foreignpolicy--2020-06-04--U.S. Allies Look on in Dismay While U.S. Rivals Rejoice

U.S .
Allies Look on in Dismay While U.S. Rivals Rejoice When German Chancellor Angela Merkel last week declined an invitation to join U.S. President Donald Trump in Washington for a star-crossed meeting of the G-7 , and then British Prime Minister Boris Johnson rebuffed Trump ’ s plans to bring Russia back into the group , it underscored how profoundly U.S. allies and partners have soured on American leadership amid a mishandled pandemic and a violent crackdown on protesters .
Merkel ’ s rebuff , like similar chidings from other German and European officials aghast at the scenes of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the last week , is just the latest indicator that U.S. allies are fed up with an America they see drifting closer to authoritarianism and away from the core values Washington had always preached .
U.S. rivals , meanwhile , are rejoicing .
“ It ’ s kind of a feast for the Chinese Communist Party , and for the Kremlin , and all those other strongmen that are really insecure , ” said Sascha Lohmann , an expert on U.S. domestic and foreign policy at the German Institute for International and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. racial tensions , protests , and violent crackdowns to push back against U.S. criticism .
Iran ’ s foreign ministry spokesman offered sympathy to Americans standing up to “ state oppression.
” Even Venezuela is piling on .
“ In terms of how this plays out , it ’ s kind of a devastating blow to the image of the United States , ” Lohmann added .
All in all , the scenes broadcast around the world over the past week of runaway police brutality , tear-gassed photo ops , unchecked assaults @ @ @ @ @ @ @ paramilitary units taking over the streets of Washington and barricading the White House add up to a huge blow to the moral credibility of the United States .
For decades , American diplomats were able to more or less convincingly cajole other countries to respect ideas like the freedom of the press and the right to peaceful protests .
Now , such messages , coming on the heels of U.S. abdication of the very multilateral order it helped build , increasingly fall on deaf ears .
“ What happened over the last week @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of confidence in the United States , and its traditional role as the ‘ beacon of hope ’ and all those shiny concepts , ” Lohmann said .
For many tempted to dismiss the Trump years as an aberration that doesn ’ t reflect the real America , the latest unraveling is opening some eyes , he said .
“ There ’ s a reality check going on among European audiences that , for much of the last decade , we were living with a highly idealized picture of the United States , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there ’ s a certain blind spot in Europe ’ s reaction to the latest breakdown in American society .
While a European Union commissioner claimed that such scenes of police brutality that prompted the ongoing protests couldn ’ t happen in Europe , they already have .
In just the past year , Spanish security forces have cracked down hard on pro-independence Catalans , and French riot police ferociously thumped yellow vest protests .
But , without a doubt , the past week has clearly opened the United States up to charges @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , China , and Russia—frequent targets of U.S. moral scoldings—have eagerly seized upon .
That makes it that much harder for U.S. diplomats to condemn China ’ s crackdown on protesters in Hong Kong or call out Iranian excesses in battling its own protesters , or criticize Hungary ’ s steady erosion of the rule of law , or Myanmar ’ s documented brutality in battling its own minority populations .
The United States has spent decades vocally condemning China ’ s brutal crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in Tiananmen Square , which happened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ week , a leading Republican senator , Tom Cotton of Arkansas , called for U.S. troops to be unleashed on U.S. protesters in the name of restoring “ law and order , ” neatly echoing Beijing ’ s own line .
Granted , for many in Germany and across Europe , it ’ s hardly just the last week that has dashed illusions .
Many Trump administration actions , from attacking NATO and levying tariffs on close allies to pulling out of important international organizations like the World Trade Organization and the World @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in U.S. leadership .
In France , the American carnage over the past week is just the culmination of years of disappointment with the United States .
In 2003 , France and the United States had an acrimonious split over the Iraq War , and relations were further soured by U.S. abuses during its anti-terrorism campaigns .
While hopes were high during the Barack Obama years , U.S. inaction in Syria particularly disappointed French policymakers , who felt let down in a core interest of theirs .
And then came Trump .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many years when the United States acted strangely in our eyes—Bush , Obama , and Trump , ” said Laurence Nardon , a North America specialist at the French Institute of International Relations .
“ I think we in Europe have been disappointed in America for a long time.
” Clearly , this isn ’ t the first time that the United States ’ standing in the eyes of the world has been under threat due to disorder at home .
Nativist immigration policies in the first quarter of the 20th century undermined @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Racial divisions have always provided fodder for enemies , as they did during the Cold War , when the Soviet Union and China took advantage of what they saw as U.S. hypocrisy to chip away at American soft power .
The assassinations , riots , and anti-war protests of 1968 tarnished America ’ s ability to act as the beacon on the hill in a global ideological struggle .
The great financial crisis of 2008-2009 weakened the U.S. ability to counter the appeal of Chinese-style state capitalism .
But one big difference now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that could rise above the divisions and offer the world a different vision of America , said Robert Zoellick , a former senior U.S. diplomat in several Republican administrations .
“ Under Trump , the administration has made no effort to offer leadership , whether practical , systemic , or for a higher purpose .
It ’ s all transactional .
And personal to him .
So there is no cushion or resilience for the administration , ” he said , contrasting Trump ’ s messages over the last week with the conciliatory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ such as George W. Bush .
“ So much depends on how the United States , not just the government , responds—just as it had to do with Vietnam , Watergate , assassinations , burning cities , and various economic downturns and crises.
” “ The United States has the capacity to learn and listen to its ‘ better angels , ’ ” Zoellick said .
“ So time will tell.
” While Trump has hunkered down in the White House bunker and fueled divisions , former presidents such as Obama , Bush @ @ @ @ @ @ @ statements seeking to bridge the divide and reunite the country .
Especially with Obama ’ s former vice president , presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden , leading in most polls ahead of the November election , observers overseas have clung to those messages as much as current administration rhetoric , Lohmann noted .
But looking ahead , perhaps the biggest legacy of the Trump years for observers in Europe is the sudden unpredictability of U.S. foreign policy , which for decades stopped at the water ’ s edge , and which included support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ democracy , and human rights .
Trump ’ s ability to undo much of Obama ’ s legacy in short order—followed , perhaps , by a Democratic president who will reverse most of Trump ’ s policies—has sown confusion and uncertainty in allied capitals .
“ We can ’ t really trust America , because America ’ s word is only as good as the president who says it , and then the next one may say something entirely different , ” said Nardon , the France-based North America expert .
Beyond the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of America ’ s moral standing , that loss of trust in what America really stands for has left Europeans wary .
“ There ’ s little chance to go back to the consensus that prevailed during the last 70 years , ” Lohmann said .
He likened what ’ s happening now to the traditional flip-flop of U.S. policy on providing federal funding for nongovernmental organizations that advocate or enable abortion .
Since 1984 , every Republican administration systematically enforces the “ global gag rule ” or “ Mexico City policy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ every Democratic administration immediately overturns it .
That same whiplash , Lohmann suggested , is in store for the whole suite of U.S. foreign policy .
“ It ’ s like the Mexico City policy will be going global .
”

When German Chancellor Angela Merkel last week declined an invitation to join U.S. President Donald Trump in Washington for a star-crossed meeting of the G-7, and then British Prime Minister Boris Johnson rebuffed Trump’s plans to bring Russia back into the group, it underscored how profoundly U.S. allies and partners have soured on American leadership amid a mishandled pandemic and a violent crackdown on protesters.
When German Chancellor Angela Merkel last week declined an invitation to join U.S. President Donald Trump in Washington for a star-crossed meeting of the G-7, and then British Prime Minister Boris Johnson rebuffed Trump’s plans to bring Russia back into the group, it underscored how profoundly U.S. allies and partners have soured on American leadership amid a mishandled pandemic and a violent crackdown on protesters.
Merkel’s rebuff, like similar chidings from other German and European officials aghast at the scenes of White House-encouraged violence they’ve watched over the last week, is just the latest indicator that U.S. allies are fed up with an America they see drifting closer to authoritarianism and away from the core values Washington had always preached.
U.S. rivals, meanwhile, are rejoicing. “It’s kind of a feast for the Chinese Communist Party, and for the Kremlin, and all those other strongmen that are really insecure,” said Sascha Lohmann, an expert on U.S. domestic and foreign policy at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs. China has gleefully used U.S. racial tensions, protests, and violent crackdowns to push back against U.S. criticism. Iran’s foreign ministry spokesman offered sympathy to Americans standing up to “state oppression.” Even Venezuela is piling on.
“In terms of how this plays out, it’s kind of a devastating blow to the image of the United States,” Lohmann added.
All in all, the scenes broadcast around the world over the past week of runaway police brutality, tear-gassed photo ops, unchecked assaults on reporters, and U.S. soldiers and paramilitary units taking over the streets of Washington and barricading the White House add up to a huge blow to the moral credibility of the United States. For decades, American diplomats were able to more or less convincingly cajole other countries to respect ideas like the freedom of the press and the right to peaceful protests. Now, such messages, coming on the heels of U.S. abdication of the very multilateral order it helped build, increasingly fall on deaf ears.
“What happened over the last week is perhaps a catalyst in this loss of confidence in the United States, and its traditional role as the ‘beacon of hope’ and all those shiny concepts,” Lohmann said. For many tempted to dismiss the Trump years as an aberration that doesn’t reflect the real America, the latest unraveling is opening some eyes, he said.
“There’s a reality check going on among European audiences that, for much of the last decade, we were living with a highly idealized picture of the United States,” he said.
Of course, there’s a certain blind spot in Europe’s reaction to the latest breakdown in American society. While a European Union commissioner claimed that such scenes of police brutality that prompted the ongoing protests couldn’t happen in Europe, they already have. In just the past year, Spanish security forces have cracked down hard on pro-independence Catalans, and French riot police ferociously thumped yellow vest protests.
But, without a doubt, the past week has clearly opened the United States up to charges of hypocrisy that countries such as Iran, China, and Russia—frequent targets of U.S. moral scoldings—have eagerly seized upon. That makes it that much harder for U.S. diplomats to condemn China’s crackdown on protesters in Hong Kong or call out Iranian excesses in battling its own protesters, or criticize Hungary’s steady erosion of the rule of law, or Myanmar’s documented brutality in battling its own minority populations. The United States has spent decades vocally condemning China’s brutal crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in Tiananmen Square, which happened 31 years ago Thursday. Yet this week, a leading Republican senator, Tom Cotton of Arkansas, called for U.S. troops to be unleashed on U.S. protesters in the name of restoring “law and order,” neatly echoing Beijing’s own line.
Granted, for many in Germany and across Europe, it’s hardly just the last week that has dashed illusions. Many Trump administration actions, from attacking NATO and levying tariffs on close allies to pulling out of important international organizations like the World Trade Organization and the World Health Organization, already undermined European confidence in U.S. leadership.
In France, the American carnage over the past week is just the culmination of years of disappointment with the United States. In 2003, France and the United States had an acrimonious split over the Iraq War, and relations were further soured by U.S. abuses during its anti-terrorism campaigns. While hopes were high during the Barack Obama years, U.S. inaction in Syria particularly disappointed French policymakers, who felt let down in a core interest of theirs. And then came Trump.
“All this comes on the heels of many years when the United States acted strangely in our eyes—Bush, Obama, and Trump,” said Laurence Nardon, a North America specialist at the French Institute of International Relations. “I think we in Europe have been disappointed in America for a long time.”
Clearly, this isn’t the first time that the United States’ standing in the eyes of the world has been under threat due to disorder at home. Nativist immigration policies in the first quarter of the 20th century undermined U.S. influence, especially in Asia. Racial divisions have always provided fodder for enemies, as they did during the Cold War, when the Soviet Union and China took advantage of what they saw as U.S. hypocrisy to chip away at American soft power. The assassinations, riots, and anti-war protests of 1968 tarnished America’s ability to act as the beacon on the hill in a global ideological struggle. The great financial crisis of 2008-2009 weakened the U.S. ability to counter the appeal of Chinese-style state capitalism.
But one big difference now is an apparent vacuum of national leadership that could rise above the divisions and offer the world a different vision of America, said Robert Zoellick, a former senior U.S. diplomat in several Republican administrations.
“Under Trump, the administration has made no effort to offer leadership, whether practical, systemic, or for a higher purpose. It’s all transactional. And personal to him. So there is no cushion or resilience for the administration,” he said, contrasting Trump’s messages over the last week with the conciliatory and uplifting words offered by former presidents such as George W. Bush.
“So much depends on how the United States, not just the government, responds—just as it had to do with Vietnam, Watergate, assassinations, burning cities, and various economic downturns and crises.”
“The United States has the capacity to learn and listen to its ‘better angels,’” Zoellick said. “So time will tell.”
While Trump has hunkered down in the White House bunker and fueled divisions, former presidents such as Obama, Bush, and Jimmy Carter have all released statements seeking to bridge the divide and reunite the country. Especially with Obama’s former vice president, presumptive Democratic nominee Joe Biden, leading in most polls ahead of the November election, observers overseas have clung to those messages as much as current administration rhetoric, Lohmann noted.
But looking ahead, perhaps the biggest legacy of the Trump years for observers in Europe is the sudden unpredictability of U.S. foreign policy, which for decades stopped at the water’s edge, and which included support for free trade, multilateral institutions, democracy, and human rights. Trump’s ability to undo much of Obama’s legacy in short order—followed, perhaps, by a Democratic president who will reverse most of Trump’s policies—has sown confusion and uncertainty in allied capitals.
“We can’t really trust America, because America’s word is only as good as the president who says it, and then the next one may say something entirely different,” said Nardon, the France-based North America expert.
Beyond the protests and the crackdowns and the erosion of America’s moral standing, that loss of trust in what America really stands for has left Europeans wary.
“There’s little chance to go back to the consensus that prevailed during the last 70 years,” Lohmann said.
He likened what’s happening now to the traditional flip-flop of U.S. policy on providing federal funding for nongovernmental organizations that advocate or enable abortion. Since 1984, every Republican administration systematically enforces the “global gag rule” or “Mexico City policy,” which bars such funding, while every Democratic administration immediately overturns it. That same whiplash, Lohmann suggested, is in store for the whole suite of U.S. foreign policy.
“It’s like the Mexico City policy will be going global.”


foreignpolicy--2020-06-04--Tiananmen Can Happen Here

Tiananmen Can Happen Here

When I was 5 , all I knew of Tiananmen , the Gate of Heavenly Peace , was that it was an entrance to the Forbidden City , a wondrous palace where the emperors of the Qing dynasty once dwelled .
China ’ s history was tangible to me , at my fingertips in my books and lessons .
Then I learned more .
At 15 , I knew of the deaths when tanks rolled into the square and suppressed the demonstrators .
At 20 , I read the diary of Communist Party chief Zhao Ziyang , which detailed how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had once filled the square .
Soldiers of the People ’ s Liberation Army struggled to force them out .
Leaders , afraid for what they called a “ counterrevolutionary riot , ” sent in tanks and ordered the use of live ammunition .
June 4 , 1989 , 31 years ago this month , is a pivotal moment in Chinese history .
Memory , ideology , and state violence intermingle even after three decades .
Tiananmen ’ s true legacy , which encompasses both the glory of the palace and the blood @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the square , will be something that Chinese people like myself continue to grapple with as long as our history ticks on .
Hong Kong ’ s research institutions and bookshops , some of which have shuttered , are threatened with restrictions if noncompliance with Beijing ’ s law stands .
Underneath their helmets and umbrellas , protesters in Hong Kong fear the future even as they push on .
They have remembered , and they have learned from the bones of Tiananmen .
In spaces in the United States , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mourning Hong Kongers face , Tiananmen ’ s story is only a relic .
There is no linkage of Tiananmen to America itself , despite the violence that the American state has also inflicted on its own citizens over the years and decades and the struggle against the brutality of law enforcement that continues today .
In 1990 , Donald Trump told Playboy magazine : “ When the students poured into Tiananmen Square , the Chinese government almost blew it .
Then they were vicious , they were horrible , but they put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this observation was , it treated Tiananmen as not just a moment but a lesson , one from which Trump learned the lessons of power .
Among the foreign-policy community , however , Tiananmen is too often a dusty relic behind glass , not a lesson about blood , strength , and sacrifice for today .
When survivors are brought out for photos or testimony on Tiananmen , the event is directed on the Chinese Communist Party alone , not on the possibility of bloodshed elsewhere .
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ posted the image on social media without a caption .
Their faces , more recognizable to the Chinese government than the broader American public , were meant as a signal to his Beijing-based diplomatic counterparts .
Despite the selectivity of this remembrance , death and dissident life are not all there is to tell about 1989 .
The vividness of the Tiananmen movement ’ s life at the hands of the Chinese people , and its subsequent death at the hands of the Chinese army and the police who hunted down the movement @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is seldom allowed breathing room .
In the moments when the young were able to dance and chant for a brief moment in that Beijing Spring , a different future was present but not one unconnected from the past .
They worked with one another in the spirit of their ancestors , who rallied against emperors and warlords and secret treaties .
They found a sympathetic ear in Zhao , who was then swiftly punished by Deng Xiaoping , a leader himself once exiled by the Communist Party .
In the days and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children , the ones who dreamed of something else , shot on Changan Avenue , at Hufangqiao , at Qianmen .
So did the parents of students in Chengdu , Lanzhou , and Xian , to name just three of the cities that were crushed in the aftermath .
It has been 31 years .
In the United States , young protesters pour water into their eyes to clear out tear gas and tend to their wounds , inflicted by police and a military that demand acquiescence .
Black Americans , restless from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demand that their lives matter .
As I see Americans marching , singing , dancing , and asking the nigh impossible from their leaders , I think back to young people in a square doing the same many decades ago .
Despite the Communist Party ’ s efforts to silence the story , Chinese parents of the fallen youths and overseas communities tend the flame in their memory .
Stories of what happened pass on through families of students who vanished or were imprisoned and those who have sought homes overseas .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the aftermath of Tiananmen by severing their connections to family , friends , and communication channels back in their homelands , levying loneliness and the pain of immigrant life as discipline for political activities at home , just as the government is now assaulting the Uighur community , which suffers brutally at the hands of state repression in Xinjiang .
But the weight of Tiananmen is received in the United States not as a warning to treasure civic society but as a relic of another place that lost a piece of it irreparably @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power and knowledge , where Tiananmen is studied most , the lesson is cleanly and precisely unconnected to U.S. governance .
It is a matter for China , not for the aftermaths of Rodney King ’ s beating , Michael Brown ’ s shooting , and the cold-blooded killing of George Floyd .
In choosing to advocate for military intervention on the streets of Washington , D.C. , and other cities where protests have taken place , politicians like Sen. Tom Cotton miss opportunities to apply Tiananmen ’ s bitter lessons to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imagination is something fantastic and distant , deliberately placed far away and long ago .
It is otherized in a collection of stories of crushed overseas rebellions that can ’ t happen at home .
It is a black mark against the Chinese state alone , rather than a possibility in America itself .
Only under a dictatorship could such things happen , we say , forgetting Ocoee , Opelousas , Tulsa , or Kent State .
The soldiers standing on the streets of Washington today hail from around the country , called @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have been issued looming , vague commands to keep order , as defined by a White House dissatisfied with the response of local police officers .
American officers have publicly rebuked the president , echoing the spirit , perhaps , of Maj. Gen. Xu Qinxian .
“ I ’ d rather be beheaded , ” he said , refusing to quash the Tiananmen protests , “ than be a criminal in the eyes of history.
” He served four years in prison as a criminal in the eyes of the Communist Party .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Beijing , rode tanks into the square and carried out their orders .
Uprisings are begun by ordinary people and crushed by people just as ordinary .
Today of all days , it ’ s time to start remembering that .

When I was 5, all I knew of Tiananmen, the Gate of Heavenly Peace, was that it was an entrance to the Forbidden City, a wondrous palace where the emperors of the Qing dynasty once dwelled. China’s history was tangible to me, at my fingertips in my books and lessons.
When I was 5, all I knew of Tiananmen, the Gate of Heavenly Peace, was that it was an entrance to the Forbidden City, a wondrous palace where the emperors of the Qing dynasty once dwelled. China’s history was tangible to me, at my fingertips in my books and lessons.
Then I learned more. At 15, I knew of the deaths when tanks rolled into the square and suppressed the demonstrators. At 20, I read the diary of Communist Party chief Zhao Ziyang, which detailed how students and workers organizing for government accountability had once filled the square. Soldiers of the People’s Liberation Army struggled to force them out. Leaders, afraid for what they called a “counterrevolutionary riot,” sent in tanks and ordered the use of live ammunition.
June 4, 1989, 31 years ago this month, is a pivotal moment in Chinese history. Memory, ideology, and state violence intermingle even after three decades. Tiananmen’s true legacy, which encompasses both the glory of the palace and the blood and hopes of the students who demonstrated on the square, will be something that Chinese people like myself continue to grapple with as long as our history ticks on.
Hong Kong’s research institutions and bookshops, some of which have shuttered, are threatened with restrictions if noncompliance with Beijing’s law stands. Underneath their helmets and umbrellas, protesters in Hong Kong fear the future even as they push on. They have remembered, and they have learned from the bones of Tiananmen.
In spaces in the United States, where there are none of the barriers to mourning Hong Kongers face, Tiananmen’s story is only a relic. There is no linkage of Tiananmen to America itself, despite the violence that the American state has also inflicted on its own citizens over the years and decades and the struggle against the brutality of law enforcement that continues today.
In 1990, Donald Trump told Playboy magazine: “When the students poured into Tiananmen Square, the Chinese government almost blew it. Then they were vicious, they were horrible, but they put it down with strength.” Blunt as this observation was, it treated Tiananmen as not just a moment but a lesson, one from which Trump learned the lessons of power. Among the foreign-policy community, however, Tiananmen is too often a dusty relic behind glass, not a lesson about blood, strength, and sacrifice for today.
When survivors are brought out for photos or testimony on Tiananmen, the event is directed on the Chinese Communist Party alone, not on the possibility of bloodshed elsewhere. U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo took a photo with Chinese dissidents and posted the image on social media without a caption. Their faces, more recognizable to the Chinese government than the broader American public, were meant as a signal to his Beijing-based diplomatic counterparts.
Despite the selectivity of this remembrance, death and dissident life are not all there is to tell about 1989. The vividness of the Tiananmen movement’s life at the hands of the Chinese people, and its subsequent death at the hands of the Chinese army and the police who hunted down the movement’s supporters throughout the country, is seldom allowed breathing room. In the moments when the young were able to dance and chant for a brief moment in that Beijing Spring, a different future was present but not one unconnected from the past. They worked with one another in the spirit of their ancestors, who rallied against emperors and warlords and secret treaties.
They found a sympathetic ear in Zhao, who was then swiftly punished by Deng Xiaoping, a leader himself once exiled by the Communist Party. In the days and years afterward, Beijing mourned its dead children, the ones who dreamed of something else, shot on Changan Avenue, at Hufangqiao, at Qianmen. So did the parents of students in Chengdu, Lanzhou, and Xian, to name just three of the cities that were crushed in the aftermath.
It has been 31 years. In the United States, young protesters pour water into their eyes to clear out tear gas and tend to their wounds, inflicted by police and a military that demand acquiescence. Black Americans, restless from the unending burdens of systemic racism, demand that their lives matter. As I see Americans marching, singing, dancing, and asking the nigh impossible from their leaders, I think back to young people in a square doing the same many decades ago.
Despite the Communist Party’s efforts to silence the story, Chinese parents of the fallen youths and overseas communities tend the flame in their memory. Stories of what happened pass on through families of students who vanished or were imprisoned and those who have sought homes overseas. The government sought to cut dissidents off in the aftermath of Tiananmen by severing their connections to family, friends, and communication channels back in their homelands, levying loneliness and the pain of immigrant life as discipline for political activities at home, just as the government is now assaulting the Uighur community, which suffers brutally at the hands of state repression in Xinjiang.
But the weight of Tiananmen is received in the United States not as a warning to treasure civic society but as a relic of another place that lost a piece of it irreparably. In America’s places of power and knowledge, where Tiananmen is studied most, the lesson is cleanly and precisely unconnected to U.S. governance. It is a matter for China, not for the aftermaths of Rodney King’s beating, Michael Brown’s shooting, and the cold-blooded killing of George Floyd. In choosing to advocate for military intervention on the streets of Washington, D.C., and other cities where protests have taken place, politicians like Sen. Tom Cotton miss opportunities to apply Tiananmen’s bitter lessons to the United States.
Tiananmen in the American imagination is something fantastic and distant, deliberately placed far away and long ago. It is otherized in a collection of stories of crushed overseas rebellions that can’t happen at home. It is a black mark against the Chinese state alone, rather than a possibility in America itself. Only under a dictatorship could such things happen, we say, forgetting Ocoee, Opelousas, Tulsa, or Kent State.
The soldiers standing on the streets of Washington today hail from around the country, called in by the Defense Department. They have been issued looming, vague commands to keep order, as defined by a White House dissatisfied with the response of local police officers.
American officers have publicly rebuked the president, echoing the spirit, perhaps, of Maj. Gen. Xu Qinxian. “I’d rather be beheaded,” he said, refusing to quash the Tiananmen protests, “than be a criminal in the eyes of history.” He served four years in prison as a criminal in the eyes of the Communist Party. His subordinates, pulled from barracks outside Beijing, rode tanks into the square and carried out their orders.
Uprisings are begun by ordinary people and crushed by people just as ordinary. Today of all days, it’s time to start remembering that.


foreignpolicy--2020-06-04--Xi Jinping’s Tiananmen Family Lessons

Xi Jinping’s Tiananmen Family Lessons

Shortly after the death of former Chinese Communist Party General Secretary Hu Yaobang in April 1989 , Xi Zhongxun , the father of current Chinese President Xi Jinping , wrote a letter to key members of the party leadership warning that if the funeral arrangements were not managed well , chaos would occur .
Hu had been a powerful reformer before he was forced to resign two years earlier , and Xi was worried—rightly—that his death might become a flash point for protests .
When Hu Qili , a member of the Politburo Standing Committee , started sobbing , Xi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that .
Xi was extremely agitated during the crisis that soon unfolded and , ultimately , ended with a bloody and violent crackdown on June 4 , 1989 .
At a National People ’ s Congress meeting in 1990 , Xi broke down and exploded at Li Peng , the premier who was widely loathed for his role in the violence .
Shortly after the altercation , Xi moved to Guangdong and did not return to Beijing until 1999 .
For such an emotional moment in Chinese history and for the Xi family @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about June 4 .
Since coming to power , he has not spoken openly about the event .
However , in the few times that Xi has spoken of June 4 directly or indirectly , as well as through his actions , we can see what lessons he learned and what that might tell us about his behavior in the future .
First , Xi sees the student protests as dangerous chaos , similar to the destruction of the Cultural Revolution .
The Xi family suffered terribly during Mao Zedong ’ s campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation .
Xi Zhongxun was kidnapped by Red Guards and forcibly brought to Xi ’ an , where he was subjected to struggle sessions , and later incarcerated in the capital .
Xi Jinping was berated for his father ’ s supposed failings as a class enemy .
In 1969 , he left for Shaanxi province as a “ sent-down youth ” to spend years in a remote village , partially in order to escape the situation in Beijing .
One half-sister , Xi Heping , waspersecuted to death .
Xi was @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that Xi Zhongxun did not even recognize his son when they were finally reunited .
Xi Jinping was in Beijing for the Tiananmen Square protests in April 1976 that followed Zhou Enlai ’ s death ; he refused to attend , however , and warned others away from going .
In May 1989 , as a local official in Fujian , Xi spoke of the Cultural Revolution as in accord with superstition and stupidity , resulting in major chaos , and asked : “ Can these days be repeated ?
Without stability and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Xi very clearly equates political power with control over the People ’ s Liberation Army ( PLA ) and the ability to inflict violence .
During the chaos of the Cultural Revolution , the PLA took control of wide swaths of the country to restore order , including bloody battles with Red Guards and other groups .
Famously , Xi has blamed the collapse of the Soviet Union on the party ’ s loss of control over the Soviet Army .
Chinese intellectuals have interpreted these comments as code for what Beijing did @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is supported by Xi ’ s closed speech to the Beijing Military Region in July 2013 , in which he explicitly said China survived the “ political turbulence ” because “ the military stubbornly obeyed the commands of the party and the enemy did not steal away a single soldier.
” Xi then proceeded to quote at length Deng Xiaoping ’ s comments on June 9 , 1989 , in which he praised the PLA for having “ passed the test.
” Xi and Deng both drew similar conclusions on the importance of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In November 2013 , after listening to a work report by the National University of Defense Technology , Xi referred to Deng ’ s 1989 comments that “ our biggest mistake was in education.
” Deng was of course blaming the protests on the party ’ s inability to convince the students to believe in the ideological and historic mission of the party .
Xi ’ s preoccupation with ideals and motivation suggests he has taken Deng ’ s words to heart deeply , as shown by the emphasis on ideological correctness in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , this might suggest that Xi , by affirming the crackdown and drawing such lessons from the tragedy , has rejected his father ’ s legacy .
In one sense , that is true—Xi Zhongxun ’ s career demonstrated that he believed political disturbances , although inherently undesirable , often could be resolved through discussions and persuasion .
However , there is no need to overemphasize generational differences—the Communist Party is still the Communist Party .
As Cui Jian , the rock star whose song “ Nothing to My Name ” inspired the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ As long as Mao ’ s picture hangs in Tiananmen Square , we are all the same generation.
” Whatever Xi Zhongxun might have actually thought about the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests , we have no evidence that he took any steps to oppose the crackdown or protect the students .
Strikingly , after the violent conclusion , he repeatedly and aggressively expressed support for the decision .
For example , on July 4 , 1989 , Xi said , “ The storm during the past two months was an anti-party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rebellion created by an extremely small number of people taking advantage of the unrest.
” Like Deng , he affirmed that the PLA “ passed the test.
” Both Xi Zhongxun and Xi Jinping have repeatedly demonstrated the conviction that party discipline must triumph over any personal doubts .
Xi Zhongxun ’ s entire political career as a revolutionary and politician was marked by constant setback and hardship , often caused by power struggles within the Communist Party itself , but he never lost faith in the party ’ s mission .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ compatriots and released only after Mao ’ s arrival in Shaanxi , where Xi had helped create a base camp .
Xi was purged in 1962 , many years before most of the rest of the leadership when the Cultural Revolution began in 1966 .
Xi ’ s first job after the Cultural Revolution was as party boss in Guangdong , where he saw migrants flee communism en masse for capitalist Hong Kong .
His friend and direct superior , Hu Yaobang , was unceremoniously removed and humiliated in 1987 .
Yet Xi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party never wavered , a characteristic for which his son has often expressed admiration .
The meaning of June 4 this year is particularly strong .
Hong Kong has banned the annual vigil held every year for the past three decades , blaming the coronavirus .
The new national security law imposed by Beijing means it may never occur again , at least safely and legally .
As protests in Hong Kong and the United States persist , people are struggling to draw lessons on what they will ultimately mean .
But for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tiananmen already determined his views on such events .
They are dangerous , chaotic threats that must be prevented with propaganda and solved with violence .
Doubters must toe the party line and recognize that only the party and communism can save China .

Shortly after the death of former Chinese Communist Party General Secretary Hu Yaobang in April 1989, Xi Zhongxun, the father of current Chinese President Xi Jinping, wrote a letter to key members of the party leadership warning that if the funeral arrangements were not managed well, chaos would occur. Hu had been a powerful reformer before he was forced to resign two years earlier, and Xi was worried—rightly—that his death might become a flash point for protests.
Shortly after the death of former Chinese Communist Party General Secretary Hu Yaobang in April 1989, Xi Zhongxun, the father of current Chinese President Xi Jinping, wrote a letter to key members of the party leadership warning that if the funeral arrangements were not managed well, chaos would occur. Hu had been a powerful reformer before he was forced to resign two years earlier, and Xi was worried—rightly—that his death might become a flash point for protests.
When Hu Qili, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, started sobbing, Xi told him there was no time for that. Xi was extremely agitated during the crisis that soon unfolded and, ultimately, ended with a bloody and violent crackdown on June 4, 1989. At a National People’s Congress meeting in 1990, Xi broke down and exploded at Li Peng, the premier who was widely loathed for his role in the violence. Shortly after the altercation, Xi moved to Guangdong and did not return to Beijing until 1999.
For such an emotional moment in Chinese history and for the Xi family, Xi Jinping has been remarkably quiet about June 4. Since coming to power, he has not spoken openly about the event. However, in the few times that Xi has spoken of June 4 directly or indirectly, as well as through his actions, we can see what lessons he learned and what that might tell us about his behavior in the future.
First, Xi sees the student protests as dangerous chaos, similar to the destruction of the Cultural Revolution. The Xi family suffered terribly during Mao Zedong’s campaign and the resulting political turmoil that seized the nation. Xi Zhongxun was kidnapped by Red Guards and forcibly brought to Xi’an, where he was subjected to struggle sessions, and later incarcerated in the capital. Xi Jinping was berated for his father’s supposed failings as a class enemy. In 1969, he left for Shaanxi province as a “sent-down youth” to spend years in a remote village, partially in order to escape the situation in Beijing. One half-sister, Xi Heping, waspersecuted to death. Xi was separated from his father for so long that Xi Zhongxun did not even recognize his son when they were finally reunited. Xi Jinping was in Beijing for the Tiananmen Square protests in April 1976 that followed Zhou Enlai’s death; he refused to attend, however, and warned others away from going. In May 1989, as a local official in Fujian, Xi spoke of the Cultural Revolution as in accord with superstition and stupidity, resulting in major chaos, and asked: “Can these days be repeated? Without stability and unity, nothing is possible!”
Xi very clearly equates political power with control over the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and the ability to inflict violence. During the chaos of the Cultural Revolution, the PLA took control of wide swaths of the country to restore order, including bloody battles with Red Guards and other groups. Famously, Xi has blamed the collapse of the Soviet Union on the party’s loss of control over the Soviet Army. Chinese intellectuals have interpreted these comments as code for what Beijing did right in June 1989. That assessment is supported by Xi’s closed speech to the Beijing Military Region in July 2013, in which he explicitly said China survived the “political turbulence” because “the military stubbornly obeyed the commands of the party and the enemy did not steal away a single soldier.” Xi then proceeded to quote at length Deng Xiaoping’s comments on June 9, 1989, in which he praised the PLA for having “passed the test.”
Xi and Deng both drew similar conclusions on the importance of education and propaganda for younger generations. In November 2013, after listening to a work report by the National University of Defense Technology, Xi referred to Deng’s 1989 comments that “our biggest mistake was in education.” Deng was of course blaming the protests on the party’s inability to convince the students to believe in the ideological and historic mission of the party. Xi’s preoccupation with ideals and motivation suggests he has taken Deng’s words to heart deeply, as shown by the emphasis on ideological correctness in universities and schools.
On first glance, this might suggest that Xi, by affirming the crackdown and drawing such lessons from the tragedy, has rejected his father’s legacy. In one sense, that is true—Xi Zhongxun’s career demonstrated that he believed political disturbances, although inherently undesirable, often could be resolved through discussions and persuasion. However, there is no need to overemphasize generational differences—the Communist Party is still the Communist Party. As Cui Jian, the rock star whose song “Nothing to My Name” inspired the student protesters in 1989, put it, “As long as Mao’s picture hangs in Tiananmen Square, we are all the same generation.”
Whatever Xi Zhongxun might have actually thought about the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests, we have no evidence that he took any steps to oppose the crackdown or protect the students. Strikingly, after the violent conclusion, he repeatedly and aggressively expressed support for the decision. For example, on July 4, 1989, Xi said, “The storm during the past two months was an anti-party and anti-socialist political upheaval and a counterrevolutionary rebellion created by an extremely small number of people taking advantage of the unrest.” Like Deng, he affirmed that the PLA “passed the test.” Both Xi Zhongxun and Xi Jinping have repeatedly demonstrated the conviction that party discipline must triumph over any personal doubts.
Xi Zhongxun’s entire political career as a revolutionary and politician was marked by constant setback and hardship, often caused by power struggles within the Communist Party itself, but he never lost faith in the party’s mission. In 1935, he was arrested by his compatriots and released only after Mao’s arrival in Shaanxi, where Xi had helped create a base camp. Xi was purged in 1962, many years before most of the rest of the leadership when the Cultural Revolution began in 1966. Xi’s first job after the Cultural Revolution was as party boss in Guangdong, where he saw migrants flee communism en masse for capitalist Hong Kong. His friend and direct superior, Hu Yaobang, was unceremoniously removed and humiliated in 1987. Yet Xi’s belief in communism and the party never wavered, a characteristic for which his son has often expressed admiration.
The meaning of June 4 this year is particularly strong. Hong Kong has banned the annual vigil held every year for the past three decades, blaming the coronavirus. The new national security law imposed by Beijing means it may never occur again, at least safely and legally. As protests in Hong Kong and the United States persist, people are struggling to draw lessons on what they will ultimately mean. But for the most powerful man in China, Tiananmen already determined his views on such events. They are dangerous, chaotic threats that must be prevented with propaganda and solved with violence. Doubters must toe the party line and recognize that only the party and communism can save China.


foreignpolicy--2020-06-04--‘He Just Couldn’t See Past My Color’

‘He Just Couldn’t See Past My Color’

‘ He Just Couldn ’ t See Past My Color ’ During a more than three-decade-long military career , Dana J.H .
Pittard , a 1981 graduate of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point , rose rapidly through the ranks of the Army to become one of the few African Americans to reach the level of two-star general or higher .
He fought in Iraq and was awarded four Bronze Stars , one for valor , along with many other decorations , and was deployed in Kosovo .
Pittard served as a military aide to President Bill Clinton , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ briefcase that contains codes for launching a nuclear attack , and he was a winner of the Douglas MacArthur Leadership Award .
As deputy commander for operations in the Middle East , Pittard also oversaw the training of Iraqi forces .
And as commander of a 1st Infantry Division brigade in Diyala province , Iraq , he served as the senior officer to Capt .
Humayun Khan—the Muslim American officer who was killed by a car bomb in June 2004 and who was later dragged into the spotlight during the 2016 presidential campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for appearing at the Democratic National Convention .
After President Trump threatened to send the U.S. military into American cities this week , Pittard spoke with Foreign Policy about the protests against the killing of an African American man , for which a Minneapolis police officer now faces murder charges ; the perils of politicizing the military ; and the racism that dogged his entire military career and , he says , still contaminates many other areas of American life .
This interview has been edited for length and clarity .
Foreign Policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.S. military in U.S. cities , and then had demonstrators forcibly removed from around Lafayette Park so he could do a photo-op in front of St. John ’ s Episcopal Church along with Defense Secretary Mark Esper and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Mark Milley , a number of senior retired officers criticized both Trump and Esper , who had referred to the areas of demonstration and rioting as a “ battlespace.
” Former Joint Chiefs Chairman Martin Dempsey wrote on Twitter that “ America is not a battleground .
Our fellow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another former chairman , retired Adm. Mike Mullen , wrote that he was “ sickened ” by the spectacle at the church and that Trump “ laid bare his disdain for the rights of peaceful protest in this country , gave succor to the leaders of other countries who take comfort in our domestic strife , and risked further politicizing the men and women of our armed forces.
” Do you agree ?
Retired Maj. Gen. Dana Pittard : I think he ’ s right-on .
It really is something when two former @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of whom I ’ ve worked with—feel a need to speak out that way .
We ’ re at a tough time in our country right now , between the pandemic , the unprecedented unemployment , as well as this bubbling up of something that ’ s been under the surface for quite a while .
I was watching TV when it happened .
I ’ m not sure if it was tear gas or smoke bombs , but the protesters really appeared to be peaceful .
They were moved out of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Talking about it from the perspective of Secretary Esper , I gather he was there for the initial press conference , but he and Gen. Milley could have stayed back and not crossed the street .
I have faith in Secretary Esper and Gen. Milley .
I think when they crossed the street , they probably didn ’ t know .
But at some point when they realized it was a photo-op they should have crossed back over the street .
It made the military look like a political tool .
I believe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ apolitical and we haven ’ t gone down that slippery slope yet .
FP : What about Esper ’ s statement on Wednesday that he would not invoke the Insurrection Act , which allows the U.S. military to be used in domestic crises , after all ?
DP : I concur with his statement , he tried to walk back what occurred .
There are occasions when we have used it [ the Insurrection Act ] in consultation with state governors .
I don ’ t believe we ’ re at that point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ something that law enforcement can handle—and the National Guard , by the way , is trained for civil unrest .
FP : As you just alluded to , there is a long history of police abuse against minorities , especially African American communities .
What are your feelings about seeing this issue erupt again now , more than five years after the trouble in Ferguson , Missouri ?
DP : I was watching Ferguson from Baghdad while I was leading the initial fight against ISIS back in the summer of 2014 .
Where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in America ?
The military is no more than a reflection of the American society that we serve—it ’ s no better or worse as far as racism .
You look at the police , you look at corporate America .
We have to do something about institutional racism , period .
How we as a nation value people .
I think the answer is not only that it shows black lives matter .
It ’ s bigger than police brutality .
When I was serving at Fort Monroe , Virginia , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Doctrine Command ] , l used to pass a historical marker at Fort Monroe that showed where the first slave ship landed in 1619 .
… I would run past that almost daily in the morning , and sometimes I would just stop to think about that : This is an issue we Americans have dealt with from the start over 400 years ago .
FP : Indeed , the issue of African Americans facing racism in the military ranks goes all the way back to the Revolutionary War , when Gen. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It arose again when blacks fought in the Civil War only to be treated with lesser rights and pay , and after World War II when African American soldiers who had fought fascism returned home to face Jim Crow segregation once again .
What kind of racism did you have to face when you were rising in the ranks in the Army ?
DP : From a young second lieutenant through the rank of lieutenant colonel I experienced some level of racism that I and so many of my African American peers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being in the 11th Armored Cavalry Regiment , a great unit in the 1980s .
There was this feeling that an African American armored cavalry officer would really not be able to command a complex armored cavalry troop ( made up of Abrams tanks , Bradley Fighting Vehicles , and mortars ) .
It was considered too complex !
It was almost like what they used to say about black quarterbacks decades ago in the NFL .
I was the second person of color chosen to command an armored cavalry troop in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back then you had to fight for it .
I arrived at Germany ’ s Frankfurt Airport at the same time as a Caucasian classmate of mine from West Point .
We were both captains with four years of experience .
On the three-hour bus ride to our initial duty station in Bad Kissingen , Germany , my classmate told me that his first assignment as a lieutenant was as an air defense officer and he was concerned that he had very little experience with tanks .
I told him that as an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I would assist him in learning about tanks after our arrival .
When we arrived , my Caucasian classmate was the first to meet our new squadron commander , who invited him into his office .
I quietly waited outside the office .
After about 30 minutes , our squadron commander came out of his office with my Caucasian classmate and told him he would be taking command of a tank company within the next couple of weeks .
I thought , that is great , with my experience I will be taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The squadron commander went back into his office .
The secretary outside looked at me in shock and embarrassment .
She then went into the commander ’ s office and said , “ Sir , there ’ s another one outside , and he ’ s a captain.
” The squadron commander came to his door , he didn ’ t ask me into his office , and he said dismissively , “ Uh , you will be my new logistics officer .
You ’ ll understudy under the current S4 [ the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ] , and we ’ ll see how you do there.
” … As a captain , I did have enough gumption to say , “ Sir , isn ’ t the current S4 a lieutenant ?
” He then quickly shot back , “ He ’ s a damn good lieutenant , you can learn a lot from him , Capt .
Pittard !
” That was October 1985 .
I eventually watched a series of Caucasian captains come to the unit and get selected for commands .
It was clear that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ command under this racist commander .
It wasn ’ t until well after he left command in 1986 that with a new squadron commander and regimental commander , Col. Thomas E. White , that I was slated to take command of an armored cavalry troop unit .
I would end up commanding three straight company level commands with distinction .
Roll the tape forward to February 1990 .
I ’ m receiving the Douglas MacArthur Leadership Award as the most outstanding junior officer out of 300,000 soldiers in Europe from the commander for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As he was pinning a medal on my chest in front of the entire senior American leadership in Europe , he said , “ Capt .
Pittard , do you have anything to say ?
” I said , “ Yes , I do .
I wish my former squadron commander from 1985 could see this.
” In some ways I feel sorry for him and other leaders who have this filter where they are not able to use all the talent on their teams .
He just couldn ’ t see @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was in the 11th Armored Cavalry Regiment for about a year there was another example .
I got on a bus , from headquarters , at night to go to a formal affair with my wife and all the other officers and their spouses .
It was dark , and someone said , “ Oh , Dana , smile so they could see you.
” It was an obvious racial slur , and people on the bus laughed .
It was a major in the unit .
He outranked me .
But after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I got off and took him to the side and confronted him , along with the squadron commander .
I said , “ You said that in front of my wife and all the officers in our unit.
” He gave a lame apology .
Nothing ever happened to him until I filed a formal complaint .
He ended up being moved out of the unit .
Then there was the brigade commander who had a painting of Nathan Bedford Forrest in his living room during a dinner with all of our fellow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Nathan Bedford Forrest was a Confederate general in the Civil War who normally ordered his troops to kill all surrendering black Union soldiers .
After the war , he was one of the founders of the Ku Klux Klan .
I privately pointed this out to my brigade commander .
He was enraged that I would even mention it to him .
This was in 2000 at Fort Lewis , Washington .
He was a full colonel ; I was a lieutenant colonel .
He eventually took the painting down .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ what I said , but I was lucky that it didn ’ t appear to hurt my career .
FP : So it is an issue you ’ ve always had to live with ?
DP : Almost every member of my family has served in the military .
I realized it was always there .
As I got promoted to higher ranks , it was less direct at that point .
I don ’ t remember experiencing racism as a colonel and brigade commander .
My time as a colonel was really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t see it .
As a general officer it was probably there , it was more under-the-table , but I didn ’ t notice it as much .
But today , I ’ m aware that when I go into a local grocery store , Kroger ’ s or wherever you go , there ’ s sometimes a difference in how you are treated .
I ’ m always concerned about the lives of my two sons being seen as less valuable because they are black men .
FP : What were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ killing of George Floyd and the Minneapolis police officer who is accused of suffocating him ?
DP : That was murder .
But this is much bigger than police brutality at this point .
It is really about institutional racism in our country .
It is time for a change .
It ’ s time to stop talking about it .
It ’ s time to do something , perhaps with legislation , but it will take leadership at the national , state , and local levels .
Legislation like a revamped Voting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the unimpeded right to vote .
We still have issues with voting .
Is it right to have corporations with 50 to 100 senior executives and zero people of color ?
I ’ m not looking for quotas , but can you incentivize corporate America to ensure that there ’ s diversity and inclusion in senior management and on boards of directors ?
Perhaps tax credits can be used .
And education must improve in underserved areas of our country .
So many things must be done .
However , it starts with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care and have empathy .

During a more than three-decade-long military career, Dana J.H. Pittard, a 1981 graduate of the U.S. Military Academy at West Point, rose rapidly through the ranks of the Army to become one of the few African Americans to reach the level of two-star general or higher. He fought in Iraq and was awarded four Bronze Stars, one for valor, along with many other decorations, and was deployed in Kosovo. Pittard served as a military aide to President Bill Clinton, carrying the so-called nuclear football, the briefcase that contains codes for launching a nuclear attack, and he was a winner of the Douglas MacArthur Leadership Award. As deputy commander for operations in the Middle East, Pittard also oversaw the training of Iraqi forces. And as commander of a 1st Infantry Division brigade in Diyala province, Iraq, he served as the senior officer to Capt. Humayun Khan—the Muslim American officer who was killed by a car bomb in June 2004 and who was later dragged into the spotlight during the 2016 presidential campaign when then-candidate Donald Trump mocked his parents for appearing at the Democratic National Convention.


foreignpolicy--2020-06-04--Belarus Is Having an Anti-‘Cockroach’ Revolution

Belarus Is Having an Anti- ‘ Cockroach ’ Revolution The most unusual ongoing protests in the world , and the most disruptive to the existing political order , aren ’ t in the United States , but rather in Belarus .
After 26 years under the firm rule of Alexandr Lukashenko—a president who has never before in his tenure faced any significant challenger or political pushback from his citizens—Belarusians are now gathering in the streets and online to make a call to “ Stop the Cockroach.
” It is difficult to overstate how unusual these protests are .
Everywhere else @ @ @ @ @ @ @ push and pull between government and citizens .
In those countries where political protest is an option for citizens , it can serve as an impetus for dialogue or a change in political leadership , forcing a problem into the open or revealing a wound that has long been covered and now needs to heal .
Even Russia , with its de facto opposition leader Alexei Navalny , has outlets to organize expressions of political discontent .
But since 1994 , protest has never been an option for average Belarusians .
Lukashenko , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Europe , has ruled in the absence of all political opposition for nearly three decades .
There are no real opposition parties in Belarus , no social movements , no underground online communities .
In Lukashenko ’ s Belarus , when there has been even a hint of unrest—even when silent protesters have stood in a public square for too long—authorities have shut it down swiftly and immediately .
In some instances , even pedestrians passing by a peaceful protest have been swept into police vehicles and whisked away—better to get everyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protesters from the pedestrians later than let a crowd gather .
The political situation may be dire under Vladimir Putin in neighboring Russia , but in Belarus it ’ s worse than dire—it ’ s nonexistent .
Or at least that ’ s what everyone thought .
It turns out there has been unrest simmering all this time , so deep and low that it didn ’ t register with most people ; it just took a destabilizing event as big as a global pandemic to uncover it .
There have been four @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lukashenko has won every single one of them with more than 75 percent of the vote .
He has never faced a single real challenger since becoming the president ; he has never even felt the need to participate in the debates that normally precede an election .
He hasn ’ t even groomed a successor .
Most simply assume one of his sons will take over , and only after his death or if he chooses to step down .
But when Lukashenko announced in early May that he would hold presidential @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a global pandemic that he has publicly called a hoax , many Belarusians became fed up .
They took inspiration from a relatively unknown blogger named Syarhey Tsikhanouski from Gomel , the second-largest city in Belarus .
On March 11 , he had taken off on a trip around the country in a van with the phrase “ Country for Living ” painted on the side—an ironic reference to a phrase from one of Lukashenko ’ s propaganda videos .
His goal was to talk to his fellow Belarusians and publish videos on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ really thought about their country .
He would stop in small villages and towns in Belarus and document the realities of life there—the lack of innovation , the poverty , the inertia , the absence of hope for a different life .
He found that people were surprisingly open with him and that they were hungry for an opportunity to say what was on their minds , because no one had asked them how they felt for a long time .
Flying under the radar of government authorities , he was able to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and some of them went viral .
In one of them , an elderly woman poses the rhetorical question of what to do when you have a cockroach in your house , and nonchalantly replies that the only thing to do is to find a flip-flop and kill it .
On May 6 , Tsikhanouski announced his intention to run for president against Lukashenko—under the campaign slogan “ Stop the Cockroach.
” Tsikhanouski ’ s blog and his quixotic candidacy quickly earned a surge of support .
People came out in droves—most of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ carrying flip-flops—to sign a petition to get him on the presidential ballot , an act of political protest that has never before been seen in Belarus Predictably , Tsikhanouski was soon arrested under dubious charges and thus made ineligible to run for president .
But this time , Belarusians haven ’ t given up .
After his arrest , his supporters found a way to keep the momentum going—they recruited his wife , Svetlana Tihanovskaya , to take his place and started collecting the signatures for her to be included on the ballot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ little chance that Tsikhanouski or anyone else can actually beat Lukashenko in the presidential election .
But for the first time since he took office , Lukashenko ’ s standing and reputation in Belarus have taken a serious hit .
Regardless of the final outcome of the election , something fundamental has shifted in Belarusian politics .
At root , it ’ s about the coronavirus pandemic .
Lukashenko ’ s approach to the coronavirus has shown Belarusians how little their president cares for their safety and well-being .
He is one of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ call the coronavirus a hoax and refuse to take any measures to protect his citizens .
He didn ’ t close schools or stores or cancel sporting events .
He didn ’ t impose stay-at-home orders or require people to social distance .
Instead , he recommended people drink more vodka and go to the sauna more often if they wanted to avoid getting sick .
While even Putin was compelled to cancel a hugely significant and symbolic parade to celebrate the 75th anniversary of V-E Day in Moscow on May 9 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Belarus went on as planned , with the president saying that nothing could keep the Belarusian people from celebrating their history , not even the risk of a virus that was quietly and quickly spreading through the country .
The fear of the virus spreading has made donning a mask in public normal , and this has helped make protests visible in Belarus .
The ability of Belarusians to wear masks and gather in public , which was previously banned because the government didn ’ t want protesters to hide their faces @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be anonymous and engage in political discourse never before available to them without fear of reprisal for the first time ever .
They are taking to the streets , are standing in lines longer than a half-mile for two to three hours to register alternative candidates on the presidential ballot , and are emboldened by new cries to remove Lukashenko and “ Stop the cockroach.
” But the thing about cockroaches , as everyone knows , is that they ’ re survivors .
Without a doubt , this is a turning point in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ another term .
But there is finally a real and even likely chance that this will be his last term—that this pandemic has not only given Belarusians a glimpse into the realities of the regime that has led them for 26 years , but has also shown them that a new path forward is possible .

The most unusual ongoing protests in the world, and the most disruptive to the existing political order, aren’t in the United States, but rather in Belarus. After 26 years under the firm rule of Alexandr Lukashenko—a president who has never before in his tenure faced any significant challenger or political pushback from his citizens—Belarusians are now gathering in the streets and online to make a call to “Stop the Cockroach.”
The most unusual ongoing protests in the world, and the most disruptive to the existing political order, aren’t in the United States, but rather in Belarus. After 26 years under the firm rule of Alexandr Lukashenko—a president who has never before in his tenure faced any significant challenger or political pushback from his citizens—Belarusians are now gathering in the streets and online to make a call to “Stop the Cockroach.”
It is difficult to overstate how unusual these protests are. Everywhere else in Europe, there is a normal push and pull between government and citizens. In those countries where political protest is an option for citizens, it can serve as an impetus for dialogue or a change in political leadership, forcing a problem into the open or revealing a wound that has long been covered and now needs to heal. Even Russia, with its de facto opposition leader Alexei Navalny, has outlets to organize expressions of political discontent.
But since 1994, protest has never been an option for average Belarusians. Lukashenko, who has been called the last dictator in Europe, has ruled in the absence of all political opposition for nearly three decades. There are no real opposition parties in Belarus, no social movements, no underground online communities. In Lukashenko’s Belarus, when there has been even a hint of unrest—even when silent protesters have stood in a public square for too long—authorities have shut it down swiftly and immediately. In some instances, even pedestrians passing by a peaceful protest have been swept into police vehicles and whisked away—better to get everyone off the street and sort out the protesters from the pedestrians later than let a crowd gather. The political situation may be dire under Vladimir Putin in neighboring Russia, but in Belarus it’s worse than dire—it’s nonexistent.
Or at least that’s what everyone thought. It turns out there has been unrest simmering all this time, so deep and low that it didn’t register with most people; it just took a destabilizing event as big as a global pandemic to uncover it.
There have been four elections in Belarus since 1994, and Lukashenko has won every single one of them with more than 75 percent of the vote. He has never faced a single real challenger since becoming the president; he has never even felt the need to participate in the debates that normally precede an election. He hasn’t even groomed a successor. Most simply assume one of his sons will take over, and only after his death or if he chooses to step down.
But when Lukashenko announced in early May that he would hold presidential elections in Belarus in August, during a global pandemic that he has publicly called a hoax, many Belarusians became fed up. They took inspiration from a relatively unknown blogger named Syarhey Tsikhanouski from Gomel, the second-largest city in Belarus. On March 11, he had taken off on a trip around the country in a van with the phrase “Country for Living” painted on the side—an ironic reference to a phrase from one of Lukashenko’s propaganda videos. His goal was to talk to his fellow Belarusians and publish videos on his YouTube channel showing what real people really thought about their country. He would stop in small villages and towns in Belarus and document the realities of life there—the lack of innovation, the poverty, the inertia, the absence of hope for a different life. He found that people were surprisingly open with him and that they were hungry for an opportunity to say what was on their minds, because no one had asked them how they felt for a long time.
Flying under the radar of government authorities, he was able to travel and post his videos online, and some of them went viral. In one of them, an elderly woman poses the rhetorical question of what to do when you have a cockroach in your house, and nonchalantly replies that the only thing to do is to find a flip-flop and kill it.
On May 6, Tsikhanouski announced his intention to run for president against Lukashenko—under the campaign slogan “Stop the Cockroach.” Tsikhanouski’s blog and his quixotic candidacy quickly earned a surge of support. People came out in droves—most of them wearing masks and some of them carrying flip-flops—to sign a petition to get him on the presidential ballot, an act of political protest that has never before been seen in Belarus
Predictably, Tsikhanouski was soon arrested under dubious charges and thus made ineligible to run for president. But this time, Belarusians haven’t given up. After his arrest, his supporters found a way to keep the momentum going—they recruited his wife, Svetlana Tihanovskaya, to take his place and started collecting the signatures for her to be included on the ballot.
In reality, there’s little chance that Tsikhanouski or anyone else can actually beat Lukashenko in the presidential election. But for the first time since he took office, Lukashenko’s standing and reputation in Belarus have taken a serious hit. Regardless of the final outcome of the election, something fundamental has shifted in Belarusian politics.
At root, it’s about the coronavirus pandemic. Lukashenko’s approach to the coronavirus has shown Belarusians how little their president cares for their safety and well-being. He is one of the only leaders on earth to openly call the coronavirus a hoax and refuse to take any measures to protect his citizens. He didn’t close schools or stores or cancel sporting events. He didn’t impose stay-at-home orders or require people to social distance. Instead, he recommended people drink more vodka and go to the sauna more often if they wanted to avoid getting sick. While even Putin was compelled to cancel a hugely significant and symbolic parade to celebrate the 75th anniversary of V-E Day in Moscow on May 9, Lukashenko did the opposite. The parade in Belarus went on as planned, with the president saying that nothing could keep the Belarusian people from celebrating their history, not even the risk of a virus that was quietly and quickly spreading through the country.
The fear of the virus spreading has made donning a mask in public normal, and this has helped make protests visible in Belarus. The ability of Belarusians to wear masks and gather in public, which was previously banned because the government didn’t want protesters to hide their faces, has given them the ability to be anonymous and engage in political discourse never before available to them without fear of reprisal for the first time ever. They are taking to the streets, are standing in lines longer than a half-mile for two to three hours to register alternative candidates on the presidential ballot, and are emboldened by new cries to remove Lukashenko and “Stop the cockroach.”
But the thing about cockroaches, as everyone knows, is that they’re survivors. Without a doubt, this is a turning point in Belarusian presidential politics. Lukashenko will win another term. But there is finally a real and even likely chance that this will be his last term—that this pandemic has not only given Belarusians a glimpse into the realities of the regime that has led them for 26 years, but has also shown them that a new path forward is possible.


foreignpolicy--2020-06-04--The U.S. Military Is Caught in Trump’s Political Crossfire

The U.S. Military Is Caught in Trump ’ s Political Crossfire Welcome to Foreign Policy ’ s Security Brief .
What ’ s on tap today : U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper is in hot water , ex-Pentagon chief James Mattis lashes out at Trump , and the State Department ’ s fired watchdog speaks out .
If you would like to receive Security Brief in your inbox every Thursday , please sign up here .
U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper ’ s crazy day on Wednesday began in the Pentagon briefing room , where he appeared to contradict President @ @ @ @ @ @ @ States would not send active-duty troops to quell anti-police protests .
By 6 p.m. , Esper ’ s predecessor James Mattis had publicly rebuked both him and Trump in a statement sent to Foreign Policy and other news outlets .
Esper ’ s job security looked as grim as it ’ s ever been .
Here ’ s a blow-by-blow of Esper ’ s no good , very bad day .
9:45am .
Esper tells reporters that he does not support using the 1807 Insurrection Act to deploy active-duty U.S. troops to quell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ walk with Trump to St. John ’ s Episcopal Church on Monday , calling the move “ a matter of last resort.
” Esper ends the briefing after 20 minutes for a trip to the White House , where his comments generated anger with Trump ’ s aides .
10am .
U.S. Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy receives notice of an order from Esper to send home 200 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division on standby to respond to protests in Washington , the Associated Press reports .
Mid-morning .
Trump confronts Esper in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Bloomberg reports .
Trump later asks aides if Esper can still be effective in the role .
2pm .
White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany says Esper ’ s job is safe but pointedly refuses to endorse the Pentagon chief from the podium .
“ As of right now Secretary Esper is Secretary Esper , ” she said .
“ That ’ s about as strong an endorsement for Esper as late-stage [ Secretary of State ] Rex Tillerson , ” Axios reporter Jonathan Swan noted on Twitter .
4pm .
Esper @ @ @ @ @ @ @ soldiers out of the D.C. area , a defense official told Foreign Policy , leaving the 82nd Airborne Division on standby to respond to protests if Trump invokes the Insurrection Act .
6pm .
James Mattis , Trump ’ s former defense secretary , launches into his former boss with a blistering salvo .
“ Never did I dream that troops taking that same oath would be ordered under any circumstance to violate the constitutional rights of their fellow citizens—much less to provide a bizarre photo op for the elected commander-in-chief , with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ said of Trump ’ s photo-op at St. John ’ s .
Buried in the statement , Mattis took a parting shot at Esper , who drew fire for referring to U.S. cities as a “ battlespace ” earlier in the week .
“ We must reject any thinking of our cities as a “ battlespace ” that our uniformed military is called upon to ‘ dominate , ’ ” Mattis writes .
Other U.S. officials push back on Trump .
Officials have rejected calls from Trump to bolster the federal government ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ president urged governors to send National Guard troops to the capital in a massive show of force intended to intimidate people protesting against police brutality .
Several states , including neighboring Virginia and Trump ’ s home state of New York , rejected the call , citing concerns over the misuse of troops to escalate tensions .
Some Republican-led states did opt to send troops to the capital , with more expected in the coming days .
The federal government also floated the idea of taking over Washington ’ s municipal police force—a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bowser .
Fired State Department watchdog speaks out .
Steve Linick , the State Department inspector general sacked after falling afoul of Trump and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo , gave an interview on Wednesday to members of Congress investigating the circumstances around his removal .
Democratic lawmakers said Linick told them that he was investigating Pompeo and his wife for misusing State Department resources and had opened an investigation into Pompeo ’ s directive to sell billions in arms to Saudi Arabia—over congressional opposition .
Linick said he still hasn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ firing , according to the lawmakers .
Pompeo hasn ’ t publicly offered specifics about why he recommended Linick be removed from his post .
Linick was the fourth senior government watchdog sacked by Trump in recent months .
New Russian nuke policy .
Russian President Vladimir Putin endorsed a new policy this week allowing Moscow to deploy nuclear weapons in response to a non-nuclear strike .
The policy change was motivated in part by the belief that the development of new conventional weapons in other countries—principally in the United States—could give adversaries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Russia and “ [ threaten ] the very existence of the state.
” The policy change comes as tensions between Russia and the United States over their nuclear stockpiles reach a low point .
Both countries withdrew from the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty last year , and they are at loggerheads over the future of the New START treaty .
U.S. , Russian forces jam traffic in Syria .
Meanwhile , U.S. and Russian forces got stuck in an hourslong faceoff in northern Syria on Wednesday , snarling traffic for hours as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the roads .
“ Today in [ northeast ] Syria , U.S. troops negotiate with Russian military units to navigate roads we controlled before Trump ’ s impetuous decision to hand the area to hostile forces , ” tweeted Brett McGurk , Trump ’ s former special envoy to the global counter-ISIS coalition .
“ This is not a sustainable situation.
” Coming for Esper ’ s spot ?
While Esper disagreed with the White House , one of Trump ’ s top allies in Congress backed the president ’ s push to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sen. Tom Cotton published a controversial op-ed in the New York Times on Wednesday calling for Trump to “ send in the troops ” to protect U.S. cities from looting—fueling speculation among defense insiders that he could be angling for the top job .
A source close to Cotton told Politico that he was focused on reelection but may consider serving in a cabinet position if Trump were reelected in November .
Senate confirmations .
The Senate confirmed two nominees for top Defense Department jobs this week , filling out the Pentagon ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leader since Trump ousted John Rood in January .
James Anderson is set to take over as the deputy undersecretary of defense for policy , but he could continue serving as the Pentagon ’ s acting policy chief .
Victor Mercado , a retired U.S. Navy rear admiral , will take over Anderson ’ s old role as assistant secretary of defense for strategy , plans , and capabilities .
The moves cut the Pentagon ’ s backlog of vacancies needing congressional approval down to 17 .
First black service chief .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gen. Charles Brown as the new chief of staff of the U.S. Air Force .
If confirmed , he would be the first African American head of a military service branch , as Defense News reports .
Volker joins think tank .
Kurt Volker , Trump ’ s former envoy to Ukraine peace talks who became a central witness in the congressional impeachment investigation , has joined the Center for European Policy Analysis as a distinguished fellow .
NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg will speak at an Atlantic Council event on Monday about how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pandemic .
Brian Hook , the Trump administration ’ s Iran envoy and senior advisor to Pompeo , will speak on Tuesday at the Hudson Institute .
“ Washington has become overly dependent on military tools and has seriously neglected its nonmilitary instruments of power , which have withered and weakened as a result.
” —Former Defense Secretary Robert Gates , warning how the U.S. is over-militarizing foreign policy Building a better Blob .
Washington ’ s foreign policy community has come under heavy criticism in recent years , spurring Trump ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as Emma Ashford writes in Foreign Affairs , a more appropriate response would be to change the existing foreign-policy consensus and replace it with something more effective .
No spying here .
Indian police have returned a pigeon to a Pakistani fisherman after it was determined not to be a spy .
The bird flew across the contentious India-Pakistan border , causing officials to fear it was engaged in nefarious espionage .
Apparently , they realized it was just a pigeon .
For more from FP , subscribe here or sign up for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , comments , questions , or typos to securitybrief @ foreignpolicy.com .

Jack Detsch, Robbie Gramer and Dan Haverty

Welcome to Foreign Policy’s Security Brief. What’s on tap today: U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper is in hot water, ex-Pentagon chief James Mattis lashes out at Trump, and the State Department’s fired watchdog speaks out.
Welcome to Foreign Policy’s Security Brief. What’s on tap today: U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper is in hot water, ex-Pentagon chief James Mattis lashes out at Trump, and the State Department’s fired watchdog speaks out.
If you would like to receive Security Brief in your inbox every Thursday, please sign up here.
Esper Is On the Ropes With Trump, Mattis Lashes Out
U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper’s crazy day on Wednesday began in the Pentagon briefing room, where he appeared to contradict President Donald Trump by saying that the United States would not send active-duty troops to quell anti-police protests. By 6 p.m., Esper’s predecessor James Mattis had publicly rebuked both him and Trump in a statement sent to Foreign Policy and other news outlets. Esper’s job security looked as grim as it’s ever been.
Here’s a blow-by-blow of Esper’s no good, very bad day.
9:45am. Esper tells reporters that he does not support using the 1807 Insurrection Act to deploy active-duty U.S. troops to quell protests in the wake of his controversial walk with Trump to St. John’s Episcopal Church on Monday, calling the move “a matter of last resort.” Esper ends the briefing after 20 minutes for a trip to the White House, where his comments generated anger with Trump’s aides.
10am. U.S. Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy receives notice of an order from Esper to send home 200 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division on standby to respond to protests in Washington, the Associated Press reports.
Mid-morning. Trump confronts Esper in the Oval Office after his press conference, Bloomberg reports. Trump later asks aides if Esper can still be effective in the role.
2pm. White House Press Secretary Kayleigh McEnany says Esper’s job is safe but pointedly refuses to endorse the Pentagon chief from the podium. “As of right now Secretary Esper is Secretary Esper,” she said. “That’s about as strong an endorsement for Esper as late-stage [Secretary of State] Rex Tillerson,” Axios reporter Jonathan Swan noted on Twitter.
4pm. Esper reverses his earlier decision to pull active-duty soldiers out of the D.C. area, a defense official told Foreign Policy, leaving the 82nd Airborne Division on standby to respond to protests if Trump invokes the Insurrection Act.
6pm. James Mattis, Trump’s former defense secretary, launches into his former boss with a blistering salvo. “Never did I dream that troops taking that same oath would be ordered under any circumstance to violate the constitutional rights of their fellow citizens—much less to provide a bizarre photo op for the elected commander-in-chief, with military leadership standing alongside,” Mattis said of Trump’s photo-op at St. John’s.
Buried in the statement, Mattis took a parting shot at Esper, who drew fire for referring to U.S. cities as a “battlespace” earlier in the week. “We must reject any thinking of our cities as a “battlespace” that our uniformed military is called upon to ‘dominate,’” Mattis writes.
What We’re Watching
Other U.S. officials push back on Trump. Officials have rejected calls from Trump to bolster the federal government’s military presence in Washington. The president urged governors to send National Guard troops to the capital in a massive show of force intended to intimidate people protesting against police brutality. Several states, including neighboring Virginia and Trump’s home state of New York, rejected the call, citing concerns over the misuse of troops to escalate tensions.
Some Republican-led states did opt to send troops to the capital, with more expected in the coming days. The federal government also floated the idea of taking over Washington’s municipal police force—a suggestion flatly rejected by D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser.
Fired State Department watchdog speaks out. Steve Linick, the State Department inspector general sacked after falling afoul of Trump and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, gave an interview on Wednesday to members of Congress investigating the circumstances around his removal. Democratic lawmakers said Linick told them that he was investigating Pompeo and his wife for misusing State Department resources and had opened an investigation into Pompeo’s directive to sell billions in arms to Saudi Arabia—over congressional opposition.
Linick said he still hasn’t been given a valid reason for his firing, according to the lawmakers. Pompeo hasn’t publicly offered specifics about why he recommended Linick be removed from his post. Linick was the fourth senior government watchdog sacked by Trump in recent months.
New Russian nuke policy. Russian President Vladimir Putin endorsed a new policy this week allowing Moscow to deploy nuclear weapons in response to a non-nuclear strike. The policy change was motivated in part by the belief that the development of new conventional weapons in other countries—principally in the United States—could give adversaries the capacity to destroy key assets in Russia and “[threaten] the very existence of the state.”
The policy change comes as tensions between Russia and the United States over their nuclear stockpiles reach a low point. Both countries withdrew from the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty last year, and they are at loggerheads over the future of the New START treaty.
U.S., Russian forces jam traffic in Syria. Meanwhile, U.S. and Russian forces got stuck in an hourslong faceoff in northern Syria on Wednesday, snarling traffic for hours as U.S. troops demanded the ability to use the roads. “Today in [northeast] Syria, U.S. troops negotiate with Russian military units to navigate roads we controlled before Trump’s impetuous decision to hand the area to hostile forces,” tweeted Brett McGurk, Trump’s former special envoy to the global counter-ISIS coalition. “This is not a sustainable situation.”
Movers and Shakers
Coming for Esper’s spot? While Esper disagreed with the White House, one of Trump’s top allies in Congress backed the president’s push to use the military for anti-police protests. Sen. Tom Cotton published a controversial op-ed in the New York Times on Wednesday calling for Trump to “send in the troops” to protect U.S. cities from looting—fueling speculation among defense insiders that he could be angling for the top job.
A source close to Cotton told Politico that he was focused on reelection but may consider serving in a cabinet position if Trump were reelected in November.
Senate confirmations. The Senate confirmed two nominees for top Defense Department jobs this week, filling out the Pentagon’s policy shop—which has lacked a full-time leader since Trump ousted John Rood in January. James Anderson is set to take over as the deputy undersecretary of defense for policy, but he could continue serving as the Pentagon’s acting policy chief. Victor Mercado, a retired U.S. Navy rear admiral, will take over Anderson’s old role as assistant secretary of defense for strategy, plans, and capabilities. The moves cut the Pentagon’s backlog of vacancies needing congressional approval down to 17.
First black service chief. The Senate is poised to confirm Air Force Gen. Charles Brown as the new chief of staff of the U.S. Air Force. If confirmed, he would be the first African American head of a military service branch, as Defense News reports.
Volker joins think tank. Kurt Volker, Trump’s former envoy to Ukraine peace talks who became a central witness in the congressional impeachment investigation, has joined the Center for European Policy Analysis as a distinguished fellow.
The Week Ahead
NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg will speak at an Atlantic Council event on Monday about how the alliance is responding to the coronavirus pandemic.
Brian Hook, the Trump administration’s Iran envoy and senior advisor to Pompeo, will speak on Tuesday at the Hudson Institute.
Quote of the Week
“Washington has become overly dependent on military tools and has seriously neglected its nonmilitary instruments of power, which have withered and weakened as a result.”
—Former Defense Secretary Robert Gates, warning how the U.S. is over-militarizing foreign policy
Foreign Policy Recommends
Building a better Blob. Washington’s foreign policy community has come under heavy criticism in recent years, spurring Trump’s disjointed and confused—but otherwise novel—approach. But as Emma Ashford writes in Foreign Affairs, a more appropriate response would be to change the existing foreign-policy consensus and replace it with something more effective.
Odds and Ends
No spying here. Indian police have returned a pigeon to a Pakistani fisherman after it was determined not to be a spy. The bird flew across the contentious India-Pakistan border, causing officials to fear it was engaged in nefarious espionage. Apparently, they realized it was just a pigeon.
That’s it for today.
For more from FP, subscribe here or sign up for our other newsletters. Send your tips, comments, questions, or typos to securitybrief@foreignpolicy.com.