foreignpolicy--2020-11-11--Trump Loyalists Primed to Further Remake Pentagon

When acting U.S. Defense Secretary Christopher Miller arrived at the Pentagon on Monday , stumbling up the steps and taking off his mask , four Defense Department officials—all loyalists to President Donald Trump—were waiting for him inside .
They had been given a heads-up by the White House that Miller was on the way .
By the end of the next day , the four men would be at or near the top of the Defense Department ’ s radically altered organization chart after a White House-directed bloodletting remade the agency ’ s leadership .
Meanwhile , the Trump administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s electoral victory , citing unfounded claims of voter fraud , and is plowing ahead with preparations for a highly implausible second term , leaving officials fearing that more firings could be in the offing .
In the twilight of his administration , Trump has reshuffled these loyalists into positions for which current and former colleagues said they wouldn ’ t otherwise be able to get Senate confirmation .
Officials in the Pentagon see this as a sign that the White House will seek to become even more aggressive in bending the Pentagon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seven current and former officials who were interviewed for this story , many speaking only on condition of anonymity .
The turmoil comes after Trump abruptly ousted Defense Secretary Mark Esper from his post via Twitter on Monday and then forced out acting Undersecretary of Defense for Policy James Anderson on Tuesday , denying the incoming Biden administration a proper transition and moving the United States toward the full withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Middle East that Trump pledged to execute years ago .
Retired Army Brig .
Gen. Anthony Tata—who once stumped @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conspiracy theories on social media—now controls the Pentagon ’ s policy shop , replacing Anderson just four months after the administration rescinded his nomination for the Senate-confirmed role when tweets peddling his Islamophobia and conspiracy theories about a former CIA director trying to assassinate Trump surfaced in the media .
( He later apologized for some of those social media posts in letters to senators on the Armed Services Committee . )
Ezra Cohen-Watnick , an acolyte of retired Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn , who was fired after less than a month as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2017 and who later pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI , will oversee the Pentagon ’ s intelligence operations .
This includes the Defense Intelligence Agency , an agency Flynn previously headed before he was fired during the Obama administration .
Beneath them are Joe Francescon , who has risen from a career National Security Agency official to Miller ’ s deputy chief of staff , and Thomas M. Williams , now serving as the temporary No .
2 official in the policy shop .
The advancement of Tata and Cohen-Watnick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ally Douglas Macgregor as a senior advisor to Miller , are signs that the administration could be pushing to drastically curb U.S. military involvement in the Middle East in the final months of the Trump administration .
Both Tata and Macgregor—who were both presented to Esper as White House picks for the top policy job this summer—have called for a reduced U.S. troop presence in Afghanistan , and one official described Cohen-Watnick as suspicious of the defense industrial complex trying to extend the so-called forever wars .
Biden has said that he plans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but leave several thousand troops to stop al Qaeda and the Islamic State from launching attacks against the United States .
Macgregor , like Tata , was up for a more senior post in the administration , but those plans faltered because of a cool reception from lawmakers on Capitol Hill .
Trump planned to tap Macgregor to be his next U.S. ambassador to Germany , but lawmakers opposed him on the grounds of past controversial remarks , including violent xenophobic comments about refugees and immigrants in the United States and Germany @ @ @ @ @ @ @ skeptical views of NATO , and in past op-eds , he disparaged the alliance as outdated .
“ NATO is simply a zombie periodically reanimated through various methods , usually voodoo magic , ” he wrote in the National Interest last year .
“ It ’ s time for the NATO zombie to expire.
” He has also favored a complete withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan , a policy priority that aligns with the Trump administration and his supporters outside of government .
The Pentagon ’ s top policy official for Europe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was recently ousted after falling afoul of Trump loyalists , officials said .
Officials described Ryan as a skilled and seasoned expert on transatlantic policy .
The Trump administration has sought to remove about one-third of the 36,000 U.S. troops from Germany , a decision which critics charge was made with no strategic rationale .
Miller , the new acting Pentagon chief—who did tours as a Green Beret in the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq—rose from the National Security Council ’ s counterterrorism directorate to lead the federal government ’ s largest agency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , and is not viewed as a partisan .
But he has cultivated close ties with Trump loyalists such as Kash Patel , his new chief of staff , who sought to undermine the Russia probe during his time as a Republican House aide .
The New York Times reported that Miller devised a diplomatic mission to reach out to Qatar to buy off senior leaders of the Somali terrorist group al-Shabab , but the idea was shot down by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo .
The spate of firings may only @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s political loyalists dig their heels in on the president ’ s refusal to accept the election results .
One official , speaking on condition of anonymity , said that meetings to discuss routine matters of a transition process to the next administration have been “ postponed indefinitely ” and that other influential Pentagon officials could be targeted in a new wave of resignations or firings .
There is suspicion that the new leadership may target Ellen Lord , the Pentagon ’ s top Senate-confirmed acquisition official , and Lisa Hershman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the coming weeks .
Mark Tomb , Anderson ’ s deputy chief of staff , was also let go yesterday , Foreign Policy confirmed .
The Intercept first reported on concerns about Lord ’ s job security and Tomb ’ s firing .
Mick Mulroy , a former deputy assistant secretary of defense who has known Miller for 20 years , including service together in Afghanistan , and who has described him as a “ consummate professional , highly intelligent and competent ” and dedicated to the nation , has called for officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chief .
But the firings have still raised concerns about stability in the Pentagon .
“ Stability at the Department of Defense during this time of transition is very important , ” said Mulroy , now an ABC News national security analyst .
“ Secretary Esper ’ s leadership in keeping the military out of any domestic political issues and continuity of the chain of command was critical .
Replacing him as well as other senior leaders now and all at once was not responsible , nor consistent with ensuring stability.
” And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that took place over the past two days that has officials worried , headlined by the firings of Esper and Anderson , who spent the last few weeks of their tenure trying to protect colleagues—both political appointees and career professionals—targeted for removal by White House loyalists .
In mid-October , Esper managed to forestall the firing of Joseph Kernan , the agency ’ s top intelligence official , who was eventually replaced on Tuesday .
Trump ’ s new executive order curbing civil service protections has also deepened the desire of loyalists to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on board with the White House ’ s agenda .
The new White House liaison at the Pentagon , Joshua Whitehouse , known as a Trump ally , also recently demanded that the policy shop oust Steven Schleien , the chief operating officer in that office since 2015 and responsible for its budget and human resources .
Anderson protested that Schleien had civil service protections for his job , likely making his firing illegal , a message that the Pentagon ’ s general counsel then relayed to the White House .
Whitehouse has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Anderson ’ s office in recent weeks unannounced without a mask or taking a temperature check , concerning officials worried about a recent U.S. spike in coronavirus cases .
In a statement , a Pentagon spokesperson said the building has imposed a mandatory face cloth wearing policy and emphasized personal protective measures and following COVID-19 guidelines from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention .
“ The Department of Defense fully respects and adheres to legal protections for civil servants , ” the spokesperson said .
The personnel changes have former officials and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in top Pentagon jobs .
Francescon has risen from a career-competitive civil servant attached to the NSC to one of the acting defense secretary ’ s closest advisors in the past five months , while Williams has moved into the No .
2 Pentagon policy job after being bumped up to perform the duties of an assistant secretary , an unusual jump several levels from his career position .
“ He ’ s barely qualified to be an action officer in policy , let alone an [ assistant secretary ] , ” another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Williams when he was promoted this summer .
“ I can not express how incredibly messed up this is .
This is the person that is supposed to go toe-to-toe with the vices and three-star programmers over major budget and program decisions .
God help us .
”

When acting U.S. Defense Secretary Christopher Miller arrived at the Pentagon on Monday, stumbling up the steps and taking off his mask, four Defense Department officials—all loyalists to President Donald Trump—were waiting for him inside. They had been given a heads-up by the White House that Miller was on the way.
When acting U.S. Defense Secretary Christopher Miller arrived at the Pentagon on Monday, stumbling up the steps and taking off his mask, four Defense Department officials—all loyalists to President Donald Trump—were waiting for him inside. They had been given a heads-up by the White House that Miller was on the way.
By the end of the next day, the four men would be at or near the top of the Defense Department’s radically altered organization chart after a White House-directed bloodletting remade the agency’s leadership. Meanwhile, the Trump administration continues to contest President-elect Joe Biden’s electoral victory, citing unfounded claims of voter fraud, and is plowing ahead with preparations for a highly implausible second term, leaving officials fearing that more firings could be in the offing.
In the twilight of his administration, Trump has reshuffled these loyalists into positions for which current and former colleagues said they wouldn’t otherwise be able to get Senate confirmation. Officials in the Pentagon see this as a sign that the White House will seek to become even more aggressive in bending the Pentagon to its political whims, according to seven current and former officials who were interviewed for this story, many speaking only on condition of anonymity. The turmoil comes after Trump abruptly ousted Defense Secretary Mark Esper from his post via Twitter on Monday and then forced out acting Undersecretary of Defense for Policy James Anderson on Tuesday, denying the incoming Biden administration a proper transition and moving the United States toward the full withdrawal from Afghanistan and the Middle East that Trump pledged to execute years ago.
Retired Army Brig. Gen. Anthony Tata—who once stumped for Trump on Fox News and spun conspiracy theories on social media—now controls the Pentagon’s policy shop, replacing Anderson just four months after the administration rescinded his nomination for the Senate-confirmed role when tweets peddling his Islamophobia and conspiracy theories about a former CIA director trying to assassinate Trump surfaced in the media. (He later apologized for some of those social media posts in letters to senators on the Armed Services Committee.)
Ezra Cohen-Watnick, an acolyte of retired Lt. Gen. Michael Flynn, who was fired after less than a month as Trump’s first national security advisor in 2017 and who later pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI, will oversee the Pentagon’s intelligence operations. This includes the Defense Intelligence Agency, an agency Flynn previously headed before he was fired during the Obama administration. Beneath them are Joe Francescon, who has risen from a career National Security Agency official to Miller’s deputy chief of staff, and Thomas M. Williams, now serving as the temporary No. 2 official in the policy shop.
The advancement of Tata and Cohen-Watnick, and the separate hiring of Trump ally Douglas Macgregor as a senior advisor to Miller, are signs that the administration could be pushing to drastically curb U.S. military involvement in the Middle East in the final months of the Trump administration. Both Tata and Macgregor—who were both presented to Esper as White House picks for the top policy job this summer—have called for a reduced U.S. troop presence in Afghanistan, and one official described Cohen-Watnick as suspicious of the defense industrial complex trying to extend the so-called forever wars. Biden has said that he plans to draw down U.S. forces from Afghanistan, but leave several thousand troops to stop al Qaeda and the Islamic State from launching attacks against the United States.
Macgregor, like Tata, was up for a more senior post in the administration, but those plans faltered because of a cool reception from lawmakers on Capitol Hill. Trump planned to tap Macgregor to be his next U.S. ambassador to Germany, but lawmakers opposed him on the grounds of past controversial remarks, including violent xenophobic comments about refugees and immigrants in the United States and Germany.
Macgregor, like Trump, harbored skeptical views of NATO, and in past op-eds, he disparaged the alliance as outdated. “NATO is simply a zombie periodically reanimated through various methods, usually voodoo magic,” he wrote in the National Interest last year. “It’s time for the NATO zombie to expire.” He has also favored a complete withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan, a policy priority that aligns with the Trump administration and his supporters outside of government.
The Pentagon’s top policy official for Europe and NATO, Michael C. Ryan, was recently ousted after falling afoul of Trump loyalists, officials said. Officials described Ryan as a skilled and seasoned expert on transatlantic policy. The Trump administration has sought to remove about one-third of the 36,000 U.S. troops from Germany, a decision which critics charge was made with no strategic rationale.
Miller, the new acting Pentagon chief—who did tours as a Green Beret in the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq—rose from the National Security Council’s counterterrorism directorate to lead the federal government’s largest agency in the span of less than a year, and is not viewed as a partisan. But he has cultivated close ties with Trump loyalists such as Kash Patel, his new chief of staff, who sought to undermine the Russia probe during his time as a Republican House aide. The New York Times reported that Miller devised a diplomatic mission to reach out to Qatar to buy off senior leaders of the Somali terrorist group al-Shabab, but the idea was shot down by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.
The spate of firings may only be the first step of many as Trump’s political loyalists dig their heels in on the president’s refusal to accept the election results. One official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that meetings to discuss routine matters of a transition process to the next administration have been “postponed indefinitely” and that other influential Pentagon officials could be targeted in a new wave of resignations or firings.
There is suspicion that the new leadership may target Ellen Lord, the Pentagon’s top Senate-confirmed acquisition official, and Lisa Hershman, the chief management officer, in the coming weeks. Mark Tomb, Anderson’s deputy chief of staff, was also let go yesterday, Foreign Policy confirmed. The Intercept first reported on concerns about Lord’s job security and Tomb’s firing.
Mick Mulroy, a former deputy assistant secretary of defense who has known Miller for 20 years, including service together in Afghanistan, and who has described him as a “consummate professional, highly intelligent and competent” and dedicated to the nation, has called for officials to rally around the new acting Pentagon chief. But the firings have still raised concerns about stability in the Pentagon.
“Stability at the Department of Defense during this time of transition is very important,” said Mulroy, now an ABC News national security analyst. “Secretary Esper’s leadership in keeping the military out of any domestic political issues and continuity of the chain of command was critical. Replacing him as well as other senior leaders now and all at once was not responsible, nor consistent with ensuring stability.”
And it’s not just the score-settling that took place over the past two days that has officials worried, headlined by the firings of Esper and Anderson, who spent the last few weeks of their tenure trying to protect colleagues—both political appointees and career professionals—targeted for removal by White House loyalists. In mid-October, Esper managed to forestall the firing of Joseph Kernan, the agency’s top intelligence official, who was eventually replaced on Tuesday.
Trump’s new executive order curbing civil service protections has also deepened the desire of loyalists to remove career officials not seen as being on board with the White House’s agenda. The new White House liaison at the Pentagon, Joshua Whitehouse, known as a Trump ally, also recently demanded that the policy shop oust Steven Schleien, the chief operating officer in that office since 2015 and responsible for its budget and human resources. Anderson protested that Schleien had civil service protections for his job, likely making his firing illegal, a message that the Pentagon’s general counsel then relayed to the White House. Whitehouse has also drawn complaints for repeatedly walking into Anderson’s office in recent weeks unannounced without a mask or taking a temperature check, concerning officials worried about a recent U.S. spike in coronavirus cases.
In a statement, a Pentagon spokesperson said the building has imposed a mandatory face cloth wearing policy and emphasized personal protective measures and following COVID-19 guidelines from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. “The Department of Defense fully respects and adheres to legal protections for civil servants,” the spokesperson said.
The personnel changes have former officials and experts worried about a lack of experience in top Pentagon jobs. Francescon has risen from a career-competitive civil servant attached to the NSC to one of the acting defense secretary’s closest advisors in the past five months, while Williams has moved into the No. 2 Pentagon policy job after being bumped up to perform the duties of an assistant secretary, an unusual jump several levels from his career position.
“He’s barely qualified to be an action officer in policy, let alone an [assistant secretary],” another former Trump administration defense official said of Williams when he was promoted this summer. “I cannot express how incredibly messed up this is. This is the person that is supposed to go toe-to-toe with the vices and three-star programmers over major budget and program decisions. God help us.”


foreignpolicy--2020-11-11--And the Top Contenders for Biden’s Cabinet Are…

And the Top Contenders for Biden ’ s Cabinet Are… This article is part of Election 2020 : America Votes , FP ’ s round-the-clock coverage of the U.S. election results as they come in , with short dispatches from correspondents and analysts around the world .
The America Votes page is free for all readers .
Even as U.S. President Donald Trump refuses to concede his loss in the 2020 election—and even appears to be preparing for a second term in office—President-elect Joe Biden is carrying forward with plans for a transition to the White House in January .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ cycle , Biden made clear his direction for the country on the global stage if he won the presidency , signaling a return to multilateralism and repairing relationships with some of Washington ’ s closest historic allies .
How he does so depends a lot on how he staffs his administration .
( As the old adage in Washington goes , personnel is policy . )
Whom he ’ s able to get through Senate confirmation hinges in large part on who controls the Senate , and Republican control of the chamber depends @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in January .
“ They shouldn ’ t have to factor in at all , but they will .
I think we ’ re still so polarized that the Georgia runoff will have more effect on immediate nominations than might otherwise be the case in normal times , ” said one Democratic foreign-policy insider , speaking on condition of anonymity .
If Democrats win a majority in the Senate , Biden will likely face more pressure from the left flank of his party to tap progressives to lead the State Department and other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Senate , it ’ s unlikely they would confirm such nominees , leaving Biden with a likelier pool of more centrist candidates for top jobs .
No position is set in stone , and neither Biden nor Harris has spoken publicly about specific names for cabinet-level positions and other senior posts .
But based on conversations with nearly a dozen outside advisors to Biden ’ s campaign , Democratic foreign-policy experts , and other former officials , here are the top contenders for key administration posts in a Biden administration .
Susan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contender for Biden ’ s running mate , has been a mainstay in Democratic foreign-policy circles since the Clinton administration .
During the Obama administration , she served as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations during President Barack Obama ’ s first term and then as national security advisor for much of his second term .
Rice was in the running to replace Hillary Clinton as secretary of state but withdrew her name from consideration following the controversies surrounding the 2012 Benghazi terrorist attacks .
Democratic foreign-policy insiders describe her as a top @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she could face a difficult confirmation process if Republicans retain control of the Senate .
Antony Blinken .
Blinken is another veteran of the Obama administration ’ s foreign-policy team and has been one of Biden ’ s closest advisors and confidants going back to his time in the Senate .
Blinken served in the National Security Council during the Clinton administration and then as a senior staff member on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee while Biden , then a Delaware senator , served as chairman of the committee .
He was an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ team , serving as deputy national security advisor and then deputy secretary of state .
Blinken is viewed by Democratic insiders as a more centrist pick for secretary of state .
Other people close to the Biden campaign expect him to be tapped as national security advisor , not secretary of state , given his close personal relationship with Biden .
Sen. Chris Murphy .
Murphy , a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee , has emerged as one of the strongest voices on foreign policy on the progressive left .
Months @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Murphy released his own lengthy foreign-policy vision that is seen by some in Washington as the backbone for a progressive Democratic foreign-policy doctrine .
Even in the bitterly partisan environment of Trump ’ s Washington , Murphy has teamed up with Republicans across the aisle to advance substantive legislation and reforms on foreign policy .
This includes legislation on war powers and pressing the Trump administration to end U.S. support for the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen and crafting legislation to establish the State Department ’ s Global Engagement Center to combat disinformation from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Campaign advisors and congressional aides said that given Murphy ’ s good rapport and working relationships across the aisle , he ’ s more likely to be confirmed than other progressive picks if Republicans keep control of the Senate .
Sen. Chris Coons .
Another member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee , Coons has a close relationship with Biden as a fellow Delaware senator and is widely regarded as one of the more centrist bipartisan lawmakers on Capitol Hill .
Far from a partisan firebrand , Coons has a reputation as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strong working relationships with Republicans .
He crafted bipartisan legislation that overhauled U.S. international development finance and the Global Fragility Act , which established the first-ever U.S. government strategy to tackle violent extremism and allocated over $ 1 billion for conflict prevention and peace building in fragile countries .
Even amid the partisan rancor in Washington , Coons has openly called for a return to bipartisan foreign policymaking .
“ I am not naive .
Building a better bipartisan foreign policy is a tall order and won ’ t happen overnight , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Foreign Affairs .
“ But after four years under an unconventional , unpredictable president , it is easy to forget that such consensus exists within this diverse country.
” Other names that have been floated include Samantha Power , former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations ; Republican Sen. Mitt Romney ; and William Burns , the former deputy secretary of state and career foreign service officer who is currently president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace .
Michèle Flournoy .
It has been a long time coming , but Flournoy is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defense secretary , nearly six years after she turned down the job late in the Obama administration .
Flournoy could face questions from progressives in a possible confirmation over her business at WestExec Advisors , a strategic consultancy she founded after Hillary Clinton ’ s 2016 defeat .
She has pushed for the U.S. military to sharpen its military might against China by investing in cutting-edge technologies , including dealing with Beijing ’ s strengthened weapons systems to deny U.S. access to the Western Pacific .
Sen. Tammy Duckworth .
Though Flournoy appears @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over at the Pentagon , Duckworth , a former U.S. Army helicopter pilot during the Iraq War who lost both her legs after her aircraft was hit by a rocket-propelled grenade , has come up in conversations as a dark horse .
Duckworth garnered interest as a possible vice presidential hopeful before Sen. Kamala Harris was picked , and has been a staunch critic of Trump ’ s foreign policy , striking hard at the White House after the New York Times reported this summer that Russia had placed bounties on the deaths @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jeh Johnson .
The former Obama Homeland Security secretary served as the Pentagon ’ s top counsel early in that administration , an experience that could give him needed policy and legal chops coming into the defense secretary role .
But though Johnson would make history by becoming the first Black defense secretary if picked , he has several bullets on his résumé that could raise eyebrows among progressives in the Senate .
Johnson serves on the board of the defense contractor Lockheed Martin and was seen as a legal architect for the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ according to his biography .
Robert Cardillo .
Another career professional , Cardillo has spent 35 years working in the intelligence community including as deputy director of the Defense Intelligence Agency .
Most recently , he served as the director of the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency from 2014 to 2019 .
Cardillo was one of 780 retired national security officials who signed a letter in support of Biden ’ s candidacy .
Sue Gordon .
A career CIA officer who has spent nearly four decades working in intelligence , Gordon is widely respected by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Gordon has had every experience necessary to lead the intelligence community , ” said Carmen Medina , the former CIA deputy director of intelligence .
“ She ’ s inspired other people , which is the sign of a great leader.
” Gordon served as the No .
2 at the Office of the Director of National Intelligence and was expected to take over the top job after Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats announced his stepping down in July 2019 , but after being passed over for the job , Gordon turned @ @ @ @ @ @ @ accompanied by a handwritten note that said she was leaving out of “ patriotism , not preference , ” adding that the president should have his “ team.
” Lisa Monaco .
The onetime chief counterterrorism and homeland security advisor to Obama is a contender for a few roles , including the director of national intelligence .
Monaco has long-standing ties to the president-elect , having worked on Biden ’ s Senate Judiciary Committee staff in the 1990s .
Prior to her tenure in Obama ’ s White House , she spent 15 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal prosecutor and as counsel and chief of staff at the FBI .
From 2011 to 2013 , she was the assistant attorney general for national security—the first ever woman to serve in that position .
Thomas Donilon .
A fixture of Democratic foreign-policy and national security officials , Donilon served as Obama ’ s second national security advisor and has worked closely with three U.S. presidents since taking up his first job in the White House in 1977 during the Carter administration .
Donilon and his brother , Mike Donilon , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ campaign , have long been close with the president-elect .
Tom Donilon ’ s wife , Catherine Russell , served as chief of staff to Biden ’ s wife , Jill Biden , when she was second lady .
Given his close relationship with the president-elect , Donilon could also be a contender for the position of director of national intelligence .
Avril Haines .
Haines has broken a number of glass ceilings during her career , becoming the first woman to serve as deputy director of the CIA and then as deputy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ second term .
Haines joined the Biden campaign in June to oversee its foreign policy and national security transition team .
Michael Morell .
A career intelligence official who worked his way all the way up to acting director of the CIA before leaving in 2013 during the Obama administration , Morell was also considered by the then-president to take over the agency after retired Army Gen. David Petraeus resigned amid a sex scandal , but John Brennan was selected instead .
“ I think he ’ d be seen as a real @ @ @ @ @ @ @ speaking truth to power , which I think Joe Biden is going to want , ” said Larry Pfeiffer , a former senior director of the White House Situation Room .
While he has come out against Trump over the past four years and is beloved by agency types , Morell—who defended the Obama administration ’ s stepped-up campaign of covert drone operations and criticized the Senate ’ s analysis of CIA torture—could cause headaches as a potential nominee with progressives in the upper chamber .
The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in U.S. foreign policy , particularly in Democratic administrations where presidents have made the post a cabinet-level position .
( Trump included his first U.N. ambassador , Nikki Haley , in his cabinet but downgraded the position after she left . )
The top contenders for the post include : Wendy Sherman .
Sherman , a Harvard Kennedy School professor , is a former senior diplomat in the Obama administration who served as undersecretary of state for political affairs , the third-ranking official at the State Department .
During her time in that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she played an integral role in crafting and implementing the Iran nuclear deal , which Trump has since abandoned .
Biden has pledged to restore U.S. commitments to the nuclear deal once in office , making Sherman ’ s expertise , contacts , and institutional knowledge with the deal potentially invaluable , though the deal will be tough to resuscitate .
Pete Buttigieg .
Many Democratic Party members see Buttigieg , the former mayor of South Bend , Indiana , as having a bright political future ahead of him after his rise to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the 2020 primaries .
Democratic foreign-policy insiders said Buttigieg , a Rhodes scholar and military veteran , is a strong contender for U.N. ambassador despite his relative lack of experience in Washington foreign-policy making because of his clout in the party and effective communication skills .
If Buttigieg were eventually nominated and confirmed by the Senate for the post , he would be the first openly gay U.S. ambassador to the United Nations .
Nicholas Burns .
Burns , a former career diplomat , served in the senior ranks of the George @ @ @ @ @ @ @ NATO and undersecretary of state for political affairs .
Burns has been an advisor to Biden ’ s foreign-policy campaign and has long-standing connections with Blinken , another one of Biden ’ s top campaign aides .
Linda Thomas-Greenfield .
Thomas-Greenfield is another experienced former senior career foreign service officer who served as director-general of the foreign service and assistant secretary of state for African affairs .
Since leaving the department in 2017 , she has been a vocal proponent of reforming the State Department and improving its diversity while criticizing the Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the department .
Thomas-Greenfield is leading Biden ’ s agency review team for the State Department that will lay the groundwork for the transition in January .
When she left in 2017 , she was the highest-ranking African American woman in the State Department .

Robbie Gramer, Jack Detsch and Amy Mackinnon

Even as U.S. President Donald Trump refuses to concede his loss in the 2020 election—and even appears to be preparing for a second term in office—President-elect Joe Biden is carrying forward with plans for a transition to the White House in January.
Even as U.S. President Donald Trump refuses to concede his loss in the 2020 election—and even appears to be preparing for a second term in office—President-elect Joe Biden is carrying forward with plans for a transition to the White House in January.
Over the course of a contentious election cycle, Biden made clear his direction for the country on the global stage if he won the presidency, signaling a return to multilateralism and repairing relationships with some of Washington’s closest historic allies. How he does so depends a lot on how he staffs his administration. (As the old adage in Washington goes, personnel is policy.)
Whom he’s able to get through Senate confirmation hinges in large part on who controls the Senate, and Republican control of the chamber depends on two heated runoff races in Georgia in January. “They shouldn’t have to factor in at all, but they will. I think we’re still so polarized that the Georgia runoff will have more effect on immediate nominations than might otherwise be the case in normal times,” said one Democratic foreign-policy insider, speaking on condition of anonymity.
If Democrats win a majority in the Senate, Biden will likely face more pressure from the left flank of his party to tap progressives to lead the State Department and other federal agencies. But if Republicans keep the Senate, it’s unlikely they would confirm such nominees, leaving Biden with a likelier pool of more centrist candidates for top jobs. No position is set in stone, and neither Biden nor Harris has spoken publicly about specific names for cabinet-level positions and other senior posts.
But based on conversations with nearly a dozen outside advisors to Biden’s campaign, Democratic foreign-policy experts, and other former officials, here are the top contenders for key administration posts in a Biden administration.
Secretary of State
Susan Rice. Rice, once a top contender for Biden’s running mate, has been a mainstay in Democratic foreign-policy circles since the Clinton administration. During the Obama administration, she served as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations during President Barack Obama’s first term and then as national security advisor for much of his second term. Rice was in the running to replace Hillary Clinton as secretary of state but withdrew her name from consideration following the controversies surrounding the 2012 Benghazi terrorist attacks. Democratic foreign-policy insiders describe her as a top pick for secretary of state but concede she could face a difficult confirmation process if Republicans retain control of the Senate.
Antony Blinken. Blinken is another veteran of the Obama administration’s foreign-policy team and has been one of Biden’s closest advisors and confidants going back to his time in the Senate. Blinken served in the National Security Council during the Clinton administration and then as a senior staff member on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee while Biden, then a Delaware senator, served as chairman of the committee. He was an important figure in Obama’s foreign-policy team, serving as deputy national security advisor and then deputy secretary of state. Blinken is viewed by Democratic insiders as a more centrist pick for secretary of state. Other people close to the Biden campaign expect him to be tapped as national security advisor, not secretary of state, given his close personal relationship with Biden.
Sen. Chris Murphy. Murphy, a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, has emerged as one of the strongest voices on foreign policy on the progressive left. Months after Trump entered office in 2017, Murphy released his own lengthy foreign-policy vision that is seen by some in Washington as the backbone for a progressive Democratic foreign-policy doctrine. Even in the bitterly partisan environment of Trump’s Washington, Murphy has teamed up with Republicans across the aisle to advance substantive legislation and reforms on foreign policy. This includes legislation on war powers and pressing the Trump administration to end U.S. support for the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen and crafting legislation to establish the State Department’s Global Engagement Center to combat disinformation from U.S. adversaries like Russia and China. Campaign advisors and congressional aides said that given Murphy’s good rapport and working relationships across the aisle, he’s more likely to be confirmed than other progressive picks if Republicans keep control of the Senate.
Sen. Chris Coons. Another member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Coons has a close relationship with Biden as a fellow Delaware senator and is widely regarded as one of the more centrist bipartisan lawmakers on Capitol Hill. Far from a partisan firebrand, Coons has a reputation as a policy wonk and legislative workhorse who has strong working relationships with Republicans. He crafted bipartisan legislation that overhauled U.S. international development finance and the Global Fragility Act, which established the first-ever U.S. government strategy to tackle violent extremism and allocated over $1 billion for conflict prevention and peace building in fragile countries. Even amid the partisan rancor in Washington, Coons has openly called for a return to bipartisan foreign policymaking. “I am not naive. Building a better bipartisan foreign policy is a tall order and won’t happen overnight,” he wrote in a recent essay for Foreign Affairs. “But after four years under an unconventional, unpredictable president, it is easy to forget that such consensus exists within this diverse country.”
Other names that have been floated include Samantha Power, former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations; Republican Sen. Mitt Romney; and William Burns, the former deputy secretary of state and career foreign service officer who is currently president of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.
Defense Secretary
Michèle Flournoy. It has been a long time coming, but Flournoy is poised to become the first female U.S. defense secretary, nearly six years after she turned down the job late in the Obama administration. Flournoy could face questions from progressives in a possible confirmation over her business at WestExec Advisors, a strategic consultancy she founded after Hillary Clinton’s 2016 defeat. She has pushed for the U.S. military to sharpen its military might against China by investing in cutting-edge technologies, including dealing with Beijing’s strengthened weapons systems to deny U.S. access to the Western Pacific.
Sen. Tammy Duckworth. Though Flournoy appears to be the prohibitive favorite to take over at the Pentagon, Duckworth, a former U.S. Army helicopter pilot during the Iraq War who lost both her legs after her aircraft was hit by a rocket-propelled grenade, has come up in conversations as a dark horse. Duckworth garnered interest as a possible vice presidential hopeful before Sen. Kamala Harris was picked, and has been a staunch critic of Trump’s foreign policy, striking hard at the White House after the New York Times reported this summer that Russia had placed bounties on the deaths of U.S. troops for Taliban militants.
Jeh Johnson. The former Obama Homeland Security secretary served as the Pentagon’s top counsel early in that administration, an experience that could give him needed policy and legal chops coming into the defense secretary role. But though Johnson would make history by becoming the first Black defense secretary if picked, he has several bullets on his résumé that could raise eyebrows among progressives in the Senate. Johnson serves on the board of the defense contractor Lockheed Martin and was seen as a legal architect for the Obama administration’s counterterrorism efforts, according to his biography.
Director of National Intelligence
Robert Cardillo. Another career professional, Cardillo has spent 35 years working in the intelligence community including as deputy director of the Defense Intelligence Agency. Most recently, he served as the director of the National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency from 2014 to 2019. Cardillo was one of 780 retired national security officials who signed a letter in support of Biden’s candidacy.
Sue Gordon. A career CIA officer who has spent nearly four decades working in intelligence, Gordon is widely respected by both Republicans and Democrats. “Sue Gordon has had every experience necessary to lead the intelligence community,” said Carmen Medina, the former CIA deputy director of intelligence. “She’s inspired other people, which is the sign of a great leader.” Gordon served as the No. 2 at the Office of the Director of National Intelligence and was expected to take over the top job after Director of National Intelligence Dan Coats announced his stepping down in July 2019, but after being passed over for the job, Gordon turned in her resignation letter, which was accompanied by a handwritten note that said she was leaving out of “patriotism, not preference,” adding that the president should have his “team.”
Lisa Monaco. The onetime chief counterterrorism and homeland security advisor to Obama is a contender for a few roles, including the director of national intelligence. Monaco has long-standing ties to the president-elect, having worked on Biden’s Senate Judiciary Committee staff in the 1990s. Prior to her tenure in Obama’s White House, she spent 15 years at the Justice Department as a federal prosecutor and as counsel and chief of staff at the FBI. From 2011 to 2013, she was the assistant attorney general for national security—the first ever woman to serve in that position.
CIA Director
Thomas Donilon. A fixture of Democratic foreign-policy and national security officials, Donilon served as Obama’s second national security advisor and has worked closely with three U.S. presidents since taking up his first job in the White House in 1977 during the Carter administration. Donilon and his brother, Mike Donilon, who served as chief strategist to the Biden campaign, have long been close with the president-elect. Tom Donilon’s wife, Catherine Russell, served as chief of staff to Biden’s wife, Jill Biden, when she was second lady. Given his close relationship with the president-elect, Donilon could also be a contender for the position of director of national intelligence.
Avril Haines. Haines has broken a number of glass ceilings during her career, becoming the first woman to serve as deputy director of the CIA and then as deputy national security advisor during Obama’s second term. Haines joined the Biden campaign in June to oversee its foreign policy and national security transition team.
Michael Morell. A career intelligence official who worked his way all the way up to acting director of the CIA before leaving in 2013 during the Obama administration, Morell was also considered by the then-president to take over the agency after retired Army Gen. David Petraeus resigned amid a sex scandal, but John Brennan was selected instead. “I think he’d be seen as a real professional, dedicated to analytical integrity, speaking truth to power, which I think Joe Biden is going to want,” said Larry Pfeiffer, a former senior director of the White House Situation Room. While he has come out against Trump over the past four years and is beloved by agency types, Morell—who defended the Obama administration’s stepped-up campaign of covert drone operations and criticized the Senate’s analysis of CIA torture—could cause headaches as a potential nominee with progressives in the upper chamber.
U.N. Ambassador
The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations traditionally has outsized influence and public stature in U.S. foreign policy, particularly in Democratic administrations where presidents have made the post a cabinet-level position. (Trump included his first U.N. ambassador, Nikki Haley, in his cabinet but downgraded the position after she left.) The top contenders for the post include:
Wendy Sherman. Sherman, a Harvard Kennedy School professor, is a former senior diplomat in the Obama administration who served as undersecretary of state for political affairs, the third-ranking official at the State Department. During her time in that position, from 2011 to 2015, she played an integral role in crafting and implementing the Iran nuclear deal, which Trump has since abandoned. Biden has pledged to restore U.S. commitments to the nuclear deal once in office, making Sherman’s expertise, contacts, and institutional knowledge with the deal potentially invaluable, though the deal will be tough to resuscitate.
Pete Buttigieg. Many Democratic Party members see Buttigieg, the former mayor of South Bend, Indiana, as having a bright political future ahead of him after his rise to national prominence as a Democratic presidential contender in the 2020 primaries. Democratic foreign-policy insiders said Buttigieg, a Rhodes scholar and military veteran, is a strong contender for U.N. ambassador despite his relative lack of experience in Washington foreign-policy making because of his clout in the party and effective communication skills. If Buttigieg were eventually nominated and confirmed by the Senate for the post, he would be the first openly gay U.S. ambassador to the United Nations.
Nicholas Burns. Burns, a former career diplomat, served in the senior ranks of the George W. Bush administration as U.S. ambassador to NATO and undersecretary of state for political affairs. Burns has been an advisor to Biden’s foreign-policy campaign and has long-standing connections with Blinken, another one of Biden’s top campaign aides.
Linda Thomas-Greenfield. Thomas-Greenfield is another experienced former senior career foreign service officer who served as director-general of the foreign service and assistant secretary of state for African affairs. Since leaving the department in 2017, she has been a vocal proponent of reforming the State Department and improving its diversity while criticizing the Trump administration for mismanagement and marginalizing career experts at the department. Thomas-Greenfield is leading Biden’s agency review team for the State Department that will lay the groundwork for the transition in January. When she left in 2017, she was the highest-ranking African American woman in the State Department.


foreignpolicy--2020-11-11--Why Beijing Hasn’t Called Biden

Why Beijing Hasn’t Called Biden

Welcome to Foreign Policy ’ s China Brief .
The highlights this week : Why China hasn ’ t congratulated U.S. President-elect Joe Biden , Hong Kong ’ s legislature loses its pro-democracy opposition , and a Chinese COVID-19 vaccine trial suffers a setback in Brazil .
If you would like to receive China Brief in your inbox every Wednesday , please sign up here .
Four days after the U.S. presidential election was called for challenger Joe Biden , China still hasn ’ t phoned to congratulate the president-elect .
Its delay is matched by a few other autocratic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ most democracies and some other key U.S. allies like Saudi Arabia have called Biden despite President Donald Trump ’ s continued denial that he lost .
Beijing ’ s response doesn ’ t indicate favoritism for Trump .
If there is an ongoing power struggle between two factions , China doesn ’ t want to take a side .
And with the ruling party denying the election result , the president attempting to declare a false victory , and the government conducting a purge of the Defense Department and the intelligence services , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on Beijing ’ s part .
If Trump ’ s refusal to concede were happening in another country , the United States might make the same assessment .
It is only confidence in U.S. institutional democracy and the continued rule of law that suggests otherwise—something the Chinese leadership doesn ’ t share .
This view is influenced by the experience of politics at home , where rubber-stamped votes mean nothing compared with behind-the-scenes contention .
( State-run social media has more openly mocked Trump , however . )
Some analysts have worried that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the distraction in the United States , but I don ’ t think that ’ s likely .
A crumbling United States , from Beijing ’ s point of view , is an unpredictable one .
While Chinese diplomats are happy to shore up their relations with other countries as their U.S. counterparts face domestic chaos , radical moves are unlikely .
Just as some Americans are convinced that the collapse of the Chinese Communist Party is around the corner , Chinese leaders have believed for some time—and especially since the 2008 financial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the U.S. system is doomed .
If anything , the events of last week have confirmed that .
And if you ’ re winning anyway , why risk changing the game ?
Hong Kong loses its opposition .
After yet another law imposed by Beijing expelled four pro-democracy representatives in Hong Kong on Tuesday , the entire opposition has quit the Hong Kong Legislative Council in protest .
Since the imposition of the new national security law in June , Hong Kong ’ s freedoms have steadily eroded , but the end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ particularly important .
More than ever , Hong Kong ’ s government is now a puppet of Beijing .
Educators , meanwhile , face a blitz of “ patriotic education ” demands from the authorities .
China has tried to impose such early-stage propaganda for decades but was fiercely resisted—that position is now illegal .
Arrests and the coronavirus pandemic have muted protests in Hong Kong this year , but the effective takeover of the territory has left citizens angry and dispirited .
In the next year or two , that will likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or in a mass exodus of Hong Kongers once the opportunities for emigration are available .
Dodgy dossiers .
The messy attempt to smear Biden through his son Hunter ’ s business in China is growing ever shadier .
We already knew that the authors of a unsourced dossier on the Bidens attempted to launder the information through a fake profile .
Albert Marko , another key player and a supposed expert frequently quoted in right-wing media , appears to have a fabricated CV .
And GNews , the Guo Wengui propaganda site @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is pushing lies about the U.S. election in Chinese .
ETIM delisted .
The United States has removed the Eastern Turkestan Islamic Movement , a Uighur-led group , from its list of terrorist organizations .
That move is long overdue : As Sean R. Roberts points out in Foreign Policy , George W. Bush-era desires to get China on board with the global war on terrorism prompted the original listing of the group , which barely existed anyway .
Militancy in Xinjiang is real , and a few Uighur individuals have carried @ @ @ @ @ @ @ assault on a Kunming train station in 2014 .
But China ’ s own accounts of the existence of supposed organized groups , however , are unreliable .
From 2014 to 2017 , for example , China denied attacks to claim that Xinjiang was peaceful—and then the emphasis shifted to justifying concentration camps with chaos .
Vaccine error .
After the announcement that the Pfizer vaccine showed 90 percent effectiveness in trials , Chinese vaccine hopes suffered an unexpected blow .
Brazil has suspended trials of the Sinovac-developed vaccine following a “ severe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appears to be the suicide of one of the volunteers .
While depression and suicidal ideation can be pharmaceutical side effects in rare cases , it seems unlikely that this individual tragedy is linked to the vaccine , which has already been tested on some groups in China .
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro , whose rhetoric has become increasingly anti-Chinese , nevertheless hailed the pause as a “ victory.
” TikTok complaints .
With a distracted Trump administration failing to follow up on its legal threats against the Chinese-owned app , TikTok is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deadline to sell its U.S. assets .
The Biden administration may take a softer approach to Chinese technology , making delay a useful strategy .
However , one of TikTok ’ s former executives also admitted that the company has censored content around Chinese human rights , especially in Xinjiang , at a recent U.K. parliamentary hearing—a charge the firm has always denied—only to unconvincingly walk the statement back later .
Cold storage chain constraints .
China has stepped up measures to avoid any possible reinfection with the coronavirus , including new limits @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from abroad .
One unusual fixation—since most experts don ’ t believe it is a COVID-19 vector—is frozen food , prompting comprehensive new guidelines about the cold storage chain .
Officials have conveniently blamed imported frozen foods for reinfections that may actually be the result of local failings .
But any improvement in China ’ s growing cold storage chain , a key contributor to food safety problems , should be welcomed .
The real problem is in intracountry transport , where a trucking industry that operates on razor-thin margins can ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Invention of China , by Bill Hayton This smart take on modern Chinese nationalism points to the invention of a particular vision of a Chinese nation-state in the 19th century as the root of many issues today .
Hayton is good not only on history but more importantly on modern Chinese readings of history that influence both beliefs about China ’ s place in the world and the rise of a new ethno-nationalism inside the country .
That ’ s it for this week .
We welcome your feedback at newsletters @ foreignpolicy.com @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China Brief here .
For more from Foreign Policy , subscribe here or sign up for our other newsletters .

Welcome to Foreign Policy’s China Brief. The highlights this week: Why China hasn’t congratulated U.S. President-elect Joe Biden , Hong Kong’s legislature loses its pro-democracy opposition, and a Chinese COVID-19 vaccine trial suffers a setback in Brazil.
Welcome to Foreign Policy’s China Brief. The highlights this week: Why China hasn’t congratulated U.S. President-elect Joe Biden, Hong Kong’s legislature loses its pro-democracy opposition, and a Chinese COVID-19 vaccine trial suffers a setback in Brazil.
If you would like to receive China Brief in your inbox every Wednesday, please sign up here.
China Is Cautious to Congratulate Biden
Four days after the U.S. presidential election was called for challenger Joe Biden, China still hasn’t phoned to congratulate the president-elect. Its delay is matched by a few other autocratic states, such as Russia, but most democracies and some other key U.S. allies like Saudi Arabia have called Biden despite President Donald Trump’s continued denial that he lost.
Beijing’s response doesn’t indicate favoritism for Trump. If there is an ongoing power struggle between two factions, China doesn’t want to take a side. And with the ruling party denying the election result, the president attempting to declare a false victory, and the government conducting a purge of the Defense Department and the intelligence services, that’s not an unreasonable assumption on Beijing’s part.
If Trump’s refusal to concede were happening in another country, the United States might make the same assessment. It is only confidence in U.S. institutional democracy and the continued rule of law that suggests otherwise—something the Chinese leadership doesn’t share. This view is influenced by the experience of politics at home, where rubber-stamped votes mean nothing compared with behind-the-scenes contention. (State-run social media has more openly mocked Trump, however.)
Some analysts have worried that China will take aggressive moves thanks to the distraction in the United States, but I don’t think that’s likely. A crumbling United States, from Beijing’s point of view, is an unpredictable one. While Chinese diplomats are happy to shore up their relations with other countries as their U.S. counterparts face domestic chaos, radical moves are unlikely.
Just as some Americans are convinced that the collapse of the Chinese Communist Party is around the corner, Chinese leaders have believed for some time—and especially since the 2008 financial crisis—that history is on their side and that the U.S. system is doomed. If anything, the events of last week have confirmed that. And if you’re winning anyway, why risk changing the game?
What We’re Following
Hong Kong loses its opposition. After yet another law imposed by Beijing expelled four pro-democracy representatives in Hong Kong on Tuesday, the entire opposition has quit the Hong Kong Legislative Council in protest. Since the imposition of the new national security law in June, Hong Kong’s freedoms have steadily eroded, but the end of democratic opposition in the legislature is particularly important.
More than ever, Hong Kong’s government is now a puppet of Beijing. Educators, meanwhile, face a blitz of “patriotic education” demands from the authorities. China has tried to impose such early-stage propaganda for decades but was fiercely resisted—that position is now illegal. Arrests and the coronavirus pandemic have muted protests in Hong Kong this year, but the effective takeover of the territory has left citizens angry and dispirited.
In the next year or two, that will likely manifest in smaller and more violent protests or in a mass exodus of Hong Kongers once the opportunities for emigration are available.
Dodgy dossiers. The messy attempt to smear Biden through his son Hunter’s business in China is growing ever shadier. We already knew that the authors of a unsourced dossier on the Bidens attempted to launder the information through a fake profile. Albert Marko, another key player and a supposed expert frequently quoted in right-wing media, appears to have a fabricated CV. And GNews, the Guo Wengui propaganda site connected to former Trump advisor Steve Bannon, is pushing lies about the U.S. election in Chinese.
ETIM delisted. The United States has removed the Eastern Turkestan Islamic Movement, a Uighur-led group, from its list of terrorist organizations. That move is long overdue: As Sean R. Roberts points out in Foreign Policy, George W. Bush-era desires to get China on board with the global war on terrorism prompted the original listing of the group, which barely existed anyway.
Militancy in Xinjiang is real, and a few Uighur individuals have carried out terrorist attacks, such as the assault on a Kunming train station in 2014. But China’s own accounts of the existence of supposed organized groups, however, are unreliable. From 2014 to 2017, for example, China denied attacks to claim that Xinjiang was peaceful—and then the emphasis shifted to justifying concentration camps with chaos.
Tech and Business
Vaccine error. After the announcement that the Pfizer vaccine showed 90 percent effectiveness in trials, Chinese vaccine hopes suffered an unexpected blow. Brazil has suspended trials of the Sinovac-developed vaccine following a “severe adverse event.” But the adverse event appears to be the suicide of one of the volunteers. While depression and suicidal ideation can be pharmaceutical side effects in rare cases, it seems unlikely that this individual tragedy is linked to the vaccine, which has already been tested on some groups in China.
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, whose rhetoric has become increasingly anti-Chinese, nevertheless hailed the pause as a “victory.”
TikTok complaints. With a distracted Trump administration failing to follow up on its legal threats against the Chinese-owned app, TikTok is pushing for a 30-day extension of the deadline to sell its U.S. assets. The Biden administration may take a softer approach to Chinese technology, making delay a useful strategy.
However, one of TikTok’s former executives also admitted that the company has censored content around Chinese human rights, especially in Xinjiang, at a recent U.K. parliamentary hearing—a charge the firm has always denied—only to unconvincingly walk the statement back later.
Cold storage chain constraints. China has stepped up measures to avoid any possible reinfection with the coronavirus, including new limits on even resident foreigners reentering the country from abroad. One unusual fixation—since most experts don’t believe it is a COVID-19 vector—is frozen food, prompting comprehensive new guidelines about the cold storage chain.
Officials have conveniently blamed imported frozen foods for reinfections that may actually be the result of local failings. But any improvement in China’s growing cold storage chain, a key contributor to food safety problems, should be welcomed. The real problem is in intracountry transport, where a trucking industry that operates on razor-thin margins can’t afford to modernize its fleet.
What We’re Reading The Invention of China, Bill Hayton, Yale University Press, , November 2020.
The Invention of China, by Bill Hayton
This smart take on modern Chinese nationalism points to the invention of a particular vision of a Chinese nation-state in the 19th century as the root of many issues today. Hayton is good not only on history but more importantly on modern Chinese readings of history that influence both beliefs about China’s place in the world and the rise of a new ethno-nationalism inside the country.
That’s it for this week.
We welcome your feedback at newsletters@foreignpolicy.com. You can find older editions of China Brief here. For more from Foreign Policy, subscribe here or sign up for our other newsletters.


foreignpolicy--2020-11-11--What Saeb Erekat’s Death Means for Palestinians of My Generation

What Saeb Erekat ’ s Death Means for Palestinians of My Generation RAMALLAH , West Bank—Saeb Erekat , the untiring Palestinian peace negotiator , believed until his dying day in an Israeli hospital this week that only diplomacy would solve the Middle East conflict and lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside Israel .
It was not an easy path to take , both because of Israel ’ s intransigence and because after years of fruitless negotiations , many Palestinians turned against the peace process—and its negotiators .
Still , Saeb , who had a sharp tongue and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my friend , remained unflinching .
I met Saeb in Jerusalem in 1983 , upon his return from doctoral studies at the University of Bradford in England .
Right away , he impressed me with his eloquence , commitment , and energy , and I was glad he had come back to join our struggle for independence .
Saeb was from Abu Dis near Jerusalem , born 12 years before the start of the Israeli occupation .
He left for the United States when he was 17 to attend college , and in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in political science from San Francisco State University .
His PhD focused on peace and conflict studies .
In the West Bank , he settled into his job as a lecturer in political science at An-Najah National University and a writer for , the local newspaper with the widest distribution .
He also served on its editorial board .
By the late 1980s , Saeb had become active in the First Intifada , a popular Palestinian uprising that included protests , boycotts , and general strikes .
Israel placed him under house arrest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But the opportunity for Saeb to use his talents came just a few years later when he joined the Palestinian delegation to the Madrid International Peace Conference in 1991 .
With his flair for drama and his keen sense of public relations , Saeb showed up at the sessions wearing a checkered keffiyeh headdress , a Palestinian national symbol .
The Israeli delegation strongly objected and threatened to boycott the conference unless he took it off .
Saeb ended up winning this first symbolic victory , drawing attention to himself in the process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Washington , D.C. , I worked as a legal advisor to the delegation and observed his hard work and his commitment to learning the craft of politics .
Among other things , he was tasked with monitoring Israel ’ s negotiations with Syria—whose representatives took a tough line with Israel .
He drew lessons from the experience that would help him in his own interactions with Israelis for decades to come .
Like other members of the Palestinian delegation to Washington , Saeb was kept in the dark about the secret backchannel taking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ PLO starting in late 1992 .
He came to know that a deal was reached in the summer of the following year , while on his way to Washington for another session of the formal talks .
Being out of the loop came as a blow for Saeb , but the bigger disappointment was discovering that the Oslo Accord failed to include a freeze on settlement construction in the West Bank and Gaza .
For the Washington delegation , a freeze had been a precondition for any deal .
Still , he accepted @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , telling the Guardian newspaper at the time : “ We have only begun .
It is a time to plan , to work hard and to tighten our belts .
We can not afford to fail.
” And work hard he did .
Saeb was appointed chairman of the Palestinian team negotiating with Israel in 1994 .
When the Palestinian Authority was established , he served as a minister of local government and later as secretary general of the PLO ’ s central committee .
He was elected twice to the Palestinian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ district in Jericho .
He had moved to the desert town because the dry climate and the abundance of oxygen helped ease his medical condition : pulmonary fibrosis .
Over his long career as a diplomat , he met with heads of states and dignitaries from around the world .
He could be conciliatory , but also knew when to stand his ground .
In recent years , Saeb headed the High National Committee to Follow up on the International Criminal Court , a PLO body that aims to bring Israelis accused of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the committee , of which I am also a member , has failed to deter Israelis from violating human rights with impunity .
In June of this year , Israeli police shot dead Saeb ’ s nephew as he approached a checkpoint near Bethlehem .
Yet Saeb soldiered on , despite the futility of negotiations with Israel .
He managed to maneuver the often-chaotic state of Palestinian politics and the aggressive policies of the seemingly eternal Israeli leader , Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu .
Erekat continued meeting with Israelis even as Netanyahu ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ homes in Jewish settlements in the Occupied West Bank , with the goal of foreclosing on a Palestinian state .
When President Donald Trump moved the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem in 2017 , recognizing the city as Israel ’ s capital , Saeb ’ s faith in a diplomatic solution finally wavered .
He told the left-leaning Israeli newspaper Haaretz : “ The two-state solution is over .
Now is the time to transform the struggle for one state with equal rights for everyone living in historic Palestine.
” But even after this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parts of the West Bank , Saeb continued his involvement in efforts to bring about a two-state solution .
In his book , Imam Ali Bin Abi Taleb and Negotiations , Saeb wrote : “ Ali stresses patience and perseverance as a main pillar for communication and negotiations among people .
Patience is also one of the pillars of faith and the way to victory .
In fact , it is the beating heart of politics and relations among people and nations.
” He certainly had both patience and perseverance , but his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2017 , he underwent a lung transplant and earlier this year he was diagnosed with COVID-19 .
He died of COVID complications on Nov. 10 .
Saeb was a few years younger than me .
His death is a painful reminder that members of my generation who worked hard to achieve a Palestinian state may never see their dream realized .
It should also be painful for Israelis .
The demise of a man so thoroughly committed to a negotiated peace agreement is a tragedy for them as well .

RAMALLAH, West Bank—Saeb Erekat, the untiring Palestinian peace negotiator, believed until his dying day in an Israeli hospital this week that only diplomacy would solve the Middle East conflict and lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside Israel. It was not an easy path to take, both because of Israel’s intransigence and because after years of fruitless negotiations, many Palestinians turned against the peace process—and its negotiators. Still, Saeb, who had a sharp tongue and a quick wit, and who was my friend, remained unflinching.
RAMALLAH, West Bank—Saeb Erekat, the untiring Palestinian peace negotiator, believed until his dying day in an Israeli hospital this week that only diplomacy would solve the Middle East conflict and lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside Israel. It was not an easy path to take, both because of Israel’s intransigence and because after years of fruitless negotiations, many Palestinians turned against the peace process—and its negotiators. Still, Saeb, who had a sharp tongue and a quick wit, and who was my friend, remained unflinching.
I met Saeb in Jerusalem in 1983, upon his return from doctoral studies at the University of Bradford in England. Right away, he impressed me with his eloquence, commitment, and energy, and I was glad he had come back to join our struggle for independence. Saeb was from Abu Dis near Jerusalem, born 12 years before the start of the Israeli occupation. He left for the United States when he was 17 to attend college, and in 1979 obtained his master’s degree in political science from San Francisco State University. His PhD focused on peace and conflict studies.
In the West Bank, he settled into his job as a lecturer in political science at An-Najah National University and a writer for , the local newspaper with the widest distribution. He also served on its editorial board.
By the late 1980s, Saeb had become active in the First Intifada, a popular Palestinian uprising that included protests, boycotts, and general strikes. Israel placed him under house arrest and banned him from travelling abroad. But the opportunity for Saeb to use his talents came just a few years later when he joined the Palestinian delegation to the Madrid International Peace Conference in 1991. With his flair for drama and his keen sense of public relations, Saeb showed up at the sessions wearing a checkered keffiyeh headdress, a Palestinian national symbol. The Israeli delegation strongly objected and threatened to boycott the conference unless he took it off. Saeb ended up winning this first symbolic victory, drawing attention to himself in the process.
During the negotiations that ensued in Washington, D.C., I worked as a legal advisor to the delegation and observed his hard work and his commitment to learning the craft of politics. Among other things, he was tasked with monitoring Israel’s negotiations with Syria—whose representatives took a tough line with Israel. He drew lessons from the experience that would help him in his own interactions with Israelis for decades to come.
Like other members of the Palestinian delegation to Washington, Saeb was kept in the dark about the secret backchannel taking place in Oslo between Israel and the PLO starting in late 1992. He came to know that a deal was reached in the summer of the following year, while on his way to Washington for another session of the formal talks. Being out of the loop came as a blow for Saeb, but the bigger disappointment was discovering that the Oslo Accord failed to include a freeze on settlement construction in the West Bank and Gaza. For the Washington delegation, a freeze had been a precondition for any deal. Still, he accepted the interim deal as a starting point, telling the Guardian newspaper at the time: “We have only begun. It is a time to plan, to work hard and to tighten our belts. We cannot afford to fail.”
And work hard he did. Saeb was appointed chairman of the Palestinian team negotiating with Israel in 1994. When the Palestinian Authority was established, he served as a minister of local government and later as secretary general of the PLO’s central committee. He was elected twice to the Palestinian parliament as a representative of his home district in Jericho. He had moved to the desert town because the dry climate and the abundance of oxygen helped ease his medical condition: pulmonary fibrosis.
Over his long career as a diplomat, he met with heads of states and dignitaries from around the world. He could be conciliatory, but also knew when to stand his ground.
In recent years, Saeb headed the High National Committee to Follow up on the International Criminal Court, a PLO body that aims to bring Israelis accused of war crimes to justice. To date the committee, of which I am also a member, has failed to deter Israelis from violating human rights with impunity. In June of this year, Israeli police shot dead Saeb’s nephew as he approached a checkpoint near Bethlehem.
Yet Saeb soldiered on, despite the futility of negotiations with Israel. He managed to maneuver the often-chaotic state of Palestinian politics and the aggressive policies of the seemingly eternal Israeli leader, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Erekat continued meeting with Israelis even as Netanyahu’s successive governments built more and more homes in Jewish settlements in the Occupied West Bank, with the goal of foreclosing on a Palestinian state.
When President Donald Trump moved the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem in 2017, recognizing the city as Israel’s capital, Saeb’s faith in a diplomatic solution finally wavered. He told the left-leaning Israeli newspaper Haaretz: “The two-state solution is over. Now is the time to transform the struggle for one state with equal rights for everyone living in historic Palestine.” But even after this setback and the Israeli threat to annex parts of the West Bank, Saeb continued his involvement in efforts to bring about a two-state solution.
In his book, Imam Ali Bin Abi Taleb and Negotiations, Saeb wrote: “Ali stresses patience and perseverance as a main pillar for communication and negotiations among people. Patience is also one of the pillars of faith and the way to victory. In fact, it is the beating heart of politics and relations among people and nations.”
He certainly had both patience and perseverance, but his health deteriorated in recent years. In 2017, he underwent a lung transplant and earlier this year he was diagnosed with COVID-19. He died of COVID complications on Nov. 10.
Saeb was a few years younger than me. His death is a painful reminder that members of my generation who worked hard to achieve a Palestinian state may never see their dream realized. It should also be painful for Israelis. The demise of a man so thoroughly committed to a negotiated peace agreement is a tragedy for them as well.


foreignpolicy--2020-11-11--Here’s How a Transition Is Supposed to Work

Here ’ s How a Transition Is Supposed to Work This article is part of Election 2020 : America Votes , FP ’ s round-the-clock coverage of the U.S. election results as they come in , with short dispatches from correspondents and analysts around the world .
The America Votes page is free for all readers .
For only the second time in history , the head of the U.S. General Services Administration ( GSA ) has refused to formally kick-start the presidential transition .
What ’ s needed is a letter of ascertainment , a hitherto little-known piece of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ process underway .
But four days after Democratic nominee Joe Biden was projected president-elect , after winning the key state of Pennsylvania , Emily Murphy , a Trump political appointee who heads the GSA , has refused to issue the letter .
That ’ s due to the blizzard of baseless legal challenges by the Trump campaign alleging voter fraud and corruption .
Still , the delay has consequences— $ 10 million in federal funds to support the transition are kept from the Biden team ’ s hands , as is access to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have to staff and run .
The way power is handed over from one administration to the next has been refined through a process of trial and error over decades and is intended to ensure that the new administration can hit the ground running .
Since that whole process is off the rails this year , here ’ s a quick reminder of how things are supposed to work—and what happens if they don ’ t .
Did they just sort of wing it before ?
In a word , yes .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of power between administrations was spearheaded by Harry Truman , who , having taken office in 1945 after President Franklin D. Roosevelt ’ s death , found himself to be underprepared for the demands of the job .
Famously , it was not until he was sworn in that Truman , who had served as vice president , was told that the United States had developed the atomic bombs that he would later drop on Hiroshima and Nagasaki .
But the process wasn ’ t formalized until the Presidential Transition Act of 1963 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the incoming administration .
Over the years , more legislation was added to address challenges that arose in the handover process , said Martha Joynt Kumar , the director of the nonprofit White House Transition Project .
This did happen once before , right ?
President Donald Trump ’ s legal challenges to the election results have drawn comparisons to the Bush v. Gore Supreme Court case in 2000 , which delayed formal announcement of the winner of the election until Dec. 12 , eating into an already short transition period .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ history when the GSA has significantly delayed the release of a letter of ascertainment .
It wasn ’ t cost-free .
The 9/11 Commission , which investigated the 9/11 terrorist attacks , concluded that the delayed transition “ hampered the new administration in identifying , recruiting , clearing , and obtaining Senate confirmation of key appointees ” and recommended that since “ a catastrophic attack could occur with little or no notice , we should minimize as much as possible the disruption of national security policymaking during the change of administration.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have as smooth a transition as possible at the end of his second term in 2008 .
“ He told Josh Bolten , who was his chief of staff , that he wanted to have the best transition because they had two wars [ and ] to make sure that they had a smooth handover of power , ” said Kumar , the author of the 2015 book Before the Oath : How George W. Bush and Barack Obama Managed a Transfer of Power .
But both sides already started planning months ago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and by law , transition planning begins well before a winner is declared .
Handing over the levers of power of the U.S. government is no small task .
“ The numbers themselves are extraordinary .
… You ’ re looking at north of $ 5 trillion , 4 million people and 4,000 political appointees , and hundreds of operations units , so it ’ s a really phenomenally difficult takeover , ” said Max Stier , the president and CEO of the Partnership for Public Service , a Washington-based nonprofit whose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ practice guidelines for transitions .
“ A smart campaign invests not just in election time but well before then in order to be ready.
” Presidential campaigns tend to begin planning for the transition in the spring of election year , by naming a transition chair and assembling a team to oversee the process .
The number of transition staff is typically around a few dozen before the election , quickly expanding to thousands if a candidate clinches the presidency .
For its part , the ( potentially ) outgoing administration is bound @ @ @ @ @ @ @ transition six months ahead of the election .
And after the election has been called—then what ?
Ordinarily , the GSA would issue a letter of ascertainment shortly after a winner is projected , and then it ’ s off to the races as the clock counts down to Inauguration Day on Jan. 20 .
The delay this year affects four broad groups of transition planning , Stier said .
The first is identifying and rigorously vetting candidates to fill 4,000 positions , some 1,250 of which require Senate confirmation .
But until @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Biden team can ’ t begin processing applicants ’ conflict of interest and financial disclosure forms with the Office of Government Ethics .
The second task is to get to grips what is currently going on in the government .
Despite the standoff , on Tuesday the Biden campaign announced its agency review teams , the hundreds of people who will go into the federal agencies , such as the State Department , Education Department , and the CIA , to get the lay of the land from the people currently serving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Washington Post reported that political appointees at many agencies have told their staff not to respond to any outreach from the Biden teams until the GSA administrator gives the green light to proceed with the transition .
The third area of focus is policy and translating campaign pledges into action for the first 100 and 200 days in office .
Biden will take office with an unusually full plate and has said tackling the pandemic will be one of his top priorities .
The Biden team unveiled its COVID-19 task force @ @ @ @ @ @ @ initiating the transition has left it frozen out from federal agencies and government information that could be critical in informing its strategy—just as COVID-19 cases are spiking across the United States .
The final area of consideration is how to use the president-elect ’ s time .
Biden has already had phone calls with world leaders offering their congratulations , but another consequence of the delay to the formal transition is that the State Department has not facilitated the calls or assisted with translation and talking points , as it usually does .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the current and incoming administrations don ’ t give mixed signals on matters of foreign policy and national security .
Additionally , under a normal transition , Biden would begin receiving access to the President ’ s Daily Brief , a high-level intelligence briefing , to prepare him for the kinds of challenges that he will face once he takes office and clue him in on any covert operations currently underway .
That hasn ’ t happened yet , according to NPR .
While the results of the 2000 election were still undecided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Bush to receive the briefings .
As vice president , Al Gore was already receiving them .
What ’ s Biden doing in the meantime ?
Speaking to reporters on Tuesday , Biden described Trump ’ s refusal to concede as an “ embarrassment ” and , despite the delays , struck an optimistic tone about the transition .
“ We ’ ve already begun , ” he said .
The Biden team is pressing ahead with identifying candidates for top White House jobs and hopes to name its picks for several cabinet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t go into government agencies , there is nothing stopping them from reaching out to recently departed career officials to get their inside scoop .
Until the GSA formally kicks off the transition , the Biden team will be frozen out from some $ 10 million in federal funds intended to support the handover .
But the New York Times reported that the Biden campaign began fundraising for the transition back in May and is thought to have raised at least $ 7 million .
What other impacts could the delay have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power is one of the hallmarks of a democracy .
A delayed or disorderly transition could have significant implications for U.S. national security , but it could also undermine American credibility the next time the State Department calls out a foreign leader looking to cling to power in the wake of a democratic election .
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on Tuesday spoke of the transition—but called it a transition to a “ second Trump administration , ” angering U.S. diplomats and bewildering U.S. allies overseas .

For only the second time in history, the head of the U.S. General Services Administration (GSA) has refused to formally kick-start the presidential transition. What’s needed is a letter of ascertainment, a hitherto little-known piece of Washington bureaucracy that officially gets the transition process underway.
For only the second time in history, the head of the U.S. General Services Administration (GSA) has refused to formally kick-start the presidential transition. What’s needed is a letter of ascertainment, a hitherto little-known piece of Washington bureaucracy that officially gets the transition process underway.
But four days after Democratic nominee Joe Biden was projected president-elect, after winning the key state of Pennsylvania, Emily Murphy, a Trump political appointee who heads the GSA, has refused to issue the letter. That’s due to the blizzard of baseless legal challenges by the Trump campaign alleging voter fraud and corruption. Still, the delay has consequences—$10 million in federal funds to support the transition are kept from the Biden team’s hands, as is access to all the government agencies it will soon have to staff and run.
The way power is handed over from one administration to the next has been refined through a process of trial and error over decades and is intended to ensure that the new administration can hit the ground running. Since that whole process is off the rails this year, here’s a quick reminder of how things are supposed to work—and what happens if they don’t.
Did they just sort of wing it before?
In a word, yes. The first modern-day effort to formalize the handover of power between administrations was spearheaded by Harry Truman, who, having taken office in 1945 after President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s death, found himself to be underprepared for the demands of the job. Famously, it was not until he was sworn in that Truman, who had served as vice president, was told that the United States had developed the atomic bombs that he would later drop on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
But the process wasn’t formalized until the Presidential Transition Act of 1963, which allocated funds and office space for the incoming administration. Over the years, more legislation was added to address challenges that arose in the handover process, said Martha Joynt Kumar, the director of the nonprofit White House Transition Project.
This did happen once before, right?
President Donald Trump’s legal challenges to the election results have drawn comparisons to the Bush v. Gore Supreme Court case in 2000, which delayed formal announcement of the winner of the election until Dec. 12, eating into an already short transition period. It was the only other time in history when the GSA has significantly delayed the release of a letter of ascertainment.
It wasn’t cost-free. The 9/11 Commission, which investigated the 9/11 terrorist attacks, concluded that the delayed transition “hampered the new administration in identifying, recruiting, clearing, and obtaining Senate confirmation of key appointees” and recommended that since “a catastrophic attack could occur with little or no notice, we should minimize as much as possible the disruption of national security policymaking during the change of administration.”
The experience left George W. Bush determined to have as smooth a transition as possible at the end of his second term in 2008. “He told Josh Bolten, who was his chief of staff, that he wanted to have the best transition because they had two wars [and] to make sure that they had a smooth handover of power,” said Kumar, the author of the 2015 book Before the Oath: How George W. Bush and Barack Obama Managed a Transfer of Power.
But both sides already started planning months ago, didn’t they?
Traditionally, and by law, transition planning begins well before a winner is declared. Handing over the levers of power of the U.S. government is no small task. “The numbers themselves are extraordinary. … You’re looking at north of $5 trillion, 4 million people and 4,000 political appointees, and hundreds of operations units, so it’s a really phenomenally difficult takeover,” said Max Stier, the president and CEO of the Partnership for Public Service, a Washington-based nonprofit whose Center for Presidential Transition has issued best practice guidelines for transitions. “A smart campaign invests not just in election time but well before then in order to be ready.”
Presidential campaigns tend to begin planning for the transition in the spring of election year, by naming a transition chair and assembling a team to oversee the process. The number of transition staff is typically around a few dozen before the election, quickly expanding to thousands if a candidate clinches the presidency. For its part, the (potentially) outgoing administration is bound by law to begin planning for the transition six months ahead of the election.
And after the election has been called—then what?
Ordinarily, the GSA would issue a letter of ascertainment shortly after a winner is projected, and then it’s off to the races as the clock counts down to Inauguration Day on Jan. 20. The delay this year affects four broad groups of transition planning, Stier said.
The first is identifying and rigorously vetting candidates to fill 4,000 positions, some 1,250 of which require Senate confirmation. But until the transition process is formally initiated, the Biden team can’t begin processing applicants’ conflict of interest and financial disclosure forms with the Office of Government Ethics.
The second task is to get to grips what is currently going on in the government. Despite the standoff, on Tuesday the Biden campaign announced its agency review teams, the hundreds of people who will go into the federal agencies, such as the State Department, Education Department, and the CIA, to get the lay of the land from the people currently serving there and begin preparations for a handover. The Washington Post reported that political appointees at many agencies have told their staff not to respond to any outreach from the Biden teams until the GSA administrator gives the green light to proceed with the transition.
The third area of focus is policy and translating campaign pledges into action for the first 100 and 200 days in office. Biden will take office with an unusually full plate and has said tackling the pandemic will be one of his top priorities. The Biden team unveiled its COVID-19 task force on Monday, but the delay in initiating the transition has left it frozen out from federal agencies and government information that could be critical in informing its strategy—just as COVID-19 cases are spiking across the United States.
The final area of consideration is how to use the president-elect’s time. Biden has already had phone calls with world leaders offering their congratulations, but another consequence of the delay to the formal transition is that the State Department has not facilitated the calls or assisted with translation and talking points, as it usually does. Such coordination is intended to ensure that the current and incoming administrations don’t give mixed signals on matters of foreign policy and national security.
Additionally, under a normal transition, Biden would begin receiving access to the President’s Daily Brief, a high-level intelligence briefing, to prepare him for the kinds of challenges that he will face once he takes office and clue him in on any covert operations currently underway. That hasn’t happened yet, according to NPR. While the results of the 2000 election were still undecided, President Bill Clinton decided to allow Bush to receive the briefings. As vice president, Al Gore was already receiving them.
What’s Biden doing in the meantime?
Speaking to reporters on Tuesday, Biden described Trump’s refusal to concede as an “embarrassment” and, despite the delays, struck an optimistic tone about the transition. “We’ve already begun,” he said. The Biden team is pressing ahead with identifying candidates for top White House jobs and hopes to name its picks for several cabinet positions by Thanksgiving. Although they can’t go into government agencies, there is nothing stopping them from reaching out to recently departed career officials to get their inside scoop. Until the GSA formally kicks off the transition, the Biden team will be frozen out from some $10 million in federal funds intended to support the handover. But the New York Times reported that the Biden campaign began fundraising for the transition back in May and is thought to have raised at least $7 million.
What other impacts could the delay have?
A peaceful and orderly transfer of power is one of the hallmarks of a democracy. A delayed or disorderly transition could have significant implications for U.S. national security, but it could also undermine American credibility the next time the State Department calls out a foreign leader looking to cling to power in the wake of a democratic election. U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo on Tuesday spoke of the transition—but called it a transition to a “second Trump administration,” angering U.S. diplomats and bewildering U.S. allies overseas.