting required nomination forms while arbitrarily disqualifying others from competing. In August, the government also banned local media from broadcasting foreign-made content without first receiving the government’s written approval. The move is another example of the government tightening its authoritarian grip while also hindering an effective response to COVID-19.
The stringent new regulations also require foreign journalists to be accompanied by a government-appointed officer when covering local issues. And a tax on social media enacted the same month has increased the cost of using the internet, while posting what the government deems as “rumors”—which could be anything from information about the pandemic to criticism of the government—can now land citizens in jail.
In short, in Tanzania, a global pandemic is colliding with a turn toward authoritarianism, making both problems far worse.
Tanzania is not the only country where the pandemic is meeting rising authoritarianism. Magufuli’s denials of the seriousness of the COVID-19 pandemic and the lack of transparency in the collection and sharing of data on rates of infections and deaths have raised concern at the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention. Neighboring Kenya closed its border with Tanzania in May due to coronavirus concerns.
A strikingly similar situation has unfolded in Burundi, where the country’s president is thought to have died from COVID-19 after months of official denials about the disease’s seriousness. The government even encouraged citizens to attend religious services and other large gatherings in the country. In Madagascar, too, the country’s authoritarian president has been dogged by criticism, including from the WHO, about his government’s response, or lack thereof, which has featured the promotion and distribution—including to Tanzania—of an unproven “herbal cure.”
Conversely, it seems to be no coincidence that those countries in Africa that have demonstrated the most effective COVID-19 responses are also the most democratic and transparent in the region. These include Senegal and Ghana, which have led the continent in the development of affordable and effective rapid testing for the new coronavirus. Senegal, specifically, has stood out for its relative success, ranking No. 2 globally in Foreign Policy’s COVID-19 Global Response Index.
These two success stories should serve as a lesson for leaders in Tanzania and elsewhere: Secrecy around COVID-19 infections and poor governance have gone hand in hand. Some observers have argued that the pandemic might serve to strengthen democratic resistance and expose the weakness of authoritarian rule. It seems more likely that the vulnerable countries will get sicker before they can start to recover.