foreignpolicy--2020-05-19--Indigenous Australians Avert an Outbreak—for Now

When the H1N1 pandemic arrived in Australia in 2009 , it took a disproportionately heavy toll on indigenous people , who ultimately suffered a death rate around six times higher than the general population .
Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples , who at the time made up just 2.5 percent of the population , accounted for 11 percent of the 37,683 cases recorded across the country .
They also accounted for 16 percent of hospitalizations and nearly 10 percent of admissions to intensive care units .
So when word of a new virus began to circulate earlier this year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public health expert based at the University of Queensland ’ s Poche Centre for Indigenous Health , which brings together indigenous community organizations and health providers to improve health outcomes for aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people , knew Australia ’ s response would have to be drastically different if it were to avert another catastrophe .
It would have to be swift , and it would have to closely involve the community .
In the face of decades of government neglect , poor policy , and a lack of funding , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a tailored infectious disease response to the novel coronavirus .
Aboriginal community-controlled health services across the country ensured that clear health messages reached communities in their languages .
Some remote communities , without any word from the government , quietly shut their borders .
First it was the Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara Lands in remote South Australia , followed by some Cape York communities in Far North Queensland .
In doing so , these communities exercised sovereignty that they had rarely evoked but never ceded .
The federal government , meanwhile , set up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advisory group on COVID-19 to fast-track an emergency response plan for aboriginal communities .
The group—which Ward advises—is made up of leaders from the aboriginal community-controlled health sector , state and territory health and medical officials , aboriginal communicable disease experts , the Australian Indigenous Doctors ’ Association , and the National Indigenous Australians Agency .
The group works on principles of shared decision-making , power-sharing , self-determination , and empowerment , among others .
[ Mapping the Coronavirus Outbreak : Get daily updates on the pandemic . ]
By the time the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ areas on March 26 , local efforts to protect the communities were well underway .
Many aboriginals living in cities had earlier returned to their native lands to isolate .
Others have opted to camp out in the bush in order to protect the elders , the most cherished members of society who preserve traditional knowledge and play a vital role in tackling community issues .
Thus far , the aboriginal community response , coordinated with the national government , appears to have worked .
Since the virus arrived on Australia ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the nation ’ s 7,000 cases have been confirmed among Australia ’ s indigenous population ( who as of 2016 make up 3.3 percent of the country ’ s population ) .
There have been zero confirmed cases in remote aboriginal communities .
But it is far from time to celebrate .
Even as indigenous communities have successfully staved off the worst of the coronavirus , the pandemic has exposed Australia ’ s appalling inability to improve indigenous health outcomes more broadly .
While Australia is popularly referred to as a lucky @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is only lucky for the privileged .
The social and economic impact of invasion and control of indigenous Australians has accumulated across generations .
After huge swaths of one of the world ’ s oldest populations were decimated by the arrival of white settlers in 1788 , the indigenous population continued to face inordinate disadvantage .
Decades of neglect , amplified by policies that systematically disadvantaged indigenous Australians , have left the population at huge disadvantage , characterized by economic deprivation , social marginalization , inadequate housing , and high unemployment .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Close the Gap campaign , which aims to close the health and life expectancy gap between indigenous and non-indigenous Australians within a generation .
The 2020 Close the Gap report found that the target to close the life expectancy gap by 2031 was not on track .
Life expectancy at birth is 71.6 years for indigenous men and 75.6 years for indigenous women ; for non-indigenous Australians , life expectancy is 80.2 years for men and 83.4 years for women .
The report also found that the gap between indigenous and non-indigenous child @ @ @ @ @ @ @ per 100,000 , it is twice that of non-indigenous children .
The social determinants of health—the conditions in which people are born , grow , live , work , and age—are responsible for a major part of the life expectancy gap .
Australia also remains the only developed country in the world to have endemic levels of trachoma , the world ’ s leading infectious cause of blindness .
While the disease disappeared from most of Australia more than 100 years ago , it persists in remote aboriginal communities that still lack safe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chronically overcrowded housing .
Such poor living standards mean that the best defenses against the coronavirus—social distancing and hand-washing—are simply impossible in some communities .
The government has conceded that social distancing in indigenous communities is impossible , instead flagging the idea of providing tents to overcrowded homes or having people set up camp on the outskirts of communities as alternatives .
Comorbidities including diabetes and heart disease are high-risk factors for complications from COVID-19 .
Such chronic diseases are rife among indigenous Australians .
In fact , chronic illnesses account for two-thirds @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that population .
While chronic disease is also widespread among the general population , long-standing inequity issues related to health care quality and access , as well as pervasive social and economic disadvantage , fuel poorer health outcomes among Australia ’ s indigenous population .
“ It makes you sick , ” said Bob Davis , the chief executive officer of Maari Ma Health , an aboriginal community-controlled health organization in the Far West region of New South Wales , when asked what could happen if the coronavirus reached an indigenous community .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a remote community of 750 people , about two-thirds of whom are aboriginal .
Wilcannia is located on the Darling River , an 11-hour drive inland from the wealthy harbor city of Sydney .
In the local Barkindji language , “ Barka ” means river ; the aboriginal people of Wilcannia are “ people of the river.
” After self-isolating and taking a coronavirus test , I recently visited Wilcannia to witness how the community members were doing their best to protect themselves from the virus .
There I met Owen Whyman @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a small three-bedroom home with six children and his partner .
At any given time , he can have up to 35 people living in his home , particularly when the whole community comes together after a death .
Whyman is frank in his assessment of what would happen if the virus were to reach a community like Wilcannia .
“ It sounds bad , but in this remote community , if COVID-19 hit , people would drop like flies , ” he said .
“ The sad thing about it is that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ spite of the efforts made by the national-level advisory group on the coronavirus in indigenous communities , Owen said aboriginal people have been excluded from the pandemic response in Wilcannia .
For weeks , the community fought for it to be closed off to outsiders to no response by the state or federal government .
“ Each community has different needs .
People should have a voice to say what works and what doesn ’ t .
The government should have come out to speak to the community.
” But as Australia continues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recording only a handful of cases across the country every day , aboriginal experts are warning that the pandemic is far from over .
“ We ’ re only a small way into this pandemic .
We don ’ t know what will happen when border restrictions and all our social distancing measures are lifted , ” Ward said .
“ Until there ’ s a vaccine or treatment , our population will remain vulnerable .
We ’ re in this for the long run.
” This story was funded by the National @ @ @

When the H1N1 pandemic arrived in Australia in 2009, it took a disproportionately heavy toll on indigenous people, who ultimately suffered a death rate around six times higher than the general population. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, who at the time made up just 2.5 percent of the population, accounted for 11 percent of the 37,683 cases recorded across the country. They also accounted for 16 percent of hospitalizations and nearly 10 percent of admissions to intensive care units.
When the H1N1 pandemic arrived in Australia in 2009, it took a disproportionately heavy toll on indigenous people, who ultimately suffered a death rate around six times higher than the general population. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, who at the time made up just 2.5 percent of the population, accounted for 11 percent of the 37,683 cases recorded across the country. They also accounted for 16 percent of hospitalizations and nearly 10 percent of admissions to intensive care units.
So when word of a new virus began to circulate earlier this year, James Ward, a leading indigenous public health expert based at the University of Queensland’s Poche Centre for Indigenous Health, which brings together indigenous community organizations and health providers to improve health outcomes for aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, knew Australia’s response would have to be drastically different if it were to avert another catastrophe. It would have to be swift, and it would have to closely involve the community. In the face of decades of government neglect, poor policy, and a lack of funding, the aboriginal community-controlled health sector sprang into action—creating a tailored infectious disease response to the novel coronavirus.
Aboriginal community-controlled health services across the country ensured that clear health messages reached communities in their languages. Some remote communities, without any word from the government, quietly shut their borders. First it was the Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara Lands in remote South Australia, followed by some Cape York communities in Far North Queensland. In doing so, these communities exercised sovereignty that they had rarely evoked but never ceded.
The federal government, meanwhile, set up a national aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander advisory group on COVID-19 to fast-track an emergency response plan for aboriginal communities. The group—which Ward advises—is made up of leaders from the aboriginal community-controlled health sector, state and territory health and medical officials, aboriginal communicable disease experts, the Australian Indigenous Doctors’ Association, and the National Indigenous Australians Agency. The group works on principles of shared decision-making, power-sharing, self-determination, and empowerment, among others.
[Mapping the Coronavirus Outbreak: Get daily updates on the pandemic.]
By the time the federal government announced travel restrictions to indigenous areas on March 26, local efforts to protect the communities were well underway. Many aboriginals living in cities had earlier returned to their native lands to isolate. Others have opted to camp out in the bush in order to protect the elders, the most cherished members of society who preserve traditional knowledge and play a vital role in tackling community issues.
Thus far, the aboriginal community response, coordinated with the national government, appears to have worked. Since the virus arrived on Australia’s shores in late January, just 44 of the nation’s 7,000 cases have been confirmed among Australia’s indigenous population (who as of 2016 make up 3.3 percent of the country’s population). There have been zero confirmed cases in remote aboriginal communities.
But it is far from time to celebrate. Even as indigenous communities have successfully staved off the worst of the coronavirus, the pandemic has exposed Australia’s appalling inability to improve indigenous health outcomes more broadly. While Australia is popularly referred to as a lucky country, it is glaringly obvious that it is only lucky for the privileged.
Wilcannia Tent Camp
The social and economic impact of invasion and control of indigenous Australians has accumulated across generations. After huge swaths of one of the world’s oldest populations were decimated by the arrival of white settlers in 1788, the indigenous population continued to face inordinate disadvantage. Decades of neglect, amplified by policies that systematically disadvantaged indigenous Australians, have left the population at huge disadvantage, characterized by economic deprivation, social marginalization, inadequate housing, and high unemployment.
In 2007, the government launched the Close the Gap campaign, which aims to close the health and life expectancy gap between indigenous and non-indigenous Australians within a generation. The 2020 Close the Gap report found that the target to close the life expectancy gap by 2031 was not on track. Life expectancy at birth is 71.6 years for indigenous men and 75.6 years for indigenous women; for non-indigenous Australians, life expectancy is 80.2 years for men and 83.4 years for women. The report also found that the gap between indigenous and non-indigenous child mortality had actually widened. At 141 per 100,000, it is twice that of non-indigenous children. The social determinants of health—the conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work, and age—are responsible for a major part of the life expectancy gap.
Australia also remains the only developed country in the world to have endemic levels of trachoma, the world’s leading infectious cause of blindness. While the disease disappeared from most of Australia more than 100 years ago, it persists in remote aboriginal communities that still lack safe washing facilities and that have poor and chronically overcrowded housing.
Such poor living standards mean that the best defenses against the coronavirus—social distancing and hand-washing—are simply impossible in some communities. The government has conceded that social distancing in indigenous communities is impossible, instead flagging the idea of providing tents to overcrowded homes or having people set up camp on the outskirts of communities as alternatives.
Comorbidities including diabetes and heart disease are high-risk factors for complications from COVID-19. Such chronic diseases are rife among indigenous Australians. In fact, chronic illnesses account for two-thirds of the total burden of disease in that population. While chronic disease is also widespread among the general population, long-standing inequity issues related to health care quality and access, as well as pervasive social and economic disadvantage, fuel poorer health outcomes among Australia’s indigenous population.
“It makes you sick,” said Bob Davis, the chief executive officer of Maari Ma Health, an aboriginal community-controlled health organization in the Far West region of New South Wales, when asked what could happen if the coronavirus reached an indigenous community.
He’s particularly concerned about Wilcannia, a remote community of 750 people, about two-thirds of whom are aboriginal. Wilcannia is located on the Darling River, an 11-hour drive inland from the wealthy harbor city of Sydney. In the local Barkindji language, “Barka” means river; the aboriginal people of Wilcannia are “people of the river.”
After self-isolating and taking a coronavirus test, I recently visited Wilcannia to witness how the community members were doing their best to protect themselves from the virus.
There I met Owen Whyman, a Barkindji man who lives in a small three-bedroom home with six children and his partner. At any given time, he can have up to 35 people living in his home, particularly when the whole community comes together after a death.
Whyman is frank in his assessment of what would happen if the virus were to reach a community like Wilcannia. “It sounds bad, but in this remote community, if COVID-19 hit, people would drop like flies,” he said. “The sad thing about it is that social distancing is impossible.”
And in spite of the efforts made by the national-level advisory group on the coronavirus in indigenous communities, Owen said aboriginal people have been excluded from the pandemic response in Wilcannia. For weeks, the community fought for it to be closed off to outsiders to no response by the state or federal government.
“Each community has different needs. People should have a voice to say what works and what doesn’t. The government should have come out to speak to the community.”
But as Australia continues to make impressive progress against COVID-19, recording only a handful of cases across the country every day, aboriginal experts are warning that the pandemic is far from over.
“We’re only a small way into this pandemic. We don’t know what will happen when border restrictions and all our social distancing measures are lifted,” Ward said.
“Until there’s a vaccine or treatment, our population will remain vulnerable. We’re in this for the long run.”
This story was funded by the National Geographic Society.


foreignpolicy--2020-05-20--Which Way Will Ukraine Swing?

Which Way Will Ukraine Swing?

Which Way Will Ukraine Swing ?
When Ukraine ’ s comedian-turned-presidential candidate Volodymyr Zelensky swept the election a year ago , he vowed to uproot corruption , jail the country ’ s top crooks , stop Russia ’ s war against Ukraine , and attract billions of dollars in foreign direct investment .
A year after his May 20 , 2019 , inauguration , none of these grand promises are even close to being fulfilled—and many Ukrainians are losing patience .
Beyond his domestic challenges , Zelensky faces mounting pressures outside the country , where he must contend with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If he can not meet his campaign promises as well as offer a clear and committed Western-oriented reform agenda , Zelensky may lose the international partners Ukraine desperately needs to avoid falling back into Russia ’ s arms .
Zelensky ’ s unlikely win followed a comedy career capped by the political satire Servant of the People .
The hit show ridiculed corrupt officials and featured Zelensky playing a dedicated , successful—albeit improbable—leader .
Boosted by the show and a campaign predicated on populist rhetoric , Zelensky won the presidential seat as well @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But in the political arena , his first year has hardly been as straightforward as his TV show .
Even as he enjoys the unprecedented position of controlling both the executive and legislative branches , there is much division within his own team among various factions with scattered agendas—those promising reforms clashing with those representing the interests of oligarchs .
This lack of a clear message is becoming a fundamental problem for Zelensky .
The consequences may be dire for Ukraine , if the commitment of its international partners fades in turn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in January when Zelensky ’ s closest ally in parliament , Servant of the People party head David Arakhamia , sent a troublesome message during the World Economic Forum in Davos , Switzerland , saying Ukraine should not proceed with legislation harmonizing ties with the European Union .
For many Ukrainians , such a statement represented betrayal of the new government from the hard-fought association agreement with the EU that was signed back in March 2014 .
The agreement is meant to align Ukraine ’ s political-economic direction with EU legislation , which @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country to a Western trajectory and away from Russia .
After strong criticism on social media , Arakhamia backtracked and said his words were “ lost in translation.
” An even bigger concern for Western governments arose as Zelensky ’ s government dragged its feet over reforms promised to the International Monetary Fund ( IMF ) .
The IMF , a vital financial supporter of Ukraine , has been providing billions of dollars in financial aid on the condition that Ukraine pass a bill to rehabilitate its banking sector .
In particular , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ largest bank , PrivatBank—nationalized in late 2016 after a $ 5.5 billion discrepancy was found in its ledger—would not be returned to its previous owners , Gennadiy Bogolyubov and Ihor Kolomoisky .
Kolomoisky is a former business partner of Zelensky , and his TV channel heavily promoted the presidential campaign .
The IMF , worried about PrivatBank being returned back to its tainted former owners , conditioned a new $ 5.5 billion financial package issued in December 2019 to a bill that would prevent the return of PrivatBank to its previous owners .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kolomoisky ’ s associates in parliament jammed a record 16,335 amendments into the bill , slowing its passage .
( The bill finally passed its second reading on May 13 , most likely to secure the next tranche of a little under $ 2 billion from the IMF . )
Some have been quick to credit Zelensky for the victory ; in reality , the bill should have passed long ago given that his party controls both branches of government .
Ukraine ’ s sluggish progress on reforms like these endangers its continued @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he came to power , Zelensky inherited a country that was weakened by Russia ’ s war in eastern Ukraine but had begun confidently moving toward the West .
Zelensky promised to bring peace to Ukraine and end the war , which is why he swiftly agreed to meet with Russia during the so-called Normandy Four summit in Paris in December 2019 .
During this meeting , Russia scored a number of victories , including a favorable gas deal , a prisoner exchange , and stronger control in territories it occupies in Ukraine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his first year have added to the doubt over his commitments to broker peace with Russia without capitulating to the Kremlin and staying on course with the EU .
On Feb. 11 , Zelensky replaced Andriy Bohdan ( a former lawyer for Kolomoisky and problematic character himself ) with Andriy Yermak , known for his business ties with Russia ’ s elite .
Yermak is now under scrutiny by investigative journalists , who have revealed his family ’ s alleged involvement in corruption , including taking bribes for government appointments .
Yermak ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cabinet reshuffle in March , with similar shortfalls .
Zelensky appointed a new prosecutor general , Irina Venediktova , who has been criticized for reversing the anti-corruption movement .
Particularly troubling is Venediktova ’ s move to appoint as one of her deputies Oleksandr Babikov , a former lawyer of Ukraine ’ s disgraced Kremlin-loyalist president Viktor Yanukovych , who was ousted during the 2014 Euromaidan Revolution .
Ukraine ’ s newest prime minister , Denys Shmyhal , meanwhile announced his support for renewing the water supply from mainland Ukraine to Russia-annexed Crimea @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Days later , the Ukrainian lawmaker Viktor Medvedchuk and other lawmakers drew ire for a visit to Moscow , where they met with Russian President Vladimir Putin and Vyacheslav Volodin , the chair of Russia ’ s parliament .
( Putin is the godfather of Medvedchuk ’ s daughter . )
The intervening months have seen more moves in Russia ’ s favor , including attempts to begin dialogue with the Kremlin ’ s proxies in the Donbass region and the house arrest of Tetiana Chornovol , a former lawmaker who was a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Amid criticism , Zelensky has been silent .
The new government appointments send equally unclear messages regarding Ukraine ’ s future ties to NATO .
Officially , the administration has vowed continued interest in one day joining the alliance .
But recent comments from the new defense minister , Andriy Taran , have raised concerns over its commitment .
During his introductory address on March 11 , Taran said it was “ ambitious but unachievable ” for the country ’ s military standards to adapt to those of NATO .
There was widespread @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his predecessor—leading to a Defense Ministry clarification .
But the statements , coupled with efforts to eliminate the ministry ’ s oversight office , have led analysts to wonder whether Ukraine still intends to aim for integration .
The ambiguous and murky messages coming from Zelensky ’ s administration undermine Ukraine ’ s stability .
Zelensky ’ s detractors paint such efforts as evidence of his willingness to do whatever it takes to bring peace with Russia—even if that means turning Ukraine ’ s loyalty away from the EU .
That , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kremlin ’ s lobbyists to promote the lifting of sanctions against Russia ; they will point at Ukraine ’ s unwillingness to commit to a Western trajectory and use their own Kremlin-loyalist lawmakers in Ukraine to saw away at the country ’ s cooperation with Western partners .
All of this will inevitably lead to Russia gaining more influence in the region .
Western leaders should be concerned about the potential for Ukraine to backslide into Russia ’ s embrace .
The success of Ukraine ’ s democracy is vital for the success @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ; investing in relations with Ukraine will only serve the West in the long run .
Western nations should continue providing critical reform-based financial aid .
This means that international financial organizations such as the IMF should not allow Ukraine ’ s lawmakers to cut corners when it comes to following through with promised reforms .
Western democracies should also consider sanctioning Ukraine ’ s Russia-friendly tycoons and oligarchs by banning their entry to the EU and United States , as well as sanctioning their companies and family members .
This will put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ crooks and incentivize anti-corruption sweeps .
Western nations should demand clear and committed communication from Zelensky ’ s team , which has been equivocating and often dissembling .
Additionally , the ambiguous messages coming from Zelensky ’ s team should by no means serve as an excuse to return to business as usual with Russia , and the Kremlin should be targeted with stronger sanctions .
Within the country , Ukraine ’ s reformers must finally unite in their fight against corruption .
A powerful solidarity among Ukraine ’ s reformers is possible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Revolution .
Currently , systematic reform is largely absent in Ukraine as the nation ’ s sound reformers are scattered among legislative branches or are simply worn out by lack of reform progress .
There is division among Ukraine ’ s intellectual elite stemming from allegiances laid out ahead of the last election .
It is time , however , for emotionally charged political differences to be set aside so that those seeking justice in Ukraine can battle the monolith on its eastern border while resisting endemic corruption at home .

When Ukraine’s comedian-turned-presidential candidate Volodymyr Zelensky swept the election a year ago, he vowed to uproot corruption, jail the country’s top crooks, stop Russia’s war against Ukraine, and attract billions of dollars in foreign direct investment. A year after his May 20, 2019, inauguration, none of these grand promises are even close to being fulfilled—and many Ukrainians are losing patience. Beyond his domestic challenges , Zelensky faces mounting pressures outside the country, where he must contend with a preoccupied West and a powerful Russia. If he cannot meet his campaign promises as well as offer a clear and committed Western-oriented reform agenda, Zelensky may lose the international partners Ukraine desperately needs to avoid falling back into Russia’s arms.
When Ukraine’s comedian-turned-presidential candidate Volodymyr Zelensky swept the election a year ago, he vowed to uproot corruption, jail the country’s top crooks, stop Russia’s war against Ukraine, and attract billions of dollars in foreign direct investment. A year after his May 20, 2019, inauguration, none of these grand promises are even close to being fulfilled—and many Ukrainians are losing patience. Beyond his domestic challenges, Zelensky faces mounting pressures outside the country, where he must contend with a preoccupied West and a powerful Russia. If he cannot meet his campaign promises as well as offer a clear and committed Western-oriented reform agenda, Zelensky may lose the international partners Ukraine desperately needs to avoid falling back into Russia’s arms.
Zelensky’s unlikely win followed a comedy career capped by the political satire Servant of the People. The hit show ridiculed corrupt officials and featured Zelensky playing a dedicated, successful—albeit improbable—leader. Boosted by the show and a campaign predicated on populist rhetoric, Zelensky won the presidential seat as well as a parliamentary majority for his party. But in the political arena, his first year has hardly been as straightforward as his TV show. Even as he enjoys the unprecedented position of controlling both the executive and legislative branches, there is much division within his own team among various factions with scattered agendas—those promising reforms clashing with those representing the interests of oligarchs.
This lack of a clear message is becoming a fundamental problem for Zelensky. The consequences may be dire for Ukraine, if the commitment of its international partners fades in turn.
An early alarm bell went off in January when Zelensky’s closest ally in parliament, Servant of the People party head David Arakhamia, sent a troublesome message during the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, saying Ukraine should not proceed with legislation harmonizing ties with the European Union. For many Ukrainians, such a statement represented betrayal of the new government from the hard-fought association agreement with the EU that was signed back in March 2014. The agreement is meant to align Ukraine’s political-economic direction with EU legislation, which would also continue to effectively reorient the country to a Western trajectory and away from Russia. After strong criticism on social media, Arakhamia backtracked and said his words were “lost in translation.”
An even bigger concern for Western governments arose as Zelensky’s government dragged its feet over reforms promised to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The IMF, a vital financial supporter of Ukraine, has been providing billions of dollars in financial aid on the condition that Ukraine pass a bill to rehabilitate its banking sector. In particular, the bill mandated that Ukraine’s largest bank, PrivatBank—nationalized in late 2016 after a $5.5 billion discrepancy was found in its ledger—would not be returned to its previous owners, Gennadiy Bogolyubov and Ihor Kolomoisky. Kolomoisky is a former business partner of Zelensky, and his TV channel heavily promoted the presidential campaign. The IMF, worried about PrivatBank being returned back to its tainted former owners, conditioned a new $5.5 billion financial package issued in December 2019 to a bill that would prevent the return of PrivatBank to its previous owners.
In the intervening months, however, Kolomoisky’s associates in parliament jammed a record 16,335 amendments into the bill, slowing its passage. (The bill finally passed its second reading on May 13, most likely to secure the next tranche of a little under $2 billion from the IMF.) Some have been quick to credit Zelensky for the victory; in reality, the bill should have passed long ago given that his party controls both branches of government. Ukraine’s sluggish progress on reforms like these endangers its continued financial support from international partners.
When he came to power, Zelensky inherited a country that was weakened by Russia’s war in eastern Ukraine but had begun confidently moving toward the West. Zelensky promised to bring peace to Ukraine and end the war, which is why he swiftly agreed to meet with Russia during the so-called Normandy Four summit in Paris in December 2019. During this meeting, Russia scored a number of victories, including a favorable gas deal, a prisoner exchange, and stronger control in territories it occupies in Ukraine.
Zelensky’s political appointments throughout his first year have added to the doubt over his commitments to broker peace with Russia without capitulating to the Kremlin and staying on course with the EU.
On Feb. 11, Zelensky replaced Andriy Bohdan (a former lawyer for Kolomoisky and problematic character himself) with Andriy Yermak, known for his business ties with Russia’s elite. Yermak is now under scrutiny by investigative journalists, who have revealed his family’s alleged involvement in corruption, including taking bribes for government appointments. Yermak’s appointment was followed by a sweeping cabinet reshuffle in March, with similar shortfalls. Zelensky appointed a new prosecutor general, Irina Venediktova, who has been criticized for reversing the anti-corruption movement. Particularly troubling is Venediktova’s move to appoint as one of her deputies Oleksandr Babikov, a former lawyer of Ukraine’s disgraced Kremlin-loyalist president Viktor Yanukovych, who was ousted during the 2014 Euromaidan Revolution. Ukraine’s newest prime minister, Denys Shmyhal, meanwhile announced his support for renewing the water supply from mainland Ukraine to Russia-annexed Crimea just after his March 4 appointment. Days later, the Ukrainian lawmaker Viktor Medvedchuk and other lawmakers drew ire for a visit to Moscow, where they met with Russian President Vladimir Putin and Vyacheslav Volodin, the chair of Russia’s parliament. (Putin is the godfather of Medvedchuk’s daughter.) The intervening months have seen more moves in Russia’s favor, including attempts to begin dialogue with the Kremlin’s proxies in the Donbass region and the house arrest of Tetiana Chornovol, a former lawmaker who was a vocal activist during the 2014 revolution. Amid criticism, Zelensky has been silent.
The new government appointments send equally unclear messages regarding Ukraine’s future ties to NATO. Officially, the administration has vowed continued interest in one day joining the alliance. But recent comments from the new defense minister, Andriy Taran, have raised concerns over its commitment. During his introductory address on March 11, Taran said it was “ambitious but unachievable” for the country’s military standards to adapt to those of NATO. There was widespread backlash to the statement, including from his predecessor—leading to a Defense Ministry clarification. But the statements, coupled with efforts to eliminate the ministry’s oversight office, have led analysts to wonder whether Ukraine still intends to aim for integration.
The ambiguous and murky messages coming from Zelensky’s administration undermine Ukraine’s stability. Zelensky’s detractors paint such efforts as evidence of his willingness to do whatever it takes to bring peace with Russia—even if that means turning Ukraine’s loyalty away from the EU. That, in turn, makes it easier for the Kremlin’s lobbyists to promote the lifting of sanctions against Russia; they will point at Ukraine’s unwillingness to commit to a Western trajectory and use their own Kremlin-loyalist lawmakers in Ukraine to saw away at the country’s cooperation with Western partners. All of this will inevitably lead to Russia gaining more influence in the region.
Western leaders should be concerned about the potential for Ukraine to backslide into Russia’s embrace. The success of Ukraine’s democracy is vital for the success of other post-Soviet countries in the region; investing in relations with Ukraine will only serve the West in the long run.
Western nations should continue providing critical reform-based financial aid. This means that international financial organizations such as the IMF should not allow Ukraine’s lawmakers to cut corners when it comes to following through with promised reforms. Western democracies should also consider sanctioning Ukraine’s Russia-friendly tycoons and oligarchs by banning their entry to the EU and United States, as well as sanctioning their companies and family members. This will put pressure on the nation’s biggest crooks and incentivize anti-corruption sweeps. Western nations should demand clear and committed communication from Zelensky’s team, which has been equivocating and often dissembling. Additionally, the ambiguous messages coming from Zelensky’s team should by no means serve as an excuse to return to business as usual with Russia, and the Kremlin should be targeted with stronger sanctions.
Within the country, Ukraine’s reformers must finally unite in their fight against corruption. A powerful solidarity among Ukraine’s reformers is possible, as was demonstrated during the Euromaidan Revolution. Currently, systematic reform is largely absent in Ukraine as the nation’s sound reformers are scattered among legislative branches or are simply worn out by lack of reform progress. There is division among Ukraine’s intellectual elite stemming from allegiances laid out ahead of the last election. It is time, however, for emotionally charged political differences to be set aside so that those seeking justice in Ukraine can battle the monolith on its eastern border while resisting endemic corruption at home.


foreignpolicy--2020-05-20--Tsai Begins Second Term During a Rough Week For Taiwan

Tsai Begins Second Term During a Rough Week For Taiwan Here is today ’ s Foreign Policy brief : Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen begins her second term , a major cyclone is headed for India and Bangladesh , and Hungary passes an anti-transgender law .
We welcome your feedback at morningbrief @ foreignpolicy.com .
Earlier today , Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen was sworn in for her second term in a low-key ceremony in her presidential office in the capital Taipei .
Addressing a socially-distanced crowd afterwards , she said that her government and the one in Beijing “ have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the long term and prevent the intensification of antagonism and differences.
” Tsai ’ s inauguration comes after a landslide election victory in January , when she beat her challenger by nearly 20 percentage points .
Most recently , her government has received global praise for its handling of the coronavirus pandemic .
So far , the country has only recorded 7 deaths , and has one of the lowest per capita death tolls in the world .
Repeating the words “ peace , parity , democracy , and dialogue , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ruled by China in the same way Hong Kong is now .
“ We will not accept the Beijing authorities ’ use of ‘ one country , two systems ’ to downgrade Taiwan and undermine the cross-strait status quo .
We stand fast by this principle , ” Tsai said .
Hacked at home and sidelined at the WHO .
It ’ s already been a rocky week for the leader as her office was reportedly the victim of a cyberattack .
As part of the hack , documents were leaked to local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ infighting as well as minutes from meetings discussing cabinet roles .
A more significant—if perhaps more expected—setback occurred earlier in the week , when the international community snubbed Taiwan at the World Health Assembly .
Despite the Trump administration ’ s months-long campaign on Taiwan ’ s behalf , Taiwan was not restored to observer status—a position it last enjoyed in 2016 .
Foreign Policy ’ s Colum Lynch has the full story on the U.S.-China standoff at the conference , and why Taiwan will have to wait even longer for recognition .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The Trump administration ’ s Taiwan strategy doesn ’ t end at the WHO .
As the New York Times reports , Taiwanese hi-tech chip manufacturer Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. ( TSMC ) announced last Thursday it would open a factory in Arizona—a move the U.S. Department of Defense asked for in January ( TMSC makes components for the F-35 fighter jet ) .
The next day , the U.S. Commerce Department declared a rule change , making it more difficult for the chip manufacturer to work with Huawei—the Chinese company seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ telecommunications market .
The two moves both hurt Huawei and help bring Taiwan ’ s hi-tech supply chain closer to the United States .
Should Taiwan worry about an attack from China ?
A congressional report released last week warned that with “ the world distracted by COVID-19 , ” China has “ intensified its multi-faceted pressure campaign against Taiwan.
” That doesn ’ t mean China is going to make a move against Taiwan , despite suggestions to do so from Chinese hawks .
Writing in Foreign Policy , Bonnie Glaser and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Beijing would think twice about taking on Taiwan , from the risk of a U.S. military confrontation to alienating countries in the region it needs on its side to execute its Belt and Road and Made in China 2025 initiatives .
“ Even if Xi did wish to reconsider his position , he would still face the hard reality that a strike against Taiwan would compromise China ’ s other ambitions , ” they write .
South Asia braces for cyclone .
A major cyclone is due to make landfall in Bangladesh and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Odisha today , threatening mass flooding and “ large scale damage , ” according to the India Meteorological Department .
Cyclone Amphan is expected to be largest storm to hit the region since the super cyclonic storm of 1999 , which killed roughly 10,000 people .
Both India and Bangladesh are attempting to evacuate millions from the storm ’ s path , a task made harder when storm shelters are being used as makeshift coronavirus quarantine sites .
“ We have just about six hours left to evacuate people from their homes , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distancing norms , ” an Indian disaster management official told Reuters .
Transgender rights rejected in Hungary .
Hungary has passed a law banning residents from legally changing their gender , threatening the rights of transgender people in a country that has already seen a slide into autocracy .
Although Viktor Orban can now rule by decree , the law to define a person ’ s gender at birth only was passed by Hungary ’ s parliament the traditional way , with 134 votes for and 56 against .
“ This decision pushes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tramples the rights of transgender and intersex people .
It will not only expose them to further discrimination but will also deepen an already intolerant and hostile environment faced by the LGBTI community , ” said Krisztina Tamas-Saroy of Amnesty International .
Macron ’ s party loses majority .
French President Emmanuel Macron ’ s political party , La République en Marche , has lost its parliamentary majority after seven defectors formed a new party : Ecology , Democracy , Solidarity .
En Marche still holds a plurality of seats in the French @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the party just one seat short of an outright majority .
After a short-lived surge at the outset of the coronavirus pandemic , Macron ’ s approval rating has settled down to around 40 percent in recent polls .
Ads show 2020 ’ s China focus .
New advertising spending data has revealed what Trump administration statements have been highlighting for some time : the 2020 U.S. presidential election will have an unprecedented focus on China .
Data compiled by HuffPost showed that between April 1 and May 15 over 99 percent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China .
By contrast , only approximately 25 percent of presidential campaign ads run by the Democratic party featured China .
Writing in FP , Daniel Baer calls for a measured approach to China in the presidential election .
“ There is no need for bombast : The facts about the Chinese regime ’ s actions are damning enough , ” he writes .
Mass animal slaughter planned in U.S. Chickens and pigs are being culled in huge numbers as the effect of the coronavirus pandemic leaves meat processors battling a cracked supply @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and processing plants have closed in recent weeks as they became coronavirus outbreak clusters .
Leah Garcés , president of Mercy for Animals , said official numbers are hard to come by but “ what we know with certainty is that 2 million meat chickens [ and ] 61,000 laying hens , ” have been killed on U.S. farms so far .
The U.S. National Pork Producers Council has estimated that “ up to 10,069,000 market hogs will need to be euthanized between the weeks ending on 25 April and 19 September 2020.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tech giant Google says it will no longer provide custom artificial intelligence or machine learning tools to help energy companies speed up oil and gas extraction .
The move comes after the environmental group Greenpeace released a report highlighting the business contracts that tech firms Google , Amazon , and Microsoft have with major oil and gas companies , undermining the Silicon Valley firms ’ carbon-reduction pledges .
Although Google has adopted this new policy , the company said it would not break any existing contracts with its customers .
A judge in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the telegraph used to broadcast distress signals from the Titanic can be salvaged from its position 2.5 miles under the Atlantic Ocean , despite objections from some archeologists .
It is a loss for the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration , which argued that the telegraph should be left on the ship , not least because it shares a place with “ the mortal remains of more than 1,500 people , ” court documents said .
The judge , Rebecca Beach Smith , sided with the salvage company and said that retrieval @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the legacy left by the indelible loss of the Titanic , those who survived , and those who gave their lives in the sinking.
” For more from FP , visit foreignpolicy.com , subscribe here , or sign up for our other newsletters .
Send your tips , comments , questions , or corrections to morningbrief @ foreignpolicy.com .

Here is today’s Foreign Policy brief: Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen begins her second term, a major cyclone is headed for India and Bangladesh , and Hungary passes an anti-transgender law.
Here is today’s Foreign Policy brief: Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen begins her second term, a major cyclone is headed for India and Bangladesh, and Hungary passes an anti-transgender law.
If you would like to receive Morning Brief in your inbox every weekday, please sign up here.
Tsai Ing-Wen’s Second Term Begins During a Week of Setbacks
Earlier today, Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen was sworn in for her second term in a low-key ceremony in her presidential office in the capital Taipei. Addressing a socially distanced crowd afterwards, she said that her government and the one in Beijing “have a duty to find a way to coexist over the long term and prevent the intensification of antagonism and differences.”
Tsai’s inauguration comes after a landslide election victory in January, when she beat her challenger by nearly 20 percentage points. Most recently, her government has received global praise for its handling of the coronavirus pandemic. So far, the country has recorded only seven deaths and has one of the lowest per capita death tolls in the world.
Repeating the words “peace, parity, democracy, and dialogue,” Tsai reiterated that Taiwan would reject being ruled by China in the same way Hong Kong is now. “We will not accept the Beijing authorities’ use of ‘one country, two systems’ to downgrade Taiwan and undermine the cross-strait status quo. We stand fast by this principle,” Tsai said.
Hacked at home and sidelined at the WHO. It’s already been a rocky week for the leader as her office was reportedly the victim of a cyberattack. As part of the hack, documents were leaked to local news outlets that appeared to show political infighting as well as minutes from meetings discussing cabinet roles.
A more significant—if perhaps more expected—setback occurred earlier in the week, when the international community snubbed Taiwan at the World Health Assembly. Despite the Trump administration’s months-long campaign on Taiwan’s behalf, Taiwan was not restored to observer status—a position it last enjoyed in 2016. Foreign Policy’s Colum Lynch has the full story on the U.S.-China standoff at the conference, and why Taiwan will have to wait even longer for recognition.
U.S. betting on Taiwan’s chips. The Trump administration’s Taiwan strategy doesn’t end at the WHO. As the New York Times reports, Taiwanese hi-tech chip manufacturer Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. (TSMC) announced last Thursday it would open a factory in Arizona—a move the U.S. Department of Defense asked for in January (TMSC makes components for the F-35 fighter jet).
The next day, the U.S. Commerce Department declared a rule change, making it more difficult for the chip manufacturer to work with Huawei—the Chinese company seen as a major competitor in the advanced telecommunications market. The two moves both hurt Huawei and help bring Taiwan’s hi-tech supply chain closer to the United States.
Should Taiwan worry about an attack from China? A congressional report released last week warned that with “the world distracted by COVID-19,” China has “intensified its multi-faceted pressure campaign against Taiwan.” That doesn’t mean China is going to make a move against Taiwan, despite suggestions to do so from Chinese hawks.
Writing in Foreign Policy, Bonnie Glaser and Matthew Funaiole outline the many reasons why Beijing would think twice about taking on Taiwan, from the risk of a U.S. military confrontation to alienating countries in the region it needs on its side to execute its Belt and Road and Made in China 2025 initiatives. “Even if Xi did wish to reconsider his position, he would still face the hard reality that a strike against Taiwan would compromise China’s other ambitions,” they write.
What We’re Following Today
South Asia braces for cyclone. A major cyclone is due to make landfall in Bangladesh and the Indian states of West Bengal and Odisha today, threatening mass flooding and “large scale damage,” according to the India Meteorological Department. Cyclone Amphan is expected to be largest storm to hit the region since the super cyclonic storm of 1999, which killed roughly 10,000 people. Both India and Bangladesh are attempting to evacuate millions from the storm’s path, a task made harder when storm shelters are being used as makeshift coronavirus quarantine sites. “We have just about six hours left to evacuate people from their homes, and we also have to maintain social distancing norms,” an Indian disaster management official told Reuters.
Transgender rights rejected in Hungary. Hungary has passed a law banning residents from legally changing their gender, threatening the rights of transgender people in a country that has already seen a slide into autocracy. Although Viktor Orban can now rule by decree, the law to define a person’s gender at birth only was passed by Hungary’s parliament the traditional way, with 134 votes for and 56 against. “This decision pushes Hungary back towards the dark ages and tramples the rights of transgender and intersex people. It will not only expose them to further discrimination but will also deepen an already intolerant and hostile environment faced by the LGBTI community,” said Krisztina Tamas-Saroy of Amnesty International.
Macron’s party loses majority. French President Emmanuel Macron’s political party, La République en Marche, has lost its parliamentary majority after seven defectors formed a new party: Ecology, Democracy, Solidarity. En Marche still holds a plurality of seats in the French National Assembly, and the defections leave the party just one seat short of an outright majority. After a short-lived surge at the outset of the coronavirus pandemic, Macron’s approval rating has settled down to around 40 percent in recent polls.
Keep an Eye On
Ads show 2020’s China focus. New advertising spending data has revealed what Trump administration statements have been highlighting for some time: The 2020 U.S. presidential election will have an unprecedented focus on China. Data compiled by HuffPost showed that between April 1 and May 15 over 99 percent of television ads for the Trump campaign mentioned China. By contrast, only approximately 25 percent of presidential campaign ads run by the Democratic party featured China. Writing in FP, Daniel Baer calls for a measured approach to China in the presidential election. “There is no need for bombast: The facts about the Chinese regime’s actions are damning enough,” he writes.
Mass animal slaughter planned in U.S. Chickens and pigs are being culled in huge numbers as the effect of the coronavirus pandemic leaves meat processors battling a cracked supply chain. Over a dozen large slaughterhouses and processing plants have closed in recent weeks as they became coronavirus outbreak clusters. Leah Garcés, the president of Mercy for Animals, said official numbers are hard to come by but “what we know with certainty is that 2 million meat chickens [and] 61,000 laying hens,” have been killed on U.S. farms so far. The U.S. National Pork Producers Council has estimated that “up to 10,069,000 market hogs will need to be euthanized between the weeks ending on 25 April and 19 September 2020.”
Google is out of gas. Tech giant Google says it will no longer provide custom artificial intelligence or machine learning tools to help energy companies speed up oil and gas extraction. The move comes after the environmental group Greenpeace released a report highlighting the business contracts that tech firms Google, Amazon, and Microsoft have with major oil and gas companies, undermining the Silicon Valley firms’ carbon-reduction pledges. Although Google has adopted this new policy, the company said it would not break any existing contracts with its customers.
Odds and Ends
A judge in Norfolk, Virginia, has ruled that the telegraph used to broadcast distress signals from the Titanic can be salvaged from its position 2.5 miles under the Atlantic Ocean, despite objections from some archeologists. It is a loss for the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, which argued that the telegraph should be left on the ship, not least because it shares a place with “the mortal remains of more than 1,500 people,” court documents said. The judge, Rebecca Beach Smith, sided with the salvage company and said that retrieval of the telegraph “will contribute to the legacy left by the indelible loss of the Titanic, those who survived, and those who gave their lives in the sinking.”
That’s it for today.
For more from FP, visit foreignpolicy.com, subscribe here, or sign up for our other newsletters. Send your tips, comments, questions, or corrections to morningbrief@foreignpolicy.com.


foreignpolicy--2020-05-20--Israel’s Cease-Fire Government Should Promote Healing, Not Division

Israel ’ s 18-month political nightmare—including three election campaigns—is finally over .
While many challenges lie ahead , the new government sworn in on Sunday , led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former rival Benny Gantz , now in the role of “ alternate prime minister , ” received an impressive 73 votes in Israel ’ s Knesset , providing it with a wide base that will hopefully lead to political stability .
Both sides reneged on major campaign promises when they agreed to form this government , arguing that now was the time for compromises and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ religious and cultural battles .
The new government has a choice : to seize the opportunity to pursue policies regarding issues on which widespread consensus already exists in Israel or they can turn the cease-fire government into the continuation of political deadlock by other means .
It will not be easy for this government to succeed .
A coalition co-led by a prime minister on trial for corruption and a retired general who vowed to preserve the rule of law while repeatedly seeking to unseat his rival , whom he labeled as corrupt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politics in December 2018 , the No .
1 priority for Gantz was to ensure that Netanyahu , if indicted , would not continue to serve in office .
This pledge by Gantz ’ s Blue and White party intensified throughout the campaigns as Netanyahu ’ s indictments on bribery charges were officially handed down , and it served as a rallying cry to unite a previously divided opposition .
Gantz was the law and order candidate vowing to return good governance and impeccable ethics to the prime minister ’ s office in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to fight corruption and clean up Israel ’ s public services , Gantz also articulated the ideology of the political center on a number of socioeconomic matters .
He called for a fairer distribution of government resources in a country where interest-group competition often dictates state budgets .
He also advocated more equitable burden sharing—as opposed to the current reality where members of the ultra-Orthodox community are exempt from the compulsory military service performed by most other Israelis .
Gantz envisioned a realignment of the balance between religion and state in a country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grip over births , marriages , and burials and has the final say on matters such as public transportation and the opening of shops on Saturdays ( the Jewish Sabbath ) .
Netanyahu also had high hopes for his agenda when he dispersed the Knesset back in December 2018 .
Had he achieved the necessary 61-seat majority for his right-wing bloc in parliament , Netanyahu intended to lead a radical overhaul of the country ’ s constitutional system by seeking personal immunity from prosecution while allowing political appointments in sensitive legal positions now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ significantly , Netanyahu and his allies were intent on instituting a so-called override clause to inhibit the Supreme Court ’ s ability to exercise judicial oversight over Knesset legislation and other government policies .
Judicial review has long been considered an essential element of the balance of powers in Israel ’ s democracy .
Netanyahu also intended to advance his agenda vis-à-vis the Palestinians by enacting a number of clauses in the Trump administration peace plan that would allow Israel to extend its sovereignty in disputed territories in the West Bank .
Throughout @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to move forward with such an annexation of land if and when he achieved an electoral victory while ignoring the parts of the plan that called for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state .
In practice , this means that the government will most likely be paralyzed , with Netanyahu and Gantz wielding veto power over each other .
Put simply , the most likely outcome will be deadlock , this time from within the cabinet rather than at the polls .
The most likely outcome will be deadlock , this time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the polls .
Despite all this , Israel ’ s new unity government remains extremely popular .
A recent poll conducted at the Israel Democracy Institute showed that 57 percent of those surveyed preferred this government over holding a fourth election .
When Jewish Israelis were asked about their preference , this number went up to 63 percent .
This support is most likely based on the fact that even as the health crisis from the coronavirus pandemic recedes , the economic ramifications are staggering .
Israel , which had 3.6 percent unemployment @ @ @ @ @ @ @ facing a situation in which more than 27 percent of its workforce has been either laid off or furloughed—a number that is expected to remain above 15 percent in May as lockdowns ease .
Israelis desperately want their government to begin helping the country emerge from this economic death spiral .
This government , with its broad support throughout the Knesset , is viewed as key to providing the budgets and sound economic policies needed to recover in extremely trying times .
Perhaps more significantly , beyond dealing with the immediate impact of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ provide a much-needed cease-fire on many of the issues Israelis vehemently fought over during these three campaigns .
Gantz and his colleagues will have to suffer the indignity of serving under a prime minister they view as corrupt , but on the other hand they achieved an important victory by blocking Netanyahu ’ s attempts to alter the country ’ s constitutional system to avoid facing trial .
Thanks to Gantz and his allies , the prime minister will have to show up at the Jerusalem District Court this month .
Similarly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ultra-Orthodox men will not be showing up at Israel Defense Forces induction centers anytime soon and the chance of enacting civil marriage laws free of the rabbinate ’ s control is slim .
Yet it is equally clear that the ultra-Orthodox parties will not be able to advance their agenda of deepening religious practice in Israel .
When it comes to the possibility of annexation , neither side will be able to fully fulfill its campaign promises .
While Blue and White had stated that any move in the West Bank should move @ @ @ @ @ @ @ relevant section of the coalition agreement signed with Netanyahu ’ s Likud party allows the prime minister to pursue the issue after “ consulting ” with Gantz—but without the veto power each side was afforded on all other policy questions .
At the same time , the agreement states that annexation will only be applied while “ maintaining regional stability , maintaining peace agreements and striving for future peace agreements.
” With Gantz serving as defense minister and his ally Gabi Ashkenazi as foreign minister , it is likely that if Netanyahu ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the final scope and implementation would be far different—and narrower—than what Netanyahu promised his supporters during the recent election campaigns .
Faced with these constraints on major policy initiatives , there is still one thing this government can do : It can serve as a catalyst for healing and reconciliation among the sparing factions that make up Israeli society .
It can remind Israelis that while they may have different visions for where they want the country to go in the future , the challenges of the present are so great that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ visions aside and working together right now .
With the right policies and appropriate allocation of resources , this new government can implement a truce that will keep Israel safe , protect its democratic institutions , and reignite its economy so that Israelis can emerge from the current crisis with their basic needs secure—and ready to resume their deep-seated ideological debates at another point in the future .

Israel’s 18-month political nightmare—including three election campaigns—is finally over. While many challenges lie ahead, the new government sworn in on Sunday, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former rival Benny Gantz, now in the role of “alternate prime minister,” received an impressive 73 votes in Israel’s Knesset, providing it with a wide base that will hopefully lead to political stability.
Israel’s 18-month political nightmare—including three election campaigns—is finally over. While many challenges lie ahead, the new government sworn in on Sunday, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his former rival Benny Gantz, now in the role of “alternate prime minister,” received an impressive 73 votes in Israel’s Knesset, providing it with a wide base that will hopefully lead to political stability.
Both sides reneged on major campaign promises when they agreed to form this government, arguing that now was the time for compromises and a cease-fire on the country’s divisive religious and cultural battles. The new government has a choice: to seize the opportunity to pursue policies regarding issues on which widespread consensus already exists in Israel or they can turn the cease-fire government into the continuation of political deadlock by other means.
It will not be easy for this government to succeed. A coalition co-led by a prime minister on trial for corruption and a retired general who vowed to preserve the rule of law while repeatedly seeking to unseat his rival, whom he labeled as corrupt, faces significant obstacles.
After entering politics in December 2018, the No. 1 priority for Gantz was to ensure that Netanyahu, if indicted, would not continue to serve in office. This pledge by Gantz’s Blue and White party intensified throughout the campaigns as Netanyahu’s indictments on bribery charges were officially handed down, and it served as a rallying cry to unite a previously divided opposition. Gantz was the law and order candidate vowing to return good governance and impeccable ethics to the prime minister’s office in Jerusalem.
In addition to his promises to fight corruption and clean up Israel’s public services, Gantz also articulated the ideology of the political center on a number of socioeconomic matters. He called for a fairer distribution of government resources in a country where interest-group competition often dictates state budgets. He also advocated more equitable burden sharing—as opposed to the current reality where members of the ultra-Orthodox community are exempt from the compulsory military service performed by most other Israelis.
Gantz envisioned a realignment of the balance between religion and state in a country where an Orthodox rabbinate holds a monopolistic grip over births, marriages, and burials and has the final say on matters such as public transportation and the opening of shops on Saturdays (the Jewish Sabbath).
Netanyahu also had high hopes for his agenda when he dispersed the Knesset back in December 2018. Had he achieved the necessary 61-seat majority for his right-wing bloc in parliament, Netanyahu intended to lead a radical overhaul of the country’s constitutional system by seeking personal immunity from prosecution while allowing political appointments in sensitive legal positions now filled by career civil servants. Most significantly, Netanyahu and his allies were intent on instituting a so-called override clause to inhibit the Supreme Court’s ability to exercise judicial oversight over Knesset legislation and other government policies. Judicial review has long been considered an essential element of the balance of powers in Israel’s democracy.
Netanyahu also intended to advance his agenda vis-à-vis the Palestinians by enacting a number of clauses in the Trump administration peace plan that would allow Israel to extend its sovereignty in disputed territories in the West Bank. Throughout the three elections, Netanyahu repeatedly pledged to move forward with such an annexation of land if and when he achieved an electoral victory while ignoring the parts of the plan that called for the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.
Both sides fell short of a commanding majority in three successive elections and, to avoid a fourth vote, have now agreed to a power-sharing agreement. The composition of Israel’s new government, however, makes it highly unlikely that any of the above policies proposed by Netanyahu or Gantz will be enacted. In fact, to overcome the significant distrust between the two main coalition partners, the coalition agreement they signed includes a number of clauses that ensure that neither side can pass legislation or push new government policies without the other’s consent.
In practice, this means that the government will most likely be paralyzed, with Netanyahu and Gantz wielding veto power over each other. Put simply, the most likely outcome will be deadlock, this time from within the cabinet rather than at the polls.
The most likely outcome will be deadlock, this time from within the cabinet rather than at the polls.
Despite all this, Israel’s new unity government remains extremely popular. A recent poll conducted at the Israel Democracy Institute showed that 57 percent of those surveyed preferred this government over holding a fourth election. When Jewish Israelis were asked about their preference, this number went up to 63 percent. This support is most likely based on the fact that even as the health crisis from the coronavirus pandemic recedes, the economic ramifications are staggering.
Israel, which had 3.6 percent unemployment as recently as March, is now facing a situation in which more than 27 percent of its workforce has been either laid off or furloughed—a number that is expected to remain above 15 percent in May as lockdowns ease. Israelis desperately want their government to begin helping the country emerge from this economic death spiral. This government, with its broad support throughout the Knesset, is viewed as key to providing the budgets and sound economic policies needed to recover in extremely trying times.
Perhaps more significantly, beyond dealing with the immediate impact of the coronavirus crisis, this government can provide a much-needed cease-fire on many of the issues Israelis vehemently fought over during these three campaigns. Gantz and his colleagues will have to suffer the indignity of serving under a prime minister they view as corrupt, but on the other hand they achieved an important victory by blocking Netanyahu’s attempts to alter the country’s constitutional system to avoid facing trial. Thanks to Gantz and his allies, the prime minister will have to show up at the Jerusalem District Court this month.
Similarly, Blue and White representatives know that young ultra-Orthodox men will not be showing up at Israel Defense Forces induction centers anytime soon and the chance of enacting civil marriage laws free of the rabbinate’s control is slim. Yet it is equally clear that the ultra-Orthodox parties will not be able to advance their agenda of deepening religious practice in Israel.
When it comes to the possibility of annexation, neither side will be able to fully fulfill its campaign promises. While Blue and White had stated that any move in the West Bank should move forward only with international consent, the relevant section of the coalition agreement signed with Netanyahu’s Likud party allows the prime minister to pursue the issue after “consulting” with Gantz—but without the veto power each side was afforded on all other policy questions.
At the same time, the agreement states that annexation will only be applied while “maintaining regional stability, maintaining peace agreements and striving for future peace agreements.” With Gantz serving as defense minister and his ally Gabi Ashkenazi as foreign minister, it is likely that if Netanyahu’s annexation plan were to actually advance, the final scope and implementation would be far different—and narrower—than what Netanyahu promised his supporters during the recent election campaigns.
Faced with these constraints on major policy initiatives, there is still one thing this government can do: It can serve as a catalyst for healing and reconciliation among the sparing factions that make up Israeli society. It can remind Israelis that while they may have different visions for where they want the country to go in the future, the challenges of the present are so great that it’s worth putting those divergent visions aside and working together right now.
With the right policies and appropriate allocation of resources, this new government can implement a truce that will keep Israel safe, protect its democratic institutions, and reignite its economy so that Israelis can emerge from the current crisis with their basic needs secure—and ready to resume their deep-seated ideological debates at another point in the future.


foreignpolicy--2020-05-20--Despite the Coronavirus, Mexican Women Are Fighting Femicide

Despite the Coronavirus , Mexican Women Are Fighting Femicide On March 8 , International Women ’ s Day , an estimated 100,000 women of all walks of life poured into Mexico City ’ s center .
With a small group of male allies taking up the rear , they marched the mile and a half from the Monument to the Mexican Revolution to the Zócalo , Mexico City ’ s central plaza .
The march coincided with other large demonstrations in cities across the country , from Tapachula to Tijuana .
The outsized rallies were just the beginning of a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ demonstrate the urgency of the national emergency of femicide and other violence against women in the country .
In 2019 , on average , 10 women were killed per day in Mexico , and the figure remained unchanged going into 2020 .
Moreover , Mexico ’ s near-total impunity for crime ( hovering around a 90 percent rate of impunity ) is even worse when it comes to femicides—more like 99 percent , according to the National Citizen ’ s Observatory on Femicide .
Women are also over-represented in the already high numbers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The last major survey on family violence in Mexico , conducted in 2016 , found that for approximately every 100 women aged 15 years and over who have had a partner or husband , 42 of the married women and 59 of the separated , divorced , or widowed women have experienced situations of emotional or economic abuse , or physical or sexual violence during their current or last relationship—a clear indication of women ’ s overall vulnerability to security risks of all kinds .
Following large demonstrations in August and November @ @ @ @ @ @ @ center of Mexico City covered in graffiti and broken glass from the smashed windows of government buildings , feminist organizers went into 2020 saying that women would continue to take political action until real policy changes were made .
On March 9 , following the International Women ’ s Day rallies , tens of thousands of Mexican women went on strike—staying indoors , not going to work , and not buying products—in a coordinated national effort to demonstrate to the country what it would be like if women simply ceased to contribute to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and disappear .
Up to 57 percent of women in the Mexican workforce intended to participate in the daylong strike when surveyed , resulting , by some estimates , in a potential economic loss to the country of $ 1.5 billion .
In a somewhat surreal twist of events , within two weeks women were once again being called on to stay away from their workplaces—this time for public health reasons , as part of Mexico ’ s measures to slow the spread of the coronavirus pandemic , and this time with an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ family incomes are threatened and the majority of the population is required to stay in their homes , potentially trapped with abusive family members .
Advocates for women are determined that the momentum of March 8-9 not be lost as the country faces the ongoing coronavirus crisis .
Layda Negrete , a lawyer and researcher with the World Justice Project and expert on impunity in Mexico , said the events of March 8 and 9 mark a key moment for a political solution to violence against women in Mexico , noting that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was “ a very clear display of political muscle … that has really caught the attention of the federal administration.
” Against this background , the renewed “ political muscle ” observed by Negrete is already facing its first test as the coronavirus pandemic continues to spread .
The Brujas del Mar ( Sea Witches ) , a collective that played a key role in calling for the strike , has swung into action to mitigate the increased risks to women that come with a country facing a period of lockdown .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to access psychological help if they are experiencing domestic violence .
They are often approached by women in their home state of Veracruz , and from elsewhere in the country , for assistance to find refuge or to report abusers , and they are putting together a network to provide accessible legal advice .
The collective is also coordinating a system of food donations for women who work in the informal sector and are likely to be hit the hardest by the economic fallout of quarantines and lockdowns .
In the first month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the national network of women ’ s shelters reported an 80 percent increase in calls seeking help for gender-based violence .
Forty-four percent of the calls were from the capital region , where stay-at-home and social distancing measures are scheduled to be in place until May 30 .
As per some media and activist estimates , 209 women have been killed as stay-at-home measures were announced , with at least 163 of these registered as femicides , or crimes in which the woman was killed because of her gender .
In early May @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believe there had been an increase in domestic violence under the stay-at-home measures .
In response , a group of feminists shared an open letter on social media that noted the high number of family violence-related calls to 911 per hour during that period—a figure that comes from his own government ’ s data , which shows calls to report abuse or violence in the home increased overall by 22.7 percent between February and March .
Then , the president claimed 90 percent of these calls were false reports .
In the first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the national network of women ’ s shelters reported an 80 percent increase in calls seeking help for gender-based violence .
Women ’ s shelters remain operational as an essential service while coronavirus measures are in place in Mexico , new government funding has been provisioned , and the federal government says a woman experiencing violence can call the emergency number for a response from police or a variety of hotlines to find a place in a shelter .
But Mexico is already grappling with several preexisting conditions that will make an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to shelters that occurred in 2019 , a decrease in funding for the Mexican federal government ’ s department for women ’ s issues , a systemic underspending of funds allocated to state governments for programs to support women , and near-blanket impunity for criminal violence against women .
As the pandemic progresses , it ’ s clear that Mexican society will still rely on the leadership of citizens , as demonstrated during the protests , to prevent and punish violence against women .
There ’ s little doubt that structural sexism and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for victims of femicide , and to bringing the numbers down .
Additionally , indigenous women , transgender women , and women with disabilities face compounded discrimination and risk .
Women who work in Mexico ’ s large informal economy are particularly vulnerable to poverty and violence .
Despite the current stay-at-home measures , many of these women must continue to seek a salary , placing them between the precarity of a slowed street economy and the economic pressures of raising a family .
These factors are correlated with gendered violence : In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ link between disruption of employment in the informal economy and violence against women in Mexico City—women already vulnerable to high levels of violence at home find it increases when there are disruptions to their earning income .
Mexico does have a powerful law in place , the General Law on Women ’ s Access to a Life Free of Violence , which was passed in 2007 .
The law provided sweeping measures to “ prevent , treat , punish , and eradicate violence against women , ” defined as including psychological , physical @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of women ’ s property rights ) , and sexual violence ; it also defined femicide as a hate crime targeting women .
But as too many cases have demonstrated , the mandate is not enough .
Despite relatively high levels of reporting of family violence to police , women have come to expect little to no response from authorities .
“ When a woman is experiencing such violence , she has very little recourse , ” Negrete said .
“ If she calls the police , they might not come , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ no training in how to respond to family violence .
To pursue charges and protection from the violence they must go to the prosecutor ’ s office , who typically fail to do anything about the complaint.
” Under the administration of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador , “ there are no clear proposals different from previous governments at the federal level or the local level , ” said María de la Luz Estrada , a sociologist and the coordinator of the National Citizen ’ s Observatory on Femicide .
In response to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ administration said it will not be altering current policy or making new policy to fight femicide and other violence against women .
“ We see a lot of money being put into things like a national policy against drug cartels , but not to prevent violence against women , ” Negrete said .
A recent government service measure known as Women ’ s Justice Centers was starting to work until budget cuts hit .
“ The woman would arrive , and they would have a social worker , a psychologist , and child @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a legal branch to it , so they could prosecute cases that were suitable for prosecution , ” Negrete said .
Similar service responses are successful elsewhere in the world , but most of the centers have struggled to maintain the full suite of services since López Obrador cut the public security budget , resulting in a loss of nearly 80 percent of funding .
Most of the centers are still operational at reduced hours and must do a lot more with a lot less as needs for their services rise under coronavirus @ @ @ @ @ @ @ March were largely initiated through online media , and campaigning for gender justice in Mexico continues via those networks while the country remains in lockdown .
Young women at the country ’ s largest public university who have been protesting against sexual assault and rape on campus over the last several months hacked the intranet of the Department of Political and Social Science , which had scheduled virtual classes .
The Organized Women of the Department of Political and Social Sciences collective then published a communique accusing department administration of punishing women professors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gender violence , and they disabled the intranet ’ s functions so that grades could not be assigned and classes could not be scheduled .
Other examples of online campaigning include a virtual vigil for Ana Paola , a 13-year-old victim of femicide in her home after stay-at-home measures began , and a virtual protest , coordinated with other countries in Latin America , held on May 9 , the day before Mother ’ s Day , with the purpose of posting material en masse to social media networks , depicting the dangers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under coronavirus measures .
The massive support for a social transformation of gender relations in Mexico , evidenced by the protests of early 2020 , continues despite the quarantine , and there are clear budget and policy decisions that Mexican authorities can take in order to respond right now .
For women at risk in their homes , there need to be clearer , better-funded avenues to support women and children fleeing violence , enabled by community support .
Mexican women do reach out for help—if they are asked to stay in their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dangerously contagious virus , authorities must ensure they are not exposing them to greater vulnerability .

On March 8, International Women’s Day, an estimated 100,000 women of all walks of life poured into Mexico City’s center. With a small group of male allies taking up the rear, they marched the mile and a half from the Monument to the Mexican Revolution to the Zócalo, Mexico City’s central plaza. The march coincided with other large demonstrations in cities across the country, from Tapachula to Tijuana. The outsized rallies were just the beginning of a landmark 48-hour effort by Mexican women to demonstrate the urgency of the national emergency of femicide and other violence against women in the country.
On March 8, International Women’s Day, an estimated 100,000 women of all walks of life poured into Mexico City’s center. With a small group of male allies taking up the rear, they marched the mile and a half from the Monument to the Mexican Revolution to the Zócalo, Mexico City’s central plaza. The march coincided with other large demonstrations in cities across the country, from Tapachula to Tijuana. The outsized rallies were just the beginning of a landmark 48-hour effort by Mexican women to demonstrate the urgency of the national emergency of femicide and other violence against women in the country.
In 2019, on average, 10 women were killed per day in Mexico, and the figure remained unchanged going into 2020. Moreover, Mexico’s near-total impunity for crime (hovering around a 90 percent rate of impunity) is even worse when it comes to femicides—more like 99 percent, according to the National Citizen’s Observatory on Femicide. Women are also over-represented in the already high numbers of kidnappings and forced disappearances in Mexico. The last major survey on family violence in Mexico, conducted in 2016, found that for approximately every 100 women aged 15 years and over who have had a partner or husband, 42 of the married women and 59 of the separated, divorced, or widowed women have experienced situations of emotional or economic abuse, or physical or sexual violence during their current or last relationship—a clear indication of women’s overall vulnerability to security risks of all kinds.
Following large demonstrations in August and November 2019, which left parts of the center of Mexico City covered in graffiti and broken glass from the smashed windows of government buildings, feminist organizers went into 2020 saying that women would continue to take political action until real policy changes were made. On March 9, following the International Women’s Day rallies, tens of thousands of Mexican women went on strike—staying indoors, not going to work, and not buying products—in a coordinated national effort to demonstrate to the country what it would be like if women simply ceased to contribute to society, if they continued to die and disappear. Up to 57 percent of women in the Mexican workforce intended to participate in the daylong strike when surveyed, resulting, by some estimates, in a potential economic loss to the country of $1.5 billion.
In a somewhat surreal twist of events, within two weeks women were once again being called on to stay away from their workplaces—this time for public health reasons, as part of Mexico’s measures to slow the spread of the coronavirus pandemic, and this time with an amplified risk of violence against women as family incomes are threatened and the majority of the population is required to stay in their homes, potentially trapped with abusive family members. Advocates for women are determined that the momentum of March 8-9 not be lost as the country faces the ongoing coronavirus crisis.
Layda Negrete, a lawyer and researcher with the World Justice Project and expert on impunity in Mexico, said the events of March 8 and 9 mark a key moment for a political solution to violence against women in Mexico, noting that the numbers in the streets and on strike was “a very clear display of political muscle … that has really caught the attention of the federal administration.” Against this background, the renewed “political muscle” observed by Negrete is already facing its first test as the coronavirus pandemic continues to spread.
The Brujas del Mar (Sea Witches), a collective that played a key role in calling for the strike, has swung into action to mitigate the increased risks to women that come with a country facing a period of lockdown. The group has established a hotline for women to access psychological help if they are experiencing domestic violence. They are often approached by women in their home state of Veracruz, and from elsewhere in the country, for assistance to find refuge or to report abusers, and they are putting together a network to provide accessible legal advice. The collective is also coordinating a system of food donations for women who work in the informal sector and are likely to be hit the hardest by the economic fallout of quarantines and lockdowns.
In the first month of coronavirus quarantine starting in March, the national network of women’s shelters reported an 80 percent increase in calls seeking help for gender-based violence. Forty-four percent of the calls were from the capital region, where stay-at-home and social distancing measures are scheduled to be in place until May 30. As per some media and activist estimates, 209 women have been killed as stay-at-home measures were announced, with at least 163 of these registered as femicides, or crimes in which the woman was killed because of her gender.
In early May, the president said he did not believe there had been an increase in domestic violence under the stay-at-home measures. In response, a group of feminists shared an open letter on social media that noted the high number of family violence-related calls to 911 per hour during that period—a figure that comes from his own government’s data, which shows calls to report abuse or violence in the home increased overall by 22.7 percent between February and March. Then, the president claimed 90 percent of these calls were false reports.
In the first month of coronavirus quarantine starting in March, the national network of women’s shelters reported an 80 percent increase in calls seeking help for gender-based violence.
Women’s shelters remain operational as an essential service while coronavirus measures are in place in Mexico, new government funding has been provisioned, and the federal government says a woman experiencing violence can call the emergency number for a response from police or a variety of hotlines to find a place in a shelter. But Mexico is already grappling with several preexisting conditions that will make an effective response more difficult: funding cuts to shelters that occurred in 2019, a decrease in funding for the Mexican federal government’s department for women’s issues, a systemic underspending of funds allocated to state governments for programs to support women, and near-blanket impunity for criminal violence against women. As the pandemic progresses, it’s clear that Mexican society will still rely on the leadership of citizens, as demonstrated during the protests, to prevent and punish violence against women.
There’s little doubt that structural sexism and impunity are the greatest barriers to justice for victims of femicide, and to bringing the numbers down. Additionally, indigenous women, transgender women, and women with disabilities face compounded discrimination and risk. Women who work in Mexico’s large informal economy are particularly vulnerable to poverty and violence.
Despite the current stay-at-home measures, many of these women must continue to seek a salary, placing them between the precarity of a slowed street economy and the economic pressures of raising a family. These factors are correlated with gendered violence: In a 2018 study, researchers found a link between disruption of employment in the informal economy and violence against women in Mexico City—women already vulnerable to high levels of violence at home find it increases when there are disruptions to their earning income.
Mexico does have a powerful law in place, the General Law on Women’s Access to a Life Free of Violence, which was passed in 2007. The law provided sweeping measures to “prevent, treat, punish, and eradicate violence against women,” defined as including psychological, physical, economic, patrimonial (involving violation of women’s property rights), and sexual violence; it also defined femicide as a hate crime targeting women. But as too many cases have demonstrated, the mandate is not enough.
Despite relatively high levels of reporting of family violence to police, women have come to expect little to no response from authorities. “When a woman is experiencing such violence, she has very little recourse,” Negrete said. “If she calls the police, they might not come, and even if they do, they have no training in how to respond to family violence. To pursue charges and protection from the violence they must go to the prosecutor’s office, who typically fail to do anything about the complaint.”
Under the administration of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, “there are no clear proposals different from previous governments at the federal level or the local level,” said María de la Luz Estrada, a sociologist and the coordinator of the National Citizen’s Observatory on Femicide. In response to the rallies and the strike, the administration said it will not be altering current policy or making new policy to fight femicide and other violence against women. “We see a lot of money being put into things like a national policy against drug cartels, but not to prevent violence against women,” Negrete said.
A recent government service measure known as Women’s Justice Centers was starting to work until budget cuts hit. “The woman would arrive, and they would have a social worker, a psychologist, and child care provided; they would also have a legal branch to it, so they could prosecute cases that were suitable for prosecution,” Negrete said. Similar service responses are successful elsewhere in the world, but most of the centers have struggled to maintain the full suite of services since López Obrador cut the public security budget, resulting in a loss of nearly 80 percent of funding. Most of the centers are still operational at reduced hours and must do a lot more with a lot less as needs for their services rise under coronavirus conditions.
The mass demonstrations of early March were largely initiated through online media, and campaigning for gender justice in Mexico continues via those networks while the country remains in lockdown. Young women at the country’s largest public university who have been protesting against sexual assault and rape on campus over the last several months hacked the intranet of the Department of Political and Social Science, which had scheduled virtual classes. The Organized Women of the Department of Political and Social Sciences collective then published a communique accusing department administration of punishing women professors for supporting students who speak out against gender violence, and they disabled the intranet’s functions so that grades could not be assigned and classes could not be scheduled.
Other examples of online campaigning include a virtual vigil for Ana Paola, a 13-year-old victim of femicide in her home after stay-at-home measures began, and a virtual protest, coordinated with other countries in Latin America, held on May 9, the day before Mother’s Day, with the purpose of posting material en masse to social media networks, depicting the dangers being faced by women in the home under coronavirus measures.
The massive support for a social transformation of gender relations in Mexico, evidenced by the protests of early 2020, continues despite the quarantine, and there are clear budget and policy decisions that Mexican authorities can take in order to respond right now. For women at risk in their homes, there need to be clearer, better-funded avenues to support women and children fleeing violence, enabled by community support. Mexican women do reach out for help—if they are asked to stay in their homes to stop the spread of a dangerously contagious virus, authorities must ensure they are not exposing them to greater vulnerability.