foreignpolicy--2020-06-08--U.N. to Staff: No Protests for You

U.N. to Staff: No Protests for You

U.N. to Staff : No Protests for You The United Nations has instructed its staff members not to participate in public demonstrations sweeping the world in the wake of the police killing of George Floyd , on the grounds that public displays of support for the protest movement would undermine the world body ’ s reputation for impartiality , according to a copy of an internal circular the U.N. ethics board sent to U.N. staff last week .
Speaking to U.N. staffers at a virtual town hall meeting on Thursday , U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres acknowledged that many U.N. colleagues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and active ” in response to the popular protests against racism and police brutality in New York and beyond , according to a video recording of the event obtained by Foreign Policy .
But he said they would have to restrain themselves .
“ We are all shocked by the brutality of the murder of George Floyd .
… It ’ s important to recognize that at the center of [ this crisis ] there is a serious question of racism , ” he said .
But he cautioned that U.N. staffers ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ limitations ” on their freedom to speak out or act .
U.N. workers who wished to express support for the protesters would have to limit their activities to reposting U.N. press releases and social media posts by the U.N. chief and other senior U.N. officials , he said .
“ There is one thing we can all do , which is to retweet , to spread the U.N. messages that have been issued already in relation to [ the protests ] , and this can be done by everybody and multiply and amplify @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that are messages against police brutality , that are message against inequalities and discrimination , ” Guterres said .
But the decision faced pushback among U.N. staffers and independent U.N. human rights advocates , who claimed the restrictions abridged the rights of individuals to free speech and peaceful assembly , which are enshrined in the U.N. Charter and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights .
“ While I understand the need to ensure the impartiality of its international civil service , it is clear that internal UN rules can not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in every nation , ” Clément Voule , the U.N. special rapporteur on rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association , said in a statement .
“ The issues at the heart of the protests that have unfolded since the killing of George Floyd are the same fundamental issues that the UN has been fighting for since its establishment , ” Voule , a Togolese lawyer , wrote .
“ The UN has been at the forefront of the fight against racism and discrimination .
This is the reason why people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ UN staff should be able to join them.
” The ethics board circular—which ordered U.N. officials to avoid protests and observe curfews in New York City and other American cities—followed weeks of mass demonstrations against police brutality across all 50 states .
The protests—triggered by the video of a Minneapolis police officer asphyxiating Floyd with his knee on his neck—have inspired similar ones around the world .
“ Participation in public demonstrations in the current circumstances may not be consistent with the independence and impartiality required of us as international civil servants , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was endorsed by Guterres .
“ Thus , staff members should consider the consequences of participating in public demonstrations given the public health orders during the ongoing novel coronavirus pandemic to maintain social distancing , to avoid large gatherings and to practice other public health measures that may be incompatible with participation in mass protests.
” The U.N. policy on staff participation in public protests is detailed in a series of staff guidelines and regulations aimed at excluding U.N. officials in political activities .
“ While staff may have political views , their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ceases while in service , and expression of a particular political opinion or opinion about a particularly sensitive political matter in public may not be compatible with that status , ” according to a 2016 bulletin by the U.N. secretary-general .
“ In New York City or other locations in which curfews have been imposed , staff members must observe such curfews and similar public orders , ” according to the ethics board circular .
“ Insofar as some of the protests have given rise to violence and property damage , the risk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be swept up in an uncontrolled demonstration , including facing arrest or detention , could bring substantial disrepute to the Organization.
” The move comes as the families of victims of police violence , including Floyd , Breonna Taylor , Michael Brown , and Philando Castile , on Monday issued a call for the U.N. Human Rights Council to convene a special session to investigate the violent police repression of protests in the United States .
The American Civil Liberties Union ( ACLU ) , Black Lives Matter , the NAACP , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the appeal .
“ I want people across the world and the leaders in the United Nations to see the video of my brother George Floyd , to listen to his cry for help , and I want them to answer his cry , ” Philonise Floyd said in a statement .
“ I appeal to the United Nations to help him .
Help me .
Help us .
Help black men and women in America.
” “ It is time the United States face the same scrutiny and judgment it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ” Jamil Dakwar , the director of the ACLU ’ s human rights program , added in a statement .
Since its founding in 1945 , the U.N. has sought to strike a careful balance between deferring to member states to manage their internal politics and championing the principles of the U.N. Charter , which commits governments to “ reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights , in the dignity and worth of the human person , in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need to abide by the principle of the U.N. Charter and comply with the standards of conduct expected of international civil servants .
But it also recommended that U.N. workers be granted greater freedom to decide how to respond .
“ Around the world , people have poured out into the streets to express their solidarity , reaffirming the fundamental right to life and rejecting senseless violence .
Many of us are moved by the desire to take action , ” the Staff Union said in a statement .
“ We trust your @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in avoiding negative comments and in keeping your statements and posts forward-looking and constructive.
” “ We are well placed at the UN to answer these questions , through the required conversations may not be easy .
Our unparalleled diversity is our greatest strength , ” the union added .
“ We can be a true engine of change , utilizing our shared knowledge and our shared experiences to foster inclusion and respect diversity.
” It is not the first time that the U.N. has been confronted with the moral dilemma of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the civil rights movement in the 1960s , Ralph Bunche , an African American who won a Nobel Peace Prize as the United Nations ’ Middle East mediator , marched arm in arm with Martin Luther King Jr. in Selma , Alabama , and other cities .
Guterres has been leery of taking steps that might provoke controversy with the United States or other big powers .
But he told U.N. staff during the town hall meeting that addressing the issues raised by protesters—including racism , inequality , and discrimination—remained central to U.N. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over the coming decades .
Guterres , who opened the meeting with a call for a moment of silence for victims of racism , expressed general support for the protests .
“ There are grievances , and those grievances have at least the legitimate rights to be expressed in societies , and so demonstrations are something that are perfectly normal .
It is our role to ask demonstrators to be peaceful and at the same time to ask authorities to listen to their grievances and for police forces and others to be restrained @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Police brutality , he added , is simply a symptom of racism and a broader inability to deal with the challenges of managing a diverse society .
Guterres urged staffers to reach out to the U.N. leadership in the event that they are subject to racial profiling in New York City , noting that “ at the present moment colleagues in certain areas of the city might be stopped or whatever because of a profiling situation.
” Guterres recalled that during previous visits to the United States as the U.N. high commissioner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ staff routinely encountered extra checks at the airport .
“ He was always selected by the random system of additional security , and I was never selected by the random system of additional security.
” Guterres said the U.N. itself is not immune from charges of discrimination , noting that 60 percent of the jobs in the U.N. chief ’ s executive office were held by Westerners .
He said he has sought to begin an internal debate about the state of racism within the organization and to come up with a plan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If racism exists everywhere , racism also exists within the United Nations , ” he said .
“ We need to have within the U.N. an honest conversation on racism .
”

The United Nations instructed its staff members last week not to participate in public demonstrations sweeping the world in the wake of the police killing of George Floyd, on the grounds that public displays of support for the protest movement would undermine the world body’s reputation for impartiality, according to a copy of an internal circular the U.N. ethics board sent to U.N. staff last week.
The United Nations instructed its staff members last week not to participate in public demonstrations sweeping the world in the wake of the police killing of George Floyd, on the grounds that public displays of support for the protest movement would undermine the world body’s reputation for impartiality, according to a copy of an internal circular the U.N. ethics board sent to U.N. staff last week.
But U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres reversed course on Tuesday, informing U.N. staffers by email that there is “no ban on personal expressions of solidarity or acts of peaceful civic engagement, provided they are carried out in an entirely private capacity.”
Speaking to U.N. staffers at a virtual town hall meeting last week, Guterres had acknowledged that many U.N. colleagues “would like to be more vocal and active” in response to the popular protests against racism and police brutality in New York and beyond, according to a video recording of the event obtained by Foreign Policy. But he said they would have to restrain themselves.
“We are all shocked by the brutality of the murder of George Floyd. … It’s important to recognize that at the center of [this crisis] there is a serious question of racism,” he said. But he cautioned that U.N. staffers’ status as international civil servants placed “limitations” on their freedom to speak out or act.
U.N. workers who wished to express support for the protesters would have to limit their activities to reposting U.N. press releases and social media posts by the U.N. chief and other senior U.N. officials, he said. “There is one thing we can all do, which is to retweet, to spread the U.N. messages that have been issued already in relation to [the protests], and this can be done by everybody and multiply and amplify those messages that are messages against racism, that are messages against police brutality, that are message against inequalities and discrimination,” Guterres said.
But the decision faced pushback among U.N. staffers and independent U.N. human rights advocates, who claimed the restrictions abridged the rights of individuals to free speech and peaceful assembly, which are enshrined in the U.N. Charter and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. “While I understand the need to ensure the impartiality of its international civil service, it is clear that internal UN rules cannot override broad international human rights norms applied in every nation,” Clément Voule, the U.N. special rapporteur on rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, said in a statement.
“The issues at the heart of the protests that have unfolded since the killing of George Floyd are the same fundamental issues that the UN has been fighting for since its establishment,” Voule, a Togolese lawyer, wrote. “The UN has been at the forefront of the fight against racism and discrimination. This is the reason why people have taken to the streets and why UN staff should be able to join them.”
The ethics board circular—which ordered U.N. officials to avoid protests and observe curfews in New York City and other American cities—followed weeks of mass demonstrations against police brutality across all 50 states. The protests—triggered by the video of a Minneapolis police officer asphyxiating Floyd with his knee on his neck—have inspired similar ones around the world.
“Participation in public demonstrations in the current circumstances may not be consistent with the independence and impartiality required of us as international civil servants,” according to the circular, which was initially endorsed by Guterres. “Thus, staff members should consider the consequences of participating in public demonstrations given the public health orders during the ongoing novel coronavirus pandemic to maintain social distancing, to avoid large gatherings and to practice other public health measures that may be incompatible with participation in mass protests.”
The U.N. policy on staff participation in public protests is detailed in a series of staff guidelines and regulations aimed at excluding U.N. officials in political activities. “While staff may have political views, their status as impartial international civil servants never ceases while in service, and expression of a particular political opinion or opinion about a particularly sensitive political matter in public may not be compatible with that status,” according to a 2016 bulletin by the U.N. secretary-general.
“In New York City or other locations in which curfews have been imposed, staff members must observe such curfews and similar public orders,” according to the ethics board circular. “Insofar as some of the protests have given rise to violence and property damage, the risk that a United Nations staff member could be swept up in an uncontrolled demonstration, including facing arrest or detention, could bring substantial disrepute to the Organization.”
On Tuesday, Guterres told staff that the ethics office guidance was not intended to prohibit U.N. staffers from participating in peaceful demonstrations but to “emphasize the need to balance such activities with one’s best judgment as international civil servants and our official duties.” He also released a “rough transcript” of his June 4 town hall address, which he said had highlighted “the plague of racism, prompted by a murderous act of police brutality that has lead to widespread protests in the United States, and now, cities around the world.”
The move comes as the families of victims of police violence, including Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Michael Brown, and Philando Castile, on Monday issued a call for the U.N. Human Rights Council to convene a special session to investigate the violent police repression of protests in the United States. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), Black Lives Matter, the NAACP, and hundreds of other rights groups have joined in the appeal.
“I want people across the world and the leaders in the United Nations to see the video of my brother George Floyd, to listen to his cry for help, and I want them to answer his cry,” Philonise Floyd said in a statement. “I appeal to the United Nations to help him. Help me. Help us. Help black men and women in America.”
“It is time the United States face the same scrutiny and judgment it is quick to pass on to other countries,” Jamil Dakwar, the director of the ACLU’s human rights program, added in a statement.
Since its founding in 1945, the U.N. has sought to strike a careful balance between deferring to member states to manage their internal politics and championing the principles of the U.N. Charter, which commits governments to “reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small.”
The U.N. Staff Union acknowledged that U.N. staffers need to abide by the principle of the U.N. Charter and comply with the standards of conduct expected of international civil servants. But it also recommended that U.N. workers be granted greater freedom to decide how to respond.
“Around the world, people have poured out into the streets to express their solidarity, reaffirming the fundamental right to life and rejecting senseless violence. Many of us are moved by the desire to take action,” the Staff Union said in a statement. “We trust your good judgment in finding the right balance, in avoiding negative comments and in keeping your statements and posts forward-looking and constructive.”
“We are well placed at the UN to answer these questions, through the required conversations may not be easy. Our unparalleled diversity is our greatest strength,” the union added. “We can be a true engine of change, utilizing our shared knowledge and our shared experiences to foster inclusion and respect diversity.”
It is not the first time that the U.N. has been confronted with the moral dilemma of engaging in peaceful public dissent. During the civil rights movement in the 1960s, Ralph Bunche, an African American who won a Nobel Peace Prize as the United Nations’ Middle East mediator, marched arm in arm with Martin Luther King Jr. in Selma, Alabama, and other cities.
In Tuesday’s letter to staff, Guterres highlighted the U.N.’s history of fighting discrimination. “The United Nations has a proud record of fighting racism and all forms of discrimination, from our leading role in the struggle against apartheid to the welcome extended to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Indeed, our own illustrious former colleague — Ralphe Bunche — was the first person of color to be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize and a front-line figure in the civil rights struggle,” he wrote.
Guterres has been leery of taking steps that might provoke controversy with the United States or other big powers. But he told U.N. staff during the town hall meeting that addressing the issues raised by protesters—including racism, inequality, and discrimination—remained central to U.N. aspirations to meet its own development goals over the coming decades.
Guterres, who opened the meeting with a call for a moment of silence for victims of racism, expressed general support for the protests. “There are grievances, and those grievances have at least the legitimate rights to be expressed in societies, and so demonstrations are something that are perfectly normal. It is our role to ask demonstrators to be peaceful and at the same time to ask authorities to listen to their grievances and for police forces and others to be restrained in the way they handle these situations.”
Police brutality, he added, is simply a symptom of racism and a broader inability to deal with the challenges of managing a diverse society. Guterres urged staffers to reach out to the U.N. leadership in the event that they are subject to racial profiling in New York City, noting that “at the present moment colleagues in certain areas of the city might be stopped or whatever because of a profiling situation.”
Guterres recalled that during previous visits to the United States as the U.N. high commissioner for refugees, his Pakistani chief of staff routinely encountered extra checks at the airport. “He was always selected by the random system of additional security, and I was never selected by the random system of additional security.”
Guterres said the U.N. itself is not immune from charges of discrimination, noting that 60 percent of the jobs in the U.N. chief’s executive office were held by Westerners. He said he has sought to begin an internal debate about the state of racism within the organization and to come up with a plan of action to confront it.
“If racism exists everywhere, racism also exists within the United Nations,” he said. “We need to have within the U.N. an honest conversation on racism.”
Update, June 9, 2020: This story has been updated to reflect the U.N.’s reversal of its prohibition on U.N. staff participation in anti-racism protests.


foreignpolicy--2020-06-08--Europe’s Love-Hate Protests Against America

In the past two weeks , Europeans have taken the streets to echo the marches against racial injustice across the United States after the gruesome death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police .
Vast crowds in Paris , Berlin , Amsterdam , Vienna , and London brandished Black Lives Matter signs , while many took to social media to express their solidarity with the U.S. protesters and journalists attacked by police with tear gas and brute force , including those violently dispersed to create space for a presidential photo-op .
European protests have taken different forms and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many European observers , more is at stake than police brutality and race relations in the United States , or the similar debates it sparks in their own societies .
Europeans are expressing their frustration with American leadership after over three years of the Trump administration—and their sympathy for a nation they still want to believe in .
A seasoned German observer went as far as to tweet : “ what ’ s being negotiated here is the future of democracy.
” This could be seen as confirming fashionable accounts of the end @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the so-called Asian century , which have dominated analysis during the coronavirus pandemic .
But the global response to the U.S. protests—the first mass movements in many countries after months of lockdown—are as much a sign of America ’ s continued power and relevance .
In Europe , these are not simply social movements .
Political leaders have been asked to weigh in .
U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson said he was “ appalled and sickened ” by Floyd ’ s murder .
Others chose to stress the difference between the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vice president in charge of “ promoting the European way of life ” claimed : “ I do not think that we have issues now in Europe that blatantly pertain to police brutality or issues of race transcending into our systems .
… But we do have an issue in Europe , which is the issue of inequalities and income distribution—making the best for everyone of what we have.
” In a viral moment , Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau awkwardly went silent for 20 seconds when asked about U.S. President Donald Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In some cases , the American situation reopened local wounds .
In France , the case of Adama Traoré , a 24-year-old black man who died in 2016 in police custody , was brought back to the fore .
Traoré was arrested in the Paris suburb of Beaumont-sur-Oise as he tried to run away from the police after being stopped and asked for identification .
For years , the police rejected any wrongdoing , and official reports showed Adama Traoré dying of heart failure due to an underlying condition .
An independent autopsy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legal struggle led by his sister Assa Traoré , showed that he died of “ positional asphyxia ” due to being tackled during the arrest .
Despite ongoing coronavirus-related restrictions , around 20,000 people marched in Paris last Tuesday .
European societies have struggled with their own legacies of colonialism and more recent questions of integration , multiculturalism , and far-right nationalism .
Comparisons between European societies and the United States also have their historical and philosophical limits , however .
France , for instance , upholds a very different definition of citizenship @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is supposed to trump ethnic or religious identities .
Collecting religious and ethnic data is even forbidden by law and the few examples of affirmative action programs , such as at Sciences Po , the preeminent government affairs university , are based on socio-economic factors .
Last year , French lawmakers voted to erase the word “ race ” from the constitution , a move advocated by many anti-racist activists to erase an ugly concept from the national consciousness , but which would likely be seen as a dangerous gesture by Americans upholding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Paris a welcoming refuge for many African American artists and intellectuals , such as Josephine Baker or James Baldwin , during times of segregation , but critics say it prevents an open conversation on contemporary challenges .
A new generation of anti-racist activists in France have imported many of the American themes to support their grievances .
Rokhaya Diallo , a black French filmmaker very present in American media , has been an outspoken critic of this French attempt to push back against a multicultural definition of French citizenry and has denounced what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But beyond race relations in Europe , these protests do not happen in a vacuum .
They occur at a time when American popularity in Europe is at an all-time low after three years of trans-Atlantic crisis .
A survey released by the German foundation Körber-Stiftung last month showed only 10 percent of German respondents designating the United States as Berlin ’ s most important foreign-policy partner ( a mere 4 points above China ) , while 73 percent said their opinion of the United States had deteriorated with the pandemic .
Similar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States in other European countries .
Two-thirds of the French think that the United States handled the virus worse than France .
As Noah Barkin of the German Marshall Fund put it , “ the United States is losing Europe.
” Trump ’ s recurrent attacks against the European Union , calling the EU “ a foe ” set up “ to take advantage of the United States ” and “ worse than China , ” have taken a toll .
So have the president ’ s many unilateral moves , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the Iran nuclear deal negotiated with Europeans .
More recently , the uncoordinated move to close borders with European countries in March , as the pandemic spread , sparked a rare rebuke from European leaders .
In many countries , the protests thus represent a “ disappointment with a beacon of hope , ” as a European diplomat put it to me .
Massive European marches reacting to U.S. policies are nothing new for anyone who can remember the outcry against the 2003 Iraq War .
How to account for the fact @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t spark the same outbursts of support in Europe ?
Or that too often racism and anti-Semitism in their own societies don ’ t mobilize Europeans similarly ?
Such hypocrisy is an expression of European publics ’ schizophrenic relationship to the United States : a complicated mix of fascination and contempt , negative opinions paired with binge-watching of American shows on American tech products .
This was already the case in 1968 , when the student revolts on American college campuses took on a global significance .
A love-hate relationship , however @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The last few days have shown a paradoxical reflection of American leadership .
The terms of the global revolt against America ’ s president and the inequities of its political and social structures are dictated by American protesters themselves .
That they resonate in societies across the world is a testament to the high regard that Europeans still have for the U.S. public .
The next U.S. administration will certainly have plenty of work to do to shore up relationships with its traditional partners , and it will likely have to its accept @ @ @ @ @ @ @ more autonomy after the economic impact of the pandemic .
But the global response of the last few days show that the world is not ready to turn away from the United States just yet .

In the past two weeks, Europeans have taken the streets to echo the marches against racial injustice across the United States after the gruesome death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police. Vast crowds in Paris, Berlin, Amsterdam, Vienna, and London brandished Black Lives Matter signs, while many took to social media to express their solidarity with the U.S. protesters and journalists attacked by police with tear gas and brute force, including those violently dispersed to create space for a presidential photo-op.
In the past two weeks, Europeans have taken the streets to echo the marches against racial injustice across the United States after the gruesome death of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police. Vast crowds in Paris, Berlin, Amsterdam, Vienna, and London brandished Black Lives Matter signs, while many took to social media to express their solidarity with the U.S. protesters and journalists attacked by police with tear gas and brute force, including those violently dispersed to create space for a presidential photo-op.
European protests have taken different forms and often echo local issues. But for many European observers, more is at stake than police brutality and race relations in the United States, or the similar debates it sparks in their own societies. Europeans are expressing their frustration with American leadership after over three years of the Trump administration—and their sympathy for a nation they still want to believe in.
A seasoned German observer went as far as to tweet: “what’s being negotiated here is the future of democracy.” This could be seen as confirming fashionable accounts of the end of U.S. leadership, and the beginning of the so-called Asian century, which have dominated analysis during the coronavirus pandemic. But the global response to the U.S. protests—the first mass movements in many countries after months of lockdown—are as much a sign of America’s continued power and relevance.
In Europe, these are not simply social movements. Political leaders have been asked to weigh in. U.K. Prime Minister Boris Johnson said he was “appalled and sickened” by Floyd’s murder. Others chose to stress the difference between the United States and Europe. The European Commission vice president in charge of “promoting the European way of life” claimed: “I do not think that we have issues now in Europe that blatantly pertain to police brutality or issues of race transcending into our systems. … But we do have an issue in Europe, which is the issue of inequalities and income distribution—making the best for everyone of what we have.” In a viral moment, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau awkwardly went silent for 20 seconds when asked about U.S. President Donald Trump’s reaction to the protests.
In some cases, the American situation reopened local wounds. In France, the case of Adama Traoré, a 24-year-old black man who died in 2016 in police custody, was brought back to the fore. Traoré was arrested in the Paris suburb of Beaumont-sur-Oise as he tried to run away from the police after being stopped and asked for identification. For years, the police rejected any wrongdoing, and official reports showed Adama Traoré dying of heart failure due to an underlying condition. An independent autopsy report published last week, after a legal struggle led by his sister Assa Traoré, showed that he died of “positional asphyxia” due to being tackled during the arrest. Despite ongoing coronavirus-related restrictions, around 20,000 people marched in Paris last Tuesday.
European societies have struggled with their own legacies of colonialism and more recent questions of integration, multiculturalism, and far-right nationalism. Comparisons between European societies and the United States also have their historical and philosophical limits, however. France, for instance, upholds a very different definition of citizenship where abstract adherence to universal republican values is supposed to trump ethnic or religious identities. Collecting religious and ethnic data is even forbidden by law and the few examples of affirmative action programs, such as at Sciences Po, the preeminent government affairs university, are based on socio-economic factors. Last year, French lawmakers voted to erase the word “race” from the constitution, a move advocated by many anti-racist activists to erase an ugly concept from the national consciousness, but which would likely be seen as a dangerous gesture by Americans upholding similar intentions. This tradition has made Paris a welcoming refuge for many African American artists and intellectuals, such as Josephine Baker or James Baldwin, during times of segregation, but critics say it prevents an open conversation on contemporary challenges. A new generation of anti-racist activists in France have imported many of the American themes to support their grievances. Rokhaya Diallo, a black French filmmaker very present in American media, has been an outspoken critic of this French attempt to push back against a multicultural definition of French citizenry and has denounced what she calls “state racism”.
But beyond race relations in Europe, these protests do not happen in a vacuum. They occur at a time when American popularity in Europe is at an all-time low after three years of trans-Atlantic crisis. A survey released by the German foundation Körber-Stiftung last month showed only 10 percent of German respondents designating the United States as Berlin’s most important foreign-policy partner (a mere 4 points above China), while 73 percent said their opinion of the United States had deteriorated with the pandemic. Similar polls have shown high dissatisfaction with the United States in other European countries. Two-thirds of the French think that the United States handled the virus worse than France. As Noah Barkin of the German Marshall Fund put it, “the United States is losing Europe.”
Trump’s recurrent attacks against the European Union, calling the EU “a foe” set up “to take advantage of the United States” and “worse than China,” have taken a toll. So have the president’s many unilateral moves, including withdrawing from the Paris climate agreement and from the Iran nuclear deal negotiated with Europeans. More recently, the uncoordinated move to close borders with European countries in March, as the pandemic spread, sparked a rare rebuke from European leaders. In many countries, the protests thus represent a “disappointment with a beacon of hope,” as a European diplomat put it to me.
Massive European marches reacting to U.S. policies are nothing new for anyone who can remember the outcry against the 2003 Iraq War. How to account for the fact that other revolts—from Hong Kong to Syria—didn’t spark the same outbursts of support in Europe? Or that too often racism and anti-Semitism in their own societies don’t mobilize Europeans similarly? Such hypocrisy is an expression of European publics’ schizophrenic relationship to the United States: a complicated mix of fascination and contempt, negative opinions paired with binge-watching of American shows on American tech products. This was already the case in 1968, when the student revolts on American college campuses took on a global significance.
A love-hate relationship, however, is not one of indifference. The last few days have shown a paradoxical reflection of American leadership. The terms of the global revolt against America’s president and the inequities of its political and social structures are dictated by American protesters themselves. That they resonate in societies across the world is a testament to the high regard that Europeans still have for the U.S. public.
The next U.S. administration will certainly have plenty of work to do to shore up relationships with its traditional partners, and it will likely have to its accept that its allies are intent on seizing more autonomy after the economic impact of the pandemic. But the global response of the last few days show that the world is not ready to turn away from the United States just yet.


foreignpolicy--2020-06-08--America’s Social Contract Is Still Built on Racial Hostility

America ’ s Social Contract Is Still Built on Racial Hostility The killing of George Floyd presents Americans with an image that has become almost banal by its repeated rendering : yet another victim of a system of criminal justice tasked with protecting white Americans from their black fellow citizens .
Yet the nationwide outrage at another extrajudicial killing of a black man by a white cop has the feel of a historical moment .
Maybe this is the moment when Americans recognize how deeply racism has scarred their country ’ s social contract .
As former President Barack Obama @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an “ awakening.
” Maybe Americans can finally acknowledge that the lack of empathy that allows a white police officer to kill a black man with the bored , routine expression of a plumber fitting a pipe isn ’ t just an incident but what defines the United States today .
Americans might finally understand how racial hostility has misshaped their priorities far beyond the issue of race itself and how foundational this hostility is to the social contract as it exists today .
It is racial hostility—not some special love of laissez-faire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of unprecedented wealth next to deprivation on a scale that would be the shame of any other advanced nation .
In an international ranking of poverty , the United States sits rock bottom among the industrialized countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development ( OECD ) , worse even than Mexico and Turkey .
The United States also scores at or near the bottom in many of the ailments whose proximate cause is poverty .
It suffers the highest rate of teen pregnancies in the developed world .
Almost 1 out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one parent , the largest percentage by far among industrialized nations .
Except for Chile , Mexico , and Turkey , no other country in the OECD suffers more dead babies than the United States—most of them born to poor mothers who are often women of color .
Whether it is the incidence of diabetes and obesity , the death rate from parasites and other infections , or years lost to premature death , today ’ s America is considerably less healthy than any other rich country .
Why does the United States @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a rich country—perhaps the richest in the history of the world .
But why doesn ’ t it behave like one ?
Americans like to blame these misfortunes on globalization and technological change ravaging working families .
But globalization and technology struck everybody—the French and the Germans and the Canadians and the Japanese—yet American society buckled alone .
The reason the United States is such an outlier is that it has showed no interest in building the safeguards erected by other advanced countries to protect those caught on the wrong side of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and technology.When the United States made its great liberal leap in the 1930s with the welfare policies of the New Deal , racism stymied it from the get-go .
The white America that has held political power since the birth of the nation decided that if it had to share the social safety net with people on the other side of the racial and ethnic line , it would rather do without one .
The eminent sociologist William Julius Wilson put it starkly in his book When Work Disappears : White taxpayers oppose @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through taxes , to pay for stuff for black people .
America ’ s bloated prisons , idle men , single moms , and dead babies can be traced to this exceptional fact .
When the United States made its great liberal leap in the 1930s with the welfare policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt ’ s New Deal , racism stymied it from the get-go .
On Roosevelt ’ s watch , workers gained the first national minimum wage , unemployment insurance , and the right to form unions , strike , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ got Social Security pensions .
But many New Deal policies were either explicitly engineered to favor white people or favored them in practice .
The Federal Housing Administration , created in 1934 to insure mortgage loans for Americans of limited means , refused to back loans in predominantly black neighborhoods , or for black people period , underwriting the segregation of urban America .
The labor codes established by the National Recovery Administration beginning in 1933 allowed businesses to offer white people a first crack at jobs and authorized lower pay scales for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in 1935 ) and the Fair Labor Standards Act ( 1938 ) at first excluded domestic and farm jobs , which employed 2 out of 3 black workers .
Three decades later , when the movement for civil rights finally opened the bounty of the New Deal to people of color , the political consensus that supported welfare policies in the United States collapsed .
Medicare and Medicaid , the last government programs inspired by the New Deal ethos , were signed into law in 1965 , one year after the passage of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ year , Lyndon Johnson proposed to Americans a “ war on crime , ” which his successor , Richard Nixon , turned into his lodestar for social policy .
Over the next half-century , the criminal justice system—not the welfare state—became the United States ’ favored tool of social management .
The United States might not be able protect vulnerable citizens from the shocks delivered by an increasingly globalized world .
But it could lock them up .
Prison became “ a last resort for a whole variety of social failures , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The criminal justice system , ” Devah Pager told me in 2014 , “ became the only effective institution that could bring order and manage urban communities.
” When the movement for civil rights finally opened the bounty of the New Deal to people of color , the political consensus that supported welfare policies collapsed .
The U.S. criminal justice system was targeted squarely at black people just as welfare policies had long been targeted at white people : Today , almost a million African Americans are behind bars .
Though they account @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , black people make up 40 percent of the bloated count of men and women in prisons and other correctional facilities .
The reason , of course , is that criminal justice was also a political tool : In the 1960s , Southern Democrats straining to recover the allegiance of white people lost with the passage of the Civil Rights Act took to “ law and order ” as a rallying cry .
Republicans hoping to pry working-class white people from the Democrats ’ grasp did too .
“ Crime ” became the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The crime debate was racialized to an important degree , ” Western said .
“ The anxieties white voters felt were not just about crime but about fundamental social changes going on in American society.
” Being tough on crime became the surefire tactic to woo white voters shocked by the sight of black people in public spaces that white people had long thought of as their own .
Government spending on the prison system jumped nearly fourfold between 1982 and 2015 , after inflation , to $ 87 billion .
That ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ food stamps that year and two and a half times what it spent on unemployment insurance .
Even the nation ’ s premier anti-poverty benefit , the earned income tax credit , cost the government 25 percent less than its prisons .
There is something darkly ironic about America ’ s stilted social contract : The racial hostility that corralled people of color by limiting welfare policies ended up fencing in white Americans too .
The maternal mortality rate among black mothers is more than three times that of white mothers .
Still @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 13 white American women died of pregnancy-related issues in 2014 .
That ’ s more than four times the rate in the Netherlands , three times the rate in Germany , and almost six times the rate in Spain .
White Americans have a greater life expectancy than African Americans .
But the average white American baby born in 2018 will die at least two years sooner than newborn Germans , Danes , Greeks , and Portuguese ; at least three years sooner than babies in South Korea , France , and Australia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Japan .
There are nearly 20 million poor non-Hispanic white Americans , almost twice as many as poor black Americans .
They are , as a group , the biggest beneficiaries of public spending on social programs .
In 2014 , tax credits and government assistance programs benefited 6.2 million white people without a college degree , compared with 2.8 million black Americans and 2.4 million Hispanics of similar educational backgrounds.Can the United States pull itself out of the social dystopia its racial hostilities have wrought , and build a more empathetic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criminal justice system has turned its eye on marginalized white people too .
Less than 0.5 percent of white adults are in prison or jail , compared with nearly 2 percent of African Americans .
Still , the share of white Americans in jail or prison is not only higher than the incarceration rate in other Western democracies such as France and Germany but also that of harsher regimes , such as those in China , Russia , and Iran .
Can the United States pull itself out of the social dystopia its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outrage sweeping through the streets of urban America today provoke the kind of change that could build a more empathetic country ?
I want to hope the United States is capable of building an inclusive social contract , one that can redefine the concept of mainstream American to include everyone .
History , unfortunately , does not provide a happy precedent .
Just as today , half a century ago riots fueled by racial anger convulsed urban America .
In the first nine months of 1967 , police confronted African Americans in cities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ April 1968 , following the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. , violent protests broke out again in dozens of American cities .
Omar Wasow , an assistant professor of politics at Princeton University , has researched the political impact of the protests that followed the assassination and concluded that the rioting pushed many white moderates who had supported the Democratic Party to vote for Nixon that November .
The war on crime ensued , perpetuating a toxic social contract with new instruments .
With elections coming up in November , don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote for something similar once again .
This article has been adapted from Eduardo Porter ’ s new book , American Poison : How Racial Hostility Destroyed Our Promise .

The killing of George Floyd presents Americans with an image that has become almost banal by its repeated rendering: yet another victim of a system of criminal justice tasked with protecting white Americans from their black fellow citizens.
The killing of George Floyd presents Americans with an image that has become almost banal by its repeated rendering: yet another victim of a system of criminal justice tasked with protecting white Americans from their black fellow citizens.
Yet the nationwide outrage at another extrajudicial killing of a black man by a white cop has the feel of a historical moment. Maybe this is the moment when Americans recognize how deeply racism has scarred their country’s social contract. As former President Barack Obama said last week, maybe this prompts an “awakening.”
Maybe Americans can finally acknowledge that the lack of empathy that allows a white police officer to kill a black man with the bored, routine expression of a plumber fitting a pipe isn’t just an incident but what defines the United States today. Americans might finally understand how racial hostility has misshaped their priorities far beyond the issue of race itself and how foundational this hostility is to the social contract as it exists today. It is racial hostility—not some special love of laissez-faire capitalism—that allows Americans to applaud the creation of unprecedented wealth next to deprivation on a scale that would be the shame of any other advanced nation.
In an international ranking of poverty, the United States sits rock bottom among the industrialized countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), worse even than Mexico and Turkey. The United States also scores at or near the bottom in many of the ailments whose proximate cause is poverty. It suffers the highest rate of teen pregnancies in the developed world. Almost 1 out of every 4 children live with only one parent, the largest percentage by far among industrialized nations.
Except for Chile, Mexico, and Turkey, no other country in the OECD suffers more dead babies than the United States—most of them born to poor mothers who are often women of color. Whether it is the incidence of diabetes and obesity, the death rate from parasites and other infections, or years lost to premature death, today’s America is considerably less healthy than any other rich country.
Why does the United States allow such deprivation to persist? It is a rich country—perhaps the richest in the history of the world. But why doesn’t it behave like one?
Americans like to blame these misfortunes on globalization and technological change ravaging working families. But globalization and technology struck everybody—the French and the Germans and the Canadians and the Japanese—yet American society buckled alone. The reason the United States is such an outlier is that it has showed no interest in building the safeguards erected by other advanced countries to protect those caught on the wrong side of the wrenching changes brought about by globalization and technology.When the United States made its great liberal leap in the 1930s with the welfare policies of the New Deal, racism stymied it from the get-go.
The white America that has held political power since the birth of the nation decided that if it had to share the social safety net with people on the other side of the racial and ethnic line, it would rather do without one. The eminent sociologist William Julius Wilson put it starkly in his book When Work Disappears: White taxpayers oppose welfare because they see themselves forced, through taxes, to pay for stuff for black people. America’s bloated prisons, idle men, single moms, and dead babies can be traced to this exceptional fact.
When the United States made its great liberal leap in the 1930s with the welfare policies of Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal, racism stymied it from the get-go.
On Roosevelt’s watch, workers gained the first national minimum wage, unemployment insurance, and the right to form unions, strike, and engage in collective bargaining. Older people got Social Security pensions. But many New Deal policies were either explicitly engineered to favor white people or favored them in practice. The Federal Housing Administration, created in 1934 to insure mortgage loans for Americans of limited means, refused to back loans in predominantly black neighborhoods, or for black people period, underwriting the segregation of urban America.
The labor codes established by the National Recovery Administration beginning in 1933 allowed businesses to offer white people a first crack at jobs and authorized lower pay scales for black people. Social Security (created in 1935) and the Fair Labor Standards Act (1938) at first excluded domestic and farm jobs, which employed 2 out of 3 black workers.
Three decades later, when the movement for civil rights finally opened the bounty of the New Deal to people of color, the political consensus that supported welfare policies in the United States collapsed. Medicare and Medicaid, the last government programs inspired by the New Deal ethos, were signed into law in 1965, one year after the passage of the Civil Rights Act.
That same year, Lyndon Johnson proposed to Americans a “war on crime,” which his successor, Richard Nixon, turned into his lodestar for social policy. Over the next half-century, the criminal justice system—not the welfare state—became the United States’ favored tool of social management.
The United States might not be able protect vulnerable citizens from the shocks delivered by an increasingly globalized world. But it could lock them up. Prison became “a last resort for a whole variety of social failures,” the sociologist Bruce Western said. “The criminal justice system,” Devah Pager told me in 2014, “became the only effective institution that could bring order and manage urban communities.”When the movement for civil rights finally opened the bounty of the New Deal to people of color, the political consensus that supported welfare policies collapsed.
The U.S. criminal justice system was targeted squarely at black people just as welfare policies had long been targeted at white people: Today, almost a million African Americans are behind bars. Though they account for some 13 percent of the population, black people make up 40 percent of the bloated count of men and women in prisons and other correctional facilities.
The reason, of course, is that criminal justice was also a political tool: In the 1960s, Southern Democrats straining to recover the allegiance of white people lost with the passage of the Civil Rights Act took to “law and order” as a rallying cry. Republicans hoping to pry working-class white people from the Democrats’ grasp did too. “Crime” became the code word for racial unease.
“The crime debate was racialized to an important degree,” Western said. “The anxieties white voters felt were not just about crime but about fundamental social changes going on in American society.” Being tough on crime became the surefire tactic to woo white voters shocked by the sight of black people in public spaces that white people had long thought of as their own.
Government spending on the prison system jumped nearly fourfold between 1982 and 2015, after inflation, to $87 billion. That’s more than the government spent on food stamps that year and two and a half times what it spent on unemployment insurance. Even the nation’s premier anti-poverty benefit, the earned income tax credit, cost the government 25 percent less than its prisons.
There is something darkly ironic about America’s stilted social contract: The racial hostility that corralled people of color by limiting welfare policies ended up fencing in white Americans too.
The maternal mortality rate among black mothers is more than three times that of white mothers. Still, for every 100,000 births, nearly 13 white American women died of pregnancy-related issues in 2014. That’s more than four times the rate in the Netherlands, three times the rate in Germany, and almost six times the rate in Spain.
White Americans have a greater life expectancy than African Americans. But the average white American baby born in 2018 will die at least two years sooner than newborn Germans, Danes, Greeks, and Portuguese; at least three years sooner than babies in South Korea, France, and Australia; and five years sooner than newborns in Japan.
There are nearly 20 million poor non-Hispanic white Americans, almost twice as many as poor black Americans. They are, as a group, the biggest beneficiaries of public spending on social programs. In 2014, tax credits and government assistance programs benefited 6.2 million white people without a college degree, compared with 2.8 million black Americans and 2.4 million Hispanics of similar educational backgrounds.Can the United States pull itself out of the social dystopia its racial hostilities have wrought, and build a more empathetic country?
And of late, the criminal justice system has turned its eye on marginalized white people too. Less than 0.5 percent of white adults are in prison or jail, compared with nearly 2 percent of African Americans. Still, the share of white Americans in jail or prison is not only higher than the incarceration rate in other Western democracies such as France and Germany but also that of harsher regimes, such as those in China, Russia, and Iran.
Can the United States pull itself out of the social dystopia its racial hostilities have wrought? Might the outrage sweeping through the streets of urban America today provoke the kind of change that could build a more empathetic country?
I want to hope the United States is capable of building an inclusive social contract, one that can redefine the concept of mainstream American to include everyone. History, unfortunately, does not provide a happy precedent. Just as today, half a century ago riots fueled by racial anger convulsed urban America. In the first nine months of 1967, police confronted African Americans in cities across the country 164 times. In April 1968, following the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., violent protests broke out again in dozens of American cities.
Omar Wasow, an assistant professor of politics at Princeton University, has researched the political impact of the protests that followed the assassination and concluded that the rioting pushed many white moderates who had supported the Democratic Party to vote for Nixon that November.
The war on crime ensued, perpetuating a toxic social contract with new instruments. With elections coming up in November, don’t be surprised if many white Americans vote for something similar once again.
This article has been adapted from Eduardo Porter’s new book, American Poison: How Racial Hostility Destroyed Our Promise.


foreignpolicy--2020-06-08--Explaining America to the World

Explaining America to the World

For months , the coronavirus pandemic monopolized headlines around the world—until George Floyd , a black man , was killed by a white police officer in Minneapolis .
Cities across the United States erupted in protest , and the world looked on in shock as peaceful protesters were met with police violence .
In Washington , D.C. , tear gas and rubber pellets were reportedly used to disperse crowds in front of the White House so that U.S. President Donald Trump could walk to a church across the street for a photo opportunity .
As solidarity protests against racism and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Foreign Policy spoke to six foreign correspondents based in the United States to ask them how the killing of Floyd , the nationwide protests and rioting that resulted , and Trump ’ s response have been viewed in their home countries .
The following interviews have been lightly edited for clarity and brevity .
Benjamin Piorgah Tetteh , freelance journalist from Ghana based in New York City The reaction in Ghana has been overwhelming .
I think this is one moment , probably besides the election of President Barack Obama , where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to speak out , especially on matters related to the United States .
The African Union issued a strong message condemning what happened and calling it murder even before charges were even brought against the suspects .
We ’ ve seen individual heads of state issue statements ; we ’ ve seen pockets of protests in the major cities in Africa .
In the last several decades , this is one incident that has triggered not just the anger but also great interest and attention from the African continent .
Often , especially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not really taught .
From kindergarten to university in Ghana , I was never taught it .
We had social studies , but any social studies that you have , especially in high school , were mostly about the history of the United States , and it was glamorous , [ about ] greatness .
We did not talk about the role played by slavery , by Jim Crow .
You never hear about those until you take initiative to read and to study it .
A lot of people come from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a wonderland , the United States is a utopia .
Incidents like this have shed true light on that systemic failing .
As a journalist , as someone who is very passionate about democracy , the very concept that we borrowed from places like the United States has become our standard , our system of government , which we are holding our governments to , and we are demanding that democracy and true freedoms prevail not just in Ghana but across Africa .
I would equally want to see more done in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States preaches and what it preaches best .
If the United States will ever go telling Ghana to hold peaceful elections , if it will ever go and tell Togo to manage protests peacefully , then the United States must show an example .
What happens in the United States has great ramifications on other continents .
When President Donald Trump tweets and continues to call the media fake news , we see some African leaders , especially the dictators , borrowing from his notes .
Borrowing from his books .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United States , other countries are learning .
I hope the United States will continue to be that beacon of hope , that it will continue to lead not just with words but by example as well .
Karina Orlova , Washington correspondent for the Russian radio station Echo of Moscow The Russian media , the propaganda , they ’ re being very careful because they are very , very scared .
President Vladimir Putin is very scared of any sort of massive unrest .
He has always been , from the Arab @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ukraine ] .
So as much as they would love to inflame that or highlight that or mock that , they are very careful because they don ’ t want the same to happen in Russia , massive protests and unrest , so they are being very cautious to not give them too much credit .
As for the independent media , there is not so much coverage , honestly .
I ’ m probably one of the journalists that covers this the most .
With these protests , it became clear that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ huge portion of Russian liberals are simply racist .
With my own eyes , I ’ ve seen posts and texts calling for a military crackdown on these “ thugs ” who “ loot.
” So that ’ s where I try and I try and I struggle and struggle to explain to my Russian audience that there are two different groups of people , the protesters and the looters .
But Russians , my liberal colleagues and friends , they proved to be totally racist .
I was shocked to hear that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know how brutal police can be because we ’ ve been there .
It ’ s insane that liberal Russians are now calling for more crackdowns ( in the United States ) , for more military , for an immediate stop of this unrest , protests , and looting .
They say they feel bad that these shop windows have been broken .
Why do you care that the windows of the Nike store have been broken ?
I mean it ’ s horrible , yes , but it ’ s not irreversible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you can not bring George Floyd back to life .
The protests have been widely covered in Israel .
We had our own very sad incident that happened in Jerusalem over the weekend where a Palestinian man who was autistic was shot by police officers .
The similarities for many people were very worthy of discussion .
In our newspaper , which has a more liberal , left-wing editorial stance , there was criticism of the fact that in America you have these huge protests whereas in our country these gruesome killings take @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and much less anger in the streets .
With the Trump administration , nobody really takes them seriously on the issue of democracy and human rights anyway—they don ’ t seem to care .
But of course , this is going to make it even more clear that they are not in a position to preach to anyone .
I think the real issue here is how does that impact the moral struggle that does exist against countries like China or in our region , like Iran , countries that are brutal dictatorships @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some kind of moral stand against them , in my opinion at least .
How can you preach about democracy when these kinds of things happen ?
Israel is a country that is so close to the United States and so reliant on it for some issues .
So obviously if America loses its influence in the world , that ’ s not a good thing for Israel .
I think America ’ s military and economic influence is not going away anytime soon .
But there has always been a political dimension @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with some administrations .
And I don ’ t think that ’ s going to survive if this kind of behavior continues .
And I have to say the level of division here among the American people is something that I try to write about quite often .
It ’ s a very fractured society , and that ’ s in itself a larger story that I try to highlight in the context of these demonstrations .
Joyce Karam , Washington correspondent for the UAE-based newspaper The National There ’ s a lot @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Middle East .
We ’ re trying to get as much ground coverage as we can , talk to organizers , talk to protesters at or near Lafayette Park [ in front of the White House ] .
There have been a lot of parallels between what is happening here to the Middle East , to the Arab Spring , but we ’ re trying to show why this is different .
Emphasize the racial aspects of the story , the history of racism in the United States .
It ’ s not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ explaining the whole history that I ’ m personally not expert in ?
But you just try to bring in as many voices .
At the protests , I try to speak to people of all colors , tell their story .
What does justice mean ?
What do they want ?
We did a short live [ shot ] from U Street explaining how the same areas saw riots in the 1960s .
But it ’ s a big challenge .
The story is huge .
It ’ s one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ decade .
Our most-read articles are about George Floyd .
So there is high interest .
We ’ re trying to bring a different set of views and not just make this about President Donald Trump and the military .
For audiences watching from abroad , from the Middle East , there is an element of shock at photos of bearcat vehicles and the heavy military presence in D.C. At the same time , we try to convey that there have been no killings in the protests , that mostly it ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Middle East .
But the imagery that ’ s coming from here—yes , I think it does undermine U.S. efforts , whether it ’ s supporting protests in Hong Kong or Iran or elsewhere in the Middle East .
Josh Glancy , Washington correspondent for the British newspaper The Sunday Times I think normally my job is doing a lot of explaining , you know , seeking to understand America myself and then trying to relate that in a way that ’ s going to make sense and not get too deep @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , because you really got ta paint a broad picture for people in another country .
I write for a Sunday paper , specifically the Sunday Times , so for me I ’ m always trying to sort of take a little bit of a step back from just daily reporting .
At the beginning of the week , I was like , OK , so we ’ ve got this issue with police in America .
But what can we say about it a little bit under the surface ?
So I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It ’ s widely considered to be the police force in America that has really turned things around and made huge progress over the last few years .
It ’ s by no means perfect , but they ’ ve made a lot of progress there .
And so I went for a ride-along with some of the police .
I chatted to some local business owners to try to get a sense of how this might change things .
If this is a movement for change and people are calling for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be done to make things better ?
I was trying to get something a little bit more than : “ At today ’ s protest , 200 people were arrested.
” We had all the top executives of the companies that own the newspaper arrange a call , in which they invited some of the correspondents in the United States to join because they wanted a kind of on-the-ground briefing about what we were saying and what we thought about everything .
That was very , very unusual .
In fact , I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ever happened before .
So it sort of illustrates how interested people are and how alive to it they are .
AbdulRasheed Abubakar , CABS-TV ’ s U.N. correspondent and publisher of Diaspora Today Magazine based in New York and Washington , D.C. People are saying to me , “ Why are you still there if it ’ s not safe to walk on the streets ?
You say you want to take a walk in the morning and you may be vulnerable or suspicious because of the way you look.
” This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ in Nigeria ] as a free land .
I am worried about my safety .
I feel very worried about my kid ’ s safety and my family .
I tell a lot of people that so many people don ’ t know how people outside of America look at America .
People actually think that America is the best , most perfect country in the entire world .
And I ’ m talking in general about the entire African continent .
People will tell you , “ If I die , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , to America and bury it there.
” Just for the comfort .
People of African descent love America so much because they believe you can freely express yourself and you are protected by the laws of the land .
When this happened , it was a big disappointment .

For months, the coronavirus pandemic monopolized headlines around the world—until George Floyd, a black man, was killed by a white police officer in Minneapolis. Cities across the United States erupted in protest, and the world looked on in shock as peaceful protesters were met with police violence. In Washington, D.C., tear gas and rubber pellets were reportedly used to disperse crowds in front of the White House so that U.S. President Donald Trump could walk to a church across the street for a photo opportunity.
For months, the coronavirus pandemic monopolized headlines around the world—until George Floyd, a black man, was killed by a white police officer in Minneapolis. Cities across the United States erupted in protest, and the world looked on in shock as peaceful protesters were met with police violence. In Washington, D.C., tear gas and rubber pellets were reportedly used to disperse crowds in front of the White House so that U.S. President Donald Trump could walk to a church across the street for a photo opportunity.
As solidarity protests against racism and police violence spring up across the world, Foreign Policy spoke to six foreign correspondents based in the United States to ask them how the killing of Floyd, the nationwide protests and rioting that resulted, and Trump’s response have been viewed in their home countries. The following interviews have been lightly edited for clarity and brevity.
Ghana
Activists raise their fists in Accra, Ghana, on June 6 amid global protests against racism and police brutality in the United States.
Benjamin Piorgah Tetteh, freelance journalist from Ghana based in New York City
The reaction in Ghana has been overwhelming. I think this is one moment, probably besides the election of President Barack Obama, where we have seen African leaders rise up to speak out, especially on matters related to the United States. The African Union issued a strong message condemning what happened and calling it murder even before charges were even brought against the suspects. We’ve seen individual heads of state issue statements; we’ve seen pockets of protests in the major cities in Africa. In the last several decades, this is one incident that has triggered not just the anger but also great interest and attention from the African continent.
Often, especially across Africa, the history of racism is not really taught. From kindergarten to university in Ghana, I was never taught it. We had social studies, but any social studies that you have, especially in high school, were mostly about the history of the United States, and it was glamorous, [about] greatness. We did not talk about the role played by slavery, by Jim Crow. You never hear about those until you take initiative to read and to study it. A lot of people come from the perspective that the United States is a wonderland, the United States is a utopia. Incidents like this have shed true light on that systemic failing.
As a journalist, as someone who is very passionate about democracy, the very concept that we borrowed from places like the United States has become our standard, our system of government, which we are holding our governments to, and we are demanding that democracy and true freedoms prevail not just in Ghana but across Africa. I would equally want to see more done in the United States to do just what the United States preaches and what it preaches best. If the United States will ever go telling Ghana to hold peaceful elections, if it will ever go and tell Togo to manage protests peacefully, then the United States must show an example. What happens in the United States has great ramifications on other continents. When President Donald Trump tweets and continues to call the media fake news, we see some African leaders, especially the dictators, borrowing from his notes. Borrowing from his books. So whatever actions are taken here in the United States, other countries are learning. I hope the United States will continue to be that beacon of hope, that it will continue to lead not just with words but by example as well.
Russia
Karina Orlova, Washington correspondent for the Russian radio station Echo of Moscow
The Russian media, the propaganda, they’re being very careful because they are very, very scared. President Vladimir Putin is very scared of any sort of massive unrest. He has always been, from the Arab Spring to the Maidan [protests in Ukraine]. So as much as they would love to inflame that or highlight that or mock that, they are very careful because they don’t want the same to happen in Russia, massive protests and unrest, so they are being very cautious to not give them too much credit. As for the independent media, there is not so much coverage, honestly. I’m probably one of the journalists that covers this the most. With these protests, it became clear that not only Russian Putinists but also a huge portion of Russian liberals are simply racist. With my own eyes, I’ve seen posts and texts calling for a military crackdown on these “thugs” who “loot.” So that’s where I try and I try and I struggle and struggle to explain to my Russian audience that there are two different groups of people, the protesters and the looters. But Russians, my liberal colleagues and friends, they proved to be totally racist.
I was shocked to hear that from Russians, especially liberal Russians who know how brutal police can be because we’ve been there. It’s insane that liberal Russians are now calling for more crackdowns (in the United States), for more military, for an immediate stop of this unrest, protests, and looting. They say they feel bad that these shop windows have been broken. Why do you care that the windows of the Nike store have been broken? I mean it’s horrible, yes, but it’s not irreversible. You just fix that. But you cannot bring George Floyd back to life.
Israel
Hundreds of Palestinian citizens of Israel protest in the city of Haifa, Israel, on June 2 against the Israeli police killing of an unarmed autistic Palestinian man just days earlier, tying the incident to the police killing of George Floyd in the United States.
Amir Tibon, Washington correspondent for the Israeli newspaper Haaretz
The protests have been widely covered in Israel. We had our own very sad incident that happened in Jerusalem over the weekend where a Palestinian man who was autistic was shot by police officers. The similarities for many people were very worthy of discussion. In our newspaper, which has a more liberal, left-wing editorial stance, there was criticism of the fact that in America you have these huge protests whereas in our country these gruesome killings take place and there are far fewer protests and much less anger in the streets.
With the Trump administration, nobody really takes them seriously on the issue of democracy and human rights anyway—they don’t seem to care. But of course, this is going to make it even more clear that they are not in a position to preach to anyone. I think the real issue here is how does that impact the moral struggle that does exist against countries like China or in our region, like Iran, countries that are brutal dictatorships. It’s important to have some kind of moral stand against them, in my opinion at least. How can you preach about democracy when these kinds of things happen?
Israel is a country that is so close to the United States and so reliant on it for some issues. So obviously if America loses its influence in the world, that’s not a good thing for Israel. I think America’s military and economic influence is not going away anytime soon. But there has always been a political dimension to it, even a philosophical one with some administrations. And I don’t think that’s going to survive if this kind of behavior continues. And I have to say the level of division here among the American people is something that I try to write about quite often. It’s a very fractured society, and that’s in itself a larger story that I try to highlight in the context of these demonstrations.
United Arab Emirates
Joyce Karam, Washington correspondent for the UAE-based newspaper The National
There’s a lot of interest in this story in the Middle East. We’re trying to get as much ground coverage as we can, talk to organizers, talk to protesters at or near Lafayette Park [in front of the White House]. There have been a lot of parallels between what is happening here to the Middle East, to the Arab Spring, but we’re trying to show why this is different. Emphasize the racial aspects of the story, the history of racism in the United States.
It’s not easy. How do you go about explaining the whole history that I’m personally not expert in? But you just try to bring in as many voices. At the protests, I try to speak to people of all colors, tell their story. What does justice mean? What do they want? We did a short live [shot] from U Street explaining how the same areas saw riots in the 1960s. But it’s a big challenge. The story is huge. It’s one of the most complex and biggest stories of the decade. Our most-read articles are about George Floyd. So there is high interest. We’re trying to bring a different set of views and not just make this about President Donald Trump and the military.
For audiences watching from abroad, from the Middle East, there is an element of shock at photos of bearcat vehicles and the heavy military presence in D.C. At the same time, we try to convey that there have been no killings in the protests, that mostly it’s been peaceful and this is not like the Middle East. But the imagery that’s coming from here—yes, I think it does undermine U.S. efforts, whether it’s supporting protests in Hong Kong or Iran or elsewhere in the Middle East.
United Kingdom
A demonstrator holds a banner reading during a protest in solidarity with U.S. anti-racism demonstrations outside Downing Street in London on June 7.
Josh Glancy, Washington correspondent for the British newspaper The Sunday Times
I think normally my job is doing a lot of explaining, you know, seeking to understand America myself and then trying to relate that in a way that’s going to make sense and not get too deep into the weeds of stuff over here, because you really gotta paint a broad picture for people in another country. I write for a Sunday paper, specifically the Sunday Times, so for me I’m always trying to sort of take a little bit of a step back from just daily reporting. At the beginning of the week, I was like, OK, so we’ve got this issue with police in America. But what can we say about it a little bit under the surface? So I went down to Camden, New Jersey. It’s widely considered to be the police force in America that has really turned things around and made huge progress over the last few years. It’s by no means perfect, but they’ve made a lot of progress there. And so I went for a ride-along with some of the police. I chatted to some local business owners to try to get a sense of how this might change things. If this is a movement for change and people are calling for help from the police, what might be done to make things better? I was trying to get something a little bit more than: “At today’s protest, 200 people were arrested.”
We had all the top executives of the companies that own the newspaper arrange a call, in which they invited some of the correspondents in the United States to join because they wanted a kind of on-the-ground briefing about what we were saying and what we thought about everything. That was very, very unusual. In fact, I don’t know that that has ever happened before. So it sort of illustrates how interested people are and how alive to it they are.
Nigeria
AbdulRasheed Abubakar, CABS-TV’s U.N. correspondent and publisher of Diaspora Today Magazine based in New York and Washington, D.C.
People are saying to me, “Why are you still there if it’s not safe to walk on the streets? You say you want to take a walk in the morning and you may be vulnerable or suspicious because of the way you look.” This is very unfortunate because America is known [in Nigeria] as a free land. I am worried about my safety. I feel very worried about my kid’s safety and my family.
I tell a lot of people that so many people don’t know how people outside of America look at America. People actually think that America is the best, most perfect country in the entire world. And I’m talking in general about the entire African continent. People will tell you, “If I die, please take my body, dead body, to America and bury it there.” Just for the comfort. People of African descent love America so much because they believe you can freely express yourself and you are protected by the laws of the land. When this happened, it was a big disappointment.


foreignpolicy--2020-06-08--For the Rural Poor, the Coronavirus Crash Isn’t Here Yet

For the Rural Poor , the Coronavirus Crash Isn ’ t Here Yet Since coronavirus lockdowns took hold across the world , there has been a spirited debate about the human costs of social distancing in low-income countries—where those who depend on daily-wage labor risk starvation by staying home—and how those compare against the benefits of limiting the spread of the disease .
Lockdown politics and policy have shifted back and forth in countries such as India , Pakistan , Ghana , and Bangladesh .
Governments have adjusted policies depending on how vociferous the complaints have been from consumers , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Leaders have had to weigh the economic toll of distancing , relative to the daily publicity surrounding the escalating numbers of infections and fatalities .
But such comparisons neglect a critical piece of information : Current economic hardships pale in comparison to the likely longer-term costs of continued lockdowns and the more acute deprivation that is likely to occur in the next few months .
That ’ s because the majority of the world ’ s poorest people continue to live in rural , agrarian areas where incomes and work opportunities are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Up to a quarter of respondents of large-sample surveys of poor rural Nepalis and Bangladeshis report being forced to restrict meals or portion sizes during the three-month lean season , even during normal years .
This is true even for households that have enough to eat during the rest of the year .
A joint research team of the Yale Research Initiative on Innovation and Scale ( Y-RISE ) and the Centre for the Study of Labour and Mobility in Kathmandu tracked 2,600 households in rural Nepal over five rounds of surveys @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before and after the COVID-19 lockdown , to investigate .
The most pressing danger is that as lean seasons arrive and grain stocks from the last harvest are depleted , continued lockdowns may lead to even greater hunger , malnutrition , and desperation than what we have already observed .
Therefore , governments deciding whether to extend lockdowns must think carefully about whether the economic pressures that poor citizens are currently experiencing will get better over the next few months or worse .
Unfortunately , in much of the world , the answer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a continued lockdown could exacerbate the pre-harvest “ hungry ” season deprivation if the lockdown and lean periods overlap .
A second concern is that a lack of agricultural investments in fertilizer and migrants traveling to cities temporarily for work—both of which are being held back now—will lower agricultural productivity , incomes , and savings in the near future , perpetuating cycles of poverty .
In 90 villages in western Nepal , our research team has tracked labor mobility , wages , remittances , food security , and mental health at monthly intervals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ phone surveys in April , immediately after the lockdown measures were enforced .
The sharp declines in post-lockdown work opportunities and income evident in the limited data are quite stunning .
Total hours in income-generating ( wage or non-farm business ) work for men have decreased 75 percent since January .
Total work hours in April are significantly below even the pre-harvest lean season in October .
This reduced economic activity will push many families below the poverty line .
Those who travel in search of work face even larger declines in income @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for families that rely on a migrant wage earner because there has been a 61 percent dip in remittance receipts since lockdowns began , forcing migrant laborers to remain idle .
This is largely because migrant workers who would normally be away , earning income elsewhere , were forced to return home .
In Nepal , 65 percent of the migrants who were in either India or urban areas of Nepal between Jan. 1 and April 1 returned home in a rush during the first two weeks of April .
Further , migrants @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are remitting only half of what they used to send before the lockdown .
The usual outflow of migration has almost stopped .
A prolonged lockdown therefore implies lower future remittances .
When Y-RISE , in partnership with the Nepali NGO Backward Society Education , delivered loans to some of these rural households during the pre-harvest lean season in 2019 in a randomized controlled trial , they invested a large portion of that money buying fertilizer .
As a result , agricultural investment in 2019 by loan recipients was significantly higher than those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The fact that parts of extra income are invested strongly suggests that the substantial erosion of income we observed in April will likely lead to lower investments in fertilizer in the upcoming planting season in June and July .
This will lower yield during the November harvest , perpetuating the cycle of poverty and hunger .
The income loss has also caused food insecurity in April to rise to levels typically only observed during lean seasons .
Indeed , 65 percent of survey respondents worried about having enough food in the house when @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As a benchmark , that number was 67 percent in September and October 2019 ( during the pre-harvest lean season ) and 43 percent in January , after the rice harvest .
Similarly , 22 percent were forced to reduce the portion size of their meals in April , compared with 26 percent during the 2019 lean season and 13 percent in January .
What is most concerning about these numbers is that the deprivation reported in April took place during the wheat harvest—a period when people should have comparatively easy access @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this COVID-19 crisis hit during the season when poor rural households still have some grain stocks to draw down .
If the lockdown is prolonged into July or August , then the crisis will be layered on top of the regular annual period of food insecurity , leading to even greater desperation , hunger , and malnutrition than now .
We have tracked the steady depletion of grain stocks in our data from rural Nepal , which have declined 40 percent on net compared with January and 25 percent between mid-April and mid-May @ @ @ @ @ @ @ risk of hunger and malnutrition will reach dangerous levels during the upcoming lean season .
The seasonality inherent in agrarian economies has two important implications for policymakers in low-income countries .
First , while the economic costs of lockdown are already quite concerning , they still do not provide a complete sense of how much worse it could get when the lean season arrives in August .
After all , 2019 was a normal year by all accounts , and even then , food deprivation quadrupled between April and September .
The double @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an ongoing COVID-19 lockdown could lead to excess deaths from hunger and malnutrition .
In the longer term , the investments that are being held back now—whether reduced fertilizer purchases or lower emigration rates—will have dramatic effects on agricultural productivity , remittance income , and food security in a few months .
Even if the rural poor are surviving right now , governments can not become complacent and extend the lockdown on that basis .
Lower migration today will cause deprivation and hunger in a few months due to lack of remittances .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of food deprivation will permanently affect productivity , welfare , and the cognitive and physical development of children—perpetuating poverty for years to come .
COVID-19 remains an important public health threat that needs to be brought under control .
Given the urgent need to balance disease and mortality risk stemming from both the coronavirus and economic deprivation , governments should pursue smart containment strategies that pay attention to the regional variation in disease risk , to specific activities that are critical for maintaining food security , and to the specific sectors the poor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instead of extending broad-based lockdowns that impose large human costs on the poor .

Since coronavirus lockdowns took hold across the world, there has been a spirited debate about the human costs of social distancing in low-income countries—where those who depend on daily-wage labor risk starvation by staying home—and how those compare against the benefits of limiting the spread of the disease. Lockdown politics and policy have shifted back and forth in countries such as India, Pakistan, Ghana, and Bangladesh. Governments have adjusted policies depending on how vociferous the complaints have been from consumers, business owners, and other interest groups. Leaders have had to weigh the economic toll of distancing, relative to the daily publicity surrounding the escalating numbers of infections and fatalities.
Since coronavirus lockdowns took hold across the world, there has been a spirited debate about the human costs of social distancing in low-income countries—where those who depend on daily-wage labor risk starvation by staying home—and how those compare against the benefits of limiting the spread of the disease. Lockdown politics and policy have shifted back and forth in countries such as India, Pakistan, Ghana, and Bangladesh. Governments have adjusted policies depending on how vociferous the complaints have been from consumers, business owners, and other interest groups. Leaders have had to weigh the economic toll of distancing, relative to the daily publicity surrounding the escalating numbers of infections and fatalities.
But such comparisons neglect a critical piece of information: Current economic hardships pale in comparison to the likely longer-term costs of continued lockdowns and the more acute deprivation that is likely to occur in the next few months. That’s because the majority of the world’s poorest people continue to live in rural, agrarian areas where incomes and work opportunities are seasonal and fluctuate with the crop cycle. Up to a quarter of respondents of large-sample surveys of poor rural Nepalis and Bangladeshis report being forced to restrict meals or portion sizes during the three-month lean season, even during normal years. This is true even for households that have enough to eat during the rest of the year.
A joint research team of the Yale Research Initiative on Innovation and Scale (Y-RISE) and the Centre for the Study of Labour and Mobility in Kathmandu tracked 2,600 households in rural Nepal over five rounds of surveys during both lean and harvest seasons, before and after the COVID-19 lockdown, to investigate.
The most pressing danger is that as lean seasons arrive and grain stocks from the last harvest are depleted, continued lockdowns may lead to even greater hunger, malnutrition, and desperation than what we have already observed.
Therefore, governments deciding whether to extend lockdowns must think carefully about whether the economic pressures that poor citizens are currently experiencing will get better over the next few months or worse. Unfortunately, in much of the world, the answer is worse.
That’s because a continued lockdown could exacerbate the pre-harvest “hungry” season deprivation if the lockdown and lean periods overlap. A second concern is that a lack of agricultural investments in fertilizer and migrants traveling to cities temporarily for work—both of which are being held back now—will lower agricultural productivity, incomes, and savings in the near future, perpetuating cycles of poverty.
In 90 villages in western Nepal, our research team has tracked labor mobility, wages, remittances, food security, and mental health at monthly intervals since September 2019; we then conducted phone surveys in April, immediately after the lockdown measures were enforced. The sharp declines in post-lockdown work opportunities and income evident in the limited data are quite stunning. Total hours in income-generating (wage or non-farm business) work for men have decreased 75 percent since January. Total work hours in April are significantly below even the pre-harvest lean season in October. This reduced economic activity will push many families below the poverty line.
Those who travel in search of work face even larger declines in income. Social distancing has been especially difficult for families that rely on a migrant wage earner because there has been a 61 percent dip in remittance receipts since lockdowns began, forcing migrant laborers to remain idle. This is largely because migrant workers who would normally be away, earning income elsewhere, were forced to return home. In Nepal, 65 percent of the migrants who were in either India or urban areas of Nepal between Jan. 1 and April 1 returned home in a rush during the first two weeks of April. Further, migrants who remained in Nepali or Indian cities are remitting only half of what they used to send before the lockdown. The usual outflow of migration has almost stopped. A prolonged lockdown therefore implies lower future remittances.
When Y-RISE, in partnership with the Nepali NGO Backward Society Education, delivered loans to some of these rural households during the pre-harvest lean season in 2019 in a randomized controlled trial, they invested a large portion of that money buying fertilizer. As a result, agricultural investment in 2019 by loan recipients was significantly higher than those who did not receive such loans. The fact that parts of extra income are invested strongly suggests that the substantial erosion of income we observed in April will likely lead to lower investments in fertilizer in the upcoming planting season in June and July. This will lower yield during the November harvest, perpetuating the cycle of poverty and hunger.
The income loss has also caused food insecurity in April to rise to levels typically only observed during lean seasons. Indeed, 65 percent of survey respondents worried about having enough food in the house when we spoke to them in late April. As a benchmark, that number was 67 percent in September and October 2019 (during the pre-harvest lean season) and 43 percent in January, after the rice harvest. Similarly, 22 percent were forced to reduce the portion size of their meals in April, compared with 26 percent during the 2019 lean season and 13 percent in January.
What is most concerning about these numbers is that the deprivation reported in April took place during the wheat harvest—a period when people should have comparatively easy access to food. It is fortunate that this COVID-19 crisis hit during the season when poor rural households still have some grain stocks to draw down. If the lockdown is prolonged into July or August, then the crisis will be layered on top of the regular annual period of food insecurity, leading to even greater desperation, hunger, and malnutrition than now.
We have tracked the steady depletion of grain stocks in our data from rural Nepal, which have declined 40 percent on net compared with January and 25 percent between mid-April and mid-May. If this trend continues, the risk of hunger and malnutrition will reach dangerous levels during the upcoming lean season.
The seasonality inherent in agrarian economies has two important implications for policymakers in low-income countries. First, while the economic costs of lockdown are already quite concerning, they still do not provide a complete sense of how much worse it could get when the lean season arrives in August. After all, 2019 was a normal year by all accounts, and even then, food deprivation quadrupled between April and September. The double whammy of the upcoming lean season and an ongoing COVID-19 lockdown could lead to excess deaths from hunger and malnutrition.
In the longer term, the investments that are being held back now—whether reduced fertilizer purchases or lower emigration rates—will have dramatic effects on agricultural productivity, remittance income, and food security in a few months. Even if the rural poor are surviving right now, governments cannot become complacent and extend the lockdown on that basis. Lower migration today will cause deprivation and hunger in a few months due to lack of remittances. And the current shortages and looming wave of food deprivation will permanently affect productivity, welfare, and the cognitive and physical development of children—perpetuating poverty for years to come.
COVID-19 remains an important public health threat that needs to be brought under control. Given the urgent need to balance disease and mortality risk stemming from both the coronavirus and economic deprivation, governments should pursue smart containment strategies that pay attention to the regional variation in disease risk, to specific activities that are critical for maintaining food security, and to the specific sectors the poor depend on for maintaining their livelihoods, instead of extending broad-based lockdowns that impose large human costs on the poor.