foreignpolicy--2020-10-24--A Year After Protests Began, Chile’s Constitutional Referendum Goes Ahead

SANTIAGO , Chile—On the evening of Oct. 5 , 1988 , Eugenio García , a 36-year-old advertising executive , sat hunched in front of a flickering television set , waiting anxiously for news .
That afternoon , polls had closed in a historic referendum : Chile would choose between another eight years of General Augusto Pinochet ’ s repressive dictatorship ( 1973-1990 ) or a transition to democracy .
García had been part of the team that masterminded the NO campaign against Pinochet ’ s continued rule .
With a rainbow as its symbol , the campaign used its two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an explosion of color , hope , and forward-thinking to the nation .
Its slogan ?
Chile , ¡la alegría ya viene !
, or ‘ happiness is coming !
’ Just after 2 a.m. it was announced that the NO campaign had won with 56 percent of the vote and Pinochet had reluctantly accepted the result .
García went to bed , exhausted , without fully appreciating the magnitude of the win .
He vividly recalls picking up a copy of La Tercera , one of Chile ’ s main newspapers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ image of a young man embracing a police officer on its front page .
“ That was when I really knew we had won , ” García , now 67 , says , “ The victory didn ’ t just set the wheels in motion for Pinochet ’ s exit , but it hinted that a more profound reconciliation was possible.
” Now , 32 years later and still haunted by the legacy of the dictatorship , Chile stands at another crossroads .
Starting in October last year , a visceral , cathartic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests , centered on issues of socioeconomic inequality , has shaken the country to its core .
The uprising paved the way for a period of introspection as coronavirus quarantines set in—and a constitutional referendum now that they are lifting .
Since the events of last October , hundreds of thousands of people have poured onto the streets during months of unrest , demanding fundamental change in issues running the gamut : the pension system ; public education ; environmental protection ; and indigenous peoples ’ rights .
Increasingly , the 1980 Pinochet-era @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ anger .
And now , on Oct. 25 , Chile will hold a referendum on its replacement .
In the vote , which was postponed by the pandemic , Chileans will be handed two ballot papers .
The first will ask voters if they want a new constitution ( to which they can answer ‘ I approve ’ or ‘ I reject ’ ) ; the second gives two options for the type of body that can draft the new document ( either a ‘ mixed convention , ’ or a ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former , the assembly would be split equally between sitting parliamentarians and other citizens who put themselves forward for election ; in the latter , the assembly would be elected entirely from civil society .
Although polling is not permitted within two weeks of a vote , the last surveys before that cut-off suggest that a majority of Chileans—roughly two-thirds—are in favor of a new constitution , with a narrower majority also in favor of the civil society-led constitutional assembly process .
“ In Chile we ’ ve never had consensus on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ imposed either by force or exclusion—and in the case of the 1980 document , both , ” historian Verónica Valdivia , a professor at Diego Portales University in Santiago , said .
Chile has had several constitutions , most of which have been drafted without popular input .
The Pinochet-era document was written by a specialist group close to Pinochet .
The constitution has been reformed several times since , most profoundly in 2005 under the government of former President Ricardo Lagos , but critics suggest that the changes have not gone far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In particular , they highlight some glaring welfare omissions in the constitution , primarily concerning housing , health , and education rights .
Further , Chile ’ s nine indigenous groups , accounting for nearly 13 percent of the population—roughly two million people , according to the 2017 census—are not recognized or offered special protections in the text at all , unlike all other countries in Latin America , which have recognized indigenous groups in their constitutions .
The document also concentrates political power overwhelmingly in the executive and in Santiago , rather @ @ @ @ @ @ @ underdeveloped regions .
For example , Antofagasta , the north ’ s mining powerhouse , provides much of Chile ’ s total capital but doesn ’ t have much say in how it is spent .
Those in favor of change say the 1980 constitution is the embodiment of the dictatorship ’ s unfair and undignified system , which marginalized the majority and concentrated wealth , power , and influence in an insulated minority .
“ Although often we think of them as relating only to political power , constitutions also set out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around their rules , ” said Viviana Ponce de León , a constitutional scholar at Chile ’ s Austral University .
By contrast , those in favor of the current constitution and its model argue that the document works well enough .
They point out that the economy has grown under this constitution and claim that the upheaval brought about by replacing it will stunt Chile ’ s progress rather than enable it .
( According to the World Bank , between 1990 and 2018 , Chile ’ s gross domestic product grew @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United Nations Development Programme data also shows that the country ’ s richest 1 percent control a third of its wealth . )
Many have also adopted a mantra of rejecting wholesale change in order to prioritize reform , but the document can not be overhauled so easily .
A three-fifths majority of both the lower house and senate is required to change most articles in the constitution , and for some key political and economic articles , the margin is even higher .
Replacing the document outright may be easier .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ either a mixed assembly of 86 sitting parliamentarians and 86 other delegates elected from civil society , or a constituent assembly with all 155 chosen from the population at large , will be set up for the task .
For any law to be incorporated into the new constitution , it will have to receive at least two-thirds support from this body .
Some have voiced concern that this clean- slate approach could produce a scant document , although there is no shortage of ideas that could be discussed .
Groups on both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up draft versions reflecting their constitutional priorities over the last decade .
Former President Michelle Bachelet even presented a full draft written by civil servants in late 2018 .
The referendum , however , is the first opportunity for voters to participate in pushing an entirely new project forward .
The process of creating the world ’ s newest constitution also holds promise for many .
A March 24 agreement enshrined gender parity in the body that drafts it , should that body be a constitutional convention , meaning that Chile has the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with guaranteed equal participation of women .
Negotiations are still ongoing as to how best to guarantee seats for indigenous peoples .
However the group is formed , the delegates will then have between nine and 12 months to write an entirely new constitution , and a referendum would be held in mid-2022 , in which participation would be compulsory , to ratify the finished product .
If the document is then rejected , the 1980 constitution will remain in force , returning Chile ’ s activists to square one , albeit with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ draw in future .
The drafting process is also subject to uncertainty—parliamentarians may use an extension to the drafting period of six months .
In response to the referendum vote this weekend and throughout any potential constitutional drafting process , the country could return to extended protest amid a renewed campaign for change .
If the document is then rejected , the 1980 constitution will remain in force , returning Chile ’ s activists to square one .
Back in October , as protestors streamed down Santiago ’ s wide avenues to congregate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ placards carrying the message : “ The happiness never came , so we had to go out to find it.
” García ’ s response ?
“ It ’ s a little unfair to take our campaign as being responsible for the political course of the nation.
” He continued , smiling , “ My opinion is that happiness did arrive , because there was this explosion of joy—the slogan wasn ’ t meant to be taken as anything more than that .
“ The country has changed substantially , there ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ still ropes that tether Chile to its past , and many of these are constitutional.
” Sunday ’ s referendum will determine if and how these ropes may begin to be severed .

SANTIAGO, Chile—On the evening of Oct. 5, 1988, Eugenio García, a 36-year-old advertising executive, sat hunched in front of a flickering television set, waiting anxiously for news. That afternoon, polls had closed in a historic referendum: Chile would choose between another eight years of General Augusto Pinochet’s repressive dictatorship (1973-1990) or a transition to democracy.
SANTIAGO, Chile—On the evening of Oct. 5, 1988, Eugenio García, a 36-year-old advertising executive, sat hunched in front of a flickering television set, waiting anxiously for news. That afternoon, polls had closed in a historic referendum: Chile would choose between another eight years of General Augusto Pinochet’s repressive dictatorship (1973-1990) or a transition to democracy.
García had been part of the team that masterminded the NO campaign against Pinochet’s continued rule. With a rainbow as its symbol, the campaign used its two 15-minute televised slots each day to project an explosion of color, hope, and forward-thinking to the nation. Its slogan? Chile, ¡la alegría ya viene!, or ‘happiness is coming!’
Just after 2 a.m. it was announced that the NO campaign had won with 56 percent of the vote and Pinochet had reluctantly accepted the result. García went to bed, exhausted, without fully appreciating the magnitude of the win. He vividly recalls picking up a copy of La Tercera, one of Chile’s main newspapers, several days later, and seeing the image of a young man embracing a police officer on its front page. “That was when I really knew we had won,” García, now 67, says, “The victory didn’t just set the wheels in motion for Pinochet’s exit, but it hinted that a more profound reconciliation was possible.”
Now, 32 years later and still haunted by the legacy of the dictatorship, Chile stands at another crossroads. Starting in October last year, a visceral, cathartic, and at times violent wave of protests, centered on issues of socioeconomic inequality, has shaken the country to its core. The uprising paved the way for a period of introspection as coronavirus quarantines set in—and a constitutional referendum now that they are lifting. Since the events of last October, hundreds of thousands of people have poured onto the streets during months of unrest, demanding fundamental change in issues running the gamut: the pension system; public education; environmental protection; and indigenous peoples’ rights. Increasingly, the 1980 Pinochet-era constitution has become the target of demonstrators’ anger. And now, on Oct. 25, Chile will hold a referendum on its replacement.
In the vote, which was postponed by the pandemic, Chileans will be handed two ballot papers. The first will ask voters if they want a new constitution (to which they can answer ‘I approve’ or ‘I reject’); the second gives two options for the type of body that can draft the new document (either a ‘mixed convention,’ or a ‘constitutional assembly’). In the former, the assembly would be split equally between sitting parliamentarians and other citizens who put themselves forward for election; in the latter, the assembly would be elected entirely from civil society.
Although polling is not permitted within two weeks of a vote, the last surveys before that cut-off suggest that a majority of Chileans—roughly two-thirds—are in favor of a new constitution, with a narrower majority also in favor of the civil society-led constitutional assembly process.
“In Chile we’ve never had consensus on the fundamental issues, so constitutions have been imposed either by force or exclusion—and in the case of the 1980 document, both,” historian Verónica Valdivia, a professor at Diego Portales University in Santiago, said. Chile has had several constitutions, most of which have been drafted without popular input. The Pinochet-era document was written by a specialist group close to Pinochet. The constitution has been reformed several times since, most profoundly in 2005 under the government of former President Ricardo Lagos, but critics suggest that the changes have not gone far enough to fundamentally democratize the document.
In particular, they highlight some glaring welfare omissions in the constitution, primarily concerning housing, health, and education rights. Further, Chile’s nine indigenous groups, accounting for nearly 13 percent of the population—roughly two million people, according to the 2017 census—are not recognized or offered special protections in the text at all, unlike all other countries in Latin America, which have recognized indigenous groups in their constitutions.
The document also concentrates political power overwhelmingly in the executive and in Santiago, rather than devolving powers to Chile’s underdeveloped regions. For example, Antofagasta, the north’s mining powerhouse, provides much of Chile’s total capital but doesn’t have much say in how it is spent.
Those in favor of change say the 1980 constitution is the embodiment of the dictatorship’s unfair and undignified system, which marginalized the majority and concentrated wealth, power, and influence in an insulated minority. “Although often we think of them as relating only to political power, constitutions also set out the type of society that can coalesce around their rules,” said Viviana Ponce de León, a constitutional scholar at Chile’s Austral University.
By contrast, those in favor of the current constitution and its model argue that the document works well enough. They point out that the economy has grown under this constitution and claim that the upheaval brought about by replacing it will stunt Chile’s progress rather than enable it. (According to the World Bank, between 1990 and 2018, Chile’s gross domestic product grew roughly 800% to $298 billion—yet United Nations Development Programme data also shows that the country’s richest 1 percent control a third of its wealth.) Many have also adopted a mantra of rejecting wholesale change in order to prioritize reform, but the document cannot be overhauled so easily. A three-fifths majority of both the lower house and senate is required to change most articles in the constitution, and for some key political and economic articles, the margin is even higher.
Replacing the document outright may be easier. For the drafting of the new document, either a mixed assembly of 86 sitting parliamentarians and 86 other delegates elected from civil society, or a constituent assembly with all 155 chosen from the population at large, will be set up for the task. For any law to be incorporated into the new constitution, it will have to receive at least two-thirds support from this body. Some have voiced concern that this clean- slate approach could produce a scant document, although there is no shortage of ideas that could be discussed. Groups on both the political left and right have drawn up draft versions reflecting their constitutional priorities over the last decade. Former President Michelle Bachelet even presented a full draft written by civil servants in late 2018. The referendum, however, is the first opportunity for voters to participate in pushing an entirely new project forward.
The process of creating the world’s newest constitution also holds promise for many. A March 24 agreement enshrined gender parity in the body that drafts it, should that body be a constitutional convention, meaning that Chile has the opportunity to draft the first national constitution with guaranteed equal participation of women. Negotiations are still ongoing as to how best to guarantee seats for indigenous peoples.
However the group is formed, the delegates will then have between nine and 12 months to write an entirely new constitution, and a referendum would be held in mid-2022, in which participation would be compulsory, to ratify the finished product.
If the document is then rejected, the 1980 constitution will remain in force, returning Chile’s activists to square one, albeit with a draft constitution upon which they may draw in future. The drafting process is also subject to uncertainty—parliamentarians may use an extension to the drafting period of six months. In response to the referendum vote this weekend and throughout any potential constitutional drafting process, the country could return to extended protest amid a renewed campaign for change.
If the document is then rejected, the 1980 constitution will remain in force, returning Chile’s activists to square one.
Back in October, as protestors streamed down Santiago’s wide avenues to congregate in Plaza Italia, some carried cardboard placards carrying the message: “The happiness never came, so we had to go out to find it.” García’s response? “It’s a little unfair to take our campaign as being responsible for the political course of the nation.” He continued, smiling, “My opinion is that happiness did arrive, because there was this explosion of joy—the slogan wasn’t meant to be taken as anything more than that.
“The country has changed substantially, there’s no doubting that, but there are still ropes that tether Chile to its past, and many of these are constitutional.” Sunday’s referendum will determine if and how these ropes may begin to be severed.


foreignpolicy--2020-10-24--In Chile, One Word Defines the Political Revolution

In Chile , One Word Defines the Political Revolution It was the image that would define a movement : protesters clinging atop the graffiti-ridden statue of a Chilean general in the heart of Santiago , proudly waving the Chilean and Mapuche flags as a plume of burgundy-colored smoke rose around them .
They looked over more than 1 million protesters filling the capital ’ s main artery as far as the eye could see , like a Eugène Delacroix painting come to life .
The scene in question took place in Plaza Italia ( since renamed Plaza Dignidad , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ October 2019 , at the height of what would later be known as the estallido social , or social explosion .
A hike in metro fares sparked a revolt , with youth hopping turnstiles and boycotting public transit , and then blew up into much more : a nationwide eruption among Chileans of all walks of life denouncing issues including school privatization , income inequality , and political corruption .
Demonstrators chanted , “ It ’ s not 30 pesos—it ’ s 30 years , ” to underscore that the metro fare increase @ @ @ @ @ @ @ camel ’ s back amid injustices that had bedeviled the country since the end of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet ’ s reign in 1990 .
The largest and most effective protest in the country ’ s modern history , the estallido social prompted Chilean President Sebastián Piñera to launch a state of emergency , a curfew , and a fleet of military personnel in the capital ’ s streets—and to call a referendum on a new constitution .
This weekend , Chileans will vote on whether—and how—to ditch the Pinochet-era constitution that has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has fully explained the nuance of last year ’ s social upheaval more than one uniquely Chilean word : facho .
“ # PlazaDignidad es del pueblo , no del facho , ” as one Facebook page implored in the local slang : “ Plaza Dignidad is for the people , not for fascists.
” Despite literally translating as “ fascist , ” the term “ facho ” conjures up a kaleidoscopic “ rage against the system ” disposition .
It implies a multitude of images—the same way Americans use “ redneck ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ critique of far-right social beliefs or of establishment politics that offer power to some over others .
At its core , the term is meant to evoke the 1973 coup that resulted in the death of Socialist President Salvador Allende and made way for the controversial rule of Pinochet and his military junta .
It also evokes the memory of the country ’ s 1988 national plebiscite , which resulted in a two-year transition to democracy .
In reflecting these events , the term underscores a spate of simmering political grievances , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dictatorship , and resistance to accept that things have to be the way they are because that ’ s the way things have always been .
During a Twitter feud last year , prominent Sen. José Miguel Insulza , who served as foreign minister in the 1990s and led the Organization of American States for a decade , wrote to a former presidential candidate that in addition to being a facho , he was a liar .
The Chilean broadcast journalist Matías del Río , who was criticized for his tepid interview with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interview on the prominent YouTube show Domingos Dominicales that he had been harangued by critics as a “ facho ” ever since .
And as inequality and class struggle have persisted in the country , Chileans have witnessed the emergence of the expression “ facho pobre ” ( poor fascist ) , a reference to middle- and working-class people who support the Chilean right .
Francisco Javier Díaz , the co-author of Dictionary of Chilean Politics , recalls that the word “ facho ” was even banned on television during the dictatorship .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ so powerful among those who resisted Pinochet—and those who are leading the charge during protests today .
“ Words are also political instruments , ” Díaz said .
Lately , facho and related terms have made a comeback to shed light on the government and Pinochet sympathizers ’ use of language to deny Chile ’ s legacy of political and social injustice .
“ [ They ] don ’ t call the 1973 coup a coup .
They call it a pronunciamiento , ” or military uprising , he said .
Three decades @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the scars left by the Pinochet regime remain palpable .
Nearly 40,000 people suffered human rights abuses during the dictatorship , and 3,000 died or disappeared .
Another 200,000 Chileans escaped the horrors in their home country by going into exile .
Yet those who benefited from the regime ’ s orthodox economic policies and the controversial rule of law imposed by the military inherited a fond nostalgia for those years .
When Pinochet died in 2006 , more than 60,000 Chileans paid tribute at his funeral .
And as of 2015 , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ military regime .
If the darker aspects of the Pinochet years struggle to break through into historical memory , it ’ s partly by design .
Much of the world was simply unaware of the extent of the regime ’ s human rights violations until the end of Pinochet ’ s dictatorship , contends Loreto Urqueta , a legal advisor at Amnesty International Chile .
( Although Pinochet was later arrested in London and endured a 16-month legal battle in the House of Lords , he ultimately dodged a slew of charges and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crimes . )
“ After the dictatorship , Chile still sold—internally and externally—this image of a successful , prosperous country , ” Urqueta said .
But an intense political bitterness was brewing beneath the surface .
Chileans on both ends of the political spectrum still struggle to reconcile with their homeland ’ s facho past .
Around 75 percent say the country is yet to achieve reconciliation , and 85 percent believe the military has pacts of silence to protect those involved in human rights violations .
That was abundantly clear during the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ International report published this month called on the Chilean Attorney General ’ s Office to open criminal investigations against commanders of the police force for their role in human rights violations during last year ’ s protests , citing that militarized officers injured 1,938 people with tear gas bombs and metal bullets encased in rubber .
The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights cited sexual violence , torture , and degrading treatment of arrested protesters , in addition to condemning the excessive use of force as a violation of international protocol .
“ This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The police have remained the same , and their approach towards demonstrations has remained the same , ” said Urqueta , who contributed to the Amnesty report .
As in two-thirds of the 50-odd countries that have undergone a democratic transition since World War II , Chile ’ s current constitution was a going-away present from the outgoing authoritarian government .
Its lack of social protections has continued to push minorities to the periphery and has pushed inequality to levels similar to those during the dictatorship .
This weekend ’ s vote will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ drafted and whether it will be done by a constitutional convention of elected officials or a combination of civilians and politicians .
In a moment when the world is watching a rise in populism and authoritarianism , the Chilean plebiscite—whichever way it ultimately breaks—is just the latest and loudest demand for citizen democracy , something that might allow Chile to finally shed its facho past .

It was the image that would define a movement: protesters clinging atop the graffiti-ridden statue of a Chilean general in the heart of Santiago, proudly waving the Chilean and Mapuche flags as a plume of burgundy-colored smoke rose around them. They looked over more than 1 million protesters filling the capital’s main artery as far as the eye could see, like a Eugène Delacroix painting come to life.
It was the image that would define a movement: protesters clinging atop the graffiti-ridden statue of a Chilean general in the heart of Santiago, proudly waving the Chilean and Mapuche flags as a plume of burgundy-colored smoke rose around them. They looked over more than 1 million protesters filling the capital’s main artery as far as the eye could see, like a Eugène Delacroix painting come to life.
The scene in question took place in Plaza Italia (since renamed Plaza Dignidad, or Dignity Plaza, by demonstrators) in October 2019, at the height of what would later be known as the estallido social, or social explosion. A hike in metro fares sparked a revolt, with youth hopping turnstiles and boycotting public transit, and then blew up into much more: a nationwide eruption among Chileans of all walks of life denouncing issues including school privatization, income inequality, and political corruption. Demonstrators chanted, “It’s not 30 pesos—it’s 30 years,” to underscore that the metro fare increase was simply the straw that broke the camel’s back amid injustices that had bedeviled the country since the end of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet’s reign in 1990.
[Listen to this story on your iPhone or iPad via Apple News+.]
The largest and most effective protest in the country’s modern history, the estallido social prompted Chilean President Sebastián Piñera to launch a state of emergency, a curfew, and a fleet of military personnel in the capital’s streets—and to call a referendum on a new constitution. This weekend, Chileans will vote on whether—and how—to ditch the Pinochet-era constitution that has ruled them ever since.
But nothing has fully explained the nuance of last year’s social upheaval more than one uniquely Chilean word: facho.
“#PlazaDignidad es del pueblo, no del facho,” as one Facebook page implored in the local slang: “Plaza Dignidad is for the people, not for fascists.”
Despite literally translating as “fascist,” the term “facho” conjures up a kaleidoscopic “rage against the system” disposition. It implies a multitude of images—the same way Americans use “redneck” or “aristotrash” to land a critique of far-right social beliefs or of establishment politics that offer power to some over others. At its core, the term is meant to evoke the 1973 coup that resulted in the death of Socialist President Salvador Allende and made way for the controversial rule of Pinochet and his military junta. It also evokes the memory of the country’s 1988 national plebiscite, which resulted in a two-year transition to democracy. In reflecting these events, the term underscores a spate of simmering political grievances, the legacy of human rights abuses by the dictatorship, and resistance to accept that things have to be the way they are because that’s the way things have always been.
During a Twitter feud last year, prominent Sen. José Miguel Insulza, who served as foreign minister in the 1990s and led the Organization of American States for a decade, wrote to a former presidential candidate that in addition to being a facho, he was a liar. The Chilean broadcast journalist Matías del Río, who was criticized for his tepid interview with Piñera in March, confessed in an interview on the prominent YouTube show Domingos Dominicales that he had been harangued by critics as a “facho” ever since. And as inequality and class struggle have persisted in the country, Chileans have witnessed the emergence of the expression “facho pobre” (poor fascist), a reference to middle- and working-class people who support the Chilean right.
Francisco Javier Díaz, the co-author of Dictionary of Chilean Politics, recalls that the word “facho” was even banned on television during the dictatorship. That itself has contributed to making it so powerful among those who resisted Pinochet—and those who are leading the charge during protests today.
“Words are also political instruments,” Díaz said. Lately, facho and related terms have made a comeback to shed light on the government and Pinochet sympathizers’ use of language to deny Chile’s legacy of political and social injustice. “[They] don’t call the 1973 coup a coup. They call it a pronunciamiento,” or military uprising, he said.
Three decades after democracy came back to Chile, the scars left by the Pinochet regime remain palpable. Nearly 40,000 people suffered human rights abuses during the dictatorship, and 3,000 died or disappeared. Another 200,000 Chileans escaped the horrors in their home country by going into exile. Yet those who benefited from the regime’s orthodox economic policies and the controversial rule of law imposed by the military inherited a fond nostalgia for those years. When Pinochet died in 2006, more than 60,000 Chileans paid tribute at his funeral. And as of 2015, 1 in 5 Chileans still supported the military regime.
If the darker aspects of the Pinochet years struggle to break through into historical memory, it’s partly by design. Much of the world was simply unaware of the extent of the regime’s human rights violations until the end of Pinochet’s dictatorship, contends Loreto Urqueta, a legal advisor at Amnesty International Chile. (Although Pinochet was later arrested in London and endured a 16-month legal battle in the House of Lords, he ultimately dodged a slew of charges and died without having been convicted of any crimes.)
“After the dictatorship, Chile still sold—internally and externally—this image of a successful, prosperous country,” Urqueta said.
But an intense political bitterness was brewing beneath the surface. Chileans on both ends of the political spectrum still struggle to reconcile with their homeland’s facho past. Around 75 percent say the country is yet to achieve reconciliation, and 85 percent believe the military has pacts of silence to protect those involved in human rights violations. That was abundantly clear during the estallido social last fall.
An Amnesty International report published this month called on the Chilean Attorney General’s Office to open criminal investigations against commanders of the police force for their role in human rights violations during last year’s protests, citing that militarized officers injured 1,938 people with tear gas bombs and metal bullets encased in rubber. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights cited sexual violence, torture, and degrading treatment of arrested protesters, in addition to condemning the excessive use of force as a violation of international protocol.
“This is a consequence of the dictatorship. The police have remained the same, and their approach towards demonstrations has remained the same,” said Urqueta, who contributed to the Amnesty report.
As in two-thirds of the 50-odd countries that have undergone a democratic transition since World War II, Chile’s current constitution was a going-away present from the outgoing authoritarian government. Its lack of social protections has continued to push minorities to the periphery and has pushed inequality to levels similar to those during the dictatorship. This weekend’s vote will determine if a new constitution will be drafted and whether it will be done by a constitutional convention of elected officials or a combination of civilians and politicians.
In a moment when the world is watching a rise in populism and authoritarianism, the Chilean plebiscite—whichever way it ultimately breaks—is just the latest and loudest demand for citizen democracy, something that might allow Chile to finally shed its facho past.


foreignpolicy--2020-10-26--The U.S. Foreign Service Isn’t Suited for the 21st Century

The U.S. Foreign Service Isn ’ t Suited for the 21st Century This article is part of Election 2020 : What We ’ re Missing , FP ’ s series of daily takes by leading global thinkers on the most important foreign-policy issues not being talked about during the presidential election campaign .
The United States ’ institutions for wielding 21st-century power have atrophied .
Americans may proudly point to their vast lead in hard power , but much of this hard power—and most U.S. spending on defense and intelligence support—is substantially irrelevant to the security objectives in our new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ digital security ; economic and financial security ; security against transnational crime , corruption , and terrorism ; and the security of the biosphere we inhabit .
One of the painful lessons of recent years has been that brute force rarely achieves the desired results .
Even if one is concerned about security dangers from China , Russia , or Iran , a closer analysis of plausible scenarios will reveal that a major part of U.S. hard power will be irrelevant .
The deeper issue , however , is that U.S. policies are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , predominantly military , rather than the other way around .
The core problem isn ’ t one of resources .
The core problem is reconceiving the deeply neglected institutions—including the U.S. State Department and various agencies—that will allow the United States to attain its foreign objectives .
The 21st-century agenda is a different mix , requiring a broadly based and attuned foreign service .
If the United States doubled the size of its foreign service , which it should , the budgetary impact would scarcely be noticed .
But the U.S. Congress @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pour fresh water into the same old vessels .
Instead , an agenda for reconceiving U.S. foreign-policy institutions for the 21st century should include : Redefine and broaden the concept of foreign service beyond a single department of the government .
This reconceived foreign service should be interdepartmental , while the State Department ’ s focus should be narrowed to provide more and better analysis of foreign developments and orchestrate the foreign efforts of various agencies applying their specialized knowledge and skills .
Restore the State Department ’ s central role in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ developments around the world .
This job is done now primarily by the intelligence community and its institutions , whose central roles evolved during the Cold War and the so-called war on terror .
But the 21st-century agenda is a different mix , requiring a broadly based and attuned foreign service at the center of the daily flow of analysis .
Reduce reliance on outside contractors and maintain more of the professional expertise to solve problems and implement policies inside the government .
When U.S. foreign policy was at its most effective , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ professional expertise lay in the agencies .
Outsourcing this expertise , over time , also outsources the expertise to guide the work , resulting in gutted agencies whose staff focus on contract supervision , not policy design .
To extend the base of expertise even further , a “ foreign service reserve ” should be built across the country , available as needed .
Overhaul and radically strengthen professional training within a greatly enlarged , interdepartmental foreign service .
The current foreign service and the relevant civil servants at the State Department and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the analysis and policy design required to meet 21st-century objectives .
Their professional education is barebones with weak supplemental training , in part because staffing is so thin that what ’ s known as a training float ( similar to what the U.S. military relies on to support its lavish program of professional education ) can not be maintained .
The growth of the National Security Council staff—which itself is poorly organized and trained—is a symptom of the problem , not a solution .
If funding and talent are overwhelmingly directed toward training @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States will mostly rely on military solutions , whether they are optimal or not .
This reconception of the U.S. foreign service should be an action agenda for the next administration to “ build back better .
”

The United States’ institutions for wielding 21st-century power have atrophied. Americans may proudly point to their vast lead in hard power, but much of this hard power—and most U.S. spending on defense and intelligence support—is substantially irrelevant to the security objectives in our new era. These include biological security; digital security; economic and financial security; security against transnational crime, corruption, and terrorism; and the security of the biosphere we inhabit. One of the painful lessons of recent years has been that brute force rarely achieves the desired results.
The United States’ institutions for wielding 21st-century power have atrophied. Americans may proudly point to their vast lead in hard power, but much of this hard power—and most U.S. spending on defense and intelligence support—is substantially irrelevant to the security objectives in our new era. These include biological security; digital security; economic and financial security; security against transnational crime, corruption, and terrorism; and the security of the biosphere we inhabit. One of the painful lessons of recent years has been that brute force rarely achieves the desired results.
Even if one is concerned about security dangers from China, Russia, or Iran, a closer look at plausible scenarios will reveal that a major part of U.S. hard power would be irrelevant in a conflict. The deeper issue, however, is that U.S. policies are mostly conceived and debated around available instruments, predominantly military, rather than the other way around. The core problem isn’t one of resources: The core problem is reconceiving the deeply neglected institutions—including the U.S. State Department and various agencies—that will allow the United States to attain its foreign objectives.
The 21st-century agenda is a different mix, requiring a broadly based and attuned foreign service.
If the United States doubled the size of its foreign service, which it should, the budgetary impact would scarcely be noticed. But the U.S. Congress will not, and should not, pour fresh water into the same old vessels. Instead, an agenda for reconceiving U.S. foreign-policy institutions for the 21st century should include:
Redefine and broaden the concept of foreign service beyond a single department of the government. This reconceived foreign service should be interdepartmental, while the State Department’s focus should be narrowed to provide more and better analysis of foreign developments and orchestrate the foreign efforts of various agencies applying their specialized knowledge and skills.
Restore the State Department’s central role in the U.S. government’s day-to-day analysis of developments around the world. This job is done now primarily by the intelligence community and its institutions, whose central roles evolved during the Cold War and the so-called war on terror. But the 21st-century agenda is a different mix, requiring a broadly based and attuned foreign service at the center of the daily flow of analysis.
Reduce reliance on outside contractors and maintain more of the professional expertise to solve problems and implement policies inside the government. When U.S. foreign policy was at its most effective, in the mid-20th century, the core professional expertise lay in the agencies. Outsourcing this expertise, over time, also outsources the expertise to guide the work, resulting in gutted agencies whose staff focus on contract supervision, not policy design. To extend the base of expertise even further, a “foreign service reserve” should be built across the country, available as needed.
Overhaul and radically strengthen professional training within a greatly enlarged, interdepartmental foreign service. The current foreign service and the relevant civil servants at the State Department and other agencies are not trained to perform the analysis and policy design required to meet 21st-century objectives. Their professional education is barebones with weak supplemental training, in part because staffing is so thin that what’s known as a training float (similar to what the U.S. military relies on to support its lavish program of professional education) cannot be maintained. The growth of the National Security Council staff—which itself is poorly organized and trained—is a symptom of the problem, not a solution. If funding and talent are overwhelmingly directed toward training and equipping military problem-solvers, then the United States will mostly rely on military solutions, whether they are optimal or not.
This reconception of the U.S. foreign service should be an action agenda for the next administration to “build back better.”


foreignpolicy--2020-10-26--Will Belarus Go On Strike?

Will Belarus Go On Strike?

Will Belarus Go On Strike ?
Here is today ’ s Foreign Policy brief : Opposition leader Svetlana Tikhanovskaya calls for a national strike today in Belarus , Chileans vote for a new constitution , a cease-fire begins in Nagorno-Karabakh , and the world this week .
We welcome your feedback at morningbrief @ foreignpolicy.com .
Belarusian President Aleksandr Lukashenko ’ s future may depend on whether his fellow citizens turn up for work today .
Svetlana Tikhanovskaya , the remaining opposition candidate in August ’ s rigged presidential election , has called for a national strike today after Lukashenko @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” to resign by last night .
The move comes after police appeared to use stun grenades on protesters in Minsk yesterday—the 11th successive Sunday that protests have rocked the capital .
According to a local human rights group , at least 216 people were detained by police .
Speaking from the relative safety of her exile in Lithuania , Tikhanovskaya won ’ t be leading the picket lines from the front ( and as she is self-isolating after a possible COVID-19 exposure , that ’ s probably just as well . )
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ decide whether today ’ s strike succeeds where others in the previous weeks have failed .
A diplomatic lifeline ?
On the eve of Tikhanovskaya ’ s ultimatum , Lukashenko received a phone call from an unlikely source : U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo .
It represents one of the first official communications between a Western country and Belarus since the August election .
According to a statement from Belarus , the call was to discuss “ the internal political situations in both Belarus and the U.S. ” Franak Viacorka , an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more likely to negotiate the release of an American in detention .
Will he go ?
Writing in Foreign Policy earlier this month , FP ’ s Amy McKinnon reported on the Belarusian president who shows no signs of stepping down any time soon , and has even taken to cultivating his own loyal opposition .
On Monday , Oct. 26 , The U.S. Senate holds the final confirmation vote on Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett .
The latest round of hearings in the case of Meng Wanzhou , chief financial officer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of extradition proceedings initiated by the United States .
The fifth plenary session of the 19th Chinese Communist Party Central Committee opens .
On Tuesday Oct. 27 , Indian Minister of External Affairs S. Jaishankar and Minister of Defense Shri Rajnath Singh host Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Defense Secretary Mark Esper for annual talks .
On Wednesday , Oct. 28 , Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg , Alphabet ’ s ( Google ) CEO Sundar Pichai , and Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey testify virtually before the Senate Committee on Commerce , Science @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ content-moderation practices .
Israel and Lebanon resume U.S.- and U.N.-brokered talks to resolve a maritime border dispute between the two countries .
Voters in Tanzania go to the polls in presidential and legislative elections .
President John Magufuli is expected to win a second five-year term .
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo visits Indonesia and meets with counterpart , Retno Marsudi .
On Thursday Oct. 29 , the U.S. GDP estimate for the third quarter is released .
Apple , Facebook , Google , Twitter , Amazon , also announce Q3 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , voters in Ivory Coast will vote to elect a president for the next five years .
Alassane Ouattara is hoping to win a controversial third term following the death of his designated successor , Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly , in July .
Georgia holds legislative elections for the first time since it introduced a new party list proportional representation system in 2019 in response to protests .
On Sunday , Nov. 1 , Algeria holds a constitutional referendum on whether to impose a two-term presidential term limit and give greater powers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In Moldova , presidential elections will be held .
Incumbent Igor Dodon is likely to need a second round of voting to secure a new term .
Chile votes for new constitution .
Voters in Chile on Sunday appeared to overwhelmingly approve a referendum proposal to ditch their Pinochet-era constitution , according to preliminary results showing 78 percent of voters in favor of the proposal .
The move comes a year after mass protests over inequality sparked by a public transit fare hike swept the country .
Voters will now have the chance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that will draft a new document .
As FP ’ s Kelly Kimball and Augusta Saraiva write , the new constitution is an opportunity for the country to shed its “ facho ” past .
British special forces storm hijacked tanker .
On Sunday evening , U.K. special forces boarded and seized control of a Liberian-flagged tanker off the southern coast of England near the Isle of Wight .
The Nave Andromeda had departed Lagos , Nigeria on Oct. 6 and was bound for Southampton .
Seven stowaways on the ship reportedly threatened @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vessel .
The military responded to police requests after the ship ’ s movements became erratic .
“ Armed forces have gained control of the ship and seven individuals have been detained .
Police investigations will now continue .
Initial reports confirm the crew are safe and well , ” the British Defense Ministry said in a statement .
Coronavirus cases reach daily record in Italy .
Italy , the former global epicenter of the coronavirus pandemic , recorded a new daily record number of cases on Sunday , as Prime Minister Giuseppe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the surge .
Italy recorded 21,273 new cases in total and 128 deaths .
Over the weekend , the European Union countries represented roughly a third of new cases discovered worldwide .
U.S.-brokered Nagorno-Karabakh cease-fire announced .
A cease-fire between Armenia and Azerbaijan goes into effect today at 8 a.m .
ET .
The cease-fire was agreed following a meeting between Armenian Foreign Minister Zohrab Mnatsakanyan , Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov and U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Stephen E. Biegun according to a joint statement released by the three governments .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since the conflict resumed on Sept. 27 .
Thai parliament holds special session .
Thailand ’ s parliament will hold a special session today to discuss the state of the country following weeks of protests calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha and for reform of the monarchy .
The session comes after a largely ineffective emergency decree banning political gatherings of more than five people was revoked on Thursday .
Qatar accused of invasive and abusive treatment of female airline passengers .
Australian Foreign Minister Marise Payne demanded an official @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a Sydney-bound flight being removed and subjected to invasive medical examinations .
On Oct. 2 , an abandoned newborn was discovered in a Doha airport bathroom , prompting Qatari authorities to order all women passengers to disembark from a flight boarding nearby as they searched for the baby ’ s mother .
The women reported being subjected to examinations by a female doctor before being allowed to return to the plane .
One passenger recalled seeing women returning to the plane shaking and in tears .
She told the Guardian , “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ whole flight because I have grey hair and I ’ m in my 60s .
They probably looked at me and thought well , that ’ s impossible , it could not be her.
” The Australian government called the women ’ s treatment “ offensive , grossly inappropriate and beyond circumstances in which the women could give free and informed consent.
” Payne added : “ It is not something that I have ever heard of occurring in my life , in any context .
We have made our views very clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kuwait co-ops ban French products .
Kuwait ’ s retail co-ops have removed French products from their shelves following calls to boycott French exports after President Emmanuel Macron defended the French schoolteacher who was murdered by a Chechen teenager after an outcry over the teacher ’ s decision to show cartoons of the Prophet Mohammed to his students .
Earlier this month , Macron declared war on what he has called “ Islamist separatism.
” Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has taken the opportunity to reproach the French president , suggesting his problems @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a mental level.
” France has since recalled its ambassador to Turkey over the comments .
Sudan and Israel to begin talks .
Sudan ’ s foreign ministry has said that it will begin discussion on agreements with Israel on agriculture , aviation , trade and migration in the coming weeks , bringing the two countries closer to fully normalizing relations .
On Sunday , Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ’ s office announced it would be sending $ 5 million worth of wheat immediately “ to our new friends in Sudan.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ into force .
The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons will enter into international law in 90 days , following its ratification by Honduras .
The Central American nation ’ s approval of the treaty brings it across the 50 nation threshold needed following its endorsement by the U.N. General Assembly in 2017 .
Under the treaty , signatories promise to “ never under any circumstances develop , test , produce , manufacture , otherwise acquire , possess or stockpile nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.
” None of the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agreement .
The United States has said the treaty “ turns back the clock on verification and disarmament.
” A plan to enlist America ’ s Santa Claus performers to get the word out about coronavirus prevention in return for early access to a vaccine has been scrapped .
First reported in the Wall Street Journal , the scheme would have allowed those playing Mrs. Claus and helper elves to also access the vaccine .
The plan was thought up by Michael Caputo , the assistant secretary for public affairs at the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ left the agency on medical leave .
After hearing that the idea was being shelved , Ric Erwin , chairman of the Fraternal Order of Real Bearded Santas , said it was “ extremely disappointing.
” For more from FP , visit foreignpolicy.com , subscribe here , or sign up for our other newsletters .
Send your tips , comments , questions , or corrections to morningbrief @ foreignpolicy.com .

Here is today’s Foreign Policy brief: Opposition leader Svetlana Tikhanovskaya calls for a national strike today in Belarus , Chileans vote for a new constitution, a cease-fire begins in Nagorno-Karabakh , and the world this week.
Here is today’s Foreign Policy brief: Opposition leader Svetlana Tikhanovskaya calls for a national strike today in Belarus, Chileans vote for a new constitution, a cease-fire begins in Nagorno-Karabakh, and the world this week.
If you would like to receive Morning Brief in your inbox every weekday, please sign up here.
Belarus Opposition Calls for National Strike
Belarusian President Aleksandr Lukashenko’s future may depend on whether his fellow citizens turn up for work today. Svetlana Tikhanovskaya, the remaining opposition candidate in August’s rigged presidential election, has called for a national strike today after Lukashenko refused her “People’s Ultimatum” to resign by last night.
The move comes after police appeared to use stun grenades on protesters in Minsk yesterday—the 11th successive Sunday that protests have rocked the capital. According to a local human rights group, at least 216 people were detained by police.
Speaking from the relative safety of her exile in Lithuania, Tikhanovskaya won’t be leading the picket lines from the front (and as she is self-isolating after a possible COVID-19 exposure, that’s probably just as well.) Belarus’s largely leaderless masses will decide whether today’s strike succeeds where others in the previous weeks have failed.
A diplomatic lifeline? On the eve of Tikhanovskaya’s ultimatum, Lukashenko received a phone call from an unlikely source: U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. It represents one of the first official communications between a Western country and Belarus since the August election. According to a statement from Belarus, the call was to discuss “the internal political situations in both Belarus and the U.S.” Franak Viacorka, an adviser to Tikhanovskaya believes the call was more likely to negotiate the release of an American in detention.
Will he go? Writing in Foreign Policy earlier this month, FP’s Amy McKinnon reported on the Belarusian president who shows no signs of stepping down any time soon, and has even taken to cultivating his own loyal opposition.
The World This Week
On Monday, Oct. 26, The U.S. Senate holds the final confirmation vote on Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett.
The latest round of hearings in the case of Meng Wanzhou, chief financial officer of Huawei Technologies, continue as part of extradition proceedings initiated by the United States.
The fifth plenary session of the 19th Chinese Communist Party Central Committee opens.
On Tuesday Oct. 27, Indian Minister of External Affairs S. Jaishankar and Minister of Defense Shri Rajnath Singh host Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Defense Secretary Mark Esper for annual talks.
On Wednesday, Oct. 28, Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg, Alphabet’s (Google) CEO Sundar Pichai, and Twitter CEO Jack Dorsey testify virtually before the Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation to defend their companies’ content-moderation practices.
Israel and Lebanon resume U.S.- and U.N.-brokered talks to resolve a maritime border dispute between the two countries.
Voters in Tanzania go to the polls in presidential and legislative elections. President John Magufuli is expected to win a second five-year term.
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo visits Indonesia and meets with counterpart, Retno Marsudi.
On Thursday Oct. 29, the U.S. GDP estimate for the third quarter is released. Apple, Facebook, Google, Twitter, Amazon, also announce Q3 results.
On Saturday, Oct. 31, voters in Ivory Coast will vote to elect a president for the next five years. Alassane Ouattara is hoping to win a controversial third term following the death of his designated successor, Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly, in July.
Georgia holds legislative elections for the first time since it introduced a new party list proportional representation system in 2019 in response to protests.
On Sunday, Nov. 1, Algeria holds a constitutional referendum on whether to impose a two-term presidential term limit and give greater powers to parliament to investigate government activities.
In Moldova, presidential elections will be held. Incumbent Igor Dodon is likely to need a second round of voting to secure a new term.
What We’re Following Today
Chile votes for new constitution. Voters in Chile on Sunday appeared to overwhelmingly approve a referendum proposal to ditch their Pinochet-era constitution, according to preliminary results showing 78 percent of voters in favor of the proposal. The move comes a year after mass protests over inequality sparked by a public transit fare hike swept the country. Voters will now have the chance to elect delegates for a constitutional convention that will draft a new document. As FP’s Kelly Kimball and Augusta Saraiva write, the new constitution is an opportunity for the country to shed its “facho” past.
British special forces storm hijacked tanker. On Sunday evening, U.K. special forces boarded and seized control of a Liberian-flagged tanker off the southern coast of England near the Isle of Wight. The Nave Andromeda had departed Lagos, Nigeria on Oct. 6 and was bound for Southampton. Seven stowaways on the ship reportedly threatened the crew and attempted to hijack the vessel. The military responded to police requests after the ship’s movements became erratic. “Armed forces have gained control of the ship and seven individuals have been detained. Police investigations will now continue. Initial reports confirm the crew are safe and well,” the British Defense Ministry said in a statement.
Coronavirus cases reach daily record in Italy. Italy, the former global epicenter of the coronavirus pandemic, recorded a new daily record number of cases on Sunday, as Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte announced new restrictions designed to combat the surge. Italy recorded 21,273 new cases in total and 128 deaths. Over the weekend, the European Union countries represented roughly a third of new cases discovered worldwide.
U.S.-brokered Nagorno-Karabakh cease-fire announced. A cease-fire between Armenia and Azerbaijan goes into effect today at 8 a.m. ET. The cease-fire was agreed following a meeting between Armenian Foreign Minister Zohrab Mnatsakanyan, Azerbaijani Foreign Minister Jeyhun Bayramov and U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Stephen E. Biegun according to a joint statement released by the three governments. It is the third attempt at a cease-fire since the conflict resumed on Sept. 27.
Thai parliament holds special session. Thailand’s parliament will hold a special session today to discuss the state of the country following weeks of protests calling for the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha and for reform of the monarchy. The session comes after a largely ineffective emergency decree banning political gatherings of more than five people was revoked on Thursday.
Keep an Eye On
Qatar accused of invasive and abusive treatment of female airline passengers. Australian Foreign Minister Marise Payne demanded an official investigation after reports surfaced of female passengers on a Sydney-bound flight being removed and subjected to invasive medical examinations.
On Oct. 2, an abandoned newborn was discovered in a Doha airport bathroom, prompting Qatari authorities to order all women passengers to disembark from a flight boarding nearby as they searched for the baby’s mother. The women reported being subjected to examinations by a female doctor before being allowed to return to the plane. One passenger recalled seeing women returning to the plane shaking and in tears. She told the Guardian, “I was the luckiest one on the whole flight because I have grey hair and I’m in my 60s. They probably looked at me and thought well, that’s impossible, it could not be her.”
The Australian government called the women’s treatment “offensive, grossly inappropriate and beyond circumstances in which the women could give free and informed consent.” Payne added: “It is not something that I have ever heard of occurring in my life, in any context. We have made our views very clear to Qatari authorities on this matter.”
Kuwait co-ops ban French products. Kuwait’s retail co-ops have removed French products from their shelves following calls to boycott French exports after President Emmanuel Macron defended the French schoolteacher who was murdered by a Chechen teenager after an outcry over the teacher’s decision to show cartoons of the Prophet Mohammed to his students. Earlier this month, Macron declared war on what he has called “Islamist separatism.”
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has taken the opportunity to reproach the French president, suggesting his problems with Islam stem from needing “treatment on a mental level.” France has since recalled its ambassador to Turkey over the comments.
Sudan and Israel to begin talks. Sudan’s foreign ministry has said that it will begin discussion on agreements with Israel on agriculture, aviation, trade and migration in the coming weeks, bringing the two countries closer to fully normalizing relations. On Sunday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office announced it would be sending $5 million worth of wheat immediately “to our new friends in Sudan.”
Treaty banning nuclear weapons to enter into force. The Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons will enter into international law in 90 days, following its ratification by Honduras. The Central American nation’s approval of the treaty brings it across the 50 nation threshold needed following its endorsement by the U.N. General Assembly in 2017. Under the treaty, signatories promise to “never under any circumstances develop, test, produce, manufacture, otherwise acquire, possess or stockpile nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.”
None of the world’s nuclear powers have signed the agreement. The United States has said the treaty “turns back the clock on verification and disarmament.”
Odds and Ends
A plan to enlist America’s Santa Claus performers to get the word out about coronavirus prevention in return for early access to a vaccine has been scrapped. First reported in the Wall Street Journal, the scheme would have allowed those playing Mrs. Claus and helper elves to also access the vaccine. The plan was thought up by Michael Caputo, the assistant secretary for public affairs at the U.S. federal health agency, who has since left the agency on medical leave. After hearing that the idea was being shelved, Ric Erwin, chairman of the Fraternal Order of Real Bearded Santas, said it was “extremely disappointing.”
That’s it for today.
For more from FP, visit foreignpolicy.com, subscribe here, or sign up for our other newsletters. Send your tips, comments, questions, or corrections to morningbrief@foreignpolicy.com.


foreignpolicy--2020-10-26--U.S. Treatment of Cameroonian Asylum-Seekers Is ‘Tantamount to Torture,’ Advocates Say

U.S .
Treatment of Cameroonian Asylum-Seekers Is ‘ Tantamount to Torture , ’ Advocates Say Welcome to While You Weren ’ t Looking , Foreign Policy ’ s weekly update on emerging global stories .
Here ’ s what we ’ re watching this week : A complaint details abuse against Cameroonian asylum-seekers at the hands of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers , the rift deepens between the leaders of France and Turkey , and why Nigeria ’ s # EndSARS protests could mark a major turning point .
If you would like to receive While You Weren ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , please sign up here .
U.S. immigration officers have threatened , pepper-sprayed , beaten , and choked asylum-seekers from Cameroon to coerce them to sign their own deportation orders , the Guardian reports .
A coalition of advocacy groups , including the Southern Poverty Law Center , filed a complaint earlier this month describing a “ pattern of coercion ” by ICE agents at a Mississippi detention center that it called “ tantamount to torture.
” According to multiple accounts in the complaint , immigration officials used the coercive tactics to compel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their rights to further immigration hearings .
At least one individual was hospitalized as a result .
One man , identified by the initials C.A.
, described how officers broke his fingers as they sought to force his fingerprint onto a document .
“ Officers grabbed me , forced me on the ground , and pepper-sprayed my eyes .
… I was crying , ‘ I can ’ t breathe , ’ because they were forcefully on top of me pressing their body weight on top of me .
My eyes were so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both hands , ” said the individual , who was prevented from speaking to his lawyer before signing the document .
C.A .
was placed on a deportation flight on Oct. 13 but was one of two Cameroonians pulled off the plane moments before takeoff , as an investigation had begun into the allegations of abuse .
At least 100 asylum-seekers , including many from Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of the Congo , were deported on the same flight .
After the European Union curbed the arrival of asylum-seekers and migrants , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States , traveling via South America .
But this isn ’ t the first time Cameroonian detainees have voiced concerns about their treatment there .
In February , more than 40 Cameroonians at Pine Prairie detention center in Louisiana went on hunger strike , alleging “ biased and illegal efforts ” on the part of ICE to deny them parole and refuse the receipt of their parole applications , as well as “ unfair , biased ” decisions on the part of an immigration judge .
For two consecutive years , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world ’ s most neglected displacement crisis due to an insurgency in the north and a brutal government crackdown on two English-speaking separatist regions .
Since 2016 , the two conflicts have killed over 3,000 people and displaced more than 700,000 .
On Saturday , at least seven children were killed when gunmen stormed a bilingual private school in Kumba , in the Anglophone region .
No group has claimed responsibility for the attack , but local authorities have blamed separatist fighters .
Human rights advocates say Cameroonian asylum-seekers face significant risk if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The gravity of the threat to them is reflected in U.S. immigration courts : 80 percent of Cameroonians won their asylum claims in fiscal 2019 , compared to the 29 percent average , according to Syracuse University ’ s Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse .
Macron-Erdogan spat deepens .
The French foreign ministry announced on Sunday that it would recall its ambassador to Turkey after Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan questioned French President Emmanuel Macron ’ s mental health and his attitudes toward Muslims .
Tensions between the two NATO members have spiraled in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Nagorno-Karabakh , as well as Turkey ’ s energy exploration in the Eastern Mediterranean .
Earlier this month , Macron described Islam as “ in crisis ” around the world and said that a new bill later this year would reinforce France ’ s strict separation of church and state .
Macron ’ s remarks drew sharp rebuke across the Islamic world , sparking calls for a boycott of French products .
Macron ’ s comments came after a French teacher was beheaded after he showed a cartoon of the Prophet Mohammed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protests .
At least 12 protesters were shot and killed last Tuesday when police opened fire on demonstrators at two different locations in Lagos , Nigeria .
The recent protests against police brutality began on Oct. 3 , after a video emerged of a young man being shot by an officer from the Special Anti-Robbery Squad ( SARS ) in Delta state .
The force has been accused of perpetrating brutal human rights abuses , including extrajudicial killings , for years .
Despite the announcement on Oct. 11 that SARS would be disbanded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reforms to the way the country is governed .
As protests erupted around the world following the police killing of George Floyd in May , Patrick Egwu wrote for Foreign Policy that police brutality in Nigeria was going unnoticed .
“ Whenever anyone is killed by the police in Nigeria , fancy hashtag activism for justice trends for some days .
A moment later , everything returns to normal , and life continues , ” he wrote .
The recent wave of # EndSARS protests may prove to be a turning point , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for youth discontent against the country ’ s ruling elite .
Hopes for peace in Libya .
The two main factions in Libya ’ s civil war agreed to a nationwide cease-fire at U.N.-backed talks in Geneva on Friday .
Previous attempts to broker an end to the yearslong conflict have failed , but the new agreement has cautiously raised hopes that it will lay the groundwork for a peace deal .
The cease-fire , signed by the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord and Gen. Khalifa Haftar ’ s Libyan National Army , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to their bases and all mercenaries and foreign troops to withdraw within three months .
The Libyan conflict has drawn in a multitude of international players , including Russia , Turkey , Egypt , and the United Arab Emirates .
Their actions in the coming months could make or break the cease-fire .
Today , the United Nations announced the launch of the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum to facilitate talks within the country and lay the groundwork for national elections .
Venezuelan opposition figure flees .
After sheltering in the residence of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ opposition figure Leopoldo López fled the country on Saturday and is expected to join his family in Spain today .
He was imprisoned in 2014 as mass anti-government protests began and released on house arrest in 2017 .
A mentor to opposition leader Juan Guaidó , López helped to orchestrate the opposition ’ s bid to challenge the legitimacy of Maduro ’ s rule in early 2019 from behind the scenes .
His departure leaves Guaidó without a key ally as Maduro seeks to squeeze the opposition ahead of legislative elections set to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ friends like these .
Last Thursday , the Trump administration signed on to an anti-abortion declaration alongside 32 other countries , including Belarus , Saudi Arabia , Hungary , and Uganda .
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Secretary of Health and Human Services Alex Azar took part in a virtual signing ceremony of the Geneva Consensus Declaration , which declares “ that there is no international right to abortion.
” The document runs counter to the U.N. Human Rights Council ’ s declaration that access to abortion is a human right .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ speech to parliament since taking office last month , Japan ’ s new Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga committed to making the country carbon neutral by 2050 .
The world ’ s fifth-largest carbon emitter , Japan has been criticized for continuing to build coal power plants : 17 new coal-powered plants are currently planned or under construction .
In 2019 , the European Union announced plans to become carbon neutral by 2050 .
And last month Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China , the world ’ s worst polluter , would seek @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The announcements have thrown the Trump administration ’ s decision to withdraw from the Paris climate agreement into sharp relief .
A new president in the Seychelles .
An opposition candidate has won the presidency in the Seychelles for the first time since the archipelago secured its independence from the United Kingdom over four decades ago .
Wavel Ramkalawan , the leader of the Seychelles Democratic Alliance and an Anglican priest , was elected president and his party secured two-thirds of the seats in parliament in legislative elections held last week .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ has been in power since the late 1970s , conceded defeat .
The U.S. State Department described the election as “ another major milestone in Seychelles ’ s democracy.
” That ’ s it for this week .
For more from FP , visit foreignpolicy.com , subscribe here , or sign up for our other newsletters .
Send your tips , comments , questions , or corrections to newsletters @ foreignpolicy.com .

Welcome to While You Weren’t Looking, Foreign Policy’s weekly update on emerging global stories.
Here’s what we’re watching this week: A complaint details abuse against Cameroonian asylum-seekers at the hands of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers, the rift deepens between the leaders of France and Turkey, and why Nigeria’s #EndSARS protests could mark a major turning point.
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Asylum-Seekers Face Violent ICE Coercion
U.S. immigration officers have threatened, pepper-sprayed, beaten, and choked asylum-seekers from Cameroon to coerce them to sign their own deportation orders, the Guardian reports. A coalition of advocacy groups, including the Southern Poverty Law Center, filed a complaint earlier this month describing a “pattern of coercion” by ICE agents at a Mississippi detention center that it called “tantamount to torture.”
According to multiple accounts in the complaint, immigration officials used the coercive tactics to compel detainees to sign documents that would waive their rights to further immigration hearings. At least one individual was hospitalized as a result.
One man, identified by the initials C.A., described how officers broke his fingers as they sought to force his fingerprint onto a document. “Officers grabbed me, forced me on the ground, and pepper-sprayed my eyes. … I was crying, ‘I can’t breathe,’ because they were forcefully on top of me pressing their body weight on top of me. My eyes were so hot. They dragged me outside by both hands,” said the individual, who was prevented from speaking to his lawyer before signing the document.
C.A. was placed on a deportation flight on Oct. 13 but was one of two Cameroonians pulled off the plane moments before takeoff, as an investigation had begun into the allegations of abuse. At least 100 asylum-seekers, including many from Cameroon and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, were deported on the same flight.
After the European Union curbed the arrival of asylum-seekers and migrants, Cameroonians and other Africans turned to the United States, traveling via South America. But this isn’t the first time Cameroonian detainees have voiced concerns about their treatment there. In February, more than 40 Cameroonians at Pine Prairie detention center in Louisiana went on hunger strike, alleging “biased and illegal efforts” on the part of ICE to deny them parole and refuse the receipt of their parole applications, as well as “unfair, biased” decisions on the part of an immigration judge.
For two consecutive years, the Norwegian Refugee Council has deemed Cameroon the world’s most neglected displacement crisis due to an insurgency in the north and a brutal government crackdown on two English-speaking separatist regions. Since 2016, the two conflicts have killed over 3,000 people and displaced more than 700,000. On Saturday, at least seven children were killed when gunmen stormed a bilingual private school in Kumba, in the Anglophone region. No group has claimed responsibility for the attack, but local authorities have blamed separatist fighters.
Human rights advocates say Cameroonian asylum-seekers face significant risk if they are deported to the country. The gravity of the threat to them is reflected in U.S. immigration courts: 80 percent of Cameroonians won their asylum claims in fiscal 2019, compared to the 29 percent average, according to Syracuse University’s Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse.
What We’re Following
Macron-Erdogan spat deepens. The French foreign ministry announced on Sunday that it would recall its ambassador to Turkey after Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan questioned French President Emmanuel Macron’s mental health and his attitudes toward Muslims. Tensions between the two NATO members have spiraled in recent months over the conflicts in Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as Turkey’s energy exploration in the Eastern Mediterranean.
Earlier this month, Macron described Islam as “in crisis” around the world and said that a new bill later this year would reinforce France’s strict separation of church and state. Macron’s remarks drew sharp rebuke across the Islamic world, sparking calls for a boycott of French products. Macron’s comments came after a French teacher was beheaded after he showed a cartoon of the Prophet Mohammed in class.
Nigeria’s growing protests. At least 12 protesters were shot and killed last Tuesday when police opened fire on demonstrators at two different locations in Lagos, Nigeria. The recent protests against police brutality began on Oct. 3, after a video emerged of a young man being shot by an officer from the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) in Delta state. The force has been accused of perpetrating brutal human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, for years. Despite the announcement on Oct. 11 that SARS would be disbanded, protests have continued, demanding sweeping reforms to the way the country is governed.
As protests erupted around the world following the police killing of George Floyd in May, Patrick Egwu wrote for Foreign Policy that police brutality in Nigeria was going unnoticed. “Whenever anyone is killed by the police in Nigeria, fancy hashtag activism for justice trends for some days. A moment later, everything returns to normal, and life continues,” he wrote. The recent wave of #EndSARS protests may prove to be a turning point, as they have become a lightning rod for youth discontent against the country’s ruling elite.
Hopes for peace in Libya. The two main factions in Libya’s civil war agreed to a nationwide cease-fire at U.N.-backed talks in Geneva on Friday. Previous attempts to broker an end to the yearslong conflict have failed, but the new agreement has cautiously raised hopes that it will lay the groundwork for a peace deal. The cease-fire, signed by the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord and Gen. Khalifa Haftar’s Libyan National Army, calls for all front-line forces to return to their bases and all mercenaries and foreign troops to withdraw within three months.
The Libyan conflict has drawn in a multitude of international players, including Russia, Turkey, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates. Their actions in the coming months could make or break the cease-fire. Today, the United Nations announced the launch of the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum to facilitate talks within the country and lay the groundwork for national elections.
Venezuelan opposition figure flees. After sheltering in the residence of the Spanish ambassador for 18 months, Venezuelan opposition figure Leopoldo López fled the country on Saturday and is expected to join his family in Spain today. He was imprisoned in 2014 as mass anti-government protests began and released on house arrest in 2017. A mentor to opposition leader Juan Guaidó, López helped to orchestrate the opposition’s bid to challenge the legitimacy of Maduro’s rule in early 2019 from behind the scenes.
His departure leaves Guaidó without a key ally as Maduro seeks to squeeze the opposition ahead of legislative elections set to be held on Dec. 6.
Keep an Eye On
With friends like these. Last Thursday, the Trump administration signed on to an anti-abortion declaration alongside 32 other countries, including Belarus, Saudi Arabia, Hungary, and Uganda. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and Secretary of Health and Human Services Alex Azar took part in a virtual signing ceremony of the Geneva Consensus Declaration, which declares “that there is no international right to abortion.” The document runs counter to the U.N. Human Rights Council’s declaration that access to abortion is a human right.
Carbon neutral Japan. In his first speech to parliament since taking office last month, Japan’s new Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga committed to making the country carbon neutral by 2050. The world’s fifth-largest carbon emitter, Japan has been criticized for continuing to build coal power plants: 17 new coal-powered plants are currently planned or under construction.
In 2019, the European Union announced plans to become carbon neutral by 2050. And last month Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that China, the world’s worst polluter, would seek to reach the same goal by 2060. The announcements have thrown the Trump administration’s decision to withdraw from the Paris climate agreement into sharp relief.
A new president in the Seychelles. An opposition candidate has won the presidency in the Seychelles for the first time since the archipelago secured its independence from the United Kingdom over four decades ago. Wavel Ramkalawan, the leader of the Seychelles Democratic Alliance and an Anglican priest, was elected president and his party secured two-thirds of the seats in parliament in legislative elections held last week. Incumbent President Danny Faure, whose party has been in power since the late 1970s, conceded defeat. The U.S. State Department described the election as “another major milestone in Seychelles’s democracy.”
That’s it for this week.
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foreignpolicy--2020-10-26--In Florida, Many Colombian Americans Fear Biden Is Soft on Socialism

In Florida , Many Colombian Americans Fear Biden Is Soft on Socialism Trump found his opening in mid-October when the left-wing Colombian senator and failed 2018 presidential candidate Gustavo Petro announced his support for Biden .
On Twitter , Trump called Biden “ weak on socialism ” and said he would “ betray Colombia.
” And in a bid to siphon votes from Colombian Americans who still favor a hard-line approach to the decades-long armed conflict against Marxist rebels in their home country , Trump reminded supporters during a campaign rally in central Florida this month that “ Biden even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ including ] Gustavo Petro , a former member of the M-19 guerrilla organization , and he took it.
” In fact , Biden ’ s campaign was quick to reject Petro ’ s blessing .
But that hasn ’ t stopped Trump from using the Twitter endorsement in a Spanish-language ad linking the former vice president to the leftist politics practiced by the socialist leaders Fidel Castro of Cuba and Hugo Chávez of Venezuela .
Petro has become a controversial figure in Colombia , a country that has refused to elect a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with far-left armed groups .
The former guerrilla leader , who served as mayor of Bogotá and whose left-wing policies worried some voters during his presidential run , is still regarded by some in the country as a latter-day Chávez .
“ When they saw [ Petro ] endorsing Joe Biden , it really startled many people in that community , ” said Giancarlo Sopo , a Spanish-language media director for Trump ’ s campaign .
“ And we made sure that Colombian Americans are aware that he was supporting Joe Biden ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Colombian Americans tend to be wealthier and better educated than most groups of Latin American origin in the United States , but many still worry about armed conflict and drug violence back home , which are also the main drivers of emigration from Colombia .
That has given this group a Janus-faced personality when it comes to politics .
Colombian Americans trend Democratic in U.S. elections , but of the 110,000 Colombian Americans who cast ballots in Colombia ’ s 2018 presidential election , a majority favored the right-wing candidate Iván Duque at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home .
Colombia ’ s instability has also made Colombian Americans vulnerable to political influence from outside the United States .
Former President Álvaro Uribe still remains the dominant force of the Colombian right and a guru for Colombian Americans in South Florida who fear “ Castro-Chavismo ” —a watchword for the rise of socialist governments in Latin America .
The term is now showing up in Trump ’ s attack ads , and Uribe loyalists back in Colombia may even be trying to sway Florida voters themselves , prompting fears of election @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the Miami-based radio station WLRN indicated that elected members of Uribe ’ s party were meddling in the U.S. elections by campaigning for Trump and other Republican candidates in South Florida .
While the officials have drawn criticism for picking sides , Juan David Vélez , a representative for Colombia ’ s expatriated citizens in the nation ’ s Congress , insisted that he couldn ’ t stay silent .
Vélez , who splits his time between Miami and Bogotá , argued that Biden ’ s policies “ are very similar to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Colombia , ” adding that “ you see Petro supporters in South Florida supporting Joe Biden as well.
” Petro ’ s policies , Vélez said , align more with those of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders , but given the lack of other options , his supporters opt for Biden .
But the former vice president has pushed back strongly .
This month , he took an unprecedented step and published an op-ed in Colombia ’ s newspaper of record , in which he stated the country would be one of his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ month from the most important election in modern U.S. history , the stakes for the Colombian American community are higher , both because of the future of democracy in the United States and our economic prosperity and because of the U.S. global leadership and the U.S.-Colombia relations , ” Biden wrote .
Trump and his surrogates have cast about for ways to discredit progressive Democrats ( and Biden ) by tying them to the disastrous policies pursued by Latin American socialists .
Earlier this year , the Trump campaign began circulating a 2015 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maduro cozying up to each other during the inauguration of then-Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff .
And Vice President Mike Pence has repeatedly aided Trump by comparing so-called socialist Democrats to Latin American dictators , all while Trump sent dozens of love letters to North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un .
Despite Biden ’ s efforts to shed the Castro-Chavista label thrown about by Trump supporters , conservative Colombian Americans hope that they can turn their Democratic-leaning community red , helping to reelect the president .
“ When I first moved here , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but the Colombian American community has grown a lot and has become stronger , ” said Fabio Andrade , a vocal conservative Colombian American organizer who made headlines for giving the president a “ Trump 2020 ” -emblazoned Colombian sombrero at a recent campaign stop .
“ Given the importance of this election in which each vote matters , the Colombian vote has become an essential vote in Florida .
And we ’ ve managed to swing that vote .
”

Donald Trump won Florida by a 100,000-vote margin four years ago. To repeat in the must-win battleground, the president’s campaign is targeting Florida’s Colombian American voters, a bloc that has leaned Democratic in U.S. elections but which fears Latin America’s far-left parties will be resurgent under Joe Biden.
Donald Trump won Florida by a 100,000-vote margin four years ago. To repeat in the must-win battleground, the president’s campaign is targeting Florida’s Colombian American voters, a bloc that has leaned Democratic in U.S. elections but which fears Latin America’s far-left parties will be resurgent under Joe Biden.
Trump found his opening in mid-October when the left-wing Colombian senator and failed 2018 presidential candidate Gustavo Petro announced his support for Biden. On Twitter, Trump called Biden “weak on socialism” and said he would “betray Colombia.” And in a bid to siphon votes from Colombian Americans who still favor a hard-line approach to the decades-long armed conflict against Marxist rebels in their home country, Trump reminded supporters during a campaign rally in central Florida this month that “Biden even received the endorsement of Colombian socialists, [including] Gustavo Petro, a former member of the M-19 guerrilla organization, and he took it.”
In fact, top members of Biden’s campaign were quick to reject Petro’s blessing. But that hasn’t stopped Trump from using the Twitter endorsement in a Spanish-language ad linking the former vice president to the leftist politics practiced by the socialist leaders Fidel Castro of Cuba and Hugo Chávez of Venezuela.
Petro has become a controversial figure in Colombia, a country that has refused to elect a leftist president due to its troubled history with far-left armed groups. The former guerrilla leader, who served as mayor of Bogotá and whose left-wing policies worried some voters during his presidential run, is still regarded by some in the country as a latter-day Chávez.
“When they saw [Petro] endorsing Joe Biden, it really startled many people in that community,” said Giancarlo Sopo, a Spanish-language media director for Trump’s campaign. “And we made sure that Colombian Americans are aware that he was supporting Joe Biden’s campaign.”
Florida’s 250,000 Colombian Americans tend to be wealthier and better educated than most groups of Latin American origin in the United States, but many still worry about armed conflict and drug violence back home, which are also the main drivers of emigration from Colombia.
That has given this group a Janus-faced personality when it comes to politics. Colombian Americans trend Democratic in U.S. elections, but of the 110,000 Colombian Americans who cast ballots in Colombia’s 2018 presidential election, a majority favored the right-wing candidate Iván Duque at much higher rates than their compatriots at home.
Colombia’s instability has also made Colombian Americans vulnerable to political influence from outside the United States. Former President Álvaro Uribe still remains the dominant force of the Colombian right and a guru for Colombian Americans in South Florida who fear “Castro-Chavismo”—a watchword for the rise of socialist governments in Latin America. The term is now showing up in Trump’s attack ads, and Uribe loyalists back in Colombia may even be trying to sway Florida voters themselves, prompting fears of election interference.
Last month, an investigation by the Miami-based radio station WLRN indicated that elected members of Uribe’s party were meddling in the U.S. elections by campaigning for Trump and other Republican candidates in South Florida. And this week, the U.S. ambassador to Bogotá urged Colombian politicians to stop getting involved in the U.S. elections, noting that U.S.-Colombia relations have long been “based on bipartisanship.” While the officials have drawn criticism for picking sides, Juan David Vélez, a representative for Colombia’s expatriated citizens in the nation’s Congress, insisted that he couldn’t stay silent.
Vélez, who splits his time between Miami and Bogotá, argued that Biden’s policies “are very similar to the policies that Petro wants to implement in Colombia,” adding that “you see Petro supporters in South Florida supporting Joe Biden as well.” Petro’s policies, Vélez said, align more with those of Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders, but given the lack of other options, his supporters opt for Biden. But the former vice president has pushed back strongly. This month, he took an unprecedented step and published an op-ed in Colombia’s newspaper of record, in which he stated the country would be one of his top priorities.
“Less than a month from the most important election in modern U.S. history, the stakes for the Colombian American community are higher, both because of the future of democracy in the United States and our economic prosperity and because of the U.S. global leadership and the U.S.-Colombia relations,” Biden wrote.
Trump and his surrogates have cast about for ways to discredit progressive Democrats (and Biden) by tying them to the disastrous policies pursued by Latin American socialists. Earlier this year, the Trump campaign began circulating a 2015 photo of Biden and Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro cozying up to each other during the inauguration of then-Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff. And Vice President Mike Pence has repeatedly aided Trump by comparing so-called socialist Democrats to Latin American dictators, all while Trump sent dozens of love letters to North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un.
Despite Biden’s efforts to shed the Castro-Chavista label thrown about by Trump supporters, conservative Colombian Americans hope that they can turn their Democratic-leaning community red, helping to reelect the president.
“When I first moved here, we didn’t have the vote, but the Colombian American community has grown a lot and has become stronger,” said Fabio Andrade, a vocal conservative Colombian American organizer who made headlines for giving the president a “Trump 2020”-emblazoned Colombian sombrero at a recent campaign stop. “Given the importance of this election in which each vote matters, the Colombian vote has become an essential vote in Florida. And we’ve managed to swing that vote.”
This article was updated on Oct. 27 to reflect new developments.