foreignpolicy--2020-08-27--Pompeo’s Commission on Unalienable Rights Will Endanger Everyone’s Human Rights

When U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced his Commission on Unalienable Rights , many observers worried , as I did , that he would use it to assert a dogmatic version of religious liberty to justify restrictions on reproductive freedom and the rights of LGBT people .
We were right to worry .
He has imposed his personal preferences while relying on arguments that pose a profound threat to all human rights as well .
The commission released a lengthy , glossy draft report for commentary in July .
Within days , well before the period for public comment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it to State Department employees as a guide to their promotion of human rights .
On Thursday , the commission issued its final report , virtually unchanged .
Behind its scholarly prose is a frontal assault on international human rights law .
The report treats the Universal Declaration of Human Rights , adopted in 1948 and drafted with the help of Eleanor Roosevelt , as the heyday of the human rights movement .
That document is a nonbinding political declaration .
It has been followed over the years by a series of legally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expert committee elected by treaty members to interpret its language and monitor compliance .
The commission disparages this legal elucidation as a “ proliferation ” of rights , suggesting that there are now too many rights .
But that is a caricature of what actually happened .
Initially , the Universal Declaration was codified in two legally binding covenants .
One , on civil and political rights , contains provisions similar to the U.S. Constitution , and the U.S. government has ratified it .
Another , on economic , social , and cultural @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but not the U.S. Constitution .
The U.S. government signed but never ratified it or fully embraced its rights .
After these foundational covenants , a handful of other treaties were adopted , spelling out , for instance , the meaning of the prohibition of torture or ways to protect women , racial minorities , children , and people with disabilities from discrimination .
What Pompeo ’ s commission disparages as “ proliferation ” is in fact a process to ensure respect for the rights of people who traditionally have been marginalized or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commission , its members seemed less concerned with , say , the treaty on the rights of people with disabilities—it was modeled after the Americans with Disabilities Act—than with interpretations of human rights law to protect reproductive freedom and the rights of LGBT people .
In the case of LGBT rights , for example , the Human Rights Committee—the official body for interpreting the civil and political rights covenant—has found that the prohibition of discrimination on the basis of sex includes discrimination based on sexual orientation , just as the U.S. Supreme Court @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against LGBT people .
Still , the U.S. government refuses to accept the Human Rights Committee ’ s ruling .
It ’ s true that Washington doesn ’ t control the committee—it simply votes for its members along with other treaty ratifiers—but that is how international bodies work .
It has no more reason to reject the committee ’ s conclusions than if I , a New York resident , were to object to U.S. Supreme Court rulings because I get to vote for only two of the 100 senators who confirm Supreme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s discomfort with the Human Rights Committee is why it lionizes the nonbinding Universal Declaration .
The declaration , as a statement of principles , has no accompanying interpretive body of law .
That allows the U.S. government to interpret its broad principles on its own , as if the covenants had never been adopted as its legally binding version .
How would Pompeo interpret the document ?
His commission suggests that a right should be recognized only if it is “ widely ” accepted by governments .
That sounds superficially reasonable until @ @ @ @ @ @ @ human rights treaties have been ratified by well over three-quarters of the world ’ s countries , even if the United States is often a laggard .
In fact , the commission seems to favor an a la carte approach to rights : The U.S. government will pick the rights that it wants to observe , and others can do the same .
That approach would be music to the ears of the world ’ s autocrats , and many will happily take the opportunity to trample on certain basic rights that Pompeo @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hong Kong .
The commission seems to favor an a la carte approach to rights : The U.S. government will pick the rights that it wants to observe , and others can do the same .
That approach would be music to the ears of the world ’ s autocrats Indeed , under this pick-and-choose approach , the Chinese government could ignore the rights of free speech and association , the Saudi monarchy could ignore the rights of women , the Indian government could ignore religious freedom , the Egyptian government could ignore @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Philippine government could ignore the right to life , and so on .
Every abusive government would be happy , but the people of their countries would be left in the lurch .
The entire point of international human rights law is to bind governments even when they find it inconvenient .
Yes , a government could turn its back on the entire international human rights system , but few do .
Once a government joins a human rights treaty , it is legally bound by it and must abide by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
To effectively abandon binding treaties for the Pompeo commission ’ s a la carte approach is to relegate human rights to the vagaries of government preferences .
That ’ s not a system of human rights .
It ’ s an excuse for repression , discrimination , and abuse .

When U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced his Commission on Unalienable Rights, many observers worried, as I did , that he would use it to assert a dogmatic version of religious liberty to justify restrictions on reproductive freedom and the rights of LGBT people. We were right to worry. He has imposed his personal preferences while relying on arguments that pose a profound threat to all human rights as well.
When U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced his Commission on Unalienable Rights, many observers worried, as I did, that he would use it to assert a dogmatic version of religious liberty to justify restrictions on reproductive freedom and the rights of LGBT people. We were right to worry. He has imposed his personal preferences while relying on arguments that pose a profound threat to all human rights as well.
The commission released a lengthy, glossy draft report for commentary in July. Within days, well before the period for public comment was completed, Pompeo was already touting it to State Department employees as a guide to their promotion of human rights. On Thursday, the commission issued its final report, virtually unchanged.
Behind its scholarly prose is a frontal assault on international human rights law. The report treats the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted in 1948 and drafted with the help of Eleanor Roosevelt, as the heyday of the human rights movement.
That document is a nonbinding political declaration. It has been followed over the years by a series of legally binding treaties, each with an independent expert committee elected by treaty members to interpret its language and monitor compliance. The commission disparages this legal elucidation as a “proliferation” of rights, suggesting that there are now too many rights.
But that is a caricature of what actually happened. Initially, the Universal Declaration was codified in two legally binding covenants. One, on civil and political rights, contains provisions similar to the U.S. Constitution, and the U.S. government has ratified it. Another, on economic, social, and cultural rights, finds parallels in U.S. law but not the U.S. Constitution. The U.S. government signed but never ratified it or fully embraced its rights.
After these foundational covenants, a handful of other treaties were adopted, spelling out, for instance, the meaning of the prohibition of torture or ways to protect women, racial minorities, children, and people with disabilities from discrimination. What Pompeo’s commission disparages as “proliferation” is in fact a process to ensure respect for the rights of people who traditionally have been marginalized or neglected.
When I testified before the commission, its members seemed less concerned with, say, the treaty on the rights of people with disabilities—it was modeled after the Americans with Disabilities Act—than with interpretations of human rights law to protect reproductive freedom and the rights of LGBT people. In the case of LGBT rights, for example, the Human Rights Committee—the official body for interpreting the civil and political rights covenant—has found that the prohibition of discrimination on the basis of sex includes discrimination based on sexual orientation, just as the U.S. Supreme Court recently found that sex discrimination includes discrimination against LGBT people.
Still, the U.S. government refuses to accept the Human Rights Committee’s ruling. It’s true that Washington doesn’t control the committee—it simply votes for its members along with other treaty ratifiers—but that is how international bodies work. It has no more reason to reject the committee’s conclusions than if I, a New York resident, were to object to U.S. Supreme Court rulings because I get to vote for only two of the 100 senators who confirm Supreme Court justices.
The Pompeo commission’s discomfort with the Human Rights Committee is why it lionizes the nonbinding Universal Declaration. The declaration, as a statement of principles, has no accompanying interpretive body of law. That allows the U.S. government to interpret its broad principles on its own, as if the covenants had never been adopted as its legally binding version.
How would Pompeo interpret the document? His commission suggests that a right should be recognized only if it is “widely” accepted by governments. That sounds superficially reasonable until one realizes that all of the core human rights treaties have been ratified by well over three-quarters of the world’s countries, even if the United States is often a laggard.
In fact, the commission seems to favor an a la carte approach to rights: The U.S. government will pick the rights that it wants to observe, and others can do the same. That approach would be music to the ears of the world’s autocrats, and many will happily take the opportunity to trample on certain basic rights that Pompeo himself has rightly defended in places like Hong Kong.
The commission seems to favor an a la carte approach to rights: The U.S. government will pick the rights that it wants to observe, and others can do the same. That approach would be music to the ears of the world’s autocrats
Indeed, under this pick-and-choose approach, the Chinese government could ignore the rights of free speech and association, the Saudi monarchy could ignore the rights of women, the Indian government could ignore religious freedom, the Egyptian government could ignore the right to a fair trial, the Philippine government could ignore the right to life, and so on. Every abusive government would be happy, but the people of their countries would be left in the lurch.
The entire point of international human rights law is to bind governments even when they find it inconvenient. Yes, a government could turn its back on the entire international human rights system, but few do. Once a government joins a human rights treaty, it is legally bound by it and must abide by the authoritative guidance of its official interpreting committee.
To effectively abandon binding treaties for the Pompeo commission’s a la carte approach is to relegate human rights to the vagaries of government preferences. That’s not a system of human rights. It’s an excuse for repression, discrimination, and abuse.


foreignpolicy--2020-08-27--Big Tech Embraces New Cold War Nationalism

Last month , the CEOs of Google , Apple , Facebook , and Amazon were hauled before the U.S. Congress to be interrogated about their companies ’ monopolistic behavior .
While Democrats relentlessly grilled the four CEOs over their breach of antitrust laws , Republicans were just as interested in questioning their national loyalty and asking whether they had ties with the Chinese military .
At the hearing , Republican Rep. Ken Buck accused Google of declining to work with the U.S. Defense Department while falsely claiming that the company collaborated with the Chinese military .
In response , Google @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , stating that Google was in fact “ proud to support the U.S. government ” and boasted that they had “ recently signed a big project with the Department of Defense.
” Coming from Pichai , the immigrant CEO of a company known for its progressive values , boasting of Google ’ s collaboration with the Pentagon may just seem like a defensive response to being called treasonous .
But Google ’ s commitment to the military had long preceded this moment .
The company ’ s former CEO , Eric Schmidt , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Pentagon and now serves as the chairman of the Defense Innovation Board—an initiative to transfer technological innovation from Silicon Valley to the U.S. military .
Last month , a federal advisory commission that Schmidt chairs also recommended the creation of an artificial intelligence ( AI ) school to directly staff the U.S. government , including the Defense Department , with new technologists .
Google is far from alone .
Late last year , Microsoft won a $ 10 billion cloud contract with the Pentagon with the goal of “ increasing [ the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which also fought aggressively for the $ 10 billion contract , continues to provide cloud infrastructure for the CIA and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement .
Underpinning this new affinity for the U.S. government is a widespread anxiety that the rise of China ’ s tech industry may spell the end of Silicon Valley ’ s dominance .
In the past year , the tech investor Peter Thiel and Schmidt himself both wrote New York Times op-eds with the same warning : Silicon Valley must start working with the Pentagon , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s hostility toward China is a relatively new phenomenon .
In 2017 , Google opened an AI lab in Beijing , professing that “ AI and its benefits have no borders.
” In 2016 , Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg was eager to tap into China ’ s massive advertising market , aggressively courting China with newly developed censorship tools to appease Chinese officials .
But as U.S. President Donald Trump pins the blame for the pandemic on China and engages in tit-for-tat escalations over Hong Kong , the already tumultuous U.S.-China relationship @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executives have fallen in line , coalescing behind anti-Chinese rhetoric and using Chinese encroachment to justify military contracts and stave off regulations .
Last year , Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos warned that the country could be “ in trouble ” if the industry turned its back on the Pentagon .
Zuckerberg , just three years after courting China with censorship tools , urged U.S. lawmakers to stop trying to regulate Facebook ’ s new digital currency , Libra , otherwise the spreading of America ’ s “ democratic values and oversight around the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at risk .
But beneath the appeal to nationalism to duck regulation is the deeper ideological question of how Silicon Valley must act to stay ahead of China ’ s booming tech industry : For many years , Silicon Valley ’ s global success has represented the triumph of a progressive Western neoliberalism over China ’ s authoritarian capitalism .
Google became the cornerstone of innovation , while Chinese tech companies—whose names most people couldn ’ t even recite—were relegated to mere copycats .
But with the rise of Alibaba , Tencent , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Valley ’ s global order has come into question .
For most of the internet ’ s history , the West dominated the online world .
Embodying a mix of social progressivism and economic conservatism—known as the Californian Ideology—Silicon Valley became rulers of the open internet and champions of the free flow of information .
By delivering free services on an open internet , the illusion of Silicon Valley ’ s benevolence went unquestioned .
Google ’ s old tagline “ Don ’ t be evil ” epitomized this .
While the rhetoric @ @ @ @ @ @ @ synonymous with the internet itself , Silicon Valley saw the internet as the perfect medium for the free market ; transactions occurred instantaneously , and borders didn ’ t exist .
Neoliberalism , in other words , went online .
Indeed , like other multinationals , Silicon Valley companies also relied on the strong hand of U.S. policies to forcefully integrate developing countries under the neoliberal auspices of deregulation , privatization , and liberalization .
Backed by the deep pockets of the U.S. federal government and the military , internet companies operated online @ @ @ @ @ @ @ markets and making them inhospitable for domestic competitors to arise .
Facebook is the perfect example .
In 2012 , as Facebook ’ s overseas user base grew to 80 percent of total users , the company not only evaded paying taxes on its $ 1.1 billion in profits but also received a tax refund of $ 429 million by the U.S. government .
Furthermore , the company ’ s early entry to many developing nations secured its position as the top social media platform , leaving little space for domestic upstarts to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the dominant search engine in most countries , has also acted as an effective gatekeeper , dictating which businesses get to be seen and which don ’ t .
In 2015 , the Indian entrepreneur Asif Ali wrote in a blog post that Google was “ killing the innovation in the [ local ] market ” and that the company ’ s “ stranglehold in the market is sounding the death knell for many a publisher ” in India .
Yet despite these nefarious practices , both tech giants have cunningly marketed themselves @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 2013 declared that the internet was a human right ( hoping that people wouldn ’ t pick up on the simple algebra that more people online would mean more ad revenue for Facebook ) , while Google became the poster child for a modern and progressive company .
As such , this ethos of an open and free internet allowed Google , Facebook , and countless other Silicon Valley companies to slip into foreign countries completely unregulated , creating new online markets that they would then monopolize .
As American tech companies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approach lagged behind .
Today , the tables have turned .
Chinese tech companies have bloomed into formidable competitors and are finally in a position to challenge an otherwise completely Western-dominated internet .
Despite massive growth among U.S. tech giants during the pandemic , the Chinese telecommunications firm Huawei has become the largest mobile phone vendor ( overtaking Apple and Samsung ) , while Tencent has surpassed Facebook to become the world ’ s most valuable social media company .
Facebook ’ s subsidiary Instagram has also launched a TikTok copy after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ total number of smartphone downloads last year .
All this confirms the worst fears of Silicon Valley ’ s tech elite : that Google ’ s progressive laissez-faire model is no match for the state-supported growth of the Chinese system .
And that the only way to stay competitive is to drop the progressive act and embrace deeper ties with the U.S. government .
The Chinese tech industry ’ s advancement wasn ’ t inevitable .
While an open internet allowed U.S. tech companies to dominate , the Chinese government broke the rules @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2009 and 2010 , China strengthened its blocking of dominant foreign internet companies such as Facebook , Twitter , and YouTube both for censorship purposes , especially following growing unrest in Tibet , and to insulate China ’ s tech sector .
Known as the Great Firewall , this protectionist measure also gave local internet companies the time and space to develop their own alternatives , laying the foundations for the self-reliant tech sector China had long believed in .
In retaliation , the West furiously decried China ’ s Great Firewall .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s censorship of political dissent , the U.S. government , and to some degree think tanks , has also vilified China for implementing protectionist measures and blocking access to China ’ s massive online market .
In 2016 , the U.S. trade representative even listed Chinese internet censorship as a trade barrier , which , according to a Los Angeles Times report , cost “ U.S .
tech companies billions of dollars in revenue.
” However , now that Chinese tech companies are competing in the U.S. market , U.S. Secretary of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Clean Network program to protect American assets from “ aggressive intrusions by malign actors , such as the Chinese Communist Party ( CCP ) .
” Dressed up as a national security policy , the new program will prevent “ foreign adversaries ” from accessing U.S. systems through companies such as Alibaba , Baidu , and Tencent .
This new policy , which claims to safeguard American citizens ’ privacy , is of course deeply hypocritical , given the National Security Agency ’ s global surveillance project leaked by Edward Snowden in 2013 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ executive orders to ban WeChat and TikTok if they are not sold from their parent companies within 45 days .
While WeChat ’ s parent company Tencent is far from innocent and is complicit in the CCP ’ s expansive surveillance and censorship program in mainland China , such a ban will undoubtedly be a major blow to the millions of Chinese immigrants around the world who rely on the app to stay connected with their families .
These protectionist policies are aimed at forcing decoupling by U.S. firms that can no longer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Tech companies will have no choice but to play along and double down on their collaboration with the U.S. government or risk antagonizing it altogether—which could mean facing more regulations and losing out on lucrative government contracts .
Silicon Valley ’ s neoliberal order has come to an end , and from it a new era of tech nationalism has emerged .
The internet will be more divided between national boundaries and the tech industry more militarized .
An actual AI arms race may be inevitable .
The internet has connected people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and with it , U.S. tech companies have gone global .
But as Western hegemony is threatened by the rise of China ’ s tech industry , the solution isn ’ t to retreat back to a cold war mentality .
Instead , a new meaning of an international internet with democratically agreed-on oversight is needed .
In the meantime , the public can begin to use more secure options such as ProtonMail or Signal and reduce our reliance on tech conglomerates , whether they are American or Chinese .
Perhaps then , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or Tencent—won ’ t end up trapped between Beijing and Washington in their ever deteriorating relationship .

Last month, the CEOs of Google, Apple, Facebook, and Amazon were hauled before the U.S. Congress to be interrogated about their companies’ monopolistic behavior. While Democrats relentlessly grilled the four CEOs over their breach of antitrust laws, Republicans were just as interested in questioning their national loyalty and asking whether they had ties with the Chinese military. At the hearing, Republican Rep. Ken Buck accused Google of declining to work with the U.S. Defense Department while falsely claiming that the company collaborated with the Chinese military. In response, Google CEO Sundar Pichai fought nationalism with patriotism, stating that Google was in fact “proud to support the U.S. government” and boasted that they had “recently signed a big project with the Department of Defense.”
Last month, the CEOs of Google, Apple, Facebook, and Amazon were hauled before the U.S. Congress to be interrogated about their companies’ monopolistic behavior. While Democrats relentlessly grilled the four CEOs over their breach of antitrust laws, Republicans were just as interested in questioning their national loyalty and asking whether they had ties with the Chinese military. At the hearing, Republican Rep. Ken Buck accused Google of declining to work with the U.S. Defense Department while falsely claiming that the company collaborated with the Chinese military. In response, Google CEO Sundar Pichai fought nationalism with patriotism, stating that Google was in fact “proud to support the U.S. government” and boasted that they had “recently signed a big project with the Department of Defense.”
Coming from Pichai, the immigrant CEO of a company known for its progressive values, boasting of Google’s collaboration with the Pentagon may just seem like a defensive response to being called treasonous. But Google’s commitment to the military had long preceded this moment. The company’s former CEO, Eric Schmidt, has long advocated for deepening ties with the Pentagon and now serves as the chairman of the Defense Innovation Board—an initiative to transfer technological innovation from Silicon Valley to the U.S. military. Last month, a federal advisory commission that Schmidt chairs also recommended the creation of an artificial intelligence (AI) school to directly staff the U.S. government, including the Defense Department, with new technologists.
Google is far from alone. Late last year, Microsoft won a $10 billion cloud contract with the Pentagon with the goal of “increasing [the military’s] lethality.” Amazon, which also fought aggressively for the $10 billion contract, continues to provide cloud infrastructure for the CIA and U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
Underpinning this new affinity for the U.S. government is a widespread anxiety that the rise of China’s tech industry may spell the end of Silicon Valley’s dominance. In the past year, the tech investor Peter Thiel and Schmidt himself both wrote New York Times op-eds with the same warning: Silicon Valley must start working with the Pentagon, or else China will win.
Big Tech’s hostility toward China is a relatively new phenomenon. In 2017, Google opened an AI lab in Beijing, professing that “AI and its benefits have no borders.” In 2016, Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg was eager to tap into China’s massive advertising market, aggressively courting China with newly developed censorship tools to appease Chinese officials.
But as U.S. President Donald Trump pins the blame for the pandemic on China and engages in tit-for-tat escalations over Hong Kong, the already tumultuous U.S.-China relationship has reached a new low. Tech executives have fallen in line, coalescing behind anti-Chinese rhetoric and using Chinese encroachment to justify military contracts and stave off regulations. Last year, Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos warned that the country could be “in trouble” if the industry turned its back on the Pentagon. Zuckerberg, just three years after courting China with censorship tools, urged U.S. lawmakers to stop trying to regulate Facebook’s new digital currency, Libra, otherwise the spreading of America’s “democratic values and oversight around the world” through financial leadership would be at risk.
But beneath the appeal to nationalism to duck regulation is the deeper ideological question of how Silicon Valley must act to stay ahead of China’s booming tech industry: For many years, Silicon Valley’s global success has represented the triumph of a progressive Western neoliberalism over China’s authoritarian capitalism. Google became the cornerstone of innovation, while Chinese tech companies—whose names most people couldn’t even recite—were relegated to mere copycats. But with the rise of Alibaba, Tencent, Huawei, and many more, Silicon Valley’s global order has come into question.
For most of the internet’s history, the West dominated the online world. Embodying a mix of social progressivism and economic conservatism—known as the Californian Ideology—Silicon Valley became rulers of the open internet and champions of the free flow of information. By delivering free services on an open internet, the illusion of Silicon Valley’s benevolence went unquestioned. Google’s old tagline “Don’t be evil” epitomized this.
While the rhetoric of “free and open” became synonymous with the internet itself, Silicon Valley saw the internet as the perfect medium for the free market; transactions occurred instantaneously, and borders didn’t exist. Neoliberalism, in other words, went online.
Indeed, like other multinationals, Silicon Valley companies also relied on the strong hand of U.S. policies to forcefully integrate developing countries under the neoliberal auspices of deregulation, privatization, and liberalization. Backed by the deep pockets of the U.S. federal government and the military, internet companies operated online services overseas for free, dominating those markets and making them inhospitable for domestic competitors to arise.
Facebook is the perfect example. In 2012, as Facebook’s overseas user base grew to 80 percent of total users, the company not only evaded paying taxes on its $1.1 billion in profits but also received a tax refund of $429 million by the U.S. government. Furthermore, the company’s early entry to many developing nations secured its position as the top social media platform, leaving little space for domestic upstarts to challenge its hegemony. Google, as the dominant search engine in most countries, has also acted as an effective gatekeeper, dictating which businesses get to be seen and which don’t. In 2015, the Indian entrepreneur Asif Ali wrote in a blog post that Google was “killing the innovation in the [local] market” and that the company’s “stranglehold in the market is sounding the death knell for many a publisher” in India.
Yet despite these nefarious practices, both tech giants have cunningly marketed themselves as champions for progressive values. Zuckerberg in 2013 declared that the internet was a human right (hoping that people wouldn’t pick up on the simple algebra that more people online would mean more ad revenue for Facebook), while Google became the poster child for a modern and progressive company. As such, this ethos of an open and free internet allowed Google, Facebook, and countless other Silicon Valley companies to slip into foreign countries completely unregulated, creating new online markets that they would then monopolize. As American tech companies seemed unstoppable, China’s statist approach lagged behind.
Today, the tables have turned. Chinese tech companies have bloomed into formidable competitors and are finally in a position to challenge an otherwise completely Western-dominated internet. Despite massive growth among U.S. tech giants during the pandemic, the Chinese telecommunications firm Huawei has become the largest mobile phone vendor (overtaking Apple and Samsung), while Tencent has surpassed Facebook to become the world’s most valuable social media company. Facebook’s subsidiary Instagram has also launched a TikTok copy after the popular video app eclipsed Instagram in the total number of smartphone downloads last year.
All this confirms the worst fears of Silicon Valley’s tech elite: that Google’s progressive laissez-faire model is no match for the state-supported growth of the Chinese system. And that the only way to stay competitive is to drop the progressive act and embrace deeper ties with the U.S. government.
The Chinese tech industry’s advancement wasn’t inevitable. While an open internet allowed U.S. tech companies to dominate, the Chinese government broke the rules of the global economic order. Between 2009 and 2010, China strengthened its blocking of dominant foreign internet companies such as Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube both for censorship purposes, especially following growing unrest in Tibet, and to insulate China’s tech sector. Known as the Great Firewall, this protectionist measure also gave local internet companies the time and space to develop their own alternatives, laying the foundations for the self-reliant tech sector China had long believed in.
In retaliation, the West furiously decried China’s Great Firewall. Aside from mostly well-warranted criticism of China’s censorship of political dissent, the U.S. government, and to some degree think tanks, has also vilified China for implementing protectionist measures and blocking access to China’s massive online market. In 2016, the U.S. trade representative even listed Chinese internet censorship as a trade barrier, which, according to a Los Angeles Times report, cost “U.S. tech companies billions of dollars in revenue.”
However, now that Chinese tech companies are competing in the U.S. market, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo this month announced the Clean Network program to protect American assets from “aggressive intrusions by malign actors, such as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).” Dressed up as a national security policy, the new program will prevent “foreign adversaries” from accessing U.S. systems through companies such as Alibaba, Baidu, and Tencent. This new policy, which claims to safeguard American citizens’ privacy, is of course deeply hypocritical, given the National Security Agency’s global surveillance project leaked by Edward Snowden in 2013.
This month, Trump also issued executive orders to ban WeChat and TikTok if they are not sold from their parent companies within 45 days. While WeChat’s parent company Tencent is far from innocent and is complicit in the CCP’s expansive surveillance and censorship program in mainland China, such a ban will undoubtedly be a major blow to the millions of Chinese immigrants around the world who rely on the app to stay connected with their families.
These protectionist policies are aimed at forcing decoupling by U.S. firms that can no longer accept the risk of operating in China. Tech companies will have no choice but to play along and double down on their collaboration with the U.S. government or risk antagonizing it altogether—which could mean facing more regulations and losing out on lucrative government contracts.
Silicon Valley’s neoliberal order has come to an end, and from it a new era of tech nationalism has emerged. The internet will be more divided between national boundaries and the tech industry more militarized. An actual AI arms race may be inevitable.
The internet has connected people from all corners of the world, and with it, U.S. tech companies have gone global. But as Western hegemony is threatened by the rise of China’s tech industry, the solution isn’t to retreat back to a cold war mentality. Instead, a new meaning of an international internet with democratically agreed-on oversight is needed.
In the meantime, the public can begin to use more secure options such as ProtonMail or Signal and reduce our reliance on tech conglomerates, whether they are American or Chinese. Perhaps then, we—unlike Google, TikTok, Facebook, or Tencent—won’t end up trapped between Beijing and Washington in their ever deteriorating relationship.


foreignpolicy--2020-08-27--U.S. Halts Some Foreign Assistance Funding to Ethiopia Over Dam Dispute with Egypt, Sudan

U.S .
Halts Some Foreign Assistance Funding to Ethiopia Over Dam Dispute with Egypt , Sudan Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has approved a plan to halt U.S. foreign assistance to Ethiopia as the Trump administration attempts to mediate a dispute with Egypt and Sudan over the East African country ’ s construction of a massive dam on the Nile River .
The decision , made this week , could affect up to nearly $ 130 million in U.S. foreign assistance to Ethiopia and fuel new tensions in the relationship between Washington and Addis Ababa as it carries out plans @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.S. officials and congressional aides familiar with the matter .
Officials cautioned that the details of the cuts are not yet set in stone and the finalized number could amount to less than $ 130 million .
Programs that are on the chopping block include security assistance , counterterrorism and military education and training , anti-human trafficking programs , and broader development assistance funding , officials and congressional aides said .
The cuts would not impact U.S. funding for emergency humanitarian relief , food assistance , or health programs aimed at addressing COVID-19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ move is meant to address the standoff between Ethiopia and other countries that rely on the Nile River downstream that have opposed the construction of the massive dam project , called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam .
Egypt sees the dam ’ s construction as a core security issue given the country ’ s heavy reliance on the river for fresh water and agriculture , and in the past Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has hinted his country could use military force to halt the dam ’ s construction .
Some Ethiopian officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is taking Egypt ’ s side in the dispute .
President Donald Trump has shown a fondness for Sisi , reportedly calling him his “ favorite dictator ” during a G-7 summit last year .
Officials familiar with negotiations said the Trump administration has not approved parallel cuts in foreign assistance to Egypt .
Administration officials have repeatedly assured all sides that Washington is an impartial mediator in the negotiations , which mark one of the few diplomatic initiatives in Africa that the president has played a personal and active role in .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ accused the United States of taking Ethiopia ’ s side in the dispute as well .
“ There ’ s still progress being made , we still see a viable path forward here , ” said one U.S. official .
“ The U.S. role is to do everything it can to help facilitate an agreement between the three countries that balance their interests .
At the end of the day it has to be an agreement that works for these three countries.
” But the move is likely to face sharp pushback on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ familiar with the matter .
State Department officials briefed Congressional staff on the decision on Thursday , the aides said , and during the briefing insisted that the U.S.-Ethiopia relationship would remain strong despite a cutback in aid because the United States can have tough conversations “ with friends.
” “ This is a really fucking illogical way to show a ‘ friend ’ you really care , ” one Congressional aide told Foreign Policy in response .
The administration ’ s mediation efforts started last year , when Sisi asked Trump for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ States .
While the State Department handles diplomatic issues , Trump asked Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin to lead the mediation .
That arrangement has caused friction within the administration , with some State Department officials privately venting that the administration is mishandling its role in the negotiations by putting Treasury in the lead .
The State Department and Treasury Department did not respond to requests for comment .
On Tuesday , Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed visited Khartoum to discuss the dam issue with his Sudanese counterparts .
Pompeo was in Khartoum on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok , but the two leaders notably did not cross paths .
“ The Secretary and Prime Minister agreed that achieving mutually beneficial agreement among Sudan , Ethiopia , and Egypt on the filling and operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam ( GERD ) is crucial to regional stability , ” the State Department said in a statement issued after Pompeo ’ s meeting with Hamdok .
Following Abiy ’ s visit , the Ethiopian and Sudanese governments issued a joint statement saying that two sides “ would make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ conclusion to the current tripartite negotiations.
” The concept for the massive dam project was first conceived of by Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie in the 1960s , though the country did not break ground until 2011 .
Ethiopian citizens have helped bankroll the $ 4.6 billion dam project with small individual donations , making it an important point of national pride in addition to being a massive infrastructure project .
Some U.S. officials have raised doubts about whether U.S. funding cuts to Ethiopia could alter the country ’ s negotiating position , given @ @ @ @ @ @ @ significance .
The Trump administration first began considering withholding foreign assistance to Ethiopia over the dam discussions in July .
In fiscal year 2019 , the United States provided a total of $ 824.3 million in assistance to Ethiopia , of which $ 497.3 million was humanitarian aid , according to State Department data .
Egypt and Sudan demanded that Ethiopia not begin filling the dam until the countries reached a legally binding deal that would address how to manage water flows during droughts or dryer rainy seasons , and established a mechanism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But in July , following an unusually wet rainy season , Ethiopia announced it finalized the first phase of filling the 74 billion-cubic-meter dam , sparking a backlash from Cairo and Khartoum .
Update , Aug. 27 , 2020 : This article was update to include additional details about Pompeo ’ s trip to Sudan and Congressional reactions to the decision to cut aid to Ethiopia .

Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has approved a plan to halt U.S. foreign assistance to Ethiopia as the Trump administration attempts to mediate a dispute with Egypt and Sudan over the East African country’s construction of a massive dam on the Nile River.
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo has approved a plan to halt U.S. foreign assistance to Ethiopia as the Trump administration attempts to mediate a dispute with Egypt and Sudan over the East African country’s construction of a massive dam on the Nile River.
The decision, made this week, could affect up to nearly $130 million in U.S. foreign assistance to Ethiopia and fuel new tensions in the relationship between Washington and Addis Ababa as it carries out plans to fill the dam, according to U.S. officials and congressional aides familiar with the matter. Officials cautioned that the details of the cuts are not yet set in stone and the finalized number could amount to less than $130 million.
Programs that are on the chopping block include security assistance, counterterrorism and military education and training, anti-human trafficking programs, and broader development assistance funding, officials and congressional aides said. The cuts would not impact U.S. funding for emergency humanitarian relief, food assistance, or health programs aimed at addressing COVID-19 and HIV/AIDS, officials said.
The move is meant to address the standoff between Ethiopia and other countries that rely on the Nile River downstream that have opposed the construction of the massive dam project, called the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. Egypt sees the dam’s construction as a core security issue given the country’s heavy reliance on the river for fresh water and agriculture, and in the past Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi has hinted his country could use military force to halt the dam’s construction.
Some Ethiopian officials have said they believe the Trump administration is taking Egypt’s side in the dispute. President Donald Trump has shown a fondness for Sisi, reportedly calling him his “favorite dictator” during a G-7 summit last year. Officials familiar with negotiations said the Trump administration has not approved parallel cuts in foreign assistance to Egypt.
Administration officials have repeatedly assured all sides that Washington is an impartial mediator in the negotiations, which mark one of the few diplomatic initiatives in Africa that the president has played a personal and active role in. These officials pointed out that Egypt has accused the United States of taking Ethiopia’s side in the dispute as well.
“There’s still progress being made, we still see a viable path forward here,” said one U.S. official. “The U.S. role is to do everything it can to help facilitate an agreement between the three countries that balance their interests. At the end of the day it has to be an agreement that works for these three countries.”
But the move is likely to face sharp pushback on Capitol Hill, according to Congressional aides familiar with the matter. State Department officials briefed Congressional staff on the decision on Thursday, the aides said, and during the briefing insisted that the U.S.-Ethiopia relationship would remain strong despite a cutback in aid because the United States can have tough conversations “with friends.”
“This is a really fucking illogical way to show a ‘friend’ you really care,” one Congressional aide told Foreign Policy in response.
The administration’s mediation efforts started last year, when Sisi asked Trump for assistance during a visit to the United States. While the State Department handles diplomatic issues, Trump asked Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin to lead the mediation. That arrangement has caused friction within the administration, with some State Department officials privately venting that the administration is mishandling its role in the negotiations by putting Treasury in the lead.
The State Department and Treasury Department did not respond to requests for comment.
On Tuesday, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed visited Khartoum to discuss the dam issue with his Sudanese counterparts. Pompeo was in Khartoum on the same day to meet with Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok, but the two leaders notably did not cross paths. “The Secretary and Prime Minister agreed that achieving mutually beneficial agreement among Sudan, Ethiopia, and Egypt on the filling and operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) is crucial to regional stability,” the State Department said in a statement issued after Pompeo’s meeting with Hamdok.
Following Abiy’s visit, the Ethiopian and Sudanese governments issued a joint statement saying that two sides “would make every possible effort to reach a successful conclusion to the current tripartite negotiations.”
The concept for the massive dam project was first conceived of by Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie in the 1960s, though the country did not break ground until 2011. Ethiopian citizens have helped bankroll the $4.6 billion dam project with small individual donations, making it an important point of national pride in addition to being a massive infrastructure project.
Some U.S. officials have raised doubts about whether U.S. funding cuts to Ethiopia could alter the country’s negotiating position, given the dam’s political and cultural significance. The Trump administration first began considering withholding foreign assistance to Ethiopia over the dam discussions in July. In fiscal year 2019, the United States provided a total of $824.3 million in assistance to Ethiopia, of which $497.3 million was humanitarian aid, according to State Department data.
Egypt and Sudan demanded that Ethiopia not begin filling the dam until the countries reached a legally binding deal that would address how to manage water flows during droughts or dryer rainy seasons, and established a mechanism to resolve disputes regarding the dam.
But in July, following an unusually wet rainy season, Ethiopia announced it finalized the first phase of filling the 74 billion-cubic-meter dam, sparking a backlash from Cairo and Khartoum.
Update, Aug. 27, 2020: This article was update to include additional details about Pompeo’s trip to Sudan and Congressional reactions to the decision to cut aid to Ethiopia.


foreignpolicy--2020-08-27--Russia Runs U.S. Troops Off the Road in Syria

Russia Runs U.S .
Troops Off the Road in Syria Welcome to Foreign Policy ’ s Security Brief .
What ’ s on tap today : Russian forces run U.S. troops off the road in Syria , leaving several injured , U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper heads to the Pacific , and the United States appears to be iced out of Arctic power battles .
If you would like to receive Security Brief in your inbox every Thursday , please sign up here .
The Trump administration hoped that it would make progress on ending the conflict in Syria this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s new constitution is headed to the United Nations in New York , while U.S. Special Representative for Syria Engagement James Jeffrey went to Turkey to help smooth over longstanding differences over Pentagon support to Syrian Kurdish fighters .
Instead , Russian forces laid bare the precarious position of the 600 U.S. troops left in Syria in a viral incident .
On Tuesday , video shared on Russian Instagram feeds showed Russian and U.S. mine-resistant vehicles colliding on a road in the middle of the Syrian countryside .
The Pentagon did not immediately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ four U.S. troops were injured .
The National Security Council responded hours later , calling the move a “ breach of de-confliction protocols ” —but offering little direct condemnation of Russia .
Russia ’ s defense ministry insisted that its forces were responding to the U.S. military attempting to block a Russian patrol group .
The administration has hoped for Russia to focus on supporting the U.N.-led peace talks rather than targeting U.S. service members .
But former U.S. military officials and members of Congress weren ’ t satisfied with the Trump administration @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Kremlin .
“ We must not allow Russian troops to bully American soldiers carrying out lawful duties , ” James Stavridis , a retired four-star Navy admiral and the former supreme allied commander of NATO , tweeted on Thursday .
“ Backing down only encourages more bad behavior .
We know that with China , [ and we ] must follow the same path with Russia , ” he said .
Esper to visit Palau .
Mark Esper will be the first-ever U.S. defense secretary to visit the Pacific island nation of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with China in the region .
Palau is one of only 15 countries in the world that recognize Taiwan over China , despite Beijing ’ s recent campaign of checkbook diplomacy to convince small countries to switch their diplomatic allegiance to China in exchange for lucrative development and foreign investment .
Esper will also visit Hawaii and Guam during his trip to the Pacific this week as the Trump administration looks for new ways to boost the U.S. military presence in the Pacific .
Pompeo ’ s Mideast trip .
U.S. Secretary of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Middle East and East Africa this week that aimed to convince more countries to normalize relations with Israel after a diplomatic breakthrough between Israel and the United Arab Emirates .
Senior Israeli officials predicted that Bahrain and Oman could be next , but it appears that Pompeo ’ s trip fell short .
The momentum on getting Gulf Arab countries to formalize ties with Israel has stalled .
Pompeo visited Jerusalem , where he fueled controversy by addressing the Republican National Convention while on an official State Department visit ; Sudan ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Iced out .
While the United States has raised alarm bells about increasing Russian and Chinese ambitions in the Arctic , its resources don ’ t really match its rhetoric .
There is no better symbol of that problem than icebreakers : The United States has just two Cold War-era icebreakers with the ability to navigate the Arctic—the same amount as China—while Russia has 40 .
Now , one U.S. icebreaker is limping home after its motors caught fire , leaving only one left in port , Breaking Defense reports .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ heavy icebreakers and three medium icebreakers to operate effectively , with three coming online in the next six years .
Arson , they wrote .
U.S. Navy investigators suspect that arson from inside the ranks caused the Aug. 12 fire on the U.S.S .
Bonhomme Richard that left the amphibious assault ship severely damaged after a multi-day blaze .
Officials are questioning a sailor who was aboard the San Diego-docked ship as a potential suspect .
If the Richard is scuttled , it could leave taxpayers on the hook for a $ 4 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Top Pentagon communications official Charlie Summers , who briefly served as the agency ’ s top spokesperson after former Defense Secretary James Mattis left , will exit the Defense Department next month , Politico reports .
Top White House advisor leaving .
Kellyanne Conway , one of President Donald Trump ’ s most influential White House advisors , announced this week she was leaving the White House on Aug. 31 , citing the need to focus on her family .
Straight Talk Express .
More than 100 former staffers for the late Sen. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Trump , will endorse Joe Biden for president , the New York Times reported today .
McCain ’ s widow , Cindy McCain , spoke at the Democratic National Convention last week .
Are you a Republican or a Republican ’ t ?
As the Republican National Convention concludes with Trump speaking on the White House ’ s South Lawn tonight , Politico ’ s Tim Alberta offers a comprehensive deep-dive into the commander-in-chief ’ s vice grip over the party , leaving some exasperated Republicans worried that it is losing its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ visual investigation from BuzzFeed News reveals China ’ s sprawling internment system that it has used to incarcerate Uighur and other Muslim minorities in the Xinjiang region .
Cross-referencing areas blanked out on Baidu with satellite data , reporters discovered nearly 270 facilities built since 2017 that appear to be detention facilities .
On Monday , Aug. 31 , the trial of the four men criminally charged in absentia the 2014 downing of a Malaysia Airlines flight over Ukraine resumes in the Netherlands .
The Kosovar and Serbian leaders visit the White House @ @ @ @ @ @ @ scheduled in June collapsed after an international tribunal charged Kosovo ’ s president with war crimes .
Don ’ t drag Nessy .
“ Loch Ness monster defended after being dragged in U.S. presidential election campaign ” is a real headline after Donald Trump Jr. used the figure of Scottish folklore to slam Biden for spending his career in “ the swamp ” at the Republican National Convention this week .
Since U.S. politics isn ’ t weird enough these days .
For more from FP , subscribe here or sign up for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , comments , questions , or typos to securitybrief @ foreignpolicy.com .

Welcome to Foreign Policy’s Security Brief. What’s on tap today: Russian forces run U.S. troops off the road in Syria, leaving several injured, U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper heads to the Pacific, and the United States appears to be iced out of Arctic power battles .
Welcome to Foreign Policy’s Security Brief. What’s on tap today: Russian forces run U.S. troops off the road in Syria, leaving several injured, U.S. Defense Secretary Mark Esper heads to the Pacific, and the United States appears to be iced out of Arctic power battles.
If you would like to receive Security Brief in your inbox every Thursday, please sign up here.
U.S. Troops in Syria Remain in Precarious Position
The Trump administration hoped that it would make progress on ending the conflict in Syria this week. The committee drafting Syria’s new constitution is headed to the United Nations in New York, while U.S. Special Representative for Syria Engagement James Jeffrey went to Turkey to help smooth over longstanding differences over Pentagon support to Syrian Kurdish fighters.
Instead, Russian forces laid bare the precarious position of the 600 U.S. troops left in Syria in a viral incident. On Tuesday, video shared on Russian Instagram feeds showed Russian and U.S. mine-resistant vehicles colliding on a road in the middle of the Syrian countryside. The Pentagon did not immediately respond, even after Politico reported that four U.S. troops were injured.
The National Security Council responded hours later, calling the move a “breach of de-confliction protocols”—but offering little direct condemnation of Russia. Russia’s defense ministry insisted that its forces were responding to the U.S. military attempting to block a Russian patrol group. The administration has hoped for Russia to focus on supporting the U.N.-led peace talks rather than targeting U.S. service members.
But former U.S. military officials and members of Congress weren’t satisfied with the Trump administration’s lack of outright condemnation of the Kremlin. “We must not allow Russian troops to bully American soldiers carrying out lawful duties,” James Stavridis, a retired four-star Navy admiral and the former supreme allied commander of NATO, tweeted on Thursday.
“Backing down only encourages more bad behavior. We know that with China, [and we] must follow the same path with Russia,” he said.
What We’re Watching
Esper to visit Palau. Mark Esper will be the first-ever U.S. defense secretary to visit the Pacific island nation of Palau this week, underscoring increasing competition with China in the region. Palau is one of only 15 countries in the world that recognize Taiwan over China, despite Beijing’s recent campaign of checkbook diplomacy to convince small countries to switch their diplomatic allegiance to China in exchange for lucrative development and foreign investment.
Esper will also visit Hawaii and Guam during his trip to the Pacific this week as the Trump administration looks for new ways to boost the U.S. military presence in the Pacific.
Pompeo’s Mideast trip. U.S. Secretary of Mike Pompeo wrapped up a trip to the Middle East and East Africa this week that aimed to convince more countries to normalize relations with Israel after a diplomatic breakthrough between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. Senior Israeli officials predicted that Bahrain and Oman could be next, but it appears that Pompeo’s trip fell short. The momentum on getting Gulf Arab countries to formalize ties with Israel has stalled.
Pompeo visited Jerusalem, where he fueled controversy by addressing the Republican National Convention while on an official State Department visit; Sudan; Bahrain; the UAE; and Oman.
Iced out. While the United States has raised alarm bells about increasing Russian and Chinese ambitions in the Arctic, its resources don’t really match its rhetoric. There is no better symbol of that problem than icebreakers: The United States has just two Cold War-era icebreakers with the ability to navigate the Arctic—the same amount as China—while Russia has 40.
Now, one U.S. icebreaker is limping home after its motors caught fire, leaving only one left in port, Breaking Defense reports. The U.S. Coast Guard said it needs three heavy icebreakers and three medium icebreakers to operate effectively, with three coming online in the next six years.
Arson, they wrote. U.S. Navy investigators suspect that arson from inside the ranks caused the Aug. 12 fire on the U.S.S. Bonhomme Richard that left the amphibious assault ship severely damaged after a multi-day blaze. Officials are questioning a sailor who was aboard the San Diego-docked ship as a potential suspect. If the Richard is scuttled, it could leave taxpayers on the hook for a $4 billion replacement vessel.
Movers and Shakers
Summers gone. Top Pentagon communications official Charlie Summers, who briefly served as the agency’s top spokesperson after former Defense Secretary James Mattis left, will exit the Defense Department next month, Politico reports.
Top White House advisor leaving. Kellyanne Conway, one of President Donald Trump’s most influential White House advisors, announced this week she was leaving the White House on Aug. 31, citing the need to focus on her family.
Straight Talk Express. More than 100 former staffers for the late Sen. John McCain, an erstwhile Republican opponent of Trump, will endorse Joe Biden for president, the New York Times reported today. McCain’s widow, Cindy McCain, spoke at the Democratic National Convention last week.
Foreign Policy Recommends
Are you a Republican or a Republican’t? As the Republican National Convention concludes with Trump speaking on the White House’s South Lawn tonight, Politico’s Tim Alberta offers a comprehensive deep-dive into the commander-in-chief’s vice grip over the party, leaving some exasperated Republicans worried that it is losing its way.
Mass incarceration. A stunning visual investigation from BuzzFeed News reveals China’s sprawling internment system that it has used to incarcerate Uighur and other Muslim minorities in the Xinjiang region. Cross-referencing areas blanked out on Baidu with satellite data, reporters discovered nearly 270 facilities built since 2017 that appear to be detention facilities.
The Week Ahead
On Monday, Aug. 31, the trial of the four men criminally charged in absentia the 2014 downing of a Malaysia Airlines flight over Ukraine resumes in the Netherlands.
The Kosovar and Serbian leaders visit the White House on Wed. Sept. 2. Previous talks scheduled in June collapsed after an international tribunal charged Kosovo’s president with war crimes.
Odds and Ends
Don’t drag Nessy. “Loch Ness monster defended after being dragged in U.S. presidential election campaign” is a real headline after Donald Trump Jr. used the figure of Scottish folklore to slam Biden for spending his career in “the swamp” at the Republican National Convention this week. Since U.S. politics isn’t weird enough these days.
That’s it for today.
For more from FP, subscribe here or sign up for our other newsletters. Send your tips, comments, questions, or typos to securitybrief@foreignpolicy.com.


foreignpolicy--2020-08-27--What the Republican National Convention Tells Us About Trump’s Foreign Policy

What the Republican National Convention Tells Us About Trump ’ s Foreign Policy Nobody expects a political convention to be an exercise in sober , dispassionate analysis—and in that sense , the first three days of the Republican National Convention did not disappoint .
On the contrary , the RNC so far has been replete not just with the usual partisan spin and effusive praise for the nominee but with wild distortions , embarrassing obsequiousness , shocking violations of norms and laws , and numerous outright lies .
The most egregious cases of spin included the claims of unprecedented economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and job creation under President Donald Trump have been slower than under most recent presidents even before the economy entered the current recession ) , efforts to paint Trump as friendly to immigrants when he has worked relentlessly to restrict all forms of immigration and regularly engages in xenophobia , and—perhaps worst of all—the astonishing praise for his handling of the COVID-19 pandemic , even as the number of dead Americans approaches 200,000 , by far the highest total anywhere in the world .
The distortions of Trump ’ s foreign-policy record haven @ @ @ @ @ @ @ absurdity , but some have come close .
On China , with relations in tatters , the “ phase one ” trade deal unimplemented , and no further agreements on the horizon , Secretary of State Mike Pompeo ’ s only claim was that Trump has “ pulled back the curtain ” on bad Chinese behavior and “ held China accountable.
” Pompeo conveniently overlooked the massive costs of Trump ’ s trade war for Americans and the failure to reduce the U.S. trade deficit with China .
Pompeo also insisted that “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stronger , ” when Trump has in fact alienated most NATO allies and repeatedly undermined the alliance ’ s mutual defense guarantee , the main reason for its existence .
On North Korea , Pompeo gave Trump credit for having “ lowered the temperature , ” even though it was Trump who had turned up the temperature in the first place ; Pompeo ’ s boast that the president got North Korean leader Kim Jong Un to the table “ against all odds ” was puzzling in that Kim had been the one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concessions when he got one .
Other speakers used similar sleight of hand .
U.S. Sen. Rand Paul tried to suggest that Trump , unlike Democratic nominee Joe Biden , opposed the Iraq War , when in fact he supported it and only changed his mind more than a year after the invasion .
Former U.S .
Ambassador to Germany Richard Grenell described watching Trump “ charm ” German Chancellor Angela Merkel , probably not the word Merkel would have used to describe his approach .
Donald Trump Jr. blasted the defunct North @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nightmare ” and one of the “ worst trade deals in the history of the planet ” —even though the differences between that agreement and the one his father replaced it with are minor and not necessarily positive .
Not willing to be outdone by his brother , Eric Trump somehow listed “ peace in the Middle East ” as one of the president ’ s “ promises … kept , ” which seems a stretch even when taking into account the recent normalization agreement between Israel and United Arab Emirates , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the first place .
The convention also sent the clear message that the Republican Party ’ s foreign policy has been completely taken over by Trump .
But such exaggerations were to be expected .
The more noteworthy foreign-policy message of the convention lies in what most speakers left out .
First on that list was any discussion of the existential threat of climate change .
As the convention was taking place , California was experiencing some of the worst forest fires in its history , and the biggest hurricane in 15 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Coast , a foretaste of the sort of catastrophic damage scientists agree the country will see much more frequently if urgent action is not taken .
Yet not a single speaker addressed this issue , other than those who took pot shots at the Paris climate agreement or some Democrats ’ plans for a Green New Deal , and Trump himself defended fracking while dismissing the prospects of wind and solar power .
Just as Trump responded to the coronavirus outbreak by simply insisting everything would be fine and that it would just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” he and other convention speakers apparently decided the best way to address this potentially even greater threat was to avoid talking about it .
Nor did convention speakers talk about the erosion of democracy and human rights around the world—astonishing for a party that once cared deeply about such things .
Perhaps this omission is understandable given the nepotism , corruption , and assault on democratic norms over the past four years under Trump himself .
But Trump not only seems unwilling to condemn repression in Russia , China , Saudi Arabia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and elsewhere but also appears entirely comfortable with it .
As the convention was taking place , Russian President Vladimir Putin ’ s main opponent was undergoing treatment for poisoning in a Berlin hospital , the president of Belarus was threatening to crack down on peaceful protesters with Russian support , journalists all around the world were being stifled , and millions of Uighurs were being detained in Chinese prison camps .
All these developments were swept under the rug even as speaker after speaker tried to portray Trump as a champion of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ convention itself—using the trappings of office for partisan gain in violation of U.S. law , devoting nearly half of the main speaking slots to members of Trump ’ s family , and letting a sitting secretary of state address the convention in overt breach of his own department ’ s regulations—sent a terrible signal about the importance of respect for democratic norms and rules , and undermined Washington ’ s ability to criticize other governments for violating them .
Finally , there was the absence of any emphasis on the importance to U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which made convention appearances only as the object of criticism or disdain .
The former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations told us that the organization is “ a place where dictators , murderers , and thieves denounce America.
” NATO allies were described not as key trading and security partners the United States needs on board to meet global challenges—including the pandemic that is killing Americans and devastating their economy—but as long-standing deadbeats who had “ taken advantage of ” the United States .
Speakers repeatedly claimed Trump had enhanced respect for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sharp contradiction to evidence that approval of U.S. leadership has fallen to historically low levels and that confidence in Trump has cratered even among U.S. allies .
As speakers praised Trump ’ s Iran policy , it was certainly not surprising that no one mentioned that fact that the policy had just been resoundingly rejected even by the closest U.S. allies at the U.N. Security Council or that it had failed to achieve its stated goals .
By reelecting Trump , Americans would be empowering an unprincipled narcissist to do whatever he wants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legality , decency , or national interest .
The convention also sent the clear message—without anyone having to say it—that the Republican Party ’ s foreign policy has been completely taken over by Trump .
It was extraordinary that the party declined to publish a party platform , instead pledging to “ enthusiastically support the president ’ s America-first agenda.
” No previous Republican nominee for president was asked to speak .
Or perhaps they weren ’ t willing , judging by the more than 70 national security officials from former Republican administrations @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Trump ’ s first few years in office , the so-called adults in the room provided some hedge against Trump ’ s whims and worst impulses .
They are now all gone , and the only top senior foreign-policy officials left—Pompeo and Vice President Mike Pence—happen to be the most loyal and obsequious , which is of course why they have survived .
The message of the convention is that Trump ’ s foreign policy is whatever he wants it to be at any given time , and if Trump wishes to change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fall into line .
That is why the prospect of a second Trump term is so frightening .
It is not just that Trump has actually proved to be a poor dealmaker with a thin foreign-policy record .
Or even that he is ignoring such vital issues as climate change , democracy , and alliances .
Or that he has gutted the State Department and other agencies of so much talent while removing the watchdogs who were put in place to prevent corruption and abuse of power .
The truly frightening prospect is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ approach , Americans would be empowering an unprincipled narcissist to do whatever he wants , however he wants , regardless of legality , decency , or national interest .
If Trump is reelected after taking total control of his party , repeatedly violating laws and norms , using the presidency for personal gain , embracing autocrats and dictators , gutting international institutions , isolating the United States , and disparaging and offending allies , he will feel entirely unconstrained to do more of the same , and perhaps worse , in a second @ @ @ @ @ @ @ convention .
But it was exactly the message they sent .

Nobody expects a political convention to be an exercise in sober, dispassionate analysis—and in that sense, the first three days of the Republican National Convention did not disappoint. On the contrary, the RNC so far has been replete not just with the usual partisan spin and effusive praise for the nominee but with wild distortions, embarrassing obsequiousness, shocking violations of norms and laws, and numerous outright lies. The most egregious cases of spin included the claims of unprecedented economic performance (when in fact U.S. growth and job creation under President Donald Trump have been slower than under most recent presidents even before the economy entered the current recession), efforts to paint Trump as friendly to immigrants when he has worked relentlessly to restrict all forms of immigration and regularly engages in xenophobia, and—perhaps worst of all—the astonishing praise for his handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, even as the number of dead Americans approaches 200,000, by far the highest total anywhere in the world.
Nobody expects a political convention to be an exercise in sober, dispassionate analysis—and in that sense, the first three days of the Republican National Convention did not disappoint. On the contrary, the RNC so far has been replete not just with the usual partisan spin and effusive praise for the nominee but with wild distortions, embarrassing obsequiousness, shocking violations of norms and laws, and numerous outright lies. The most egregious cases of spin included the claims of unprecedented economic performance (when in fact U.S. growth and job creation under President Donald Trump have been slower than under most recent presidents even before the economy entered the current recession), efforts to paint Trump as friendly to immigrants when he has worked relentlessly to restrict all forms of immigration and regularly engages in xenophobia, and—perhaps worst of all—the astonishing praise for his handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, even as the number of dead Americans approaches 200,000, by far the highest total anywhere in the world.
The distortions of Trump’s foreign-policy record haven’t quite reached that level of absurdity, but some have come close. On China, with relations in tatters, the “phase one” trade deal unimplemented, and no further agreements on the horizon, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s only claim was that Trump has “pulled back the curtain” on bad Chinese behavior and “held China accountable.” Pompeo conveniently overlooked the massive costs of Trump’s trade war for Americans and the failure to reduce the U.S. trade deficit with China. Pompeo also insisted that “because of President Trump, NATO is stronger,” when Trump has in fact alienated most NATO allies and repeatedly undermined the alliance’s mutual defense guarantee, the main reason for its existence. On North Korea, Pompeo gave Trump credit for having “lowered the temperature,” even though it was Trump who had turned up the temperature in the first place; Pompeo’s boast that the president got North Korean leader Kim Jong Un to the table “against all odds” was puzzling in that Kim had been the one longing for a summit and made no concessions when he got one.
Other speakers used similar sleight of hand. U.S. Sen. Rand Paul tried to suggest that Trump, unlike Democratic nominee Joe Biden, opposed the Iraq War, when in fact he supported it and only changed his mind more than a year after the invasion. Former U.S. Ambassador to Germany Richard Grenell described watching Trump “charm” German Chancellor Angela Merkel, probably not the word Merkel would have used to describe his approach. Donald Trump Jr. blasted the defunct North American Free Trade Agreement as a “nightmare” and one of the “worst trade deals in the history of the planet”—even though the differences between that agreement and the one his father replaced it with are minor and not necessarily positive. Not willing to be outdone by his brother, Eric Trump somehow listed “peace in the Middle East” as one of the president’s “promises … kept,” which seems a stretch even when taking into account the recent normalization agreement between Israel and United Arab Emirates, which were never at war with each other in the first place.
The convention also sent the clear message that the Republican Party’s foreign policy has been completely taken over by Trump.
But such exaggerations were to be expected. The more noteworthy foreign-policy message of the convention lies in what most speakers left out. First on that list was any discussion of the existential threat of climate change. As the convention was taking place, California was experiencing some of the worst forest fires in its history, and the biggest hurricane in 15 years was making landfall on the Gulf Coast, a foretaste of the sort of catastrophic damage scientists agree the country will see much more frequently if urgent action is not taken. Yet not a single speaker addressed this issue, other than those who took pot shots at the Paris climate agreement or some Democrats’ plans for a Green New Deal, and Trump himself defended fracking while dismissing the prospects of wind and solar power. Just as Trump responded to the coronavirus outbreak by simply insisting everything would be fine and that it would just “disappear … like a miracle,” he and other convention speakers apparently decided the best way to address this potentially even greater threat was to avoid talking about it.
Nor did convention speakers talk about the erosion of democracy and human rights around the world—astonishing for a party that once cared deeply about such things. Perhaps this omission is understandable given the nepotism, corruption, and assault on democratic norms over the past four years under Trump himself. But Trump not only seems unwilling to condemn repression in Russia, China, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Brazil, Hungary, and elsewhere but also appears entirely comfortable with it. As the convention was taking place, Russian President Vladimir Putin’s main opponent was undergoing treatment for poisoning in a Berlin hospital, the president of Belarus was threatening to crack down on peaceful protesters with Russian support, journalists all around the world were being stifled, and millions of Uighurs were being detained in Chinese prison camps. All these developments were swept under the rug even as speaker after speaker tried to portray Trump as a champion of freedom. The very organization of the convention itself—using the trappings of office for partisan gain in violation of U.S. law, devoting nearly half of the main speaking slots to members of Trump’s family, and letting a sitting secretary of state address the convention in overt breach of his own department’s regulations—sent a terrible signal about the importance of respect for democratic norms and rules, and undermined Washington’s ability to criticize other governments for violating them.
Finally, there was the absence of any emphasis on the importance to U.S. interests of allies and multilateral institutions, which made convention appearances only as the object of criticism or disdain. The former U.S. ambassador to the United Nations told us that the organization is “a place where dictators, murderers, and thieves denounce America.” NATO allies were described not as key trading and security partners the United States needs on board to meet global challenges—including the pandemic that is killing Americans and devastating their economy—but as long-standing deadbeats who had “taken advantage of” the United States. Speakers repeatedly claimed Trump had enhanced respect for the country around the world, in sharp contradiction to evidence that approval of U.S. leadership has fallen to historically low levels and that confidence in Trump has cratered even among U.S. allies. As speakers praised Trump’s Iran policy, it was certainly not surprising that no one mentioned that fact that the policy had just been resoundingly rejected even by the closest U.S. allies at the U.N. Security Council or that it had failed to achieve its stated goals.
By reelecting Trump, Americans would be empowering an unprincipled narcissist to do whatever he wants, however he wants, regardless of legality, decency, or national interest.
The convention also sent the clear message—without anyone having to say it—that the Republican Party’s foreign policy has been completely taken over by Trump. It was extraordinary that the party declined to publish a party platform, instead pledging to “enthusiastically support the president’s America-first agenda.” No previous Republican nominee for president was asked to speak. Or perhaps they weren’t willing, judging by the more than 70 national security officials from former Republican administrations who have publicly endorsed Biden. During Trump’s first few years in office, the so-called adults in the room provided some hedge against Trump’s whims and worst impulses. They are now all gone, and the only top senior foreign-policy officials left—Pompeo and Vice President Mike Pence—happen to be the most loyal and obsequious, which is of course why they have survived. The message of the convention is that Trump’s foreign policy is whatever he wants it to be at any given time, and if Trump wishes to change it on a dime the party will fall into line.
That is why the prospect of a second Trump term is so frightening. It is not just that Trump has actually proved to be a poor dealmaker with a thin foreign-policy record. Or even that he is ignoring such vital issues as climate change, democracy, and alliances. Or that he has gutted the State Department and other agencies of so much talent while removing the watchdogs who were put in place to prevent corruption and abuse of power. The truly frightening prospect is that by reelecting Trump and endorsing this approach, Americans would be empowering an unprincipled narcissist to do whatever he wants, however he wants, regardless of legality, decency, or national interest. If Trump is reelected after taking total control of his party, repeatedly violating laws and norms, using the presidency for personal gain, embracing autocrats and dictators, gutting international institutions, isolating the United States, and disparaging and offending allies, he will feel entirely unconstrained to do more of the same, and perhaps worse, in a second term. Nobody said this at the convention. But it was exactly the message they sent.


foreignpolicy--2020-08-27--EU Leaders Meet as Eastern Mediterranean Crisis Deepens

Here is today ’ s Foreign Policy brief : EU officials meet to discuss the crisis in the eastern Mediterranean , Bahrain says it is committed to Palestinian statehood , and the United Nations rejects U.S. efforts to reimpose sanctions on Iran .
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EU foreign ministers will meet in Berlin today to begin a two-day round of informal talks aimed at resolving the ongoing dispute between Greece and Turkey in the eastern Mediterranean , which observers warn could erupt into full-scale @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Disputed waters .
Turkey and Greece have long butted heads in the region , but the latest dispute erupted after huge gas and oil reserves were discovered in the eastern Mediterranean , where both countries have overlapping maritime claims .
Greece ’ s claims are based on the so-called Seville map , which was commissioned by the European Union in the early 2000s and gives maximal maritime boundaries to every Greek island in the region , no matter how close to Turkey ’ s borders .
Turkey has dismissed the Seville map , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its exclusive economic zone .
As Michaël Tanchum recently wrote for Foreign Policy , under the U.N. Convention on the Law of Sea ( UNCLOS ) , “ Turkey is likely entitled to a larger maritime zone , ” but because it isn ’ t a UNCLOS signatory , it can not lean on this legal recourse .
Tensions rising .
There is growing concern that tensions between Greece and Turkey could spark a wider military confrontation in the region that could drag international actors into the mix .
Both countries are NATO @ @ @ @ @ @ @ away from the West in recent years as it seeks to cultivate a deeper relationship with Russia .
On Sunday , the Interfax news agency reported that Russia is likely to sign a deal with Turkey to sell it an additional batch of its S-400 missile systems .
Another sale would be seen as a sharp rebuke of the Trump administration .
On Tuesday , Greece sent naval vessels to the eastern Mediterranean to conduct a joint military exercise with France in response to Turkey ’ s decision to extend a maritime research @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by Turkish naval vessels .
Resolving the crisis .
Today ’ s meeting is likely to conclude without a resolution , but the main task for the EU ’ s foreign ministers will be to propose a series of options for national leaders to deliberate at the next EU summit in late September .
The EU has already said “ all options are on the table , ” which includes possible sanctions against Turkey , as well as withdrawing its EU membership bid .
Pompeo and Haley eyeing the top job .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and partisan politics , U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and former U.S .
Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley spoke in support of President Donald Trump ’ s candidacy during the second night of the Republican National Convention on Tuesday .
But some observers were struck by the nature of their speeches , which seemed to reveal that both leaders—who have already developed their own national profile while serving under Trump—are vying for the leadership of the Republican Party after Trump leaves .
As Foreign Policy ’ s Colum Lynch and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say Haley and Pompeo both stand a credible chance of leading the party mantle after Trump leaves the scene , but they are likely to face competition from other aspirants.
” Bahrain rejects normalization with Israel .
U.S. efforts to boost normalization between Arab states and Israel was hit with a harsh rebuke on Wednesday after Bahrain ’ s King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa told Pompeo during his visit to the country that he remained committed to the Arab Peace Initiative , a 2002 proposal calling for normalization only in exchange for Israel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Palestinian territories .
Bahrain was considered one of the countries most likely to follow the United Arab Emirates in normalizing its relations with Israel in the wake of the historic deal between the two countries , but Wednesday ’ s meeting coupled with Sudan ’ s own rebuff of normalization talks suggest that the cascade of diplomatic breakthroughs predicted by some Israeli officials might not be imminent .
Pressure on Mali .
The European Union suspended military training exercises with Mali on Wednesday in response to last week ’ s military coup , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to revert to civilian rule .
German Defense Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer acknowledged that some of the coup leaders were trained in Europe , but other EU officials said this was inadvertent and they did not instigate the military ’ s actions .
The European Union has strongly condemned the coup , saying it would reject any unconstitutional change to the country ’ s government .
Violence in Kenosha .
Two people were killed by a gunman after the third consecutive night of protests against police violence in Kenosha , Wisconsin .
A 17-year-old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relation to the two deaths .
The unrest began after a police officer shot Jacob Blake , a Black man , seven times in front of his children on Sunday .
Blake ’ s father later told reporters that he survived the shooting but has been paralyzed from the waist down .
The events in Kenosha are part of the nationwide protest movement against police brutality and anti-Black racism that has come in the wake of the police killing of George Floyd in May .
Floyd ’ s death led to a wave @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including demonstrations in Washington that saw Trump threaten military action against protesters .
U.N. rejects Iran snapback .
The U.N. Security Council has blocked the Trump administration ’ s attempt to trigger the “ snapback ” mechanism of the Iran nuclear deal , a provision which allows any one of the original signatories to reimpose all pre-2015 sanctions on Iran if it is found to be in violation of the deal .
U.S. officials have been advocating for the snapback since failing to push through a resolution that would have extended the arms @ @ @ @ @ @ @ faced significant pushback from other members of the Security Council .
Washington will likely apply renewed pressure on the council when its rotating presidency passes from Indonesia to Niger next week , but the battle will probably drag on until the U.N. General Assembly meets in September .
Contested U.S. election ?
Hillary Clinton , the former U.S. secretary of state and the Democratic Party ’ s 2016 presidential nominee , said in an interview that Democratic nominee Joe Biden “ should not concede [ the election ] under any circumstances , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ mess ] up absentee balloting ” as a way of gaining a “ narrow advantage in the Electoral College on Election Day.
” Clinton ’ s remarks come as Trump has increasingly tried to cast doubt over the legitimacy of the election in recent weeks , claiming in his speech at the RNC on Monday that Democrats were preparing to use the coronavirus pandemic and mail-in voting to rob him of the election .
Brian Kalt recently detailed for Foreign Policy how the United States ’ constitutional system is ill-equipped to deal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how this could lead to a post-election doomsday scenario .
Scots Wikipedia scandal .
An online storm erupted after it emerged that almost half of all of Wikipedia ’ s articles in Scots—a language spoken in parts of Scotland and Northern Ireland that ’ s similar to English—had been written by a single person ( an American teenager ) who is neither Scottish nor an actual Scots speaker .
Wikipedia entries in Scots were known to be of poor quality , and it was discovered that most of them were little more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
While some Scots speakers have called for the entire Scots Wikipedia to be taken down , others have proposed a massive editing project by native speakers .
The episode inflamed an already fierce debate over the status of Scots .
Speakers and enthusiasts say it is a language in its own right , but detractors contend that its significant commonalities with English make it a dialect .
While the particular label used may seem trivial , it does have implications for whether speakers have access to certain rights and funding schemes .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , subscribe here , or sign up for our other newsletters .
Send your tips , comments , questions , or corrections to morningbrief @ foreignpolicy.com .

Here is today’s Foreign Policy brief: EU officials meet to discuss the crisis in the eastern Mediterranean , Bahrain says it is committed to Palestinian statehood, and the United Nations rejects U.S. efforts to reimpose sanctions on Iran.
Here is today’s Foreign Policy brief: EU officials meet to discuss the crisis in the eastern Mediterranean, Bahrain says it is committed to Palestinian statehood, and the United Nations rejects U.S. efforts to reimpose sanctions on Iran.
If you would like to receive Morning Brief in your inbox every weekday, please sign up here.
EU Leaders Look for a Way Out of the Crisis
EU foreign ministers will meet in Berlin today to begin a two-day round of informal talks aimed at resolving the ongoing dispute between Greece and Turkey in the eastern Mediterranean, which observers warn could erupt into full-scale military confrontation between the NATO allies.
Disputed waters. Turkey and Greece have long butted heads in the region, but the latest dispute erupted after huge gas and oil reserves were discovered in the eastern Mediterranean, where both countries have overlapping maritime claims. Greece’s claims are based on the so-called Seville map, which was commissioned by the European Union in the early 2000s and gives maximal maritime boundaries to every Greek island in the region, no matter how close to Turkey’s borders.
Turkey has dismissed the Seville map, claiming it unfairly and unjustly encroaches on its exclusive economic zone. As Michaël Tanchum recently wrote for Foreign Policy, under the U.N. Convention on the Law of Sea (UNCLOS), “Turkey is likely entitled to a larger maritime zone,” but because it isn’t a UNCLOS signatory, it cannot lean on this legal recourse.
Tensions rising. There is growing concern that tensions between Greece and Turkey could spark a wider military confrontation in the region that could drag international actors into the mix. Both countries are NATO allies, but Turkey has been drifting away from the West in recent years as it seeks to cultivate a deeper relationship with Russia. On Sunday, the Interfax news agency reported that Russia is likely to sign a deal with Turkey to sell it an additional batch of its S-400 missile systems. Another sale would be seen as a sharp rebuke of the Trump administration.
On Tuesday, Greece sent naval vessels to the eastern Mediterranean to conduct a joint military exercise with France in response to Turkey’s decision to extend a maritime research trip in the area that was accompanied by Turkish naval vessels.
Resolving the crisis. Today’s meeting is likely to conclude without a resolution, but the main task for the EU’s foreign ministers will be to propose a series of options for national leaders to deliberate at the next EU summit in late September. The EU has already said “all options are on the table,” which includes possible sanctions against Turkey, as well as withdrawing its EU membership bid.
What We’re Following Today
Pompeo and Haley eyeing the top job. In a highly unusual mix of public service and partisan politics, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and former U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Nikki Haley spoke in support of President Donald Trump’s candidacy during the second night of the Republican National Convention on Tuesday.
But some observers were struck by the nature of their speeches, which seemed to reveal that both leaders—who have already developed their own national profile while serving under Trump—are vying for the leadership of the Republican Party after Trump leaves. As Foreign Policy’s Colum Lynch and Robbie Gramer reported, “Republican insiders say Haley and Pompeo both stand a credible chance of leading the party mantle after Trump leaves the scene, but they are likely to face competition from other aspirants.”
Bahrain rejects normalization with Israel. U.S. efforts to boost normalization between Arab states and Israel was hit with a harsh rebuke on Wednesday after Bahrain’s King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa told Pompeo during his visit to the country that he remained committed to the Arab Peace Initiative, a 2002 proposal calling for normalization only in exchange for Israel’s full withdrawal from the occupied Palestinian territories.
Bahrain was considered one of the countries most likely to follow the United Arab Emirates in normalizing its relations with Israel in the wake of the historic deal between the two countries, but Wednesday’s meeting coupled with Sudan’s own rebuff of normalization talks suggest that the cascade of diplomatic breakthroughs predicted by some Israeli officials might not be imminent.
Pressure on Mali. The European Union suspended military training exercises with Mali on Wednesday in response to last week’s military coup, ramping up pressure on the newly-formed junta to revert to civilian rule. German Defense Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer acknowledged that some of the coup leaders were trained in Europe, but other EU officials said this was inadvertent and they did not instigate the military’s actions. The European Union has strongly condemned the coup, saying it would reject any unconstitutional change to the country’s government.
Violence in Kenosha. Two people were killed by a gunman after the third consecutive night of protests against police violence in Kenosha, Wisconsin. A 17-year-old has been charged with first-degree murder in relation to the two deaths.
The unrest began after a police officer shot Jacob Blake, a Black man, seven times in front of his children on Sunday. Blake’s father later told reporters that he survived the shooting but has been paralyzed from the waist down.
The events in Kenosha are part of the nationwide protest movement against police brutality and anti-Black racism that has come in the wake of the police killing of George Floyd in May. Floyd’s death led to a wave of unrest across the United States, including demonstrations in Washington that saw Trump threaten military action against protesters.
Keep an Eye On
U.N. rejects Iran snapback. The U.N. Security Council has blocked the Trump administration’s attempt to trigger the “snapback” mechanism of the Iran nuclear deal, a provision which allows any one of the original signatories to reimpose all pre-2015 sanctions on Iran if it is found to be in violation of the deal. U.S. officials have been advocating for the snapback since failing to push through a resolution that would have extended the arms embargo on Iran indefinitely, but have faced significant pushback from other members of the Security Council.
Washington will likely apply renewed pressure on the council when its rotating presidency passes from Indonesia to Niger next week, but the battle will probably drag on until the U.N. General Assembly meets in September.
Contested U.S. election? Hillary Clinton, the former U.S. secretary of state and the Democratic Party’s 2016 presidential nominee, said in an interview that Democratic nominee Joe Biden “should not concede [the election] under any circumstances,” suggesting that Republicans are going to “[mess] up absentee balloting” as a way of gaining a “narrow advantage in the Electoral College on Election Day.”
Clinton’s remarks come as Trump has increasingly tried to cast doubt over the legitimacy of the election in recent weeks, claiming in his speech at the RNC on Monday that Democrats were preparing to use the coronavirus pandemic and mail-in voting to rob him of the election.
Brian Kalt recently detailed for Foreign Policy how the United States’ constitutional system is ill-equipped to deal with a disputed election result, and how this could lead to a post-election doomsday scenario.
Odds and Ends
Scots Wikipedia scandal. An online storm erupted after it emerged that almost half of all of Wikipedia’s articles in Scots—a language spoken in parts of Scotland and Northern Ireland that’s similar to English—had been written by a single person (an American teenager) who is neither Scottish nor an actual Scots speaker. Wikipedia entries in Scots were known to be of poor quality, and it was discovered that most of them were little more than Scots words substituted into English grammatical constructions. While some Scots speakers have called for the entire Scots Wikipedia to be taken down, others have proposed a massive editing project by native speakers.
The episode inflamed an already fierce debate over the status of Scots. Speakers and enthusiasts say it is a language in its own right, but detractors contend that its significant commonalities with English make it a dialect. While the particular label used may seem trivial, it does have implications for whether speakers have access to certain rights and funding schemes.
That’s it for today.
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