foreignpolicy--2020-11-23--U.K. Announces Biggest Defense Spending Increase Since the Cold War

Welcome to While You Weren ’ t Looking , Foreign Policy ’ s weekly update on emerging global stories .
Here ’ s what we ’ re watching this week : British Prime Minister Boris Johnson unveils a major U.K. defense spending increase , Israeli media report a breakthrough meeting between the leaders of Israel and Saudi Arabia , and why Russian lawmakers are taking aim at U.S. social media giants .
If you would like to receive While You Weren ’ t Looking in your inbox on Mondays , please sign up here .
British Prime Minister Boris Johnson @ @ @ @ @ @ @ defense spending increase since the Cold War , vowing to end the United Kingdom ’ s “ era of retreat.
” In a speech to Parliament updating lawmakers on the progress of the biggest defense and foreign-policy review in three decades , Johnson announced an additional $ 22 billion in defense spending over the next four years , adding to the current annual budget of $ 55.5 billion .
“ Our national security in 20 years ’ time will depend on decisions we take today , ” Johnson said .
“ The international @ @ @ @ @ @ @ competitive than at any time since the Cold War.
” The increased budget would make Britain the largest defense spender in Europe and second only to the United States among NATO members , Johnson ’ s government said .
The funds will be used to establish a new artificial intelligence center , to create a Royal Air Force Space Command , and to “ restore Britain ’ s position as the foremost naval power in Europe.
” The move is projected to create 40,000 new jobs , in a stark contrast to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The prime minister also announced a National Cyber Force within Britain ’ s signals intelligence agency the Government Communications Headquarters—better known as GCHQ—which began work in April .
The unit brings together Britain ’ s offensive hacking capabilities—intended to thwart hostile state-backed hackers , extremist groups , and online pedophile rings .
Why now ?
The timing of the announcement was deliberate , coming as Britain transitions out of the European Union and the United States prepares for a new presidential administration .
“ The French and Germans can say what they like @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Americans that the one ally who can ease their burdens is the U.K. , ” Julian Lindley-French , a distinguished visiting research fellow at the National Defense University , told the Wall Street Journal .
The plans also come amid sharp criticism of Johnson over his handling of the coronavirus pandemic .
Keir Starmer , the leader of the opposition Labour Party , welcomed the move but voiced concerns that it could come at the cost of British commitments to foreign aid spending .
The Treasury is looking to reduce the U.K. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ percent of the national budget to 0.5 percent—even as the pandemic is projected to push as many as 150 million people into extreme poverty by 2021 .
Breaking Britain ’ s aid pledge would “ not only undermine public trust , but also hugely weaken us on the global stage , ” Starmer said .
A historic meeting ( maybe ) .
Israeli media have reported that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu secretly flew to Saudi Arabia on Sunday to meet Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman , alongside U.S. Secretary of State @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meeting marks the first time an Israeli official has visited Saudi Arabia—a significant breakthrough in the historically hostile relations between the two countries .
Israel ’ s Education Minister Yoav Galant , a member of Netanyahu ’ s Likud party , confirmed the trip in a radio interview on Monday , but Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud denied that the Israeli prime minister attended the meeting .
Protests in Uganda .
Thirty-seven people have been killed in Uganda after the arrest of presidential candidate Bobi Wine last Wednesday sparked some @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A police statement said that the deaths occurred during security operations but did not go into detail .
Wine , a prominent musician , presents the most serious challenge to incumbent President Yoweri Museveni in elections set to be held in January .
Museveni has been in power since 1986 .
Wine , who was arrested for allegedly violating coronavirus lockdown restrictions , was released on Friday .
Russian lawmakers take aim at U.S. social media .
On Thursday , a group of Russian lawmakers largely drawn from the ruling United Russia @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the government to restrict access to U.S. social media giants deemed to discriminate against Russian media .
Facebook , Twitter , and YouTube all now label the accounts of state-funded media from Russia , China , and elsewhere to flag their affiliation .
Over the past several years , the Kremlin has increasingly sought to exert greater control over the internet and free speech online .
Last year a controversial new law that seeks to create a “ sovereign ” Russian internet that could be cut off from the rest of the world @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expressed doubt as to whether it ’ s technically possible .
A defiant election in Burkina Faso .
Voters in Burkina Faso went to the polls on Sunday in presidential and parliamentary elections , despite threats of violence from extremist groups linked to al Qaeda and the Islamic State .
Voting was not held in large parts of the country where the state has lost control to the jihadi insurgency .
Official data released before election day indicated that some 7 percent of the population was unable to vote as a result .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ by increasing violence in Burkina Faso in what the United Nations has described as the world ’ s fastest-growing displacement crisis .
EU budget stumbles .
The European Union has once again been pushed to the brink of crisis as Hungary and Poland vetoed its $ 2.1 trillion , seven-year budget and coronavirus recovery package over stipulations that member states receiving EU funds must respect the rule of law .
EU budgets require the approval of all 27 member states to pass .
Both Hungary and Poland have taken a more authoritarian tack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ member states ever to be investigated by the European Commission for undermining the bloc ’ s principles of democracy and rule of law .
If leaders fail to strike a deal by Jan. 1 , 2021 , when the budget is due to come into force , the bloc will operate on drastically reduced funds .
Insecurity in South Sudan .
Over 1,000 people have been killed and more than 400 people have been abducted in South Sudan over the past six months due to simmering intercommunal violence , according to the United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to bring an end to the civil war that has killed an estimated 400,000 people since it began in 2013 .
But a vicious cycle of intercommunal violence and revenge attacks , often over cattle raiding , has grown worse .
David Shearer , the special representative of the U.N. secretary-general for South Sudan , warned that there was an increased risk of conflict during the upcoming dry season , as people start moving closer to sources of water for their cattle .
Protests in Brazil .
Protests have broken out across Brazil @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Silveira Freitas , was beaten to death by white security guards in front of a supermarket in the city of Porto Alegre .
The killing came on the eve of Black Consciousness Day , which celebrates Brazil ’ s Black community .
Black and mixed-race people make up 57 percent of the Brazilian population but account for 79 percent of those killed by the police .
Germany ’ s new gender quota .
Germany ’ s coalition government struck an agreement on Friday that will introduce a mandatory quota that 30 percent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ German companies must be women .
Women currently make up under 13 percent of the boards of companies listed on Germany ’ s DAX index , the 30 largest companies traded on the Frankfurt stock exchange .
In the United States and Sweden , by comparison , women make up close to 29 and 25 percent of board members , respectively .
That ’ s it for this week .
For more from FP , visit foreignpolicy.com , subscribe here , or sign up for our other newsletters .
Send your tips , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ newsletters @ foreignpolicy.com .

Welcome to While You Weren’t Looking, Foreign Policy’s weekly update on emerging global stories.
Here’s what we’re watching this week: British Prime Minister Boris Johnson unveils a major U.K. defense spending increase, Israeli media report a breakthrough meeting between the leaders of Israel and Saudi Arabia, and why Russian lawmakers are taking aim at U.S. social media giants.
If you would like to receive While You Weren’t Looking in your inbox on Mondays, please sign up here.
Johnson’s Major Defense Spending Plan
British Prime Minister Boris Johnson on Thursday announced plans for the largest defense spending increase since the Cold War, vowing to end the United Kingdom’s “era of retreat.” In a speech to Parliament updating lawmakers on the progress of the biggest defense and foreign-policy review in three decades, Johnson announced an additional $22 billion in defense spending over the next four years, adding to the current annual budget of $55.5 billion.
“Our national security in 20 years’ time will depend on decisions we take today,” Johnson said. “The international situation is now more perilous and intensely competitive than at any time since the Cold War.”
The increased budget would make Britain the largest defense spender in Europe and second only to the United States among NATO members, Johnson’s government said. The funds will be used to establish a new artificial intelligence center, to create a Royal Air Force Space Command, and to “restore Britain’s position as the foremost naval power in Europe.” The move is projected to create 40,000 new jobs, in a stark contrast to the years of government austerity since 2008.
The prime minister also announced a National Cyber Force within Britain’s signals intelligence agency the Government Communications Headquarters—better known as GCHQ—which began work in April. The unit brings together Britain’s offensive hacking capabilities—intended to thwart hostile state-backed hackers, extremist groups, and online pedophile rings.
Why now? The timing of the announcement was deliberate, coming as Britain transitions out of the European Union and the United States prepares for a new presidential administration. “The French and Germans can say what they like. This sends a powerful message to the Americans that the one ally who can ease their burdens is the U.K.,” Julian Lindley-French, a distinguished visiting research fellow at the National Defense University, told the Wall Street Journal. The plans also come amid sharp criticism of Johnson over his handling of the coronavirus pandemic.
Keir Starmer, the leader of the opposition Labour Party, welcomed the move but voiced concerns that it could come at the cost of British commitments to foreign aid spending. The Treasury is looking to reduce the U.K.’s foreign aid spending from 0.7 percent of the national budget to 0.5 percent—even as the pandemic is projected to push as many as 150 million people into extreme poverty by 2021.
Breaking Britain’s aid pledge would “not only undermine public trust, but also hugely weaken us on the global stage,” Starmer said.
What We’re Following
A historic meeting (maybe). Israeli media have reported that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu secretly flew to Saudi Arabia on Sunday to meet Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, alongside U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. If confirmed, the meeting marks the first time an Israeli official has visited Saudi Arabia—a significant breakthrough in the historically hostile relations between the two countries.
Israel’s Education Minister Yoav Galant, a member of Netanyahu’s Likud party, confirmed the trip in a radio interview on Monday, but Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al Saud denied that the Israeli prime minister attended the meeting.
Opposition presidential candidate Bobi Wine stands through a car roof surrounded by supporters during a presidential rally in Fort Portal, Uganda, on Nov. 23.
Protests in Uganda. Thirty-seven people have been killed in Uganda after the arrest of presidential candidate Bobi Wine last Wednesday sparked some of the worst unrest in a decade. A police statement said that the deaths occurred during security operations but did not go into detail. Wine, a prominent musician, presents the most serious challenge to incumbent President Yoweri Museveni in elections set to be held in January.
Museveni has been in power since 1986. Wine, who was arrested for allegedly violating coronavirus lockdown restrictions, was released on Friday.
Russian lawmakers take aim at U.S. social media. On Thursday, a group of Russian lawmakers largely drawn from the ruling United Russia party presented draft legislation that would enable the government to restrict access to U.S. social media giants deemed to discriminate against Russian media. Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube all now label the accounts of state-funded media from Russia, China, and elsewhere to flag their affiliation.
Over the past several years, the Kremlin has increasingly sought to exert greater control over the internet and free speech online. Last year a controversial new law that seeks to create a “sovereign” Russian internet that could be cut off from the rest of the world came into force, but experts have expressed doubt as to whether it’s technically possible.
A defiant election in Burkina Faso. Voters in Burkina Faso went to the polls on Sunday in presidential and parliamentary elections, despite threats of violence from extremist groups linked to al Qaeda and the Islamic State. Voting was not held in large parts of the country where the state has lost control to the jihadi insurgency. Official data released before election day indicated that some 7 percent of the population was unable to vote as a result.
Over 1 million people have been displaced by increasing violence in Burkina Faso in what the United Nations has described as the world’s fastest-growing displacement crisis.
Keep an Eye On
EU budget stumbles. The European Union has once again been pushed to the brink of crisis as Hungary and Poland vetoed its $2.1 trillion, seven-year budget and coronavirus recovery package over stipulations that member states receiving EU funds must respect the rule of law. EU budgets require the approval of all 27 member states to pass.
Both Hungary and Poland have taken a more authoritarian tack in recent years and are the only member states ever to be investigated by the European Commission for undermining the bloc’s principles of democracy and rule of law. If leaders fail to strike a deal by Jan. 1, 2021, when the budget is due to come into force, the bloc will operate on drastically reduced funds.
Insecurity in South Sudan. Over 1,000 people have been killed and more than 400 people have been abducted in South Sudan over the past six months due to simmering intercommunal violence, according to the United Nations. A February peace deal sought to bring an end to the civil war that has killed an estimated 400,000 people since it began in 2013. But a vicious cycle of intercommunal violence and revenge attacks, often over cattle raiding, has grown worse.
David Shearer, the special representative of the U.N. secretary-general for South Sudan, warned that there was an increased risk of conflict during the upcoming dry season, as people start moving closer to sources of water for their cattle.
Protests in Brazil. Protests have broken out across Brazil after a Black man, João Alberto Silveira Freitas, was beaten to death by white security guards in front of a supermarket in the city of Porto Alegre. The killing came on the eve of Black Consciousness Day, which celebrates Brazil’s Black community. Black and mixed-race people make up 57 percent of the Brazilian population but account for 79 percent of those killed by the police.
Odds and Ends
Germany’s new gender quota. Germany’s coalition government struck an agreement on Friday that will introduce a mandatory quota that 30 percent of people serving on the boards of listed German companies must be women. Women currently make up under 13 percent of the boards of companies listed on Germany’s DAX index, the 30 largest companies traded on the Frankfurt stock exchange. In the United States and Sweden, by comparison, women make up close to 29 and 25 percent of board members, respectively.
That’s it for this week.
For more from FP, visit foreignpolicy.com, subscribe here, or sign up for our other newsletters. Send your tips, comments, questions, or corrections to newsletters@foreignpolicy.com.
Augusta Saraiva contributed to this report.


foreignpolicy--2020-11-23--In Break From Trump, Biden Opts for Experience, Expertise for Top National Security Jobs

In Break From Trump , Biden Opts for Experience , Expertise for Top National Security Jobs This article is part of The Biden Transition , Foreign Policy ’ s ongoing coverage of how U.S. President-elect Joe Biden builds a new White House administration—and what the new team ’ s policies might be .
U.S. President-elect Joe Biden named senior members of his national security team on Monday , including a raft of seasoned diplomats and Obama administration veterans , signaling a return to experience and expertise after a sharp four-year break under President Donald Trump .
After tapping longtime policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Jake Sullivan for national security advisor , Biden also announced his picks for director of national intelligence , secretary of homeland security , United Nations ambassador , and special envoy to fight climate change , which the president-elect has characterized as one of the country ’ s most pressing national security threats .
( One big job that was not on the list : secretary of defense .
Michèle Flournoy , a defense expert and former senior Pentagon official , is widely favored for the role , but Biden has yet to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Director of National Intelligence .
In 2013 , Haines became the first woman to serve as deputy director of the CIA , before going on to become the first woman appointed deputy national security advisor .
If confirmed as director of national intelligence , Haines would smash the highest glass ceiling in the U.S. intelligence community , becoming the first woman to be the nation ’ s spy chief .
Her career path has been unconventional , training at an elite judo academy in Japan after high school and later working as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the late 1990s , Haines and her husband ran an independent bookstore in Baltimore , and she also worked as a community organizer .
“ When I was doing community work , I found that the people that really understood the most about how to change society , how to work the system , how to improve things , were lawyers for the most part , ” she said in an interview with the Belfer Center in 2017 .
That experience led her to enroll in Georgetown law school in 1998 .
Since @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in U.S. national security and developed a reputation as a workhorse .
Her appointment will mark a sharp departure from Trump ’ s picks for the position , who were seen as highly partisan and unqualified .
Jake Sullivan , National Security Advisor .
Sullivan , who was a contender for a cabinet-level post on Hillary Clinton ’ s team if she had won in 2016 , instead had to wait out the Trump years in a series of academic posts after a meteoric rise through the Obama administration that included stops at @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Department .
The Clinton confidant was one of the first Obama administration officials to establish backchannel talks with the Iranian regime in Oman that led to the Iran nuclear deal in 2015 .
He will be a key player for a Biden administration that is looking to get back into the nuclear agreement , which Trump jettisoned more than two years ago .
The Associated Press also reported that during the Obama administration , Sullivan was a key advocate pushing for greater outreach to Asia and Latin America .
Notably , Sullivan will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ office , the youngest person to hold the job since McGeorge Bundy served in the Kennedy administration .
Linda Thomas-Greenfield , United Nations Ambassador .
Linda Thomas-Greenfield is a former career diplomat who served as director-general of the foreign service and assistant secretary of state for African affairs .
At the time she left the State Department in 2017 , she was the highest-ranking African American woman at the department .
If Thomas-Greenfield is confirmed by the Senate , she would be the first U.N. envoy who hailed from the ranks of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ U.N. ambassador post since 2004 , a signal that Biden plans to empower career diplomats whom Trump viewed with suspicion and disdain during his time in the White House .
The Biden campaign said that the U.N. ambassador will again be a cabinet-level position , giving the new envoy additional clout and influence in Washington .
John Kerry , Climate Change Envoy .
A fixture of Washington politics for nearly four decades , the former secretary of state and 2004 Democratic presidential nominee will join the Biden administration as its top climate official @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Kerry has recently led a bipartisan coalition dubbed World War Zero calling for a warlike mobilization to halt rising global carbon emissions by 2050 .
His first order of business is likely to be a U.S. return to the Paris climate agreement , which he helped negotiate , and which Biden has pledged to rejoin on his first day in office .
The issue of climate change will be followed closely by left-leaning Democrats pushing for a Green New Deal , such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York .
One progressive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was encouraged by Kerry ’ s appointment but wanted to see the incoming Biden administration put in place a domestic climate change czar as well .
Alejandro Mayorkas , Secretary of Homeland Security .
The Cuban-born Mayorkas would become the first Latino secretary of homeland security after rising from a U.S. attorney to become a deputy secretary in the agency during the Obama administration .
He has supported the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program after Trump ’ s acting Homeland Security head , Chad Wolf , tried to suspend the program .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the private sector to combat cybercrime .
Republicans boycotted his confirmation hearing for his last Homeland Security job , however , after a leaked inspector general probe said he had provided special access for acquaintances of political allies , such as then-Sen. Harry Reid , then-Virginia Gov .
Terry McAuliffe , and then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton ’ s brother , for green cards to bring wealthy foreign investors to the United States .
“ We have no time to lose when it comes to our national security and foreign policy , ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I need a team ready on Day One to help me reclaim America ’ s seat at the head of the table , rally the world to meet the biggest challenges we face , and advance our security , prosperity , and values.
” Most of Biden ’ s top national security team will require Senate confirmation before taking their jobs , a matter that hinges on two Senate runoff races in Georgia in January , which will determine whether Republicans keep or lose control of the Senate .
“ It is in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ President-elect can have his cabinet of choice , especially as the State Department was decimated under the previous administration and needs to rebuild to manage global diplomacy and defend our national interest , ” New Jersey Sen. Bob Menendez , the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee , said in a statement .
“ The work to counter the massive loss of experience , knowledge , and relationships over the last four years can not wait .
”

Robbie Gramer, Jack Detsch and Amy Mackinnon

U.S. President-elect Joe Biden named senior members of his national security team on Monday, including a raft of seasoned diplomats and Obama administration veterans, signaling a return to experience and expertise after a sharp four-year break under President Donald Trump.
After tapping longtime policy advisors Antony Blinken for secretary of state and Jake Sullivan for national security advisor, Biden also announced his picks for director of national intelligence, secretary of homeland security, United Nations ambassador, and special envoy to fight climate change, which the president-elect has characterized as one of the country’s most pressing national security threats. (One big job that was not on the list: secretary of defense. Michèle Flournoy, a defense expert and former senior Pentagon official, is widely favored for the role, but Biden has yet to make an announcement.)
Avril Haines, Director of National Intelligence. In 2013, Haines became the first woman to serve as deputy director of the CIA, before going on to become the first woman appointed deputy national security advisor. If confirmed as director of national intelligence, Haines would smash the highest glass ceiling in the U.S. intelligence community, becoming the first woman to be the nation’s spy chief. Her career path has been unconventional, training at an elite judo academy in Japan after high school and later working as an auto mechanic during college. In the late 1990s, Haines and her husband ran an independent bookstore in Baltimore, and she also worked as a community organizer.
“When I was doing community work, I found that the people that really understood the most about how to change society, how to work the system, how to improve things, were lawyers for the most part,” she said in an interview with the Belfer Center in 2017. That experience led her to enroll in Georgetown law school in 1998. Since then, Haines has accrued extensive experience in U.S. national security and developed a reputation as a workhorse. Her appointment will mark a sharp departure from Trump’s picks for the position, who were seen as highly partisan and unqualified.
Jake Sullivan, National Security Advisor. Sullivan, who was a contender for a cabinet-level post on Hillary Clinton’s team if she had won in 2016, instead had to wait out the Trump years in a series of academic posts after a meteoric rise through the Obama administration that included stops at the National Security Council and the State Department. The Clinton confidant was one of the first Obama administration officials to establish backchannel talks with the Iranian regime in Oman that led to the Iran nuclear deal in 2015. He will be a key player for a Biden administration that is looking to get back into the nuclear agreement, which Trump jettisoned more than two years ago. The Associated Press also reported that during the Obama administration, Sullivan was a key advocate pushing for greater outreach to Asia and Latin America. Notably, Sullivan will be 44 years old when he takes office, the youngest person to hold the job since McGeorge Bundy served in the Kennedy administration.
Linda Thomas-Greenfield, United Nations Ambassador. Linda Thomas-Greenfield is a former career diplomat who served as director-general of the foreign service and assistant secretary of state for African affairs. At the time she left the State Department in 2017, she was the highest-ranking African American woman at the department. If Thomas-Greenfield is confirmed by the Senate, she would be the first U.N. envoy who hailed from the ranks of the foreign service to permanently take up the U.N. ambassador post since 2004, a signal that Biden plans to empower career diplomats whom Trump viewed with suspicion and disdain during his time in the White House. The Biden campaign said that the U.N. ambassador will again be a cabinet-level position, giving the new envoy additional clout and influence in Washington.
John Kerry, Climate Change Envoy. A fixture of Washington politics for nearly four decades, the former secretary of state and 2004 Democratic presidential nominee will join the Biden administration as its top climate official, sitting on the National Security Council. Kerry has recently led a bipartisan coalition dubbed World War Zero calling for a warlike mobilization to halt rising global carbon emissions by 2050.
His first order of business is likely to be a U.S. return to the Paris climate agreement, which he helped negotiate, and which Biden has pledged to rejoin on his first day in office. The issue of climate change will be followed closely by left-leaning Democrats pushing for a Green New Deal, such as Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York. One progressive organization, Justice Democrats, said it was encouraged by Kerry’s appointment but wanted to see the incoming Biden administration put in place a domestic climate change czar as well.
Alejandro Mayorkas, Secretary of Homeland Security. The Cuban-born Mayorkas would become the first Latino secretary of homeland security after rising from a U.S. attorney to become a deputy secretary in the agency during the Obama administration. He has supported the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program after Trump’s acting Homeland Security head, Chad Wolf, tried to suspend the program. Mayorkas has also urged more cooperation with the private sector to combat cybercrime. Republicans boycotted his confirmation hearing for his last Homeland Security job, however, after a leaked inspector general probe said he had provided special access for acquaintances of political allies, such as then-Sen. Harry Reid, then-Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe, and then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s brother, for green cards to bring wealthy foreign investors to the United States.
The Biden team’s announcements signal that they are plowing ahead with the transition process despite Trump’s refusal to concede his election loss. Trump, without ever presenting any evidence, maintains there was widespread voter fraud. After his legal team lost dozens of court cases in battleground states, a growing number of influential Republican lawmakers and White House allies have urged Trump to accept the results.
“We have no time to lose when it comes to our national security and foreign policy,” Biden said in a statement. “I need a team ready on Day One to help me reclaim America’s seat at the head of the table, rally the world to meet the biggest challenges we face, and advance our security, prosperity, and values.”
Most of Biden’s top national security team will require Senate confirmation before taking their jobs, a matter that hinges on two Senate runoff races in Georgia in January, which will determine whether Republicans keep or lose control of the Senate.
“It is in our national security interest to ensure the President-elect can have his cabinet of choice, especially as the State Department was decimated under the previous administration and needs to rebuild to manage global diplomacy and defend our national interest,” New Jersey Sen. Bob Menendez, the top Democrat on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, said in a statement. “The work to counter the massive loss of experience, knowledge, and relationships over the last four years cannot wait.”


foreignpolicy--2020-11-23--U.N. Fears Ethiopia Purging Ethnic Tigrayan Officers From Its Peacekeeping Missions

The Ethiopian government has been rounding up ethnic Tigrayan security forces deployed in United Nations and African peacekeeping missions abroad and forcing them onto flights to the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa , where it is feared they may face torture or even execution , according to an internal U.N. account .
The moves come as Ethiopia is preparing a military offensive against the capital of the country ’ s Tigray region , Mekelle .
Conflict erupted earlier this month between federal and Tigrayan forces in the ethnically divided nation , which for decades was under de facto rule by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.N. suggests that Ethiopia ’ s Nobel Peace Prize-winning prime minister , Abiy Ahmed , may be expanding the country ’ s weekslong conflict beyond the country ’ s borders .
It has alarmed human rights advocates and U.N. officials , who fear that the U.N. blue helmets may be persecuted upon their arrival back in Ethiopia .
The targeting of Tigrayan military officers in foreign peacekeeping and military operations comes amid rising fears that an Ethiopian government offensive against Tigrayan rebels inside Ethiopia could devolve into ethnic cleansing , with atrocities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rights watchdog Amnesty International recently issued a report detailing “ the massacre of a very large number of civilians ” in northern Ethiopia earlier this month , allegedly by groups loyal to the Tigrayan forces , in a grim harbinger of violence to come .
Meanwhile , refugees fleeing the violence said they were targeted because they were Tigrayan .
In South Sudan earlier this month , Ethiopian soldiers disarmed a senior ethnic Ethiopian Tigrayan officer , escorted him to the capital of Juba , and forced him onto a Nov. 11 Ethiopian @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to the internal account , which was reviewed by Foreign Policy .
Ten days later , the Ethiopian contingent at the U.N. base in Juba reportedly detained three other Tigrayan officers .
The officers , according to the internal account , “ were coerced to take the Ethiopian Airlines flight from Juba to Addis Ababa .
As of now their whereabouts are unknown.
” The U.N. Mission in South Sudan , or UNMISS , “ has become aware that three soldiers were repatriated back to their country on Saturday without the Mission ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ official at the mission said .
“ Our Human Rights Division is working to follow up on their situation.
” “ If there are any incidents where personnel are discriminated against or have their rights violated because of their ethnicity or they have concerns about their situation , this may involve a human rights violation under international law , ” the official added .
“ As a result , the UNMISS Human Rights Division is currently liaising with the Ethiopian peacekeeping command in South Sudan and has requested access to any contingent personnel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be compelled to return home and be in need of protection.
” The crackdown has spread to other African countries where Ethiopian peacekeepers and troops are deployed , including in Abyei , a disputed territory claimed by Sudan and South Sudan , and Somalia , where thousands of Ethiopian troops have been helping the government fight Islamist al-Shabab militants .
As many as 40 Tigrayan officers and soldiers serving in the African Union Mission in Somalia have also been recalled to Ethiopia , according to one diplomatic source .
At Ethiopia ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ senior military attaché who oversaw peacekeeping issues , a Tigrayan , was fired after just months on the job , precipitating the purge of other Tigrayan officers from peacekeeping missions abroad , diplomatic sources said .
Ethiopia has seen deepening conflict between the country ’ s Tigray minority—which accounts for just over 6 percent of the population but played a dominant role in Ethiopia ’ s political life for decades , and whose status was reinforced under Meles Zenawi , an ethnic Tigrayan who served as prime minister and president of Ethiopia from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country ’ s largest ethnic groups including the Amhara and Oromo , who account for more than 60 percent of the county ’ s population .
During Meles ’ s tenure , Tigrayans were given key posts in the government and the military , and they continue to hold key leadership positions in overseas peacekeeping missions , raising questions about the ability of Ethiopian contingents to function following a purge .
But the Tigrayans ’ privileged position has been threatened since the election of Abiy , an ethnic Oromo , in 2018 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dispute between the federal government and the Tigrayan regional government over the decision to postpone national and regional elections in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic .
Tigray ’ s local leaders went ahead with an election , which resulted in the Tigray People ’ s Liberation Front ( TPLF ) winning all the seats .
The federal parliament declared the vote null , and federal troops are seeking to impose military control over the Tigray region .
The conflict in Ethiopia has killed hundreds—and perhaps thousands—of people and sparked a new refugee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the most politically unstable regions of the world .
Some 30,000 refugees have fled from Ethiopia into neighboring Sudan in recent weeks , fueling concerns that the new refugee influx could destabilize Sudan ’ s fragile transitional government .
Senior U.S. officials have called for an end to hostilities and independent investigations into the reports of civilian massacres .
“ The ethnic dimension is one that everybody is very concerned about , ” said Tibor Nagy , the top State Department diplomat on Africa , in a briefing with reporters on Nov. 19 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s reported missile attacks on neighboring Eritrea earlier this month , calling it an attempt to “ internationalize the conflict ” that “ make [ s ] the situation more dangerous.
” The conflict has also taken on an economic lens .
“ This war is ultimately a battle for control of Ethiopia ’ s economy , its natural resources , and the billions of dollars the country receives annually from international donors and lenders , ” Kassahun Melesse , an assistant professor of applied economics at Oregon State University , wrote recently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those riches is a function of who heads the federal government—which the TPLF controlled for nearly three decades before Abiy came to power in April 2018 , following widespread protests against the TPLF-led government.
” “ In other words , this is not a conflict over who gets to rule Tigray , a small region whose population accounts for a mere 6 percent of Ethiopia ’ s more than 110 million people , ” Melesse wrote .
“ It is a fight over who gets to dominate the commanding heights of the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Tigray ’ s regional leaders once held and are determined to recapture at any cost.
” That struggle is playing out in U.N. peacekeeping missions .
Ethiopia is one of the two largest contributors to U.N. peacekeeping missions , with more than 6,700 uniformed personnel , most serving in Darfur , Abyei , and South Sudan .
Tigrayans have played a key role in U.N. peacekeeping operations .
Earlier this month , Ethiopia recalled more than 3,000 troops from Somalia to reinforce its military operations against the Tigrayans .
The government disarmed between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ posted in Somalia , U.S. and U.N. officials said .
“ The peacekeepers are not being disarmed due to ethnicity but due to infiltration of TPLF elements in various entities which is part of an ongoing investigation , ” an Ethiopian government task force told Reuters , which previously reported on the Tigrayan soldiers in Somalia being disarmed .
“ All officers and soldiers from Tigray were arrested and detained upon arrival in Addis , ” according to the U.N. account reviewed by Foreign Policy .
“ There are reports that some have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” Privately , U.S. officials fear that the massive withdrawal of troops will leave Somalia , already one of the world ’ s most fragile states , in a precarious position and vulnerable to new offensives from terrorist groups such as al-Shabab .
In Abyei , the U.N. ’ s Tigrayan deputy force commander , Brig .
Gen. Negassi Tikue Lewte , disappeared from the U.N. ’ s radar after traveling to Addis Ababa earlier this month .
The brigadier general—who is serving under a U.N. contract—made a request for leave on Nov. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the U.N. a diplomatic note informing it to find another officer to fill the position .
“ He was apparently recalled to Ethiopia and since then his whereabouts seem unknown , ” according to the internal U.N. account .
The purge has raised complicated legal and political challenges for the U.N. , which traditionally defers to foreign military contingents to manage troop rotations and handle disciplinary issues .
The Ethiopian government has privately insisted that the repatriated Tigrayan troops and officers are simply on leave .
But at least one of the officers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , is serving under a U.N. contract , imposing a greater responsibility on the U.N. to ensure his protection .
The U.N. ’ s peacekeeping department ’ s spokesperson , Nick Birnback , confirmed that the organization is “ aware of the issue ; we are very concerned and we are taking this matter extremely seriously.
” “ At the moment , we are ascertaining all the relevant facts and we are or will be in touch with all relevant peace operations and governments in this regard , ” Birnback added .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ international law , in accordance with relevant norms , standards and instruments.
” The Ethiopian missions in the United States did not respond to requests for comment .
But human rights advocates have voiced concern about the reports .
“ If reports of discriminatory Ethiopian repatriation of ethnic Tigrayan peacekeepers are true , they are deeply disturbing , given credible reports of profiling and arbitrary arrest of ethnic Tigrayans in Ethiopia , ” said Louis Charbonneau , the U.N. director for Human Rights Watch .
“ If the reports are confirmed , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in U.N. peacekeeping operations , ” Charbonneau added .
“ The U.N. needs to send a clear message to all governments that it will not ignore abuses against peacekeepers serving under the U.N. flag .
”

The Ethiopian government has been rounding up ethnic Tigrayan security forces deployed in United Nations and African peacekeeping missions abroad and forcing them onto flights to the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, where it is feared they may face torture or even execution, according to an internal U.N. account.
The Ethiopian government has been rounding up ethnic Tigrayan security forces deployed in United Nations and African peacekeeping missions abroad and forcing them onto flights to the Ethiopian capital of Addis Ababa, where it is feared they may face torture or even execution, according to an internal U.N. account.
The moves come as Ethiopia is preparing a military offensive against the capital of the country’s Tigray region, Mekelle. Conflict erupted earlier this month between federal and Tigrayan forces in the ethnically divided nation, which for decades was under de facto rule by the minority Tigrayans. The alarm inside the U.N. suggests that Ethiopia’s Nobel Peace Prize-winning prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, may be expanding the country’s weekslong conflict beyond the country’s borders. It has alarmed human rights advocates and U.N. officials, who fear that the U.N. blue helmets may be persecuted upon their arrival back in Ethiopia.
The targeting of Tigrayan military officers in foreign peacekeeping and military operations comes amid rising fears that an Ethiopian government offensive against Tigrayan rebels inside Ethiopia could devolve into ethnic cleansing, with atrocities reported on both sides. The human rights watchdog Amnesty International recently issued a report detailing “the massacre of a very large number of civilians” in northern Ethiopia earlier this month, allegedly by groups loyal to the Tigrayan forces, in a grim harbinger of violence to come. Meanwhile, refugees fleeing the violence said they were targeted because they were Tigrayan.
In South Sudan earlier this month, Ethiopian soldiers disarmed a senior ethnic Ethiopian Tigrayan officer, escorted him to the capital of Juba, and forced him onto a Nov. 11 Ethiopian Airlines flight to Addis Ababa, according to the internal account, which was reviewed by Foreign Policy.
Ten days later, the Ethiopian contingent at the U.N. base in Juba reportedly detained three other Tigrayan officers. The officers, according to the internal account, “were coerced to take the Ethiopian Airlines flight from Juba to Addis Ababa. As of now their whereabouts are unknown.”
The U.N. Mission in South Sudan, or UNMISS, “has become aware that three soldiers were repatriated back to their country on Saturday without the Mission’s knowledge,” a senior U.N. official at the mission said. “Our Human Rights Division is working to follow up on their situation.”
“If there are any incidents where personnel are discriminated against or have their rights violated because of their ethnicity or they have concerns about their situation, this may involve a human rights violation under international law,” the official added. “As a result, the UNMISS Human Rights Division is currently liaising with the Ethiopian peacekeeping command in South Sudan and has requested access to any contingent personnel who might, for any reason, be compelled to return home and be in need of protection.”
The crackdown has spread to other African countries where Ethiopian peacekeepers and troops are deployed, including in Abyei, a disputed territory claimed by Sudan and South Sudan, and Somalia, where thousands of Ethiopian troops have been helping the government fight Islamist al-Shabab militants. As many as 40 Tigrayan officers and soldiers serving in the African Union Mission in Somalia have also been recalled to Ethiopia, according to one diplomatic source.
At Ethiopia’s U.N. mission in New York, the senior military attaché who oversaw peacekeeping issues, a Tigrayan, was fired after just months on the job, precipitating the purge of other Tigrayan officers from peacekeeping missions abroad, diplomatic sources said.
Ethiopia has seen deepening conflict between the country’s Tigray minority—which accounts for just over 6 percent of the population but played a dominant role in Ethiopia’s political life for decades, and whose status was reinforced under Meles Zenawi, an ethnic Tigrayan who served as prime minister and president of Ethiopia from 1991 until his death in August 2012—and the country’s largest ethnic groups including the Amhara and Oromo, who account for more than 60 percent of the county’s population.
During Meles’s tenure, Tigrayans were given key posts in the government and the military, and they continue to hold key leadership positions in overseas peacekeeping missions, raising questions about the ability of Ethiopian contingents to function following a purge. But the Tigrayans’ privileged position has been threatened since the election of Abiy, an ethnic Oromo, in 2018.
The latest crisis follows a recent dispute between the federal government and the Tigrayan regional government over the decision to postpone national and regional elections in the midst of the coronavirus pandemic. Tigray’s local leaders went ahead with an election, which resulted in the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) winning all the seats. The federal parliament declared the vote null, and federal troops are seeking to impose military control over the Tigray region.
The conflict in Ethiopia has killed hundreds—and perhaps thousands—of people and sparked a new refugee crisis in what is historically one of the most politically unstable regions of the world. Some 30,000 refugees have fled from Ethiopia into neighboring Sudan in recent weeks, fueling concerns that the new refugee influx could destabilize Sudan’s fragile transitional government.
Senior U.S. officials have called for an end to hostilities and independent investigations into the reports of civilian massacres.
“The ethnic dimension is one that everybody is very concerned about,” said Tibor Nagy, the top State Department diplomat on Africa, in a briefing with reporters on Nov. 19.
Nagy also condemned the TPLF’s reported missile attacks on neighboring Eritrea earlier this month, calling it an attempt to “internationalize the conflict” that “make[s] the situation more dangerous.”
The conflict has also taken on an economic lens. “This war is ultimately a battle for control of Ethiopia’s economy, its natural resources, and the billions of dollars the country receives annually from international donors and lenders,” Kassahun Melesse, an assistant professor of applied economics at Oregon State University, wrote recently in Foreign Policy. “Access to those riches is a function of who heads the federal government—which the TPLF controlled for nearly three decades before Abiy came to power in April 2018, following widespread protests against the TPLF-led government.”
“In other words, this is not a conflict over who gets to rule Tigray, a small region whose population accounts for a mere 6 percent of Ethiopia’s more than 110 million people,” Melesse wrote. “It is a fight over who gets to dominate the commanding heights of the country’s economy, a prize that Tigray’s regional leaders once held and are determined to recapture at any cost.”
That struggle is playing out in U.N. peacekeeping missions.
Ethiopia is one of the two largest contributors to U.N. peacekeeping missions, with more than 6,700 uniformed personnel, most serving in Darfur, Abyei, and South Sudan. Tigrayans have played a key role in U.N. peacekeeping operations.
Earlier this month, Ethiopia recalled more than 3,000 troops from Somalia to reinforce its military operations against the Tigrayans. The government disarmed between 200 and 300 Tigrayan soldiers who were posted in Somalia, U.S. and U.N. officials said.
“The peacekeepers are not being disarmed due to ethnicity but due to infiltration of TPLF elements in various entities which is part of an ongoing investigation,” an Ethiopian government task force told Reuters, which previously reported on the Tigrayan soldiers in Somalia being disarmed.
“All officers and soldiers from Tigray were arrested and detained upon arrival in Addis,” according to the U.N. account reviewed by Foreign Policy. “There are reports that some have been subjected to torture and extra-judicial killing.”
Privately, U.S. officials fear that the massive withdrawal of troops will leave Somalia, already one of the world’s most fragile states, in a precarious position and vulnerable to new offensives from terrorist groups such as al-Shabab.
In Abyei, the U.N.’s Tigrayan deputy force commander, Brig. Gen. Negassi Tikue Lewte, disappeared from the U.N.’s radar after traveling to Addis Ababa earlier this month. The brigadier general—who is serving under a U.N. contract—made a request for leave on Nov. 15. Shortly after, Ethiopia sent the U.N. a diplomatic note informing it to find another officer to fill the position.
“He was apparently recalled to Ethiopia and since then his whereabouts seem unknown,” according to the internal U.N. account.
The purge has raised complicated legal and political challenges for the U.N., which traditionally defers to foreign military contingents to manage troop rotations and handle disciplinary issues. The Ethiopian government has privately insisted that the repatriated Tigrayan troops and officers are simply on leave. But at least one of the officers, the deputy force commander in Abyei, is serving under a U.N. contract, imposing a greater responsibility on the U.N. to ensure his protection.
The U.N.’s peacekeeping department’s spokesperson, Nick Birnback, confirmed that the organization is “aware of the issue; we are very concerned and we are taking this matter extremely seriously.”
“At the moment, we are ascertaining all the relevant facts and we are or will be in touch with all relevant peace operations and governments in this regard,” Birnback added. “All troop-contributing countries have obligations under applicable international law, in accordance with relevant norms, standards and instruments.”
The Ethiopian missions in the United States did not respond to requests for comment. But human rights advocates have voiced concern about the reports.
“If reports of discriminatory Ethiopian repatriation of ethnic Tigrayan peacekeepers are true, they are deeply disturbing, given credible reports of profiling and arbitrary arrest of ethnic Tigrayans in Ethiopia,” said Louis Charbonneau, the U.N. director for Human Rights Watch.
“If the reports are confirmed, the U.N. should also consider suspending Ethiopian participation in U.N. peacekeeping operations,” Charbonneau added. “The U.N. needs to send a clear message to all governments that it will not ignore abuses against peacekeepers serving under the U.N. flag.”


foreignpolicy--2020-11-23--How One Social Media App Is Beating Disinformation

How One Social Media App Is Beating Disinformation For many Americans who work in tech , Taiwan has become a model for the fight against disinformation .
Like the United States , Taiwan is sharply divided on major issues , including national identity , China policy , and the legalization of same-sex marriage .
Urban-rural divisions have further split Taiwanese society , and two major parties , whose relations have grown increasingly acrimonious , dominate Taiwanese politics .
Yet unlike the United States , Taiwan is getting disinformation under control .
Partly , that success is due to government crackdowns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s initiatives to improve media literacy , and President Tsai Ing-wen ’ s decision to prioritize the problem , exemplified by her appointment of Audrey Tang , a software engineer , as digital minister in 2016 .
But the crux of Taipei ’ s approach lies elsewhere : namely , in its ability to harness the power of its civil society and tech industry through a robust public-private partnership initiative .
In looking to Taiwan , the United States and other Western countries should focus on how the country has harnessed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , third-party fact-checkers , and social media platforms—to hold back the tide of disinformation .
There ’ s no better example of this kind of coordinated action than Line , a private messaging app that provides a blueprint for how the government can leverage nongovernmental organizations and the tech industry to beat disinformation .
Line , arguably Taiwan ’ s most popular messaging app , is the main battleground of disinformation in Taiwan .
Line quickly took over the Taiwanese market after it was launched in Japan in 2011 by a subsidiary of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In 2019 , approximately 90 percent of Taiwanese used the app , sending more than 9 billion messages per day .
Like Whatsapp , Line ’ s design makes it easy to rapidly disseminate harmful and false content : It offers a high degree of anonymity , as user profiles often have only a name and picture , and in combining features such as its own integrated news platform and private and encrypted group chats , it encourages users to share articles within the app .
Users have to take an extra step @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this friction point keeps users on Line .
They knew they needed to find a way to balance privacy with voluntary fact-checking—without making users leave the platform.This design has only amplified the disinformation Taiwan has long struggled with , which is primarily manufactured by content farms located in—or funded by—China .
The 2018 Taiwanese elections exposed for the first time just how widely these manufactured stories had been shared within closed groups outside the purview of Line ’ s content moderation , which is limited to public posts , including those on timelines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A fake story in 2018 claimed , for instance , that Tsai spat on the ground at a ceremony honoring fallen veterans .
Another convoluted campaign groundlessly alleged that Tsai ’ s government had failed to protect fruit farmers from price crashes by distancing the country from China .
At the time , some users were aware that they were coming across disinformation .
According to a survey conducted by Line in July 2019 , 46 percent of users believed that they had seen or been the recipient of suspicious content in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 33 percent stated that they fact-checked these messages , and even fewer—25 percent—then shared accurate information with others .
These dispiriting figures spurred a number of civic and governmental efforts to bridge the gap , especially since private groups have reinforced the effects of filter bubbles and confirmation bias .
They knew they needed to find a way to balance privacy with voluntary fact-checking—without making users leave the platform .
In July 2019 , at the same event where Line released the findings of its disinformation survey , the company unveiled its first @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Digital Accountability Project ( DAP ) , which it launched as a collaboration with Taiwan ’ s Executive Yuan and third-party fact-checking organizations .
The purpose of the DAP partnership was straightforward : to incorporate fact-checking directly into the Line app and thus give the public the tools to become more critical about their media consumption .
Individually , those fact-checking operations were useful , but not nearly enough.Perhaps the most important part of this effort was Line Fact Checker , a chatbot that allows users to submit links or statements to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by one of five third-party organizations : the Executive Yuan Real-Time News Clarification page , the Taiwan FactCheck Center , Rumor & Truth , MyGoPen , and Cofacts .
Individually , those fact-checking operations were useful , but not nearly enough .
Take Cofacts , for instance : It ’ s a collaborative , open-source fact-checking project that developed its first Line chatbot in 2018 , which is still in use .
If a user sends the chatbot a message that doesn ’ t match any of Cofacts ’ existing data , users @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fact-checking .
The Cofacts database also supports a chatbot , affectionately named Aunt Meiyu , which can be added to group chats and automatically responds when users share falsehoods with one another .
Of course , this still requires that users take the initiative to add the bot to their chat .
The hope is that by humanizing the idea and marketing it as a fun addition , users will be more willing to use it .
These are all helpful tools , but Cofacts has limited funding and depends on volunteer members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allows all volunteers to help verify content , only about 250 messages enter its database each week .
By harnessing the power of various fact-checking operations at once , the Line Fact Checker initiative can evaluate the accuracy of a user submission in a fraction of a second .
Now , the Line bot can not only give a simple one-line evaluation , but also provide links to articles by reputable news sources on the same topic .
Users can also submit their content for further verification to one of the third-party fact-checking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ harnessing the power of various fact-checking operations at once , the Line Fact Checker initiative can evaluate the accuracy of a user submission in a fraction of a second.This collaborative bot model , although in its early stages , has substantial benefits .
First , Line does not have to interfere directly with conversations and potentially infringe on free speech rights .
While this approach may limit its reach , it also prevents the company from becoming an “ arbiter of truth , ” something social media platforms have shied away from .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ users leave the app to verify information—something that ’ s beneficial both to users ’ real-time ability to discern disinformation and for Line ’ s bottom line , a rare win-win .
Third , because the bot can aggregate submissions and verifications from millions of users and multiple platforms , the fact-checking service gets stronger each time it ’ s used .
In this vein , Line can also collect valuable data previously unavailable to it , such as popular topics exploited by disinformation campaigns and language similarities across posts .
So far @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rippled outward .
For example , Facebook , which had already been working with the Taiwan FactCheck Center , inked a deal with MyGoPen as well in March .
Even though Facebook has chosen to maintain its now-familiar disinformation strategy—asking fact-checking services to evaluate content behind the scenes and demoting content with their algorithm accordingly—this is a promising development in the industry .
It shows that , even beyond Line , Tsai ’ s government is having a positive influence on tech companies , and that Line ’ s public-private model is clearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ stifling speech .
In Taiwan ’ s case , the partnership with Line and third-party fact-checkers could build long-term firewalls to safeguard Taiwanese people from China ’ s disinformation campaigns—campaigns similar to those aimed at Americans , whether from Beijing , Moscow , or other threats , both at home and abroad .
And the DAP isn ’ t just successful because of its fact-checking tools , but also because its participating organizations promote them to the public .
For instance , the Taiwan FactCheck Center hosts events to teach everyone from university @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use fact-checking services effectively .
Like Taiwan , the U.S. government should dramatically expand its public-private partnerships with popular social media apps .
Of course , since Americans are less trusting of their government than the Taiwanese—and since disinformation sometimes comes from within the government itself , including from its head—Taipei ’ s model wouldn ’ t translate perfectly .
The United States would have to be careful about not playing a role in fact-checking operations and only amplifying the work of private tech companies .
That would be tough , but the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can certainly be helpful in fending off foreign cyberthreats .
And despite concerns of bias , disinformation is simply too difficult for either Washington ’ s cybersecurity professionals or the industry to combat alone .
Taipei has been able to tap into two inherent strengths of democracies : the power of independent media and civil society .
It ’ s about time the world ’ s oldest extant democracy followed suit .

For many Americans who work in tech, Taiwan has become a model for the fight against disinformation. Like the United States, Taiwan is sharply divided on major issues, including national identity, China policy , and the legalization of same-sex marriage . Urban-rural divisions have further split Taiwanese society, and two major parties, whose relations have grown increasingly acrimonious, dominate Taiwanese politics. Yet unlike the United States, Taiwan is getting disinformation under control.
For many Americans who work in tech, Taiwan has become a model for the fight against disinformation. Like the United States, Taiwan is sharply divided on major issues, including national identity, China policy, and the legalization of same-sex marriage. Urban-rural divisions have further split Taiwanese society, and two major parties, whose relations have grown increasingly acrimonious, dominate Taiwanese politics. Yet unlike the United States, Taiwan is getting disinformation under control.
Partly, that success is due to government crackdowns on groups that spread disinformation, Taipei’s initiatives to improve media literacy, and President Tsai Ing-wen’s decision to prioritize the problem, exemplified by her appointment of Audrey Tang, a software engineer, as digital minister in 2016. But the crux of Taipei’s approach lies elsewhere: namely, in its ability to harness the power of its civil society and tech industry through a robust public-private partnership initiative.
In looking to Taiwan, the United States and other Western countries should focus on how the country has harnessed the power of partnerships—especially those between the government, third-party fact-checkers, and social media platforms—to hold back the tide of disinformation. There’s no better example of this kind of coordinated action than Line, a private messaging app that provides a blueprint for how the government can leverage nongovernmental organizations and the tech industry to beat disinformation.
Line, arguably Taiwan’s most popular messaging app, is the main battleground of disinformation in Taiwan. Line quickly took over the Taiwanese market after it was launched in Japan in 2011 by a subsidiary of the Korean tech giant Naver Corporation. In 2019, approximately 90 percent of Taiwanese used the app, sending more than 9 billion messages per day. Like Whatsapp, Line’s design makes it easy to rapidly disseminate harmful and false content: It offers a high degree of anonymity, as user profiles often have only a name and picture, and in combining features such as its own integrated news platform and private and encrypted group chats, it encourages users to share articles within the app. Users have to take an extra step to share to other apps, and this friction point keeps users on Line.
They knew they needed to find a way to balance privacy with voluntary fact-checking—without making users leave the platform.This design has only amplified the disinformation Taiwan has long struggled with, which is primarily manufactured by content farms located in—or funded by—China. The 2018 Taiwanese elections exposed for the first time just how widely these manufactured stories had been shared within closed groups outside the purview of Line’s content moderation, which is limited to public posts, including those on timelines, blogs, or manga boards. A fake story in 2018 claimed, for instance, that Tsai spat on the ground at a ceremony honoring fallen veterans. Another convoluted campaign groundlessly alleged that Tsai’s government had failed to protect fruit farmers from price crashes by distancing the country from China.
At the time, some users were aware that they were coming across disinformation. According to a survey conducted by Line in July 2019, 46 percent of users believed that they had seen or been the recipient of suspicious content in the previous six months. However, only 33 percent stated that they fact-checked these messages, and even fewer—25 percent—then shared accurate information with others. These dispiriting figures spurred a number of civic and governmental efforts to bridge the gap, especially since private groups have reinforced the effects of filter bubbles and confirmation bias. They knew they needed to find a way to balance privacy with voluntary fact-checking—without making users leave the platform.
What they came up with amounted to a public-private partnership, which the PPP Knowledge Lab defines as a long-term contract between a private party and the government “for providing a public asset or service, in which the private party bears significant risk and management responsibility.” Traditionally, these partnerships are used in sectors that lack effective regulation and private incentive to self-regulate. This approach seeks to remedy that issue by combining the vast resources and connections available to government agencies with the technical expertise and infrastructure of private companies.
In July 2019, at the same event where Line released the findings of its disinformation survey, the company unveiled its first public-private partnership to curb disinformation: the Digital Accountability Project (DAP), which it launched as a collaboration with Taiwan’s Executive Yuan and third-party fact-checking organizations. The purpose of the DAP partnership was straightforward: to incorporate fact-checking directly into the Line app and thus give the public the tools to become more critical about their media consumption.
Individually, those fact-checking operations were useful, but not nearly enough.Perhaps the most important part of this effort was Line Fact Checker, a chatbot that allows users to submit links or statements to be analyzed and verified against content previously fact-checked by one of five third-party organizations: the Executive Yuan Real-Time News Clarification page, the Taiwan FactCheck Center, Rumor & Truth, MyGoPen, and Cofacts.
Individually, those fact-checking operations were useful, but not nearly enough. Take Cofacts, for instance: It’s a collaborative, open-source fact-checking project that developed its first Line chatbot in 2018, which is still in use. If a user sends the chatbot a message that doesn’t match any of Cofacts’ existing data, users can forward their message on for manual fact-checking. The Cofacts database also supports a chatbot, affectionately named Aunt Meiyu, which can be added to group chats and automatically responds when users share falsehoods with one another. Of course, this still requires that users take the initiative to add the bot to their chat. The hope is that by humanizing the idea and marketing it as a fun addition, users will be more willing to use it.
These are all helpful tools, but Cofacts has limited funding and depends on volunteer members. Although its database is open-source and allows all volunteers to help verify content, only about 250 messages enter its database each week.
By harnessing the power of various fact-checking operations at once, the Line Fact Checker initiative can evaluate the accuracy of a user submission in a fraction of a second. Now, the Line bot can not only give a simple one-line evaluation, but also provide links to articles by reputable news sources on the same topic. Users can also submit their content for further verification to one of the third-party fact-checking operations participating in the program.
By harnessing the power of various fact-checking operations at once, the Line Fact Checker initiative can evaluate the accuracy of a user submission in a fraction of a second.This collaborative bot model, although in its early stages, has substantial benefits. First, Line does not have to interfere directly with conversations and potentially infringe on free speech rights. While this approach may limit its reach, it also prevents the company from becoming an “arbiter of truth,” something social media platforms have shied away from. Second, it doesn’t make users leave the app to verify information—something that’s beneficial both to users’ real-time ability to discern disinformation and for Line’s bottom line, a rare win-win. Third, because the bot can aggregate submissions and verifications from millions of users and multiple platforms, the fact-checking service gets stronger each time it’s used. In this vein, Line can also collect valuable data previously unavailable to it, such as popular topics exploited by disinformation campaigns and language similarities across posts.
So far, the DAP’s effects have rippled outward. For example, Facebook, which had already been working with the Taiwan FactCheck Center, inked a deal with MyGoPen as well in March. Even though Facebook has chosen to maintain its now-familiar disinformation strategy—asking fact-checking services to evaluate content behind the scenes and demoting content with their algorithm accordingly—this is a promising development in the industry. It shows that, even beyond Line, Tsai’s government is having a positive influence on tech companies, and that Line’s public-private model is clearly a viable option for combating disinformation without stifling speech.
Fighting mass-scale disinformation is still an uphill battle. But metrics for the use of Line Fact Checker so far are promising: The bot has received more than 230,000 user submissions since its inception, and users have reported some 41,000 messages, which suggests multiple users are reporting the same false narrative as it’s circulated—an encouraging sign for media literacy. Taiwan’s success in combating disinformation about COVID-19 also suggests that the DAP is working. It is clear that by creating the DAP and offering official news clarification services, Taiwan’s government has amplified accurate content on social media.
In Taiwan’s case, the partnership with Line and third-party fact-checkers could build long-term firewalls to safeguard Taiwanese people from China’s disinformation campaigns—campaigns similar to those aimed at Americans, whether from Beijing, Moscow, or other threats, both at home and abroad. And the DAP isn’t just successful because of its fact-checking tools, but also because its participating organizations promote them to the public. For instance, the Taiwan FactCheck Center hosts events to teach everyone from university students to elementary school teachers how to use fact-checking services effectively.
Like Taiwan, the U.S. government should dramatically expand its public-private partnerships with popular social media apps. Of course, since Americans are less trusting of their government than the Taiwanese—and since disinformation sometimes comes from within the government itself, including from its head—Taipei’s model wouldn’t translate perfectly. The United States would have to be careful about not playing a role in fact-checking operations and only amplifying the work of private tech companies. That would be tough, but the 2020 U.S. election has shown that Washington can certainly be helpful in fending off foreign cyberthreats. And despite concerns of bias, disinformation is simply too difficult for either Washington’s cybersecurity professionals or the industry to combat alone. Taipei has been able to tap into two inherent strengths of democracies: the power of independent media and civil society. It’s about time the world’s oldest extant democracy followed suit.


foreignpolicy--2020-11-23--National Business Corps to the Rescue

National Business Corps to the Rescue

Late last month , NATO defense ministers met virtually to discuss an increasingly urgent subject : the security of the undersea cables that transmit virtually all Internet traffic between the United States and Europe .
If a hostile country were to sabotage the cables , daily life—especially now , during the pandemic—would immediately grind to a halt .
After their meeting , the defense ministers declined to say how they were planning to keep the cables safe .
But one thing is clear : Even though the cables carry both civilian and military Internet traffic , they ’ re privately @ @ @ @ @ @ @ protect them will need to involve both governments and the private sector .
Indeed , governments alone can ’ t keep their countries going during crises .
During the worst of the United Kingdom ’ s COVID-19 misery , a group of business leaders volunteered to help the British Army transport personal protective equipment ( PPE ) and oxygen around the country and build emergency hospitals .
In Sweden , meanwhile , ever since the Cold War , key business personnel have been assigned crisis management roles should a war unfold .
NATO @ @ @ @ @ @ @ successful models and create national industry corps .
When COVID-19 struck the United Kingdom in March this year , PPE and oxygen needed to be sourced and rapidly transported around the country .
The country needed temporary hospitals too , and fast .
The government assigned the task to the Ministry of Defense , its fall-back option in times of crisis .
The Ministry of Defense , in turn , asked for support from the British Army ’ s Engineer and Logistic Staff Corps , an organization most Britons had no idea even @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s known ) leaped into action , using its expertise to get vital supplies delivered and temporary hospitals built .
The Staff Corps ’ members are all commissioned officers in the British Army , but they ’ re only nominally military .
In their day jobs , they lead engineering , logistics , technology , and energy companies .
They volunteer their time for the British Army , just as their predecessors did starting in the 1860s , when the staff corps was first created by a group of railway executives @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help the Armed Forces get around their newly railway-powered country .
Since then , the members of the corps have quietly put their logistics skills and networks at the disposal of the Armed Forces .
And did the United Kingdom ever need those skills when COVID-19 struck .
“ In all my more than 40 years of service this is the single greatest logistic challenge that I ’ ve come across , ” said Gen. Nick Carter , the head of the British Armed Forces , at an April COVID-19 briefing .
So @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to his rescue that Carter had to explain that part of the Armed Forces ’ work had been done by “ something called the Engineer and Logistic Staff Corps , where we bring in people from industry who work inside the military in times of crisis and provide expert support for how we might link into the civilian community to bring forward skills and indeed industrial support.
” By May 8 , the military had helped deliver more than 1.18 billion items of PPE to British health care staff .
Soldiers were testing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to nursing homes , and bringing oxygen to hospitals .
And the Armed Forces were crucial in quickly building six temporary COVID-19 hospitals , including one in London that it completed within nine days .
In these efforts , Staff Corps support and knowledge were key .
All this was great for the United Kingdom ’ s coronavirus effort .
But COVID-19 won ’ t be the last crisis to hit the West .
When the next one hits , every country would benefit from having support units like the Staff Corps .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ example , the effects on daily life of a severe cyberattack on the undersea cables that transport the world ’ s Internet traffic—the subject NATO defense ministers discussed last month .
In a 2017 report , a British member of Parliament named Rishi Sunak , now his country ’ s finance minister , pointed out that “ in a single day , these cables carry some $ 10 trillion of financial transfers and process some 15 million financial transactions ” and warned that disruption of them would “ damage commerce and disrupt government-to-government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and civil disorder.
” The cables have concerned military planners for years , and Russian naval activity is regularly detected in their vicinity .
Perhaps even more worrying , according to NATO , both Russia and China are developing skills in sabotaging the cables .
“ It is important to understand that most of these cables are privately owned and it ’ s publicly known where they are , ” NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg said after last month ’ s meeting .
Indeed , the Internet is full of maps showing their location @ @ @ @ @ @ @ avoid damaging them by mistake . )
NATO is clearly concerned , and the United Kingdom recently announced it ’ s going to develop “ new capabilities ” to protect the cables .
But what to do if Russia or China manage to cut a few of them ?
NATO armed forces could try to punish the perpetrator , but the immediate challenge would be a completely different one .
If such an artery were damaged , chaos would ensue .
Businesses would not be able to operate ; many parts of daily @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , ships in the Mediterranean unwittingly cut cables there , causing an 80 percent drop in connectivity between Europe and the Middle East . )
Businesses around the world were forced into crisis mode earlier this year , when COVID-19 descended and firms big and small had to improvise on the spot .
But when the next calamity strikes , countries and their businesses may not have the luxury of weeks during which to plan their actions .
And here ’ s another dilemma : Since Western governments own few companies , any @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it comes to instructing businesses what to do in a crisis .
Armed forces excel at logistics .
Although they can help in a crisis , though , they can ’ t field personnel to aid every part of society .
At the same time , it is in most businesses ’ interest to keep going during a crisis .
They just need a way of organizing themselves .
Indeed , many companies have expertise and networks that would be vital to other firms and the government if disaster struck .
The United @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recommended that the president create a “ Continuity of the Economy Plan ” for such situations .
Governments can build on the Staff Corps model .
If the 100—soon to be 120—officers in the Staff Corps could provide such critical help during the early weeks of COVID-19 , imagine what would be possible if business leaders in other countries were to come together to support government efforts .
After the explosion in Beirut this fall , an engineering CEO-cum-Staff Corps officer traveled to Lebanon to assist the local authorities on behalf of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the Royal Air Force ’ s relatively new 601 Squadron provides services similar to those of the Staff Corps .
“ These two are good specialist units , but you could have more , for example one for people in critical national infrastructure , ” said Gerhard Wheeler , a retired British Army brigadier general who most recently led the United Kingdom Reserve Forces program , in a November interview .
“ You create a reserve organization and then you attract people into it rather than obliging companies and sectors to participate.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ War , Sweden operated a system called war placement , where key experts were assigned roles in case war broke out .
Engineers , technicians , truck drivers : Everyone with specialist knowledge had a wartime assignment .
War placement still exists in Sweden , but it can only be initiated during wars .
The system could , however , be adapted for the many situations short of war during which daily life is nevertheless severely disrupted .
A program inspired by the Staff Corps and war placement could be done on a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states and partner nations should invite key businesses to join their national industry corps , where participants would pool experts for use during nationwide crises .
Participating businesses would benefit though access to mutual assistance during crisis , and so would the country .
Governments could further encourage participation by offering specialized crisis training to participating companies ’ staff .
And governments would , of course , need to define what constitutes a crisis .
To be sure , in the short term , participation in an industry corps might be more cumbersome @ @ @ @ @ @ @ happened with COVID-19 , where some companies had to put their operations on ice while others kept going , improvising as they went along , having a plan would probably be worth the added responsibility .
There will be future crises , whether caused by natural disasters or hostile countries .
Indeed , it ’ s telling that NATO is now taking seriously the risk to undersea cables articulated by Sunak and others .
No responsible chief executive today operates on the assumption that undersea cables won ’ t be damaged and that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In a recent speech in Hamburg , German Defense Secretary Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer highlighted that risk .
It ’ s certain that problems will come , whether in the shape of sabotaged undersea cables , no-deal Brexit logistics chaos , cyberattack , or mayhem caused by natural disasters .
Voters and shareholders will ask : Are you ready ?

Late last month, NATO defense ministers met virtually to discuss an increasingly urgent subject: the security of the undersea cables that transmit virtually all Internet traffic between the United States and Europe. If a hostile country were to sabotage the cables, daily life—especially now, during the pandemic—would immediately grind to a halt.
Late last month, NATO defense ministers met virtually to discuss an increasingly urgent subject: the security of the undersea cables that transmit virtually all Internet traffic between the United States and Europe. If a hostile country were to sabotage the cables, daily life—especially now, during the pandemic—would immediately grind to a halt.
After their meeting, the defense ministers declined to say how they were planning to keep the cables safe. But one thing is clear: Even though the cables carry both civilian and military Internet traffic, they’re privately owned and operated. Any effort to protect them will need to involve both governments and the private sector.
Indeed, governments alone can’t keep their countries going during crises. During the worst of the United Kingdom’s COVID-19 misery, a group of business leaders volunteered to help the British Army transport personal protective equipment (PPE) and oxygen around the country and build emergency hospitals. In Sweden, meanwhile, ever since the Cold War, key business personnel have been assigned crisis management roles should a war unfold. NATO and its partners should build on these successful models and create national industry corps.
When COVID-19 struck the United Kingdom in March this year, PPE and oxygen needed to be sourced and rapidly transported around the country. The country needed temporary hospitals too, and fast. The government assigned the task to the Ministry of Defense, its fall-back option in times of crisis. The Ministry of Defense, in turn, asked for support from the British Army’s Engineer and Logistic Staff Corps, an organization most Britons had no idea even existed. The Staff Corps (as it’s known) leaped into action, using its expertise to get vital supplies delivered and temporary hospitals built.
The Staff Corps’ members are all commissioned officers in the British Army, but they’re only nominally military. In their day jobs, they lead engineering, logistics, technology, and energy companies. They volunteer their time for the British Army, just as their predecessors did starting in the 1860s, when the staff corps was first created by a group of railway executives who felt it was their duty to help the Armed Forces get around their newly railway-powered country. Since then, the members of the corps have quietly put their logistics skills and networks at the disposal of the Armed Forces.
And did the United Kingdom ever need those skills when COVID-19 struck. “In all my more than 40 years of service this is the single greatest logistic challenge that I’ve come across,” said Gen. Nick Carter, the head of the British Armed Forces, at an April COVID-19 briefing. So obscure is the Staff Corps that came to his rescue that Carter had to explain that part of the Armed Forces’ work had been done by “something called the Engineer and Logistic Staff Corps, where we bring in people from industry who work inside the military in times of crisis and provide expert support for how we might link into the civilian community to bring forward skills and indeed industrial support.”
By May 8, the military had helped deliver more than 1.18 billion items of PPE to British health care staff. Soldiers were testing the public for COVID-19, delivering tests to nursing homes, and bringing oxygen to hospitals. And the Armed Forces were crucial in quickly building six temporary COVID-19 hospitals, including one in London that it completed within nine days. In these efforts, Staff Corps support and knowledge were key. All this was great for the United Kingdom’s coronavirus effort. But COVID-19 won’t be the last crisis to hit the West. When the next one hits, every country would benefit from having support units like the Staff Corps.
To see how, imagine, for example, the effects on daily life of a severe cyberattack on the undersea cables that transport the world’s Internet traffic—the subject NATO defense ministers discussed last month. In a 2017 report, a British member of Parliament named Rishi Sunak, now his country’s finance minister, pointed out that “in a single day, these cables carry some $10 trillion of financial transfers and process some 15 million financial transactions” and warned that disruption of them would “damage commerce and disrupt government-to-government communications, potentially leading to economic turmoil and civil disorder.”
The cables have concerned military planners for years, and Russian naval activity is regularly detected in their vicinity. Perhaps even more worrying, according to NATO, both Russia and China are developing skills in sabotaging the cables. “It is important to understand that most of these cables are privately owned and it’s publicly known where they are,” NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg said after last month’s meeting. Indeed, the Internet is full of maps showing their location. (This is to help fishermen avoid damaging them by mistake.)
NATO is clearly concerned, and the United Kingdom recently announced it’s going to develop “new capabilities” to protect the cables. But what to do if Russia or China manage to cut a few of them? NATO armed forces could try to punish the perpetrator, but the immediate challenge would be a completely different one. If such an artery were damaged, chaos would ensue. Businesses would not be able to operate; many parts of daily life would stop. (In 2008, ships in the Mediterranean unwittingly cut cables there, causing an 80 percent drop in connectivity between Europe and the Middle East.) Businesses around the world were forced into crisis mode earlier this year, when COVID-19 descended and firms big and small had to improvise on the spot. But when the next calamity strikes, countries and their businesses may not have the luxury of weeks during which to plan their actions.
And here’s another dilemma: Since Western governments own few companies, any one of them has limited options when it comes to instructing businesses what to do in a crisis. Armed forces excel at logistics. Although they can help in a crisis, though, they can’t field personnel to aid every part of society. At the same time, it is in most businesses’ interest to keep going during a crisis. They just need a way of organizing themselves. Indeed, many companies have expertise and networks that would be vital to other firms and the government if disaster struck. The United States’ Congress-appointed Cyberspace Solarium Commission has recommended that the president create a “Continuity of the Economy Plan” for such situations.
Governments can build on the Staff Corps model. If the 100—soon to be 120—officers in the Staff Corps could provide such critical help during the early weeks of COVID-19, imagine what would be possible if business leaders in other countries were to come together to support government efforts. After the explosion in Beirut this fall, an engineering CEO-cum-Staff Corps officer traveled to Lebanon to assist the local authorities on behalf of the British government. In the United Kingdom, the Royal Air Force’s relatively new 601 Squadron provides services similar to those of the Staff Corps. “These two are good specialist units, but you could have more, for example one for people in critical national infrastructure,” said Gerhard Wheeler, a retired British Army brigadier general who most recently led the United Kingdom Reserve Forces program, in a November interview. “You create a reserve organization and then you attract people into it rather than obliging companies and sectors to participate.”
Better still, during the Cold War, Sweden operated a system called war placement, where key experts were assigned roles in case war broke out. Engineers, technicians, truck drivers: Everyone with specialist knowledge had a wartime assignment. War placement still exists in Sweden, but it can only be initiated during wars. The system could, however, be adapted for the many situations short of war during which daily life is nevertheless severely disrupted.
A program inspired by the Staff Corps and war placement could be done on a voluntary basis. Governments in NATO member states and partner nations should invite key businesses to join their national industry corps, where participants would pool experts for use during nationwide crises. Participating businesses would benefit though access to mutual assistance during crisis, and so would the country. Governments could further encourage participation by offering specialized crisis training to participating companies’ staff. And governments would, of course, need to define what constitutes a crisis.
To be sure, in the short term, participation in an industry corps might be more cumbersome than doing nothing. But considering what happened with COVID-19, where some companies had to put their operations on ice while others kept going, improvising as they went along, having a plan would probably be worth the added responsibility.
There will be future crises, whether caused by natural disasters or hostile countries. Indeed, it’s telling that NATO is now taking seriously the risk to undersea cables articulated by Sunak and others. No responsible chief executive today operates on the assumption that undersea cables won’t be damaged and that supply chains won’t be disrupted. In a recent speech in Hamburg, German Defense Secretary Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer highlighted that risk. It’s certain that problems will come, whether in the shape of sabotaged undersea cables, no-deal Brexit logistics chaos, cyberattack, or mayhem caused by natural disasters. Voters and shareholders will ask: Are you ready?