foreignpolicy--2020-11-16--Rap Against Dictatorship Turns Thai Protests Into Video Hits

BANGKOK— “ When this government stop , then I will stop , ” said Dechathorn Bamrungmuang , the frontman of Rap Against Dictatorship ( RAD ) , who was arrested at his home in August on a range of charges including sedition .
With his wife pregnant with their second child , Dechathorn , known to his fans as Hockhacker , is the only family man in the 12-person group of Thailand ’ s most popular musical dissidents .
Months of protests have been met with shutdowns in public transport , a spate of arrests of student protest leaders , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
RAD has kept going .
On Nov. 8 , anti-government protesters closed in on buses and razor wire blocking them from delivering their petitions to the Privy Council , which advises the monarchy .
Police fired water cannons above the protesters , and the demonstrators tore down the gate to Sanam Luang and streamed into the grounds , all in the light of the Grand Palace .
It was an unlikely setting for a music video , but RAD kept filming for their new video , dancing and singing their way north @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The video , titled “ Reform , ” continued shooting until around five minutes before the water cannons were released on protesters .
“ We had already finished the shoot for the day , but when the water cannons came , I said , ‘ Come on everyone , shoot again !
It ’ s good for background !
’ ” said Skanbombomb , the music video ’ s director , talking in a quiet alley studio in Bangkok .
Within four days , the video was nearing 3 million views .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ What My Country ’ s Got ” in 2018 , a seething rebuke of the country ’ s military-aligned government .
RAD has more than 600,000 followers and more than 100 million views on YouTube , and has been praised at home and abroad by fans , artists , and human rights organizations .
The group members , known to their fans by their stage names , come from diverse backgrounds .
Liberate P studied architecture .
19Tyger grew up in the infamous Khlong Toey slums .
E.T .
remains anonymous .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” said RAD rapper Protozua , formerly a sound engineer .
“ On the day my first song was released , my dad called and said , ‘ Hey , good , you did something good for society.
’ On the day [ Hockhacker ] got arrested , he called me again : ‘ Hey boy , that group that you joined , you tell them you are busy and work full time.
’ ” “ You feast on our taxes so we ceased to be mute , no we ain ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our three-finger salute , ” the lyrics to “ Reform ” say , referring to the three-finger salute from the Hunger Games that has come to define Thai protest imagery .
The new single is the latest in the group ’ s long list of anti-government , anti-conservative songs .
RAD regularly releases singles taking on topics ranging from bullying and Buddhist tradition to protests and the 1976 Thammasat University massacre .
“ My family watch Nation , all day—all day , ” Protozua said , exasperated , referring to the right-wing Nation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his mother that he was at the mall during the Nov. 8 protests ; he said she would find out the truth when they release the video .
In August , Hockhacker and a member of another group , Eleven Finger , were arrested and granted bail .
Hockhacker echoes the harassment in the lyrics of “ Reform ” : “ Fight with freedom , fight with our brains .
It ain ’ t a crime to be detained.
” “ If they arrest people again , it is maybe for the September @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the “ mob ” being shorthand for the ongoing protests .
“ There are three requirements : one , then two , and three , we must talk , ” Hockhacker said , referring to the protesters ’ demands for the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha , rewriting of the constitution , and reform of the monarchy .
The new single takes oblique aim at the monarchy , usually a taboo topic in Thailand , where the king is revered and a powerful force in Thai politics .
Whereas the late King @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s current king , Maha Vajiralongkorn , has drawn criticism for his lavish lifestyle and behavior .
This is not the first time Rap Against Dictatorship has been under scrutiny from the law .
Their first hit brought accusations of breaking the broadly defined Computer Crime Act , which has been used to silence the conservative government ’ s critics .
“ Fear makes me strong , ” said Liberate P , who worked on Rap Against Dictatorship ’ s first big hit with his solo work in 2016 .
“ We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work .
When we get more famous , people know that we are activists.
” The anti-government protests blossomed originally from attacks on the now-dissolved progressive Future Forward Party and its leader , Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit , in the wake of the 2019 elections , but the protests have evolved to be about everything from abortion to legalizing marijuana .
Right-wing royalists have been moving to counter the student-led protests both in the streets and online .
Though largely older and outnumbered in Bangkok , the “ yellow shirt ” contingent is backed by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Thailand ’ s elite are quick to lay blame at the feet of mysterious behind-the-scenes agents , from the charismatic Thanathorn to the CIA and the British intelligence agency MI5 .
Echoing China ’ s spurious conspiracy theories during the Hong Kong protests , recent yellow shirts took their grievances to the U.S. Embassy last month .
Thailand is a strong U.S. ally , but has grown increasingly close to China in recent years under military control .
On social media , rabid commentators are sure RAD is controlled by illegal , liberal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ We see this every day .
This is how they dehumanize the movement , ” said Protozua .
“ They ’ re too far .
What can we do ?
Almost nothing , because they don ’ t research , they don ’ t even think .
They reject because they ’ ve programmed themselves to reject.
” Meanwhile , calls for another coup have sprung up from ultraroyalist corners of Thailand .
Last week , the leader of the People ’ s Network for the Protection of the Monarchy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chief to crack down on the anti-government movement and to “ shut down the country ” with “ special laws.
” Army chief Narongphan Jittkaewtae ruled out a coup in a recent statement , to little relief .
Rap Against Dictatorship isn ’ t the only group with nontraditional protest methods .
The members of Sk8tizen do tricks on skateboards reading “ Fuck 112 ” ( referring to the country ’ s lèse-majesté law ) , choreographed dancers party in the street , and bands play from the back of trucks .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the name “ CIA ” because they seem to know where the protests are going to be before they happen .
“ They think if we wait , we might run out of resources , ” said Protozua , describing the protests almost like a festival .
“ I take some of my friends who don ’ t care about politics .
Hey , let ’ s go to the mob , have fun , drink beers.
” Rap Against Dictatorship performed “ Reform ” live on Saturday at Mob Fest , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ during which protesters turned their back on the royal motorcade .
“ We just have to keep doing it , ” said Liberate P. “ More people will see , more people will recognize , more people will join .
”

BANGKOK—“When this government stop, then I will stop,” said Dechathorn Bamrungmuang, the frontman of Rap Against Dictatorship (RAD), who was arrested at his home in August on a range of charges including sedition. With his wife pregnant with their second child, Dechathorn, known to his fans as Hockhacker, is the only family man in the 12-person group of Thailand’s most popular musical dissidents.
BANGKOK—“When this government stop, then I will stop,” said Dechathorn Bamrungmuang, the frontman of Rap Against Dictatorship (RAD), who was arrested at his home in August on a range of charges including sedition. With his wife pregnant with their second child, Dechathorn, known to his fans as Hockhacker, is the only family man in the 12-person group of Thailand’s most popular musical dissidents.
Months of protests have been met with shutdowns in public transport, a spate of arrests of student protest leaders, and deadlock in Thailand’s legislature. RAD has kept going.
On Nov. 8, anti-government protesters closed in on buses and razor wire blocking them from delivering their petitions to the Privy Council, which advises the monarchy. Police fired water cannons above the protesters, and the demonstrators tore down the gate to Sanam Luang and streamed into the grounds, all in the light of the Grand Palace.
It was an unlikely setting for a music video, but RAD kept filming for their new video, dancing and singing their way north along Ratchadamnoen Avenue along the protest route. The video, titled “Reform,” continued shooting until around five minutes before the water cannons were released on protesters.
“We had already finished the shoot for the day, but when the water cannons came, I said, ‘Come on everyone, shoot again! It’s good for background!’” said Skanbombomb, the music video’s director, talking in a quiet alley studio in Bangkok. Within four days, the video was nearing 3 million views.
Rap Against Dictatorship shot to popularity with “What My Country’s Got” in 2018, a seething rebuke of the country’s military-aligned government. RAD has more than 600,000 followers and more than 100 million views on YouTube, and has been praised at home and abroad by fans, artists, and human rights organizations.
The group members, known to their fans by their stage names, come from diverse backgrounds. Liberate P studied architecture. 19Tyger grew up in the infamous Khlong Toey slums. E.T. remains anonymous.
“My parents worry about me,” said RAD rapper Protozua, formerly a sound engineer. “On the day my first song was released, my dad called and said, ‘Hey, good, you did something good for society.’ On the day [Hockhacker] got arrested, he called me again: ‘Hey boy, that group that you joined, you tell them you are busy and work full time.’”
“You feast on our taxes so we ceased to be mute, no we ain’t gonna grovel, here’s our three-finger salute,” the lyrics to “Reform” say, referring to the three-finger salute from the Hunger Games that has come to define Thai protest imagery.
The new single is the latest in the group’s long list of anti-government, anti-conservative songs. RAD regularly releases singles taking on topics ranging from bullying and Buddhist tradition to protests and the 1976 Thammasat University massacre.
“My family watch Nation, all day—all day,” Protozua said, exasperated, referring to the right-wing Nation TV network. Protozua said he told his mother that he was at the mall during the Nov. 8 protests; he said she would find out the truth when they release the video.
In August, Hockhacker and a member of another group, Eleven Finger, were arrested and granted bail. Hockhacker echoes the harassment in the lyrics of “Reform”: “Fight with freedom, fight with our brains. It ain’t a crime to be detained.”
“If they arrest people again, it is maybe for the September 19 mob,” Hockhacker said, the “mob” being shorthand for the ongoing protests. “There are three requirements: one, then two, and three, we must talk,” Hockhacker said, referring to the protesters’ demands for the resignation of Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, rewriting of the constitution, and reform of the monarchy.
The new single takes oblique aim at the monarchy, usually a taboo topic in Thailand, where the king is revered and a powerful force in Thai politics. Whereas the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej was universally beloved, Thailand’s current king, Maha Vajiralongkorn, has drawn criticism for his lavish lifestyle and behavior.
This is not the first time Rap Against Dictatorship has been under scrutiny from the law. Their first hit brought accusations of breaking the broadly defined Computer Crime Act, which has been used to silence the conservative government’s critics.
“Fear makes me strong,” said Liberate P, who worked on Rap Against Dictatorship’s first big hit with his solo work in 2016. “We are scared about our jobs, our work. When we get more famous, people know that we are activists.”
The anti-government protests blossomed originally from attacks on the now-dissolved progressive Future Forward Party and its leader, Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, in the wake of the 2019 elections, but the protests have evolved to be about everything from abortion to legalizing marijuana.
Right-wing royalists have been moving to counter the student-led protests both in the streets and online. Though largely older and outnumbered in Bangkok, the “yellow shirt” contingent is backed by the government and military.
Similarly, Thailand’s elite are quick to lay blame at the feet of mysterious behind-the-scenes agents, from the charismatic Thanathorn to the CIA and the British intelligence agency MI5. Echoing China’s spurious conspiracy theories during the Hong Kong protests, recent yellow shirts took their grievances to the U.S. Embassy last month. Thailand is a strong U.S. ally, but has grown increasingly close to China in recent years under military control.
On social media, rabid commentators are sure RAD is controlled by illegal, liberal forces in Thailand or nefarious foreign plotters.
“We see this every day. This is how they dehumanize the movement,” said Protozua. “They’re too far. What can we do? Almost nothing, because they don’t research, they don’t even think. They reject because they’ve programmed themselves to reject.”
Meanwhile, calls for another coup have sprung up from ultraroyalist corners of Thailand. Last week, the leader of the People’s Network for the Protection of the Monarchy, Krit Yiammethakorn, called for the army chief to crack down on the anti-government movement and to “shut down the country” with “special laws.” Army chief Narongphan Jittkaewtae ruled out a coup in a recent statement, to little relief.
Rap Against Dictatorship isn’t the only group with nontraditional protest methods. The members of Sk8tizen do tricks on skateboards reading “Fuck 112” (referring to the country’s lèse-majesté law), choreographed dancers party in the street, and bands play from the back of trucks. The ever-present mobile food vendors have earned themselves the name “CIA” because they seem to know where the protests are going to be before they happen.
“They think if we wait, we might run out of resources,” said Protozua, describing the protests almost like a festival. “I take some of my friends who don’t care about politics. Hey, let’s go to the mob, have fun, drink beers.”
Rap Against Dictatorship performed “Reform” live on Saturday at Mob Fest, a confluence of demonstrations at Democracy Monument, during which protesters turned their back on the royal motorcade.
“We just have to keep doing it,” said Liberate P. “More people will see, more people will recognize, more people will join.”


foreignpolicy--2020-11-16--Trump’s Parting Gift to Biden: A More Stable Middle East

The indictments of U.S. foreign policy under President Donald Trump are as varied as his critics .
The mandarins of the foreign-policy establishment have led the charge by insisting that the norm-shattering president has weakened U.S. alliances and empowered the country ’ s adversaries .
Overlooked is the fact that the Trump administration has pursued a successful Middle East policy .
And it succeeded precisely because it challenged entrenched assumptions .
In the end , Trump will hand President-elect Joe Biden a region that is more stable than it was four years ago and an alliance network that is stronger @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is a worthy legacy that will be squandered by the Democrats if they are determined to eviscerate all things Trump .
The next pillar of wisdom to fall was the notion that should the United States walk away from the deal , Iran would rush to the bomb .
Among the world ’ s revisionist powers , none has taken the battering of Iran .
Trump ’ s successes have confounded his critics .
At first , many in the commentariat insisted that if Trump were to pull the United States out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action , Washington would stand alone and be incapable of maintaining multilateral economic sanctions .
In the end , the European co-signatories of the deal may have complained—but more importantly , European businesses complied .
The next pillar of wisdom to fall was the notion that should the United States walk away from the deal , Iran would rush to the bomb .
Tehran has accelerated some parts of its nuclear activities , but the country is still years away from having a nuclear bomb .
The sabotage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unconfirmed intelligence actors has moved the atomic goal post further out of Tehran ’ s reach .
And finally , the last notion to fall was that Trump ’ s killing of Iran ’ s famed Quds Force commander , Qassem Suleimani , would spark a war .
Instead it provoked a missile attack on a relatively unoccupied potion of a U.S. military base in Iraq—with sufficient forewarning by Tehran to Washington that was passed on via the Swiss .
The stark reality is that the clerical oligarchs were prepared to negotiate with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ election .
A regime that can not stabilize its currency or protect its people from the ravages of a pandemic needs relief from sanctions and understands that the pathway to the global economy and financial system runs through Washington .
The problem is that the Americans who will show up at the table after Jan. 20 may be so disdainful of Trump ’ s maximum pressure strategy that they fail to appreciate its many advantages .
For decades , the received wisdom insisted that Israel could not be integrated into the Middle East @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Palestinians .
This curious argument ran counter to Washington ’ s own experience with Arab-Israeli peacemaking : Former President Jimmy Carter ’ s Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel , after all , included only a superficial nod to the Palestinians .
Jordan signed its own peace treaty with Israel in 1994 while the Palestinian issue once again remained unresolved .
Yet successive U.S. administrations appointed their various envoys and squandered time and political capital on a conflict that always eluded a solution .
The notion that the Arab street and its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a rare academic truism that found an audience in the halls of power .
To their credit , Trump and his advisors were not burdened by historical memory .
They paid scant attention to established precedent and did not shuttle between Ramallah and Jerusalem in the hope of bending the two sides to their will .
Iran ’ s imperial rampage had created opportunities as Sunni Arab potentates were more concerned about Tehran ’ s designs than Palestinian aspirations .
And a new generation of Arab citizens was not animated by a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Still , this was an opportunity that only a U.S. president hostile to Iran could have exploited .
Enmity toward Iran is the currency of trust in today ’ s Arab world .
The United Arab Emirates led the way in making peace with Israel .
And then came Bahrain , the stalking horse for Saudi Arabia .
A new generation of Arab citizens was not animated by a conflict that had festered for so long .
There are many lessons to be learned .
More peace treaties are possible unless Biden @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s path of lecturing the House of Saud that it must share the Middle East with the Islamists on the other side of the Persian Gulf .
And once they ’ ve been deprived of the crutch of Arab solidarity , the Palestinians will come to their senses and return to the negotiating table .
The Middle East , of course , is not just a region of nations vying for influence .
It is a place of fierce sectarian conflicts and civil wars .
The problems of the Arab world have not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Assad family , and Yemen is a humanitarian catastrophe .
Paradoxically , these conflicts , as tragic as they may be , seem not to have disturbed the region ’ s strategic alignments .
Iran is not stronger because of Assad ’ s triumphs , and Saudi Arabia is not weaker because of its futile intervention in Yemen .
Indeed , the Saudis have come to appreciate the cost of their Yemeni misadventure and are seeking a way out of their predicament .
In the last decade , the United States and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ actors .
It was Iran ’ s Shiite proxies in Iraq that lacerated U.S. forces .
It was not long ago that the Islamic State was marching toward Baghdad and Hezbollah was threatening Israel .
A president famous for rejecting his predecessor ’ s inheritance was prudent enough to sustain the Obama administration ’ s campaign against the Islamic State that finally reduced the caliphate to rubble .
And as Iran depleted its treasury , it had to reduce the subsidies to its lethal protégés , including Hezbollah .
Although by no means @ @ @ @ @ @ @ today than they were before the Trump presidency .
Trump ’ s shattering of norms may not always have served the United States well .
But the Middle East was a land of stale assumptions and failed strategies .
Trump ’ s penchant toward disruption came in handy in a region that needed shaking up .
He succeeded because only an iconoclastic president could have stabilized the Middle East .

The indictments of U.S. foreign policy under President Donald Trump are as varied as his critics. The mandarins of the foreign-policy establishment have led the charge by insisting that the norm-shattering president has weakened U.S. alliances and empowered the country’s adversaries. Overlooked is the fact that the Trump administration has pursued a successful Middle East policy. And it succeeded precisely because it challenged entrenched assumptions. In the end, Trump will hand President-elect Joe Biden a region that is more stable than it was four years ago and an alliance network that is stronger than the one Trump inherited. This is a worthy legacy that will be squandered by the Democrats if they are determined to eviscerate all things Trump. The next pillar of wisdom to fall was the notion that should the United States walk away from the deal, Iran would rush to the bomb.
The indictments of U.S. foreign policy under President Donald Trump are as varied as his critics. The mandarins of the foreign-policy establishment have led the charge by insisting that the norm-shattering president has weakened U.S. alliances and empowered the country’s adversaries. Overlooked is the fact that the Trump administration has pursued a successful Middle East policy. And it succeeded precisely because it challenged entrenched assumptions. In the end, Trump will hand President-elect Joe Biden a region that is more stable than it was four years ago and an alliance network that is stronger than the one Trump inherited. This is a worthy legacy that will be squandered by the Democrats if they are determined to eviscerate all things Trump.
The next pillar of wisdom to fall was the notion that should the United States walk away from the deal, Iran would rush to the bomb.
Among the world’s revisionist powers, none has taken the battering of Iran. Trump’s successes have confounded his critics. At first, many in the commentariat insisted that if Trump were to pull the United States out of the Iran nuclear deal, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, Washington would stand alone and be incapable of maintaining multilateral economic sanctions. In the end, the European co-signatories of the deal may have complained—but more importantly, European businesses complied. The next pillar of wisdom to fall was the notion that should the United States walk away from the deal, Iran would rush to the bomb. Tehran has accelerated some parts of its nuclear activities, but the country is still years away from having a nuclear bomb. The sabotage of Iran’s nuclear installations by unconfirmed intelligence actors has moved the atomic goal post further out of Tehran’s reach. And finally, the last notion to fall was that Trump’s killing of Iran’s famed Quds Force commander, Qassem Suleimani, would spark a war. Instead it provoked a missile attack on a relatively unoccupied potion of a U.S. military base in Iraq—with sufficient forewarning by Tehran to Washington that was passed on via the Swiss.
The stark reality is that the clerical oligarchs were prepared to negotiate with either winner of the 2020 U.S. presidential election. A regime that cannot stabilize its currency or protect its people from the ravages of a pandemic needs relief from sanctions and understands that the pathway to the global economy and financial system runs through Washington. The problem is that the Americans who will show up at the table after Jan. 20 may be so disdainful of Trump’s maximum pressure strategy that they fail to appreciate its many advantages.
For decades, the received wisdom insisted that Israel could not be integrated into the Middle East unless it came to terms with the Palestinians. This curious argument ran counter to Washington’s own experience with Arab-Israeli peacemaking: Former President Jimmy Carter’s Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel, after all, included only a superficial nod to the Palestinians. Jordan signed its own peace treaty with Israel in 1994 while the Palestinian issue once again remained unresolved. Yet successive U.S. administrations appointed their various envoys and squandered time and political capital on a conflict that always eluded a solution. The notion that the Arab street and its sensibilities were invested in the Palestinian cause was a rare academic truism that found an audience in the halls of power.
To their credit, Trump and his advisors were not burdened by historical memory. They paid scant attention to established precedent and did not shuttle between Ramallah and Jerusalem in the hope of bending the two sides to their will. Iran’s imperial rampage had created opportunities as Sunni Arab potentates were more concerned about Tehran’s designs than Palestinian aspirations. And a new generation of Arab citizens was not animated by a conflict that had festered for so long. Still, this was an opportunity that only a U.S. president hostile to Iran could have exploited. Enmity toward Iran is the currency of trust in today’s Arab world. The United Arab Emirates led the way in making peace with Israel. And then came Bahrain, the stalking horse for Saudi Arabia.
A new generation of Arab citizens was not animated by a conflict that had festered for so long.
There are many lessons to be learned. More peace treaties are possible unless Biden returns to former President Barack Obama’s path of lecturing the House of Saud that it must share the Middle East with the Islamists on the other side of the Persian Gulf. And once they’ve been deprived of the crutch of Arab solidarity, the Palestinians will come to their senses and return to the negotiating table.
The Middle East, of course, is not just a region of nations vying for influence. It is a place of fierce sectarian conflicts and civil wars. The problems of the Arab world have not disappeared: Syria remains the domain of the Assad family, and Yemen is a humanitarian catastrophe. Paradoxically, these conflicts, as tragic as they may be, seem not to have disturbed the region’s strategic alignments. Iran is not stronger because of Assad’s triumphs, and Saudi Arabia is not weaker because of its futile intervention in Yemen. Indeed, the Saudis have come to appreciate the cost of their Yemeni misadventure and are seeking a way out of their predicament.
In the last decade, the United States and its allies were often menaced by nonstate actors. It was Iran’s Shiite proxies in Iraq that lacerated U.S. forces. It was not long ago that the Islamic State was marching toward Baghdad and Hezbollah was threatening Israel. A president famous for rejecting his predecessor’s inheritance was prudent enough to sustain the Obama administration’s campaign against the Islamic State that finally reduced the caliphate to rubble. And as Iran depleted its treasury, it had to reduce the subsidies to its lethal protégés, including Hezbollah. Although by no means defanged, these militias are less dangerous today than they were before the Trump presidency.
Trump’s shattering of norms may not always have served the United States well. But the Middle East was a land of stale assumptions and failed strategies. Trump’s penchant toward disruption came in handy in a region that needed shaking up. He succeeded because only an iconoclastic president could have stabilized the Middle East.


foreignpolicy--2020-11-16--Atrocities Pile Up for CIA-Backed Afghan Paramilitary Forces

KHOST , Afghanistan—Members of a CIA-backed paramilitary group have allegedly killed some 14 civilians during raids in Afghanistan ’ s restive Khost province in the past month , in one case bursting into the home of a man in his 40s , Muhammad Shawkat , dragging him into the street , and shooting him dead for no apparent reason , according to interviews with several residents of the area .
At least one woman was among the dead , the residents said .
They declined to be identified in describing the killings because they feared retribution from the group , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ KPF ) .
Word of the killings also spread on social media in the past month .
The KPF controls much of Khost in southeastern Afghanistan , one of the more volatile parts of the country .
The CIA established the force in the first days of the war in Afghanistan in late 2001 , drawing on fighters from local Pashtun tribes for its membership .
Nineteen years later , CIA operatives continue to train and arm the KPF , though it has been implicated repeatedly in atrocities against civilians , including torture @ @ @ @ @ @ @ groups .
As the United States moves toward a total withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan , many residents fear that the KPF and other CIA-backed paramilitary groups are stepping up their attacks to assert themselves across the country .
“ Those who attacked us killed him brutally without any reason .
They are violent criminals , ” one of Shawkat ’ s relatives said in an interview .
He said KPF forces raided the home in mid-October and killed eight other civilians in similar operations that day .
“ Shawkat was not a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was just a normal Afghan who worked in the city , ” said a resident of Khost ’ s Lakan area , where Shawkat lived .
“ You can not do much if something like that happens—just hope that they won ’ t come after you , ” the resident added .
He said the KPF has come to operate with impunity because of its close ties to U.S. forces .
The KPF operates independently of the Afghan National Army and often conducts joint operations with U.S. forces .
While most regular Afghan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are armed with modern weapons .
In addition to raids and patrols , they also track targets for U.S. drone strikes .
The CIA has blanketed Khost with surveillance equipment , posting reconnaissance balloons and listening antennas across the province .
Some two weeks after the raids , Taliban forces attacked a KPF convoy in the region , according to Hazrat Wali Sabir , a resident of the area .
In response , the paramilitary group launched another series of attacks , according to residents , killing five civilians .
Sabir said one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the son of former Afghan parliament member Amir Khan Sabarai .
The raids took place in several different villages across the district .
Reporters and human rights groups in the region have also been targeted in recent months , including Rahim Sekander , a local radio journalist who frequently spoke out against rights abuses .
Sekander was detained in August by the National Directorate of Security , an Afghan intelligence service that works closely with the KPF and is also funded by the United States .
The intelligence agency , staffed largely by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ KhAD , has also become known for attacks on civilians and government critics .
Sekander , who used his social media platform to call out abuses perpetrated by both the Taliban and the Afghan government of Ashraf Ghani , has been held without trial since August .
Specifically , Sekander has criticized the aerial bombardments that killed civilians and the violent night raids carried out by the KPF and other CIA-backed units operating throughout the country .
These attacks on civilians have often had the effect of fueling militancy .
“ I don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They did not tell us any reason , ” Sekander ’ s mother , Shamal Gul , said in an interview .
“ The worst criminals in this country are running around freely , but my brother was arrested just for criticizing the government on Facebook , ” said Sekander ’ s brother Siddiqullah .
In his brother ’ s absence , Siddiqullah is helping to look after Sekander ’ s six children .
Saifullah Hayat , who heads the Committee to Protect Journalists in Khost province , said in an interview @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Culture should intervene on Sekander ’ s behalf but has shown no interest in the case .
Patricia Gossman , an associate Asia director of Human Rights Watch , said the Afghan government a year ago promised to probe killings by the KPF and other clandestine units but has so far failed to conduct any investigation .
“ For nearly two decades , the Khost Protection Force has been responsible for summary executions and other abuses , including imprisoning journalists .
It has never been held accountable—neither by Afghan authorities nor the U.S. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ York-based rights group published a 60-page report last year documenting the violence caused by CIA-backed Afghan militias , with details of 14 cases across nine provinces .
The report concludes that Afghan forces trained and funded by the CIA have shown little regard for civilian life or international law .
The militias are active all over the country , most recently in the provinces of Khost , Paktia , Paktika , Nangarhar , and Wardak .
Journalists based in Khost and Kabul contributed to this report , including photography , but did not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Afghan forces .

KHOST, Afghanistan—Members of a CIA-backed paramilitary group have allegedly killed some 14 civilians during raids in Afghanistan’s restive Khost province in the past month, in one case bursting into the home of a man in his 40s, Muhammad Shawkat, dragging him into the street, and shooting him dead for no apparent reason, according to interviews with several residents of the area.
KHOST, Afghanistan—Members of a CIA-backed paramilitary group have allegedly killed some 14 civilians during raids in Afghanistan’s restive Khost province in the past month, in one case bursting into the home of a man in his 40s, Muhammad Shawkat, dragging him into the street, and shooting him dead for no apparent reason, according to interviews with several residents of the area.
At least one woman was among the dead, the residents said. They declined to be identified in describing the killings because they feared retribution from the group, known as the Khost Protection Force (KPF). Word of the killings also spread on social media in the past month.
The KPF controls much of Khost in southeastern Afghanistan, one of the more volatile parts of the country. The CIA established the force in the first days of the war in Afghanistan in late 2001, drawing on fighters from local Pashtun tribes for its membership. Nineteen years later, CIA operatives continue to train and arm the KPF, though it has been implicated repeatedly in atrocities against civilians, including torture and killing, according to human rights groups.
As the United States moves toward a total withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, many residents fear that the KPF and other CIA-backed paramilitary groups are stepping up their attacks to assert themselves across the country.
“Those who attacked us killed him brutally without any reason. They are violent criminals,” one of Shawkat’s relatives said in an interview. He said KPF forces raided the home in mid-October and killed eight other civilians in similar operations that day.
“Shawkat was not a member of any terrorist group. He was just a normal Afghan who worked in the city,” said a resident of Khost’s Lakan area, where Shawkat lived. “You cannot do much if something like that happens—just hope that they won’t come after you,” the resident added. He said the KPF has come to operate with impunity because of its close ties to U.S. forces.
The KPF operates independently of the Afghan National Army and often conducts joint operations with U.S. forces. While most regular Afghan soldiers are poorly equipped, KPF members are armed with modern weapons. In addition to raids and patrols, they also track targets for U.S. drone strikes.
The CIA has blanketed Khost with surveillance equipment, posting reconnaissance balloons and listening antennas across the province.
Some two weeks after the raids, Taliban forces attacked a KPF convoy in the region, according to Hazrat Wali Sabir, a resident of the area. In response, the paramilitary group launched another series of attacks, according to residents, killing five civilians. Sabir said one of the victims was Mohammad Amin, the son of former Afghan parliament member Amir Khan Sabarai. The raids took place in several different villages across the district.
Reporters and human rights groups in the region have also been targeted in recent months, including Rahim Sekander, a local radio journalist who frequently spoke out against rights abuses. Sekander was detained in August by the National Directorate of Security, an Afghan intelligence service that works closely with the KPF and is also funded by the United States. The intelligence agency, staffed largely by officers from its brutal Soviet-era predecessor, KhAD, has also become known for attacks on civilians and government critics.
Sekander, who used his social media platform to call out abuses perpetrated by both the Taliban and the Afghan government of Ashraf Ghani, has been held without trial since August. Specifically, Sekander has criticized the aerial bombardments that killed civilians and the violent night raids carried out by the KPF and other CIA-backed units operating throughout the country. These attacks on civilians have often had the effect of fueling militancy.
“I don’t understand why he was arrested. They did not tell us any reason,” Sekander’s mother, Shamal Gul, said in an interview.
“The worst criminals in this country are running around freely, but my brother was arrested just for criticizing the government on Facebook,” said Sekander’s brother Siddiqullah. In his brother’s absence, Siddiqullah is helping to look after Sekander’s six children.
Saifullah Hayat, who heads the Committee to Protect Journalists in Khost province, said in an interview that the Afghan Ministry of Information and Culture should intervene on Sekander’s behalf but has shown no interest in the case.
Patricia Gossman, an associate Asia director of Human Rights Watch, said the Afghan government a year ago promised to probe killings by the KPF and other clandestine units but has so far failed to conduct any investigation. “For nearly two decades, the Khost Protection Force has been responsible for summary executions and other abuses, including imprisoning journalists. It has never been held accountable—neither by Afghan authorities nor the U.S.,” she said.
The New York-based rights group published a 60-page report last year documenting the violence caused by CIA-backed Afghan militias, with details of 14 cases across nine provinces. The report concludes that Afghan forces trained and funded by the CIA have shown little regard for civilian life or international law. The militias are active all over the country, most recently in the provinces of Khost, Paktia, Paktika, Nangarhar, and Wardak.
Journalists based in Khost and Kabul contributed to this report, including photography, but did not want to be identified, fearing retribution from Afghan forces.


foreignpolicy--2020-11-16--For the West, There Is No Road Back to a Time Before Trump

For the West , There Is No Road Back to a Time Before Trump We can all breathe a massive sigh of relief .
The nightmare of the Trump era is coming to an end .
U.S. President-elect Joe Biden is a person of uncommon decency , integrity , and good judgment .
Vice President-elect Kamala Harris , a woman of Jamaican and Indian descent , will close the door on the misogyny and racism emanating from the White House these past four years .
Come Jan. 20 , the United States will be back as an anchor of liberal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and international teamwork .
Europeans are particularly relieved by Biden ’ s victory ; they will again have loyal and reliable friends in the White House .
Nonetheless , Europe should not expect a return to the status quo of the era before U.S. President Donald Trump .
Biden will have no choice but to focus on the homefront as he tries to govern a divided and wounded country , tame the pandemic , and bring the economy back to life .
The trans-Atlantic community is headed for better days , but much @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should be set accordingly .
One of the most important impacts of Biden ’ s victory is symbolic—in the world ’ s leading democracy , centrism and moderation have prevailed over the populist extremes .
It was indeed a close call , but the pendulum has swung back to the political center .
This result is a shot in the arm for political centrism across the Atlantic community and beyond .
Populist nationalism has by no means been defeated , but the tide has turned .
The West is making a comeback as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are its oxygen demonstrate their staying power .
Biden ’ s victory is a shot in the arm for political centrism across the Atlantic community and beyond .
The spirit of the West and its institutions are poised to rebound .
Biden is an ardent Atlanticist .
Whereas Trump repeatedly questioned the value of NATO , Biden will reaffirm the sanctity of collective defense and invest in the alliance .
Whereas Trump treated the European Union as a competitor , Biden will view Europe as a true partner .
Whereas Trump exploited Ukraine @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seek to restore its sovereignty and advance its democratic fortunes .
Biden ’ s preference for international teamwork will extend well beyond the Atlantic community .
Fighting climate change , promoting global health , advancing cybersecurity , combating violent extremism , checking nuclear proliferation—Biden fully appreciates that these and most other challenges can be effectively addressed only through multilateral cooperation .
Washington will again build coalitions , not pull them apart .
This is all good news ; America , Europe , and the rest of the world will be better off .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ woods .
The U.S. election was a close call .
Despite Trump ’ s autocratic incompetence , some 73 million Americans wanted him to have four more years .
In similar fashion , the political center has held in much of Europe—but remains dangerously vulnerable .
The task ahead therefore entails learning lessons from the Trump era , not turning our backs on it .
Otherwise , Biden will prove to be only a temporary reprieve from the false allure of illiberalism and autocracy .
Trump ’ s true colors were on full @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but he nonetheless garnered roughly 10 million more votes than he did in 2016—hardly a resounding defeat of his brand of politics .
Europeans and Americans should thus work together to address the underlying sources of the continuing appeal of the populist extremes .
A top priority is reducing economic uncertainty by taming the pandemic and mapping out the future of work in the digital era .
Another priority is coming up with immigration policies that meet the United States ’ and Europe ’ s moral obligations and economic needs but also secure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will continue to gain traction .
Conditions are not identical in the United States and Europe , but a trans-Atlantic conversation about beating COVID-19 , creating jobs , and managing migration is a must .
The more capable and active Europe becomes , the better a partner it is , and the easier it will be for Biden to beat back the Republicans ’ stubborn unilateralism .
Europeans should also prepare to shoulder more defense burdens and assume more responsibility for their own neighborhood .
Biden will continue the strategic pullback that Trump @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is past time to end the so-called forever wars in the Middle East .
Biden will also want to demonstrate to the electorate that allies are prepared to do more not when they are insulted and lectured to but when they are respected and listened to .
Countries lagging behind on defense spending—such as Italy and Germany—should pledge to increase their military budgets .
The EU should step forward with concrete initiatives to advance stability in trouble spots—including Libya , the Eastern Mediterranean , Syria , and Nagorno-Karabakh .
The more capable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a partner it is for the United States , and the easier it will be for Biden to beat back the stubborn unilateralism that has taken hold among Republicans .
Finally , as soon as Biden takes office , the United States and Europe should launch a sustained dialogue on forging a common approach to Russia and China .
Maintaining a trans-Atlantic consensus on dealing with Moscow and Beijing is an urgent priority but will not be easy .
Pressure is already mounting in Europe to scale back sanctions against Russia .
Especially @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China continue to mount , Europe may well be tempted to chart its own course—if only to preserve strong economic ties to China .
Both Moscow and Beijing will be seeking to deepen the trans-Atlantic rift that opened up during the Trump era .
Washington and its European partners should prepare to stand shoulder to shoulder and rebuff those efforts .
Biden ’ s presidency provides an opportunity not just to build back the liberal order that Americans and Europeans erected together after World War II but , as Biden likes to say @ @ @ @ @ @ @ A version of this article appeared in La Repubblica .

We can all breathe a massive sigh of relief. The nightmare of the Trump era is coming to an end. U.S. President-elect Joe Biden is a person of uncommon decency, integrity, and good judgment. Vice President-elect Kamala Harris, a woman of Jamaican and Indian descent, will close the door on the misogyny and racism emanating from the White House these past four years. Come Jan. 20, the United States will be back as an anchor of liberal and pluralist values, democratic institutions, and international teamwork.
We can all breathe a massive sigh of relief. The nightmare of the Trump era is coming to an end. U.S. President-elect Joe Biden is a person of uncommon decency, integrity, and good judgment. Vice President-elect Kamala Harris, a woman of Jamaican and Indian descent, will close the door on the misogyny and racism emanating from the White House these past four years. Come Jan. 20, the United States will be back as an anchor of liberal and pluralist values, democratic institutions, and international teamwork.
Europeans are particularly relieved by Biden’s victory; they will again have loyal and reliable friends in the White House. Nonetheless, Europe should not expect a return to the status quo of the era before U.S. President Donald Trump. Biden will have no choice but to focus on the homefront as he tries to govern a divided and wounded country, tame the pandemic, and bring the economy back to life. The trans-Atlantic community is headed for better days, but much hard work lies ahead, and expectations should be set accordingly.
One of the most important impacts of Biden’s victory is symbolic—in the world’s leading democracy, centrism and moderation have prevailed over the populist extremes. It was indeed a close call, but the pendulum has swung back to the political center. This result is a shot in the arm for political centrism across the Atlantic community and beyond. Populist nationalism has by no means been defeated, but the tide has turned. The West is making a comeback as the reasoned discourse and liberal values that are its oxygen demonstrate their staying power.
Biden’s victory is a shot in the arm for political centrism across the Atlantic community and beyond.
The spirit of the West and its institutions are poised to rebound. Biden is an ardent Atlanticist. Whereas Trump repeatedly questioned the value of NATO, Biden will reaffirm the sanctity of collective defense and invest in the alliance. Whereas Trump treated the European Union as a competitor, Biden will view Europe as a true partner. Whereas Trump exploited Ukraine for personal political gain, Biden will seek to restore its sovereignty and advance its democratic fortunes.
Biden’s preference for international teamwork will extend well beyond the Atlantic community. Fighting climate change, promoting global health, advancing cybersecurity, combating violent extremism, checking nuclear proliferation—Biden fully appreciates that these and most other challenges can be effectively addressed only through multilateral cooperation. Washington will again build coalitions, not pull them apart.
This is all good news; America, Europe, and the rest of the world will be better off. But we are hardly out of the woods. The U.S. election was a close call. Despite Trump’s autocratic incompetence, some 73 million Americans wanted him to have four more years. In similar fashion, the political center has held in much of Europe—but remains dangerously vulnerable.
The task ahead therefore entails learning lessons from the Trump era, not turning our backs on it. Otherwise, Biden will prove to be only a temporary reprieve from the false allure of illiberalism and autocracy. Trump’s true colors were on full display for the past four years, but he nonetheless garnered roughly 10 million more votes than he did in 2016—hardly a resounding defeat of his brand of politics.
Europeans and Americans should thus work together to address the underlying sources of the continuing appeal of the populist extremes. A top priority is reducing economic uncertainty by taming the pandemic and mapping out the future of work in the digital era. Another priority is coming up with immigration policies that meet the United States’ and Europe’s moral obligations and economic needs but also secure their borders. Otherwise, nativist appeals will continue to gain traction. Conditions are not identical in the United States and Europe, but a trans-Atlantic conversation about beating COVID-19, creating jobs, and managing migration is a must.
The more capable and active Europe becomes, the better a partner it is, and the easier it will be for Biden to beat back the Republicans’ stubborn unilateralism.
Europeans should also prepare to shoulder more defense burdens and assume more responsibility for their own neighborhood. Biden will continue the strategic pullback that Trump began; Democrats and Republicans agree that it is past time to end the so-called forever wars in the Middle East. Biden will also want to demonstrate to the electorate that allies are prepared to do more not when they are insulted and lectured to but when they are respected and listened to.
Countries lagging behind on defense spending—such as Italy and Germany—should pledge to increase their military budgets. The EU should step forward with concrete initiatives to advance stability in trouble spots—including Libya, the Eastern Mediterranean, Syria, and Nagorno-Karabakh. The more capable and active Europe becomes, the better a partner it is for the United States, and the easier it will be for Biden to beat back the stubborn unilateralism that has taken hold among Republicans.
Finally, as soon as Biden takes office, the United States and Europe should launch a sustained dialogue on forging a common approach to Russia and China. Maintaining a trans-Atlantic consensus on dealing with Moscow and Beijing is an urgent priority but will not be easy. Pressure is already mounting in Europe to scale back sanctions against Russia. Especially if tensions between the United States and China continue to mount, Europe may well be tempted to chart its own course—if only to preserve strong economic ties to China.
Both Moscow and Beijing will be seeking to deepen the trans-Atlantic rift that opened up during the Trump era. Washington and its European partners should prepare to stand shoulder to shoulder and rebuff those efforts.
Biden’s presidency provides an opportunity not just to build back the liberal order that Americans and Europeans erected together after World War II but, as Biden likes to say, to “build back better.”
A version of this article appeared in La Repubblica.


foreignpolicy--2020-11-16--The U.K. Is Taking an Unexpectedly Moral Foreign-Policy Stance Post-Brexit

The U.K. Is Taking an Unexpectedly Moral Foreign-Policy Stance Post-Brexit Before Brexit , U.K. foreign policy was guided by two main principles : to echo and support U.S. positions and , within those constraints , to seek to maximize economic returns from diplomatic efforts , sometimes above other considerations such as humanitarian concerns or even domestic security .
Many of the actions taken by the U.K. government in this period were couched in the language of human rights and democracy .
But a little digging revealed other possible motivations : Whether it was the unending arms contracts to U.S. allies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weapons for ambiguous purposes or whether it was the pursuit of sanctions relief to drive more business to London , Britain made hay in the wake of U.S. policy in the past two decades .
Post-Brexit and under a Trump administration that had no strategic positioning on geopolitical issues , the expectation was that the pursuit of economic returns might prevail to the detriment of all else .
But this appears to not be the case .
Instead , in the moral vacuum left by Washington in the 2017-2020 period , the new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ own voice .
And even against this difficult background , the current government speaks with an assertiveness that makes even some natural supporters of their stances feel a slight sense of trepidation .
This moral robustness by the British can serve as a lodestar for the kind of principle-led foreign policy promised by the incoming Biden administration .
The clearest examples of this new trend are the moves the British government has made recently on China .
As the evidence mounted that Huawei equipment could no longer be vetted to be secure for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ( largely a consequence of the Trump embargo on U.S. companies supplying Huawei with components ) , Prime Minister Boris Johnson announced that Huawei would be blocked from the rollout .
This was highly uncharacteristic of a country that had asked China to build its largest nuclear power plant just a few short years ago ( at Hinkley Point ) , despite there being similar security concerns involved in that project .
Then , when Beijing imposed a new National Security Law on the former British colony of Hong Kong , in violation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Declaration , which underpinned the handover of the territory in the 1990s , the British government announced that it would provide visas and a pathway to British citizenship to millions of Hong Kongers , in the face of very explicit threats of retaliation from Beijing .
Continued efforts of intimidation by Beijing have not been met with meek compliance , as they did in the past when Prime Minister David Cameron had to atone for meeting the Dalai Lama with an extensive tour of China focused exclusively on striking business deals .
Instead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on a full-throated defense of the values of human rights and democracy by raising the profile of its advocacy on behalf of the Uighur minority currently under assault in China .
Nor are these developments focused exclusively on China—where the U.K. government knew it could rely implicitly on Donald Trump ’ s backing .
After ample evidence of repeated Russian interference in U.K. democratic votes , from the Scottish independence referendum in 2014 to the December 2019 general election , and after the relatively docile and subdued response to Moscow poisoning Russian dissidents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the U.K. with substances banned under international treaties , the new British foreign secretary has finally announced plans for a highly effective Magnitsky Act in the U.K. , a move that will at long last hamper the flow of Russian oligarch money through London , seriously reducing this vector of power and influence for the Kremlin and its friends .
The British left has long tended to be a dove in foreign affairs .
The sole exception to this was Tony Blair .
But after the ill-fated adventurism and catastrophically poor execution @ @ @ @ @ @ @ alliance , even the otherwise hawkish Conservatives felt chastened .
Cameron was apprehensive about getting involved in Syria in 2013 , when Bashar al-Assad ’ s regime crossed then-U.S. President Barack Obama ’ s red lines on chemical weapons , so he went to Parliament to ask for permission .
Parliament was predictably unwilling to get involved in the region so soon after the insurgency in Iraq .
Though he did not advertise it publicly , Cameron was likely relieved .
But other Conservatives retained their hawkish instincts even during that time , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ under Johnson : Military veterans like Tom Tugendhat and Iain Duncan Smith , and some others who had been Conservative frontbenchers long before Cameron even got to be a member of Parliament , seem to be in the ascendancy as leading China watchers .
China and Russia , in particular , have been working hard over the past decade to prove Western hawks like them , and like the neoconservatives in the United States , correct .
Yet the resurgence of British Conservative hawkishness is intimately tied with Brexit .
The people who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highly assertive Britain ( or , as the slogan goes , “ Global Britain ” ) are the people who are in office at this pivotal time—largely because they persuaded the British people of the merits of Brexit back in 2016 .
They may yet turn out to have been wrong about Brexit , but they have certainly been proved correct about Beijing and Moscow .
The British are not the only Europeans who have found a stronger , more independent voice in recent years .
Perhaps the first European leader to gain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his robust engagement with foreign affairs was Emmanuel Macron .
And though France ’ s military efforts do not feature extensively in the global news cycle , Macron ’ s words have not been empty .
He is responsible for a substantial surge of French involvement in Africa in general and the Sahel region in particular .
The Sahel is a particularly fertile ground for jihadis , and the main reason why neither Boko Haram nor the Malian al Qaeda nor the Islamic State in Libya nor the plethora of other similar groups @ @ @ @ @ @ @ state in the region is largely due to the French military .
But when it comes to globally relevant state rivals , like China or Russia , France does not feel as if it can stand on its own .
Yes , Macron successfully rebuffed Russian efforts to intervene in French elections , unlike the United States in 2016 , but by and large , Paris will not act except in concert with Germany via European Union structures , and Germany is simply not interested in taking a strong stance on these issues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very deliberate stance of “ trade comes first , ” while on Russia , the Germans are split , with a good half of the political establishment in the country being bona fide Russophiles .
The contrast on this issue between the Europeans and the core Anglosphere world outside the United States—the so-called CANZUK group made up of Canada , Australia , New Zealand , and the U.K.—during these past four years has been stark .
Despite the old historical tropes of the Anglosphere countries being “ pragmatic ” and “ morally flexible @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were more flexible and transactional in this period , without the same willingness to stand on their own two feet without the backing of the United States , while the Anglosphere countries have consistently stood up for the rules-based international order .
Most surprisingly , given the backdrop of Brexit , the loudest voice was that of the U.K .
It is a very hopeful development that one of the traditional champions of human rights and democracy on the international stage has regained its voice , especially in the moral vacuum left by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ posed by a post-Brexit world .
Just as Brexit was a foreshock of the populist earthquakes to come , so too may Britain ’ s new stance be a forerunner of U.S. policy .
President-elect Joe Biden has won the bitterly fought 2020 presidential election in the United States , and now the United States must start rebuilding—inevitably , at home at first .
But international rebuilding must also start soon if the U.S. global defense strategy is to survive the damage done by the Trump years .
The only plausible way for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ global prestige and authority is to return to the basic tenets of the postwar settlement : Washington must once again become the global promoter of a rules-based global order built on the foundations of universal human rights , and it will likely have to reinvent the Bretton Woods system to achieve this .
When this work begins , the U.K. will once again appear to have led the way , and the U.K.-U.S. nexus will once again be the natural and essential backbone of this new global order—just as it was in 1944 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it is no coincidence that the first European leader whom Biden called after he won the election was none other than Prime Minister Boris Johnson .

Before Brexit, U.K. foreign policy was guided by two main principles: to echo and support U.S. positions and, within those constraints, to seek to maximize economic returns from diplomatic efforts, sometimes above other considerations such as humanitarian concerns or even domestic security. Many of the actions taken by the U.K. government in this period were couched in the language of human rights and democracy. But a little digging revealed other possible motivations: Whether it was the unending arms contracts to U.S. allies that were intending to use those very weapons for ambiguous purposes or whether it was the pursuit of sanctions relief to drive more business to London, Britain made hay in the wake of U.S. policy in the past two decades.
Before Brexit, U.K. foreign policy was guided by two main principles: to echo and support U.S. positions and, within those constraints, to seek to maximize economic returns from diplomatic efforts, sometimes above other considerations such as humanitarian concerns or even domestic security. Many of the actions taken by the U.K. government in this period were couched in the language of human rights and democracy. But a little digging revealed other possible motivations: Whether it was the unending arms contracts to U.S. allies that were intending to use those very weapons for ambiguous purposes or whether it was the pursuit of sanctions relief to drive more business to London, Britain made hay in the wake of U.S. policy in the past two decades.
Post-Brexit and under a Trump administration that had no strategic positioning on geopolitical issues, the expectation was that the pursuit of economic returns might prevail to the detriment of all else. But this appears to not be the case. Instead, in the moral vacuum left by Washington in the 2017-2020 period, the new British government seems to have found its own voice. And even against this difficult background, the current government speaks with an assertiveness that makes even some natural supporters of their stances feel a slight sense of trepidation. This moral robustness by the British can serve as a lodestar for the kind of principle-led foreign policy promised by the incoming Biden administration.
The clearest examples of this new trend are the moves the British government has made recently on China. As the evidence mounted that Huawei equipment could no longer be vetted to be secure for deployment in Britain’s 5G network (largely a consequence of the Trump embargo on U.S. companies supplying Huawei with components), Prime Minister Boris Johnson announced that Huawei would be blocked from the rollout. This was highly uncharacteristic of a country that had asked China to build its largest nuclear power plant just a few short years ago (at Hinkley Point), despite there being similar security concerns involved in that project.
Then, when Beijing imposed a new National Security Law on the former British colony of Hong Kong, in violation of the provisions of the Sino-British Joint Declaration, which underpinned the handover of the territory in the 1990s, the British government announced that it would provide visas and a pathway to British citizenship to millions of Hong Kongers, in the face of very explicit threats of retaliation from Beijing.
Continued efforts of intimidation by Beijing have not been met with meek compliance, as they did in the past when Prime Minister David Cameron had to atone for meeting the Dalai Lama with an extensive tour of China focused exclusively on striking business deals. Instead, this British government has doubled down on a full-throated defense of the values of human rights and democracy by raising the profile of its advocacy on behalf of the Uighur minority currently under assault in China.
Nor are these developments focused exclusively on China—where the U.K. government knew it could rely implicitly on Donald Trump’s backing. After ample evidence of repeated Russian interference in U.K. democratic votes, from the Scottish independence referendum in 2014 to the December 2019 general election, and after the relatively docile and subdued response to Moscow poisoning Russian dissidents and even British citizens on the streets of the U.K. with substances banned under international treaties, the new British foreign secretary has finally announced plans for a highly effective Magnitsky Act in the U.K., a move that will at long last hamper the flow of Russian oligarch money through London, seriously reducing this vector of power and influence for the Kremlin and its friends.
The British left has long tended to be a dove in foreign affairs. The sole exception to this was Tony Blair. But after the ill-fated adventurism and catastrophically poor execution of the Iraq War by the U.S.-U.K. alliance, even the otherwise hawkish Conservatives felt chastened. Cameron was apprehensive about getting involved in Syria in 2013, when Bashar al-Assad’s regime crossed then-U.S. President Barack Obama’s red lines on chemical weapons, so he went to Parliament to ask for permission. Parliament was predictably unwilling to get involved in the region so soon after the insurgency in Iraq. Though he did not advertise it publicly, Cameron was likely relieved.
But other Conservatives retained their hawkish instincts even during that time, and these instincts seem to be resurfacing under Johnson: Military veterans like Tom Tugendhat and Iain Duncan Smith, and some others who had been Conservative frontbenchers long before Cameron even got to be a member of Parliament, seem to be in the ascendancy as leading China watchers. China and Russia, in particular, have been working hard over the past decade to prove Western hawks like them, and like the neoconservatives in the United States, correct.
Yet the resurgence of British Conservative hawkishness is intimately tied with Brexit. The people who have a vision of an independent and highly assertive Britain (or, as the slogan goes, “Global Britain”) are the people who are in office at this pivotal time—largely because they persuaded the British people of the merits of Brexit back in 2016. They may yet turn out to have been wrong about Brexit, but they have certainly been proved correct about Beijing and Moscow.
The British are not the only Europeans who have found a stronger, more independent voice in recent years. Perhaps the first European leader to gain a lot of prominence and respect for his robust engagement with foreign affairs was Emmanuel Macron. And though France’s military efforts do not feature extensively in the global news cycle, Macron’s words have not been empty. He is responsible for a substantial surge of French involvement in Africa in general and the Sahel region in particular. The Sahel is a particularly fertile ground for jihadis, and the main reason why neither Boko Haram nor the Malian al Qaeda nor the Islamic State in Libya nor the plethora of other similar groups have managed to install an Islamic State-style state in the region is largely due to the French military.
But when it comes to globally relevant state rivals, like China or Russia, France does not feel as if it can stand on its own. Yes, Macron successfully rebuffed Russian efforts to intervene in French elections, unlike the United States in 2016, but by and large, Paris will not act except in concert with Germany via European Union structures, and Germany is simply not interested in taking a strong stance on these issues: On China, Berlin maintains a very deliberate stance of “trade comes first,” while on Russia, the Germans are split, with a good half of the political establishment in the country being bona fide Russophiles.
The contrast on this issue between the Europeans and the core Anglosphere world outside the United States—the so-called CANZUK group made up of Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and the U.K.—during these past four years has been stark. Despite the old historical tropes of the Anglosphere countries being “pragmatic” and “morally flexible,” it was the Europeans who were more flexible and transactional in this period, without the same willingness to stand on their own two feet without the backing of the United States, while the Anglosphere countries have consistently stood up for the rules-based international order. Most surprisingly, given the backdrop of Brexit, the loudest voice was that of the U.K.
It is a very hopeful development that one of the traditional champions of human rights and democracy on the international stage has regained its voice, especially in the moral vacuum left by the Trump administration—and despite the economic threats posed by a post-Brexit world.
Just as Brexit was a foreshock of the populist earthquakes to come, so too may Britain’s new stance be a forerunner of U.S. policy. President-elect Joe Biden has won the bitterly fought 2020 presidential election in the United States, and now the United States must start rebuilding—inevitably, at home at first. But international rebuilding must also start soon if the U.S. global defense strategy is to survive the damage done by the Trump years.
The only plausible way for Washington to reconstruct some of its lost global prestige and authority is to return to the basic tenets of the postwar settlement: Washington must once again become the global promoter of a rules-based global order built on the foundations of universal human rights, and it will likely have to reinvent the Bretton Woods system to achieve this. When this work begins, the U.K. will once again appear to have led the way, and the U.K.-U.S. nexus will once again be the natural and essential backbone of this new global order—just as it was in 1944 and the postwar era. Perhaps then, it is no coincidence that the first European leader whom Biden called after he won the election was none other than Prime Minister Boris Johnson.


foreignpolicy--2020-11-16--British and EU Negotiators Meet in Brussels to Force Brexit Breakthrough

British and EU Negotiators Meet in Brussels to Force Brexit Breakthrough Here is today ’ s Foreign Policy brief : Brexit negotiating teams meet today in Brussels , Tigrayan forces strike Eritrea , Peru ’ s interim president resigns , and the world this week .
If you would like to receive Morning Brief in your inbox every weekday , please sign up here .
The European Union and United Kingdom continue trade talks in Brussels today , following months of stalled debates and stalemate .
At this point there have probably been more “ pivotal ” weeks over the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ European Union member states , so what makes this time different ?
The most important factor is time , and the lack of it .
The so-called transition period for Britain and the EU ends on Dec. 31 , bringing in a new era of trade relations .
The next few days will decide whether that era is relatively smooth or chaotic in the event of a no-deal outcome .
Time also weighs on the European parliament , which ultimately has to read the draft deal ( after it ’ s been translated @ @ @ @ @ @ @ languages ) and approve it before that end of year deadline .
Adding more urgency to today ’ s talks is a new deadline : Thursday Nov. 19 , when heads of EU member states meet via videoconference to discuss COVID-19 and have an opportunity to go over a draft deal , if there is one .
A new approach ?
The departure of senior aides Lee Cain and Dominic Cummings , both fervent Brexiteers , from 10 Downing Street last week has raised expectations that Britain ’ s approach may soften and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That hope should be tempered by the fact that the membership of Johnson ’ s cabinet—and indeed his political mandate following last year ’ s general election—implied an anti-EU direction from the beginning , making a change in tone unlikely .
That was underlined by Britain ’ s chief negotiator David Frost Twitter thread on Sunday .
To Frost , the only deal that ’ s possible “ is one that is compatible with our sovereignty and takes back control of our laws , our trade , and our waters .
That has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and I will not be changing it.
” Boris in isolation .
European leaders are beginning to show exasperation with Britain ’ s position , as the two sides continue to hash out a deal on fisheries , state aid , and “ regression clauses ” that set minimum standards each side must uphold .
“ We need a clear idea from Boris Johnson now and I think it ’ s now time for leadership , ” Manfred Weber , the leader of the largest party in the European parliament told British radio @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Johnson will be leading from behind a computer screen , as he is currently self-isolating after a possible coronavirus exposure .
( Although Johnson contracted a severe case of the virus earlier this year and fully recovered—meaning he likely has antibodies—he said he would follow government directives , given the lack of certainty about long-term immunity in previously-infected patients . )
After the deal .
If a deal is reached , that won ’ t be the end of the acrimony .
Writing in Politico , Emilio Casalicchio outlines what could be next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , including economic warfare .
On Monday , Nov. 16 , U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo begins a week of travel with a visit to France to meet with French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian and French President Emmanuel Macron .
He then heads to Turkey to meet with religious leaders , although no meetings with Turkish officials are planned .
A lame-duck session in the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate convenes .
Caucus leadership elections begin November 18 .
On Tuesday , Nov. 17 , U.S. Secretary of State Mike @ @ @ @ @ @ @ counterpart David Zalkaliani , President Salome Zourabichvili , Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia and Patriarch of the Georgian Orthodox Church , Ilia II .
On Wednesday , Nov. 18 , U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo visits Israel .
Pompeo is expected to meet with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu , Defense Minister Benny Gantz , and Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi .
A hearing takes place in New York in the case of General Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda , Mexico ’ s defense minister from 2012 to 2018 .
Zepeda faces charges of drug trafficking and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ On Thursday , Nov. 19 , Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Moderna CEO Stephane Bancel speak at the Bloomberg New Economy Forum .
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo travels to the United Arab Emirates , Qatar , and Saudi Arabia .
European Union leaders meet virtually to discuss the coronavirus as cases continue to rise across Europe .
Discussions on trade negotiations between the U.K. and EU may also take place .
A report looking into possible war crimes committed by Australian forces in Afghanistan , led by Justice Paul Brereton @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nov. 22 , Voters in Burkina Faso elect the country ’ s president and 127 members to the National Assembly .
A referendum on constitutional changes may also take place alongside the election .
Ethiopian fighting goes international .
Tigrayan forces under heavy assault from Ethiopian federal forces appear to have opened a new , foreign front in Ethiopia ’ s civil war after they admitted to firing rockets across an international border at Eritrea ’ s airport in Asmara .
Tigray leader Debretsion Gebremichael has accused Eritrea of sending tanks and personnel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Appearing to respond to Debretsion , Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed tweeted that Ethiopia could fight in Tigray “ by itself.
” U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Tibor Nagy has condemned the Tigrayan attack on Eritrea ’ s airport , calling it “ unjustifiable.
” In a wide-ranging dispatch in Foreign Policy , Nizar Manek and Mohamed Kheir Omer report that Eritrea is hosting the Ethiopian military on its territory , although it is unclear whether Eritrean forces are involved in fighting .
Ultimately , they argue , it is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the war , due to Khartoum ’ s negotiating leverage on issues crucial to Ethiopia and its ability to cut off supply routes to landlocked Tigray .
Peru looking for third president this month .
Peru ’ s interim president , Manuel Merino , resigned on Sunday after less than a week in charge following the deaths of two people in protests sparked by the impeachment of former President Martín Vizcarra .
It is now up the country ’ s Congress , which had only chosen Merino last Monday , to choose a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any wrongdoing in a bribery case that led to his ousting , calling his impeachment illegal .
His appeal against his removal from office begins today .
Sandu wins in Moldova .
Maia Sandu defeated incumbent President Igor Dodon in Moldova ’ s presidential election on Sunday , according to the country ’ s electoral commission .
Sandu , who favors closer ties to the European Union and who would be the first woman in the country ’ s history to win the presidency , won a two-way runoff with 56 percent of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ disappointment for Russian President Vladimir Putin , who had urged Moldovans to back Dodon for a second term .
Cyprus split ?
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called for Cyprus to be split permanently during a visit to the island over the weekend .
Erdogan met with the Turkish Cypriot leader Ersin Tatar , whom he had backed in recent elections in the northern part of the island .
Erdogan added that Tatar would soon visit Azerbaijan , which suggests the country could soon join Turkey as only the second nation in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Northern Cyprus .
“ Ankara has absolutely no respect for international law , European principles and values , and its obligations towards the EU , ” the Cypriot presidency said in a statement reacting to Erdogan ’ s comments .
WFP sounds alarm .
David Beasley , the head of the UN World Food Programme has warned that without adequate funding “ we are going to have famines of biblical proportions in 2021.
” According to an analysis by WFP and the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization , 20 countries “ are likely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ food insecurity , ” with Yemen , South Sudan , Nigeria , and Burkina Faso especially vulnerable after years of conflict .
Coronavirus on food .
Chinese authorities in the city of Jinan said they have found coronavirus on imported meat and its packaging from Argentina , Bolivia , Brazil , and New Zealand .
The detection was part of a new focus on frozen foods after coronavirus was found on the packaging of imported meat in Jiangsu , Shandong , and Wuhan .
Amazon may be powerful enough to get away with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ international borders is likely a step too far , despite the inadvertent efforts of the company ’ s online customer service team .
Replying to a frustrated customer in Northern Ireland wishing to watch a rugby match on Amazon ’ s streaming service , the helpline unwittingly took a side in one of the world ’ s longest running geopolitical conflicts and told the customer that the reason he couldn ’ t see the game was because it was only available for viewing in the United Kingdom .
Amazon ’ s response quickly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to ask the company to help cancel Northern Ireland ’ s nearly 100-year-old membership in the United Kingdom , as it had been “ automatically signed up.
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Send your tips , comments , questions , or corrections to morningbrief @ foreignpolicy.com .

Here is today’s Foreign Policy brief: Brexit negotiating teams meet today in Brussels, Tigrayan forces strike Eritrea , Peru ’s interim president resigns, and the world this week.
Here is today’s Foreign Policy brief: Brexit negotiating teams meet today in Brussels, Tigrayan forces strike Eritrea, Peru’s interim president resigns, and the world this week.
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Brexit Negotiations Are Running Out Of Time
The European Union and United Kingdom continue trade talks in Brussels today, following months of stalled debates and stalemate. At this point there have probably been more “pivotal” weeks over the course of Brexit negotiations than there are European Union member states, so what makes this time different?
The most important factor is time, and the lack of it. The so-called transition period for Britain and the EU ends on Dec. 31, bringing in a new era of trade relations. The next few days will decide whether that era is relatively smooth or chaotic in the event of a no-deal outcome. Time also weighs on the European parliament, which ultimately has to read the draft deal (after it’s been translated into the bloc’s 24 official languages) and approve it before that end of year deadline.
Adding more urgency to today’s talks is a new deadline: Thursday Nov. 19, when heads of EU member states meet via videoconference to discuss COVID-19 and have an opportunity to go over a draft deal, if there is one.
A new approach? The departure of senior aides Lee Cain and Dominic Cummings, both fervent Brexiteers, from 10 Downing Street last week has raised expectations that Britain’s approach may soften and a deal may get done quickly. That hope should be tempered by the fact that the membership of Johnson’s cabinet—and indeed his political mandate following last year’s general election—implied an anti-EU direction from the beginning, making a change in tone unlikely.
That was underlined by Britain’s chief negotiator David Frost Twitter thread on Sunday. To Frost, the only deal that’s possible “is one that is compatible with our sovereignty and takes back control of our laws, our trade, and our waters. That has been our consistent position from the start and I will not be changing it.”
Boris in isolation. European leaders are beginning to show exasperation with Britain’s position, as the two sides continue to hash out a deal on fisheries, state aid, and “regression clauses” that set minimum standards each side must uphold. “We need a clear idea from Boris Johnson now and I think it’s now time for leadership,” Manfred Weber, the leader of the largest party in the European parliament told British radio on Friday.
For now, Boris Johnson will be leading from behind a computer screen, as he is currently self-isolating after a possible coronavirus exposure. (Although Johnson contracted a severe case of the virus earlier this year and fully recovered—meaning he likely has antibodies—he said he would follow government directives, given the lack of certainty about long-term immunity in previously-infected patients.)
After the deal. If a deal is reached, that won’t be the end of the acrimony. Writing in Politico, Emilio Casalicchio outlines what could be next in the relationship between the two sides, including economic warfare.
The World This Week
On Monday, Nov. 16, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo begins a week of travel with a visit to France to meet with French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian and French President Emmanuel Macron. He then heads to Turkey to meet with religious leaders, although no meetings with Turkish officials are planned.
A lame-duck session in the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate convenes. Caucus leadership elections begin November 18.
On Tuesday, Nov. 17, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo visits Georgia and meets with his counterpart David Zalkaliani, President Salome Zourabichvili, Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia and Patriarch of the Georgian Orthodox Church, Ilia II.
Barack Obama’s presidential memoir is released.
On Wednesday, Nov. 18, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo visits Israel. Pompeo is expected to meet with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Defense Minister Benny Gantz, and Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi.
A hearing takes place in New York in the case of General Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda, Mexico’s defense minister from 2012 to 2018. Zepeda faces charges of drug trafficking and laundering money while holding public office.
On Thursday, Nov. 19, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and Moderna CEO Stephane Bancel speak at the Bloomberg New Economy Forum.
U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo travels to the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia.
European Union leaders meet virtually to discuss the coronavirus as cases continue to rise across Europe. Discussions on trade negotiations between the U.K. and EU may also take place.
A report looking into possible war crimes committed by Australian forces in Afghanistan, led by Justice Paul Brereton, is released.
On Saturday, Nov. 21, Saudi Arabia hosts the annual G-20 summit (held virtually).
On Sunday, Nov. 22, Voters in Burkina Faso elect the country’s president and 127 members to the National Assembly. A referendum on constitutional changes may also take place alongside the election.
What We’re Following Today
Ethiopian fighting goes international. Tigrayan forces under heavy assault from Ethiopian federal forces appear to have opened a new, foreign front in Ethiopia’s civil war after they admitted to firing rockets across an international border at Eritrea’s airport in Asmara. Tigray leader Debretsion Gebremichael has accused Eritrea of sending tanks and personnel over its southern border into Tigray. Appearing to respond to Debretsion, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed tweeted that Ethiopia could fight in Tigray “by itself.” U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Tibor Nagy has condemned the Tigrayan attack on Eritrea’s airport, calling it “unjustifiable.”
In a wide-ranging dispatch in Foreign Policy, Nizar Manek and Mohamed Kheir Omer report that Eritrea is hosting the Ethiopian military on its territory, although it is unclear whether Eritrean forces are involved in fighting. Ultimately, they argue, it is Sudan—not Eritrea—that will determine the outcome of the war, due to Khartoum’s negotiating leverage on issues crucial to Ethiopia and its ability to cut off supply routes to landlocked Tigray.
Peru looking for third president this month. Peru’s interim president, Manuel Merino, resigned on Sunday after less than a week in charge following the deaths of two people in protests sparked by the impeachment of former President Martín Vizcarra. It is now up the country’s Congress, which had only chosen Merino last Monday, to choose a new interim president. Vizcarra has denied any wrongdoing in a bribery case that led to his ousting, calling his impeachment illegal. His appeal against his removal from office begins today.
Sandu wins in Moldova. Maia Sandu defeated incumbent President Igor Dodon in Moldova’s presidential election on Sunday, according to the country’s electoral commission. Sandu, who favors closer ties to the European Union and who would be the first woman in the country’s history to win the presidency, won a two-way runoff with 56 percent of the vote. The election is a disappointment for Russian President Vladimir Putin, who had urged Moldovans to back Dodon for a second term.
Keep an Eye On
Cyprus split? Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called for Cyprus to be split permanently during a visit to the island over the weekend. Erdogan met with the Turkish Cypriot leader Ersin Tatar, whom he had backed in recent elections in the northern part of the island. Erdogan added that Tatar would soon visit Azerbaijan, which suggests the country could soon join Turkey as only the second nation in the world to recognize the independence of Northern Cyprus. “Ankara has absolutely no respect for international law, European principles and values, and its obligations towards the EU,” the Cypriot presidency said in a statement reacting to Erdogan’s comments.
WFP sounds alarm. David Beasley, the head of the UN World Food Programme has warned that without adequate funding “we are going to have famines of biblical proportions in 2021.” According to an analysis by WFP and the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization, 20 countries “are likely to face potential spikes in high acute food insecurity,” with Yemen, South Sudan, Nigeria, and Burkina Faso especially vulnerable after years of conflict.
Coronavirus on food. Chinese authorities in the city of Jinan said they have found coronavirus on imported meat and its packaging from Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, and New Zealand. The detection was part of a new focus on frozen foods after coronavirus was found on the packaging of imported meat in Jiangsu, Shandong, and Wuhan.
Odds and Ends
Amazon may be powerful enough to get away with a light tax bill, but erasing international borders is likely a step too far, despite the inadvertent efforts of the company’s online customer service team. Replying to a frustrated customer in Northern Ireland wishing to watch a rugby match on Amazon’s streaming service, the helpline unwittingly took a side in one of the world’s longest running geopolitical conflicts and told the customer that the reason he couldn’t see the game was because it was only available for viewing in the United Kingdom. Amazon’s response quickly went viral, causing gleeful Irish nationalists to ask the company to help cancel Northern Ireland’s nearly 100-year-old membership in the United Kingdom, as it had been “automatically signed up.”
That’s it for today.
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