foreignpolicy--2020-04-20--North Korea Continues to Flout Trump, Advance Nuclear Ambitions

North Korea continues to advance its nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs , illicitly import fuel and other prohibited items , and stock up on luxury goods in defiance of United Nations sanctions , underscoring the limits of U.S. President Donald Trump ’ s high-profile diplomatic campaign , according to a report by a U.N. panel of experts on sanctions against North Korea .
North Korea “ did not halt its illicit nuclear and ballistic missile programmes , which it continued to enhance , in violation of Security Council resolutions , ” according to the U.N. report , which tracks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be made public in the coming days .
“ It continued maintenance and construction of nuclear facilities , though it declared no nuclear tests and carried out no intercontinental ballistic missile launches.
” In June 2018 , Trump held an unprecedented summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in Singapore in hopes of negotiating an agreement that would result in the dismantlement of Pyongyang ’ s nuclear weapons program in exchange for sanctions relief and U.S. security guarantees .
The two leaders would meet two more times—once in Hanoi in February 2019 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Demilitarized Zone separating North and South Korea—making Trump the first U.S. president to touch ground on North Korean soil .
But the high-profile meetings failed to produce an agreement .
The following month , North Korea began resuming its ballistic missile activities , launching two short-range missiles .
By the end of 2019 , North Korea had fired at least 25 ballistic missiles in 13 launches , including tests of new short-range and submarine-launched ballistic missiles .
It also continued to develop infrastructure for the expansion of its nuclear weapons and domestic missile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of U.N.-banned trade deals that have previously been used to fund its illicit military operations , according to the report .
The Trump administration has largely downplayed the significance of the missile tests , noting that a North Korean moratorium on nuclear and intercontinental ballistic missile tests is still holding .
Kim imposed the moratorium more than two years ago , at a time when the two leaders began participating in an unprecedented , though ultimately unsuccessful , round of direct talks .
Kim , however , announced late last year that he @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as his diplomatic engagement with the United States had not resulted in the sanctions relief he anticipated .
The U.N. Security Council first imposed sanctions on Oct. 14 , 2006 , five days after Pyongyang detonated its first underground nuclear test , in an effort to compel the government to eliminate its nuclear weapons program .
The sanctions—which initially targeted North Korea ’ s nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs—have since been expanded to include key economic sectors , part of an effort to constrain the government ’ s ability to raise revenues @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nuclear and ballistic missile programs .
But North Korea has proved particularly skilled at evading those sanctions .
The U.N. panel documented concerns over a wide range of schemes aimed at breaching the sanctions , from the establishment of financial front companies that conceal banned transactions to the export of North Korean workers , including manual laborers , doctors , information technology specialists , and athletes , who earn income abroad , much of which is siphoned off by Pyongyang .
The U.N. inadvertently posted the report , which is due out later @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a few hours on Friday before taking it down .
The findings were previously reported by NK News , which posted a copy of the report on its website .
“ The Democratic People ’ s Republic of Korea continued to flout Security Council resolutions through illicit maritime exports of commodities , notably coal and sand , ” the U.N. panel wrote in the 267-page report , using the formal name for North Korea , the Democratic People ’ s Republic of Korea ( DPRK ) .
“ Such sales provide a revenue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ country ’ s nuclear and ballistic missile programmes.
” The U.N. panel claimed that North Korea also violated a U.N.-imposed cap on the import of more than 500,000 barrels of refined petroleum products .
North Korea has employed a variety of evasion techniques to avoid detection of such illicit imports , relying on North Korean ships and increasingly turning to a fleet of foreign-flagged vessels with checkered histories .
North Korea “ widely employs illicit means to import refined petroleum products , ” according to a U.S. non-paper cited by the U.N. panel @ @ @ @ @ @ @ DPRK imports volumes of refined petroleum that far exceed the 500,000 barrel per annum limitation ” imposed by the U.N. Security Council in December 2017 .
The report said vessels delivering banned goods to North Korea have routinely ceased transmitting their coordinates on the internationally recognized AIS tracking network before entering North Korean waters , making them virtually invisible to international monitoring .
Other foreign vessels surreptitiously transfer their cargo to North Korean vessels on the high seas , evading detection .
According to the U.S. non-paper , North Korea imported more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jan. 1 , 2019 , and Oct. 31 , 2019 .
Most of the fuel was unloaded at the North Korean port of Nampo by North Korean vessels .
But foreign vessels registered in Panama , Sierra Leone , Togo , and Vietnam accounted for a growing portion of illicit imports , delivering more than 1.5 million barrels over the same period .
The U.N. panel documented a brisk international business in the illicit export of prohibited luxury goods to North Korea , including expensive watches , cognac , brandy , vodka , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Lexus LX 570s—the Japanese car-maker ’ s $ 90,000 , top-of-the-line SUV—which were observed in a November 2019 photograph alongside Kim .
The panel also conducted a wide-ranging investigation into the journey of two Mercedes-Benz S-Class 600 sedans from a factory in Germany through a raft of middlemen in Italy ; Rotterdam , Netherlands ; Osaka , Japan ; and Busan , South Korea , before being loaded onto a vessel that shut off its AIS after leaving port .
They later appeared in a photograph in North Korea .
The report @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are having an “ unintended negative impact ” on North Korea ’ s civilian population , undercutting livelihoods for those employed in industries hit by sanctions , including thousands of overseas workers who can no longer legally work abroad .
The economic hardships , meanwhile , have only boosted the control of government elites over the country ’ s increasingly scarce resources , while sanctions have disrupted medical supply chains , furthering weakening a “ chronically underfunded and inadequate health-care system , ” and dissuaded financial institutions from working with U.N. and private @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Financial institutions and private-sector entities continue to refrain from transactions tied to a high-risk jurisdiction , ” the report stated .
“ The collapse of the United Nations banking channel and the subsequent lack of access to consistent and reliable financing jeopardizes supply chain operations and results in projects being suspended or stopped altogether .
”

North Korea continues to advance its nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs, illicitly import fuel and other prohibited items, and stock up on luxury goods in defiance of United Nations sanctions, underscoring the limits of U.S. President Donald Trump’s high-profile diplomatic campaign, according to a report by a U.N. panel of experts on sanctions against North Korea.
North Korea continues to advance its nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs, illicitly import fuel and other prohibited items, and stock up on luxury goods in defiance of United Nations sanctions, underscoring the limits of U.S. President Donald Trump’s high-profile diplomatic campaign, according to a report by a U.N. panel of experts on sanctions against North Korea.
North Korea “did not halt its illicit nuclear and ballistic missile programmes, which it continued to enhance, in violation of Security Council resolutions,” according to the U.N. report, which tracks developments in 2019 and is expected to be made public in the coming days. “It continued maintenance and construction of nuclear facilities, though it declared no nuclear tests and carried out no intercontinental ballistic missile launches.”
In June 2018, Trump held an unprecedented summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in Singapore in hopes of negotiating an agreement that would result in the dismantlement of Pyongyang’s nuclear weapons program in exchange for sanctions relief and U.S. security guarantees. The two leaders would meet two more times—once in Hanoi in February 2019 and finally in June 2019 in the Demilitarized Zone separating North and South Korea—making Trump the first U.S. president to touch ground on North Korean soil. But the high-profile meetings failed to produce an agreement. The following month, North Korea began resuming its ballistic missile activities, launching two short-range missiles.
By the end of 2019, North Korea had fired at least 25 ballistic missiles in 13 launches, including tests of new short-range and submarine-launched ballistic missiles. It also continued to develop infrastructure for the expansion of its nuclear weapons and domestic missile industry and to engage in a series of U.N.-banned trade deals that have previously been used to fund its illicit military operations, according to the report.
The Trump administration has largely downplayed the significance of the missile tests, noting that a North Korean moratorium on nuclear and intercontinental ballistic missile tests is still holding. Kim imposed the moratorium more than two years ago, at a time when the two leaders began participating in an unprecedented, though ultimately unsuccessful, round of direct talks. Kim, however, announced late last year that he no longer felt bound by the moratorium as his diplomatic engagement with the United States had not resulted in the sanctions relief he anticipated.
The U.N. Security Council first imposed sanctions on Oct. 14, 2006, five days after Pyongyang detonated its first underground nuclear test, in an effort to compel the government to eliminate its nuclear weapons program.
The sanctions—which initially targeted North Korea’s nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs—have since been expanded to include key economic sectors, part of an effort to constrain the government’s ability to raise revenues that could be used to support its nuclear and ballistic missile programs. But North Korea has proved particularly skilled at evading those sanctions.
The U.N. panel documented concerns over a wide range of schemes aimed at breaching the sanctions, from the establishment of financial front companies that conceal banned transactions to the export of North Korean workers, including manual laborers, doctors, information technology specialists, and athletes, who earn income abroad, much of which is siphoned off by Pyongyang. The U.N. inadvertently posted the report, which is due out later this week, on its website for a few hours on Friday before taking it down. The findings were previously reported by NK News, which posted a copy of the report on its website.
“The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea continued to flout Security Council resolutions through illicit maritime exports of commodities, notably coal and sand,” the U.N. panel wrote in the 267-page report, using the formal name for North Korea, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). “Such sales provide a revenue stream that has historically contributed to the country’s nuclear and ballistic missile programmes.”
The U.N. panel claimed that North Korea also violated a U.N.-imposed cap on the import of more than 500,000 barrels of refined petroleum products. North Korea has employed a variety of evasion techniques to avoid detection of such illicit imports, relying on North Korean ships and increasingly turning to a fleet of foreign-flagged vessels with checkered histories.
North Korea “widely employs illicit means to import refined petroleum products,” according to a U.S. non-paper cited by the U.N. panel. “As a result, the DPRK imports volumes of refined petroleum that far exceed the 500,000 barrel per annum limitation” imposed by the U.N. Security Council in December 2017.
The report said vessels delivering banned goods to North Korea have routinely ceased transmitting their coordinates on the internationally recognized AIS tracking network before entering North Korean waters, making them virtually invisible to international monitoring. Other foreign vessels surreptitiously transfer their cargo to North Korean vessels on the high seas, evading detection.
According to the U.S. non-paper, North Korea imported more than 3.89 million barrels of refined petroleum between Jan. 1, 2019, and Oct. 31, 2019. Most of the fuel was unloaded at the North Korean port of Nampo by North Korean vessels. But foreign vessels registered in Panama, Sierra Leone, Togo, and Vietnam accounted for a growing portion of illicit imports, delivering more than 1.5 million barrels over the same period.
The U.N. panel documented a brisk international business in the illicit export of prohibited luxury goods to North Korea, including expensive watches, cognac, brandy, vodka, and luxury vehicles, including a pair of Lexus LX 570s—the Japanese car-maker’s $90,000, top-of-the-line SUV—which were observed in a November 2019 photograph alongside Kim.
The panel also conducted a wide-ranging investigation into the journey of two Mercedes-Benz S-Class 600 sedans from a factory in Germany through a raft of middlemen in Italy; Rotterdam, Netherlands; Osaka, Japan; and Busan, South Korea, before being loaded onto a vessel that shut off its AIS after leaving port. They later appeared in a photograph in North Korea.
The report concluded that years of biting U.N. sanctions are having an “unintended negative impact” on North Korea’s civilian population, undercutting livelihoods for those employed in industries hit by sanctions, including thousands of overseas workers who can no longer legally work abroad.
The economic hardships, meanwhile, have only boosted the control of government elites over the country’s increasingly scarce resources, while sanctions have disrupted medical supply chains, furthering weakening a “chronically underfunded and inadequate health-care system,” and dissuaded financial institutions from working with U.N. and private aid agencies in North Korea.
“Financial institutions and private-sector entities continue to refrain from transactions tied to a high-risk jurisdiction,” the report stated. “The collapse of the United Nations banking channel and the subsequent lack of access to consistent and reliable financing jeopardizes supply chain operations and results in projects being suspended or stopped altogether.”


foreignpolicy--2020-04-20--The United States Can’t Ditch China Yet

The United States Can’t Ditch China Yet

Beijing no longer has many friends in Washington—for understandable reasons .
The entire Chinese government mishandled various stages of the coronavirus outbreak , including hiding the extent of infection and transmissibility to humans , punishing doctors and citizen journalists who sought to report on the looming pandemic , and moving far too slowly on a travel ban from Wuhan , allowing the coronavirus to become a truly global crisis .
Goodwill toward China had been slipping long before the pandemic , sped by President Xi Jinping ’ s worsening domestic human rights record and his more aggressive international approach—especially toward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a top Trump aide on trade and the coronavirus , has written several anti-China books , including The Coming China Wars : Where They Will Be Fought , How They Can Be Won .
The chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff , Gen. Mark Milley , argued at his confirmation hearing : “ I think China is the main challenger to U.S. national security over the next 50 , 100 years.
” But measures that treat Beijing as an enemy risk triggering the very results they are supposed to prevent : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even military conflict .
An authoritarian , aggressive China presents a real challenge to U.S. policy across the board , from security to economics to human rights .
But the future is not set .
And China does not pose the kind of dire existential threat that one might believe given the increasingly hysterical rhetoric in Washington .
Policymakers should keep a sense of balance .
For one , China remains a poor nation .
Even with the world ’ s second-largest GDP , or largest based on purchasing power parity ( PPP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ four times as many people to feed , clothe , house , and otherwise provide for than the United States .
Meanwhile , the Chinese people ’ s material expectations have grown over time .
Meeting them offers the only real legitimacy for the Communist Party , placing Xi ’ s government on shakier ground than might be expected .
China must contend with significant economic , demographic , and political challenges .
The country has a legacy of inefficient and indebted state enterprises , banks overburdened with bad debts , ghost cities @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The impact of the one-child policy survives despite its formal repeal , while a rapidly aging society will likely grow old before it grows rich , with potentially debilitating consequences .
China also remains well behind the United States militarily .
Some estimates of military outlays , based on the PPP standard , have Beijing much closer to Washington than commonly thought .
But the United States possesses a massive force built up over time .
The question is not whether the United States can be defended—it can , quite easily—but whether China @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries , China is at much greater risk of its homeland becoming a potential battleground .
The United States has a multitude of allies and global military relationships , while China has virtually none .
Despite the Trump administration ’ s many missteps , Washington retains unrivaled influence around the world .
The ties may have frayed of late , but decades of cooperation , including in war , remain important .
Beijing , for its part , has a cold friendship with Moscow , uneven ties with Pyongyang and Islamabad , a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unpleasant debt relationships elsewhere in the developing world .
China ’ s multilateral clout is largely limited to economics .
A dictatorship can not sustain itself without a complete control over information , but the Xi regime ’ s best efforts at mind control have failed—as its response to the coronavirus has laid bare .
The death of Li Wenliang , who was one of eight Wuhan physicians punished for alerting colleagues about the new coronavirus , created a tsunami of popular anger .
Wuhan residents also expressed their disgust at party officials @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Communist Party .
Anger continues to simmer on social media despite constant censorship of forbidden opinions and increasing punishment for expressing them .
For all his power , Xi Jinping is as likely to be an aberration as a transformational force .
He challenged figures and factions important in the past ; he made significant enemies , abandoning past forbearance against the country ’ s so-called elite tigers , including politburo members ; he knows there will be a price on his head if he ever yields his office .
Reportedly , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidential term limits in 2018 .
Repression has hidden but not eliminated opposition , and it certainly hasn ’ t quieted public furor .
Just as demands for reform emerged after Mao Zedong ’ s death in 1976 , so too may they reemerge in the coming years .
None of these facts diminishes the challenge China may eventually pose to the United States and the international order .
China has come through thousands of years of civilization with a dramatic transformation in the last five decades .
It would be foolish to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ future may be further away than many in Washington today imagine .
In the meantime , the United States would be wise to engage China without fear or frenzy .
Washington can address Beijing ’ s malign intentions without turning it into an enemy .
U.S. leaders must address specific challenges while promoting cooperation and engagement when possible .
Such efforts have borne fruit before .
Far from being a failure , the almost half-century of contact since U.S. President Richard Nixon visited Beijing has encouraged China ’ s decided shift away from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ result was not a liberal Western-style democracy as many had hoped , but without sustained contact with the West—through commerce , tourism , academia , diplomacy , culture , and more—China might not have decisively rejected its recent past .
The 21st century will be a far better place if Washington and Beijing can prioritize cooperation over confrontation and avoid the destructive conflict that accompanied the last major transformations of the global balance of power .
As the 19th century waned , long-preeminent Great Britain was challenged by two rising powers .
London @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
After two wars against the latter , Britain no longer was a great power .
The United States and China might never be close friends , but they must avoid becoming bitter enemies .

Beijing no longer has many friends in Washington—for understandable reasons. The entire Chinese government mishandled various stages of the coronavirus outbreak, including hiding the extent of infection and transmissibility to humans, punishing doctors and citizen journalists who sought to report on the looming pandemic, and moving far too slowly on a travel ban from Wuhan, allowing the coronavirus to become a truly global crisis.
Beijing no longer has many friends in Washington—for understandable reasons. The entire Chinese government mishandled various stages of the coronavirus outbreak, including hiding the extent of infection and transmissibility to humans, punishing doctors and citizen journalists who sought to report on the looming pandemic, and moving far too slowly on a travel ban from Wuhan, allowing the coronavirus to become a truly global crisis.
Goodwill toward China had been slipping long before the pandemic, sped by President Xi Jinping’s worsening domestic human rights record and his more aggressive international approach—especially toward Hong Kong and Taiwan. Peter Navarro, a top Trump aide on trade and the coronavirus, has written several anti-China books, including The Coming China Wars: Where They Will Be Fought, How They Can Be Won. The chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Gen. Mark Milley, argued at his confirmation hearing: “I think China is the main challenger to U.S. national security over the next 50, 100 years.” But measures that treat Beijing as an enemy risk triggering the very results they are supposed to prevent: diplomatic discord, economic disruption, and even military conflict.
An authoritarian, aggressive China presents a real challenge to U.S. policy across the board, from security to economics to human rights. But the future is not set. And China does not pose the kind of dire existential threat that one might believe given the increasingly hysterical rhetoric in Washington.
Policymakers should keep a sense of balance. For one, China remains a poor nation. Even with the world’s second-largest GDP, or largest based on purchasing power parity (PPP) measurements, China has more than four times as many people to feed, clothe, house, and otherwise provide for than the United States. Meanwhile, the Chinese people’s material expectations have grown over time. Meeting them offers the only real legitimacy for the Communist Party, placing Xi’s government on shakier ground than might be expected.
China must contend with significant economic, demographic, and political challenges. The country has a legacy of inefficient and indebted state enterprises, banks overburdened with bad debts, ghost cities, and property bubbles—plus political interference. The impact of the one-child policy survives despite its formal repeal, while a rapidly aging society will likely grow old before it grows rich, with potentially debilitating consequences.
China also remains well behind the United States militarily. Some estimates of military outlays, based on the PPP standard, have Beijing much closer to Washington than commonly thought. But the United States possesses a massive force built up over time. The question is not whether the United States can be defended—it can, quite easily—but whether China can defend itself. Of the two countries, China is at much greater risk of its homeland becoming a potential battleground.
The United States has a multitude of allies and global military relationships, while China has virtually none. Despite the Trump administration’s many missteps, Washington retains unrivaled influence around the world. The ties may have frayed of late, but decades of cooperation, including in war, remain important. Beijing, for its part, has a cold friendship with Moscow, uneven ties with Pyongyang and Islamabad, a tenuous partnership with Tehran, and sometimes unpleasant debt relationships elsewhere in the developing world. China’s multilateral clout is largely limited to economics.
A dictatorship cannot sustain itself without a complete control over information, but the Xi regime’s best efforts at mind control have failed—as its response to the coronavirus has laid bare. The death of Li Wenliang, who was one of eight Wuhan physicians punished for alerting colleagues about the new coronavirus, created a tsunami of popular anger. Wuhan residents also expressed their disgust at party officials for claiming success and demanding praise for the Communist Party. Anger continues to simmer on social media despite constant censorship of forbidden opinions and increasing punishment for expressing them.
For all his power, Xi Jinping is as likely to be an aberration as a transformational force. He challenged figures and factions important in the past; he made significant enemies, abandoning past forbearance against the country’s so-called elite tigers, including politburo members; he knows there will be a price on his head if he ever yields his office. Reportedly, there was widespread disquiet when Xi eliminated presidential term limits in 2018. Repression has hidden but not eliminated opposition, and it certainly hasn’t quieted public furor. Just as demands for reform emerged after Mao Zedong’s death in 1976, so too may they reemerge in the coming years.
None of these facts diminishes the challenge China may eventually pose to the United States and the international order. China has come through thousands of years of civilization with a dramatic transformation in the last five decades. It would be foolish to underestimate its future potential. But that future may be further away than many in Washington today imagine.
In the meantime, the United States would be wise to engage China without fear or frenzy. Washington can address Beijing’s malign intentions without turning it into an enemy. U.S. leaders must address specific challenges while promoting cooperation and engagement when possible. Such efforts have borne fruit before. Far from being a failure, the almost half-century of contact since U.S. President Richard Nixon visited Beijing has encouraged China’s decided shift away from Maoism. To be sure, the result was not a liberal Western-style democracy as many had hoped, but without sustained contact with the West—through commerce, tourism, academia, diplomacy, culture, and more—China might not have decisively rejected its recent past.
The 21st century will be a far better place if Washington and Beijing can prioritize cooperation over confrontation and avoid the destructive conflict that accompanied the last major transformations of the global balance of power. As the 19th century waned, long-preeminent Great Britain was challenged by two rising powers. London accommodated the United States and confronted Germany. After two wars against the latter, Britain no longer was a great power. The United States and China might never be close friends, but they must avoid becoming bitter enemies.


foreignpolicy--2020-04-20--The Pandemic Is Slicing Away Indigenous Sovereignty in Canada

The Pandemic Is Slicing Away Indigenous Sovereignty in Canada February now seems like years ago , but before the coronavirus hit Canada , it spent most of the month in the midst of a major social and political crisis that initially seemed like the country ’ s major challenge for 2020 .
At issue was the construction of a gas pipeline through unceded indigenous territory and the use of excessive police force to enforce a court injunction against unarmed geriatric water protectors .
What was once arguably the most severe challenge since the last Quebec sovereignty referendum 25 years ago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ radars as the pandemic hit .
Yet like tremors before an earthquake , the first of Canada ’ s back-to-back crises foreshadowed the second .
The protests , blockades , and other solidarity actions related to the defense of Wet ’ suwet ’ en territorial sovereignty resulted in ( now comparatively minor ) economic disruptions and social tensions , exposed weaknesses in government crisis management , and seriously tested Prime Minister Justin Trudeau early in his second term .
The crux of the problem is myriad unresolved issues with indigenous sovereignty in Canada—or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As has been the case for over a century and a half , since Canadian Confederation , the territory of ostensibly sovereign indigenous nations within Canada has been consistently used for major infrastructure projects that non-indigenous Canadians don ’ t want to see run through their own backyards .
This partly explains why it was so easy for indigenous protests to nearly shut down the Canadian economy in February : railways , highways , pipelines , canals , and other strategic infrastructure already cut through indigenous territory .
That ’ s the case @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being pushed through the territory of the Wet ’ suwet ’ en nation in northern British Columbia .
Though an alternate route was available that would bypass Wet ’ suwet ’ en territory entirely , it was rejected at least in part because it would cost more .
Though solidarity protests and blockades came to an end in late February as the Canadian government negotiated with the Wet ’ suwet ’ en hereditary chiefs , these negotiations were subsequently put on hold by the pandemic .
Work on the pipeline , however , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say neither pipeline workers nor the Royal Canadian Mounted Police ( RCMP ) officers dispatched to the area are maintaining adequate social distancing , and that pipeline workers are lodged nearby in crowded hotels and work camps .
Indigenous North Americans are particularly susceptible to COVID-19 owing to the relative remoteness of indigenous communities from public health centers and the high rates of preexisting health conditions .
In Canada , as in the United States , indigenous communities often lack access to clean drinking water as well .
The rate of coronavirus infection @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is estimated at 10 times the rate for the entire state of Arizona .
According to Jennifer Wickham—a spokesperson for one of the Wet ’ suwet ’ en clans , the Gidimt ’ en—police officers from the RCMP ’ s Quick Response Team have been rotating in and out of the community throughout the pandemic .
The response team is composed of officers from across British Columbia and is typically used to respond to catastrophic events or for riot duty .
Wickham indicates that the five clans of the Wet ’ suwet ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because their consensus-based meeting system would require congregations of more than 50 people , which have been outlawed as part of Canada ’ s social distancing guidelines .
Though the Wet ’ suwet ’ en have complied with the regulations , the same rules do not appear to apply to pipeline workers .
Moreover , Wickham indicated that both the federal and provincial governments are unwilling to discuss either the pipeline or the presence of the RCMP in indigenous territory during negotiations .
Beyond the immediate threat , the pandemic has raised important @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including whether indigenous nations have the right to close their territory to outsiders in an effort to contain the spread of the virus .
That appears to depend on whether the territory is the site of a major infrastructure project or not .
While there ’ s no official prohibition on indigenous communities limiting movement through their territories , putting this into practice is another matter .
In one notable case , a couple from Quebec sold all that they owned and drove over 3,000 miles to the Yukon Territory , where they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community of Old Crow in an effort to evade the pandemic .
Unprepared as they were for life in the Arctic , the couple was equally unaware their presence had put the isolated community of 250 at severe risk .
After the visitors were returned to the Yukon capital of Whitehorse , Old Crow was subsequently closed to outsiders .
Closing off from the rest of the world is easier for remote fly-in-only indigenous communities in the High Arctic , but for the indigenous communities of British Columbia located near major energy infrastructure @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As to whether the Wet ’ suwet ’ en could close their territory to outsiders—including pipeline workers—Wickham said , “ We would love to do that.
” But she indicated that the British Columbia government would not allow it .
For their part , public relations spokespeople for the British Columbia government indicated that they had communicated specific pandemic instructions to the pipeline builder TC Energy and that government health authorities were working with industry partners to limit the spread of the virus .
However , the extent to which these instructions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to industry interpretation .
For the moment , while on-site workforces have been scaled back , work still continues .
The pipeline isn ’ t the only issue , either for indigenous communities or in Canada ’ s uncomfortable relationship with pipelines .
Health officials in Fort St. John , British Columbia , have warned their health care services could be quickly overwhelmed by a coronavirus outbreak in their community , itself near a controversial hydroelectric dam project opposed by local indigenous communities .
A request by Manitoba First Nations chiefs for Cuban @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contain the pandemic on indigenous territory was shot down by Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland , who argued Canada ’ s health care system has the capacity to handle the extraordinary stress the pandemic has placed on it—a point most indigenous leaders disagree with .
The veracity of Freeland ’ s claim is difficult to assess ; Canada ’ s currently comparatively low mortality rate is expected to rise sharply over the coming weeks and months .
While the Trudeau administration has been able to quickly provide some qualifying citizens with additional financial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ predominantly provincial matter.In the meantime , work unexpectedly started up on another controversial pipeline : the Keystone XL .
Work commenced over the weekend of April 4-5 , less than a week after the government of Alberta announced it would invest over a billion dollars in the erstwhile moribund oil pipeline project .
Falling world oil prices led to the cancellation of two major projects in February , though in both cases companies and investors backing them pointed to pipeline protests as showing fossil fuel projects were no longer socially or politically tenable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only economically viable at pre-2014 prices has been conveniently omitted by corporate executives and pro-oil politicians alike .
Whether pipeline projects are sustainable economic endeavors at a time of record low global oil prices is unclear .
What ’ s certain is that environmental reporting regulations have been relaxed on both sides of the border , and the threat of communicable disease limits the likelihood of a repeat of February ’ s nationwide protests .
While the Trudeau administration has at least projected an image of competence during the pandemic—particularly when compared to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Trudeau , his governing minority Liberal Party , and the nation as a whole provide numerous opportunities for new crises in the months ahead .
Trudeau ’ s continued support for pipeline projects—as well as a recent decision to resume controversial arms shipments to Saudi Arabia—are steeped in the big-tent political strategies of pre-pandemic Canadian politics .
As millions of Canadians this week found themselves unable to access federal financial aid programs and unemployment rates continue to rise , Trudeau ’ s tactics seem designed to solve yesterday ’ s crisis .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ minister can rest assured that more street protests and railroad blockades aren ’ t likely to appear on the horizon .
Then again , no one saw the pandemic bearing down either .

February now seems like years ago, but before the coronavirus hit Canada, it spent most of the month in the midst of a major social and political crisis that initially seemed like the country’s major challenge for 2020. At issue was the construction of a gas pipeline through unceded indigenous territory and the use of excessive police force to enforce a court injunction against unarmed geriatric water protectors. What was once arguably the most severe challenge since the last Quebec sovereignty referendum 25 years ago had disappeared from most people’s radars as the pandemic hit.
February now seems like years ago, but before the coronavirus hit Canada, it spent most of the month in the midst of a major social and political crisis that initially seemed like the country’s major challenge for 2020. At issue was the construction of a gas pipeline through unceded indigenous territory and the use of excessive police force to enforce a court injunction against unarmed geriatric water protectors. What was once arguably the most severe challenge since the last Quebec sovereignty referendum 25 years ago had disappeared from most people’s radars as the pandemic hit.
Yet like tremors before an earthquake, the first of Canada’s back-to-back crises foreshadowed the second. The protests, blockades, and other solidarity actions related to the defense of Wet’suwet’en territorial sovereignty resulted in (now comparatively minor) economic disruptions and social tensions, exposed weaknesses in government crisis management, and seriously tested Prime Minister Justin Trudeau early in his second term.
The crux of the problem is myriad unresolved issues with indigenous sovereignty in Canada—or rather, the lack of it.
As has been the case for over a century and a half, since Canadian Confederation, the territory of ostensibly sovereign indigenous nations within Canada has been consistently used for major infrastructure projects that non-indigenous Canadians don’t want to see run through their own backyards. This partly explains why it was so easy for indigenous protests to nearly shut down the Canadian economy in February: railways, highways, pipelines, canals, and other strategic infrastructure already cut through indigenous territory.
[Mapping the Coronavirus Outbreak: Get daily updates on the pandemic.]
That’s the case with the highly controversial Coastal GasLink pipeline being pushed through the territory of the Wet’suwet’en nation in northern British Columbia. Though an alternate route was available that would bypass Wet’suwet’en territory entirely, it was rejected at least in part because it would cost more.
Though solidarity protests and blockades came to an end in late February as the Canadian government negotiated with the Wet’suwet’en hereditary chiefs, these negotiations were subsequently put on hold by the pandemic.
Work on the pipeline, however, continues unabated.
Members of the community say neither pipeline workers nor the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) officers dispatched to the area are maintaining adequate social distancing, and that pipeline workers are lodged nearby in crowded hotels and work camps. Indigenous North Americans are particularly susceptible to COVID-19 owing to the relative remoteness of indigenous communities from public health centers and the high rates of preexisting health conditions. In Canada, as in the United States, indigenous communities often lack access to clean drinking water as well. The rate of coronavirus infection among the Navajo, for instance, is estimated at 10 times the rate for the entire state of Arizona.
According to Jennifer Wickham—a spokesperson for one of the Wet’suwet’en clans, the Gidimt’en—police officers from the RCMP’s Quick Response Team have been rotating in and out of the community throughout the pandemic. The response team is composed of officers from across British Columbia and is typically used to respond to catastrophic events or for riot duty.
Wickham indicates that the five clans of the Wet’suwet’en nation are unable to continue negotiations because their consensus-based meeting system would require congregations of more than 50 people, which have been outlawed as part of Canada’s social distancing guidelines. Though the Wet’suwet’en have complied with the regulations, the same rules do not appear to apply to pipeline workers. Moreover, Wickham indicated that both the federal and provincial governments are unwilling to discuss either the pipeline or the presence of the RCMP in indigenous territory during negotiations.
Beyond the immediate threat, the pandemic has raised important questions about indigenous sovereignty in Canada, including whether indigenous nations have the right to close their territory to outsiders in an effort to contain the spread of the virus.
That appears to depend on whether the territory is the site of a major infrastructure project or not. While there’s no official prohibition on indigenous communities limiting movement through their territories, putting this into practice is another matter.
In one notable case, a couple from Quebec sold all that they owned and drove over 3,000 miles to the Yukon Territory, where they then boarded a flight to the remote community of Old Crow in an effort to evade the pandemic. Unprepared as they were for life in the Arctic, the couple was equally unaware their presence had put the isolated community of 250 at severe risk. After the visitors were returned to the Yukon capital of Whitehorse, Old Crow was subsequently closed to outsiders.
Closing off from the rest of the world is easier for remote fly-in-only indigenous communities in the High Arctic, but for the indigenous communities of British Columbia located near major energy infrastructure projects, similar actions are not possible.
As to whether the Wet’suwet’en could close their territory to outsiders—including pipeline workers—Wickham said, “We would love to do that.” But she indicated that the British Columbia government would not allow it.
For their part, public relations spokespeople for the British Columbia government indicated that they had communicated specific pandemic instructions to the pipeline builder TC Energy and that government health authorities were working with industry partners to limit the spread of the virus. However, the extent to which these instructions are being followed has been left open to industry interpretation. For the moment, while on-site workforces have been scaled back, work still continues.
Read More A sign says the U.S.-Canadian border is closed A sign says the U.S.-Canadian border is closed In Canada, Patience Wearing Thin Over Trump’s Antics A threat to militarize the border and attempts to hold up lifesaving medical supplies have roiled the calmest of countries. Report | Stéphanie Fillion A warning sign depicting a polar bear stands at the side of a road outside the Longyearbyen airport on May 2, 2022, in the Svalbard Archipelago, northern Norway. A warning sign depicting a polar bear stands at the side of a road outside the Longyearbyen airport on May 2, 2022, in the Svalbard Archipelago, northern Norway. NATO’s Northern Flank Has Too Many Weak Spots Key alliance members are failing to uphold their obligations in the face of Moscow’s unflagging interest in the High North. Analysis | Alexander B. Gray An airplane flies away from the viewer, just below the sun, against a hazy orange sky. An airplane flies away from the viewer, just below the sun, against a hazy orange sky. Denialists Are Blaming Anything but Climate for Canada’s Fires With cities wreathed in smoke, conspiracy theories grow. Argument | Justin Ling
While the Trudeau administration has at least projected an image of competence during the pandemic—particularly when compared to the United States—long-standing contradictions and hypocrisies inherent to Trudeau, his governing minority Liberal Party, and the nation as a whole provide numerous opportunities for new crises in the months ahead. Trudeau’s continued support for pipeline projects—as well as a recent decision to resume controversial arms shipments to Saudi Arabia—are steeped in the big-tent political strategies of pre-pandemic Canadian politics.
As millions of Canadians this week found themselves unable to access federal financial aid programs and unemployment rates continue to rise, Trudeau’s tactics seem designed to solve yesterday’s crisis. For the moment, the beleaguered prime minister can rest assured that more street protests and railroad blockades aren’t likely to appear on the horizon. Then again, no one saw the pandemic bearing down either.


foreignpolicy--2020-04-20--In Europe, the Lives of Refugees Are on Hold

In Europe , the Lives of Refugees Are on Hold STUTTGART , Germany—When Esmat Mohammadi sees what the coronavirus crisis has done to his adopted city of Stuttgart—where the only crowded places are supermarkets and security guards monitor customers—he can ’ t help but smile .
“ I wonder what they do in a real crisis or in times of war , ” said the 22-year-old refugee from Afghanistan .
For many refugees like Mohammadi , the pandemic has been a mixed blessing .
Afghans belong to one of the world ’ s largest refugee groups , and until recently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regularity .
But at the moment deportations have been paused—not out of any sense of humaneness but in part because air travel has been halted and Afghan authorities begged Berlin to stop the process , with Afghanistan facing its own coronavirus crisis .
Mohammadi came to Germany four years ago , leaving his home country for obvious reasons : the war and destruction that has plagued Afghanistan for more than four decades .
Currently , the virus has reached large parts of the country .
As of April 20 , Afghanistan had reported @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but observers and medics on the ground believe that the real number of infections could be much higher .
According to reports , at least 40 staff members in Afghanistan ’ s presidential palace have tested positive for COVID-19 , and President Ashraf Ghani is now isolating himself and managing the country ’ s virus response , amid a raging war , largely via videoconference .
At the same time , even as they ’ ve escaped deportation for the moment , many Afghan refugees feel more vulnerable than ever and deprived of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , with health care systems in Germany and other major European countries near the breaking point .
According to Médecins Sans Frontières ( MSF ) , refugees across Europe are particularly vulnerable and susceptible to COVID-19 .
“ They too often live in collective and overcrowded accommodation .
Sometimes , access to water is problematic , and they face obstacles to access services .
This is particularly true for undocumented people or refugees that are at risk of Dublin returns .
If they fear they will be arrested when going to the doctors @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that could be linked to COVID-19 , ” said Aurélie Ponthieu , a humanitarian specialist at MSF .
In the Moria camp on the Greek island of Lesbos , more than 19,000 people are caged between chaos and desperation .
Most of the refugees are from Afghanistan , Syria , Eritrea , and other African and Asian countries .
Conditions in the island camp , initially constructed for a total capacity of 3,000 people , have never been worse .
“ What is happening here is a shame for Europe .
This includes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much more to help those people , but our government does not care , ” Erik Marquardt , a Green Party politician and member of the European Parliament who has visited Lesbos several times , told Foreign Policy in a phone conversation .
MSF officials believe the situation in Greece is dire .
“ We have called for the end of the containment policy on the Greek islands for four years now , ” Ponthieu said .
“ This policy has always been disastrous for people ’ s health and dignity .
Now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ outbreak of COVID-19 in these camps , this has become more urgent than ever .
No EU state will benefit from a mass cluster of COVID-19 at the EU ’ s external borders.
” The current situation of 22-year-old Abdul Hakim is another apt illustration of refugees finding their lives on hold .
Hakim does not know what will happen to him if he gets sick .
Currently residing in Stuttgart but actually a registered refugee in Italy , where his asylum request was accepted a few years ago , Hakim used to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from Rome .
The southern region is well known for poverty and corruption and mainly ruled by the mafia .
“ I could not find a job there .
It was terrible .
There was no real infrastructure , and nobody cared about refugees , ” Hakim said .
But he ’ ll still have to return , and since the outbreak of COVID-19 in Italy , Hakim has been unable to do so .
His Italian health insurance is , he has been told , “ just for emergencies.
” In the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ravaged Italy , he does not know what this actually means .
“ The current crisis reveals that we [ refugees ] are not important at the moment , ” Hakim said .
“ The people in Western societies are now concerned about themselves .
They are not interested in others , especially not in refugees.
” He says he has heard about refugees who , when they recently visited medics or pharmacists , were often sent away with halfhearted diagnoses and cheap medicine .
In some cases , the simple act of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ When COVID-19 reached neighboring Austria , 30-year-old Reza Ali ( whose name has been changed at his request to protect him from possible retaliation ) had other problems .
After he arrived and started to build his new life in the city of Innsbruck almost 10 years ago , he received a notice of deportation in early March .
Thus , he was forced to quit his job as a restaurant manager and disappear .
“ I don ’ t know what happened .
I ’ m living here for so many years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think my lawyer made a gross mistake .
But now I have to keep a low profile until my problems are solved , ” Ali told Foreign Policy in a phone conversation from an unknown location .
Ali did not consider the consequences of becoming sick and eventually being infected .
But at the moment , he is hiding himself from Austrian authorities who want to force him to return to Afghanistan and dares not visit a hospital .
In fact , Austria effectively paused the right of asylum at its borders .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ refugees are not allowed to enter the country until they prove that they are not infected by COVID-19 .
Critics say that demonstrating such a proof is impossible .
Additionally , they believe that the government ’ s move is violating basic human rights and the state ’ s constitution .
According to Ponthieu of MSF , there needs to be a moratorium on migration control agendas .
States should take all necessary measures to include migrants and refugees in their coordinated responses to the outbreak .
In an email conservation with Foreign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ agendas are still being put above people ’ s health and lives.
” In early 2018 , more than 250,000 Afghan migrants lived in Germany .
Tens of thousands of them took refuge in the country during the last several years , while others arrived in the 1980s and 1990s .
Mohammadi arrived in Germany shortly after Europe ’ s so-called refugee crisis started in the summer of 2015 , when hundreds of thousands of people from Syria , Afghanistan , Iraq , and African countries headed for countries such as Germany , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Norway .
Back then , Mohammadi passed the Balkan route and spent some time in Bulgaria , Serbia , and Hungary , where he lived in overcrowded and dirty camps .
“ It was difficult and terrible .
The people who live there are truly doomed , ” Mohammadi said .
At the moment , more than 146,000 COVID-19 infections have been recorded all over Germany .
More than 4,600 people have died because of the virus so far .
German authorities are still concerned about a possible collapse of the country ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ countries are acting hesitantly in helping refugees .
After weeks of debate , Germany agreed to take part in a project to resettle up to 1,600 unaccompanied minors from Greek camps .
The first 47 minors arrived last Saturday .
While German authorities agreed to take around 500 of them , other countries like Luxembourg pledged to accept a dozen .
But Marquardt , the European Parliament member , believes that this is a cynical political charade .
While Germany agreed to take some refugees , the country also underlined that it would @ @ @ @ @ @ @ female .
According to Marquardt , that grotesque demand reveals that most refugee-related discourses are being dominated by far-right views and narratives .

STUTTGART, Germany—When Esmat Mohammadi sees what the coronavirus crisis has done to his adopted city of Stuttgart—where the only crowded places are supermarkets and security guards monitor customers—he can’t help but smile. “I wonder what they do in a real crisis or in times of war,” said the 22-year-old refugee from Afghanistan.
STUTTGART, Germany—When Esmat Mohammadi sees what the coronavirus crisis has done to his adopted city of Stuttgart—where the only crowded places are supermarkets and security guards monitor customers—he can’t help but smile. “I wonder what they do in a real crisis or in times of war,” said the 22-year-old refugee from Afghanistan.
For many refugees like Mohammadi, the pandemic has been a mixed blessing. Afghans belong to one of the world’s largest refugee groups, and until recently they have been deported from Germany with regularity. But at the moment deportations have been paused—not out of any sense of humaneness but in part because air travel has been halted and Afghan authorities begged Berlin to stop the process, with Afghanistan facing its own coronavirus crisis.
Mohammadi came to Germany four years ago, leaving his home country for obvious reasons: the war and destruction that has plagued Afghanistan for more than four decades. Currently, the virus has reached large parts of the country. As of April 20, Afghanistan had reported 1,026 COVID-19 cases and 36 deaths, but observers and medics on the ground believe that the real number of infections could be much higher. According to reports, at least 40 staff members in Afghanistan’s presidential palace have tested positive for COVID-19, and President Ashraf Ghani is now isolating himself and managing the country’s virus response, amid a raging war, largely via videoconference.
At the same time, even as they’ve escaped deportation for the moment, many Afghan refugees feel more vulnerable than ever and deprived of any access to health care at all, with health care systems in Germany and other major European countries near the breaking point. According to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), refugees across Europe are particularly vulnerable and susceptible to COVID-19. “They too often live in collective and overcrowded accommodation. Sometimes, access to water is problematic, and they face obstacles to access services. This is particularly true for undocumented people or refugees that are at risk of Dublin returns. If they fear they will be arrested when going to the doctors, they won’t report symptoms that could be linked to COVID-19,” said Aurélie Ponthieu, a humanitarian specialist at MSF.
[Mapping the Coronavirus Outbreak: Get daily updates on the pandemic.]
In the Moria camp on the Greek island of Lesbos, more than 19,000 people are caged between chaos and desperation. Most of the refugees are from Afghanistan, Syria, Eritrea, and other African and Asian countries. Conditions in the island camp, initially constructed for a total capacity of 3,000 people, have never been worse.
“What is happening here is a shame for Europe. This includes Germany as well. We could do much more to help those people, but our government does not care,” Erik Marquardt, a Green Party politician and member of the European Parliament who has visited Lesbos several times, told Foreign Policy in a phone conversation.
MSF officials believe the situation in Greece is dire. “We have called for the end of the containment policy on the Greek islands for four years now,” Ponthieu said. “This policy has always been disastrous for people’s health and dignity. Now, with the serious threat of an outbreak of COVID-19 in these camps, this has become more urgent than ever. No EU state will benefit from a mass cluster of COVID-19 at the EU’s external borders.”
The current situation of 22-year-old Abdul Hakim is another apt illustration of refugees finding their lives on hold. Hakim does not know what will happen to him if he gets sick. Currently residing in Stuttgart but actually a registered refugee in Italy, where his asylum request was accepted a few years ago, Hakim used to live in Calabria, 370 miles away from Rome. The southern region is well known for poverty and corruption and mainly ruled by the mafia.
Afghan refugee Abdul Hakim stands in front of his house in Stuttgart, Germany, on April 6.
“I could not find a job there. It was terrible. There was no real infrastructure, and nobody cared about refugees,” Hakim said. But he’ll still have to return, and since the outbreak of COVID-19 in Italy, Hakim has been unable to do so. His Italian health insurance is, he has been told, “just for emergencies.” In the middle of a global pandemic that has ravaged Italy, he does not know what this actually means.
“The current crisis reveals that we [refugees] are not important at the moment,” Hakim said. “The people in Western societies are now concerned about themselves. They are not interested in others, especially not in refugees.” He says he has heard about refugees who, when they recently visited medics or pharmacists, were often sent away with halfhearted diagnoses and cheap medicine.
In some cases, the simple act of visiting a doctor even becomes unthinkable. When COVID-19 reached neighboring Austria, 30-year-old Reza Ali (whose name has been changed at his request to protect him from possible retaliation) had other problems. After he arrived and started to build his new life in the city of Innsbruck almost 10 years ago, he received a notice of deportation in early March. Thus, he was forced to quit his job as a restaurant manager and disappear. “I don’t know what happened. I’m living here for so many years. I had a visa. I think my lawyer made a gross mistake. But now I have to keep a low profile until my problems are solved,” Ali told Foreign Policy in a phone conversation from an unknown location.
Read More Asylum seekers evacuated from Libya gather at the Gashora Emergency Transit Center during a visit by permanent representatives of the African Union in Bugesera district, southeast of Rwanda's capital, Kigali, on Oct. 23, 2019. Asylum seekers evacuated from Libya gather at the Gashora Emergency Transit Center during a visit by permanent representatives of the African Union in Bugesera district, southeast of Rwanda's capital, Kigali, on Oct. 23, 2019. Europe’s Harsh Border Policies Are Pushing Refugees All the Way to Rwanda EU funds for Libyan militias forced thousands of migrants into dangerous Libyan detention centers. Now, after being evacuated, some of them are stuck as far away as Rwanda—with no idea if they will ever be resettled. Dispatch | Sally Hayden A visitor views an exhibit of cluster bomb remnants at the Cooperative Orthotic and Prosthetic Enterprise Visitor Center in Vientiane, Laos, on July 11. A visitor views an exhibit of cluster bomb remnants at the Cooperative Orthotic and Prosthetic Enterprise Visitor Center in Vientiane, Laos, on July 11. Ukraine Can Learn From Southeast Asia Cambodia and Laos have direct experience with the aftermath of U.S. cluster bombs, now deployed on the battlefield in Ukraine. Analysis | Verena Hölzl Vacationers on the shore of the Caspian Sea watch the parade in honor of the Day of the Navy of the Russian Federation in Kaspiysk, Russia. Vacationers on the shore of the Caspian Sea watch the parade in honor of the Day of the Navy of the Russian Federation in Kaspiysk, Russia. The Caspian Sea Is a Sanctions-Busting Paradise Ghost voyages and dark port calls by Russian and Iranian vessels are enabling both countries to circumvent Western sanctions and thrive in a shadow economy. Analysis | Elisabeth Braw
Ali did not consider the consequences of becoming sick and eventually being infected. But at the moment, he is hiding himself from Austrian authorities who want to force him to return to Afghanistan and dares not visit a hospital.
In fact, Austria effectively paused the right of asylum at its borders. According to the government in Vienna, refugees are not allowed to enter the country until they prove that they are not infected by COVID-19. Critics say that demonstrating such a proof is impossible. Additionally, they believe that the government’s move is violating basic human rights and the state’s constitution.
According to Ponthieu of MSF, there needs to be a moratorium on migration control agendas. States should take all necessary measures to include migrants and refugees in their coordinated responses to the outbreak. In an email conservation with Foreign Policy, Ponthieu underlined that “migration agendas are still being put above people’s health and lives.”
In early 2018, more than 250,000 Afghan migrants lived in Germany. Tens of thousands of them took refuge in the country during the last several years, while others arrived in the 1980s and 1990s. Mohammadi arrived in Germany shortly after Europe’s so-called refugee crisis started in the summer of 2015, when hundreds of thousands of people from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, and African countries headed for countries such as Germany, Austria, France, Sweden, and Norway. Back then, Mohammadi passed the Balkan route and spent some time in Bulgaria, Serbia, and Hungary, where he lived in overcrowded and dirty camps. “It was difficult and terrible. The people who live there are truly doomed,” Mohammadi said.
At the moment, more than 146,000 COVID-19 infections have been recorded all over Germany. More than 4,600 people have died because of the virus so far. German authorities are still concerned about a possible collapse of the country’s health care system.
Most EU countries are acting hesitantly in helping refugees. After weeks of debate, Germany agreed to take part in a project to resettle up to 1,600 unaccompanied minors from Greek camps. The first 47 minors arrived last Saturday. While German authorities agreed to take around 500 of them, other countries like Luxembourg pledged to accept a dozen.
But Marquardt, the European Parliament member, believes that this is a cynical political charade. While Germany agreed to take some refugees, the country also underlined that it would solely focus on unaccompanied minors who are female. According to Marquardt, that grotesque demand reveals that most refugee-related discourses are being dominated by far-right views and narratives.


foreignpolicy--2020-04-20--The Next Pandemic Might Not Be Natural

The Next Pandemic Might Not Be Natural

The Next Pandemic Might Not Be Natural Was the new coronavirus cooked up in a lab ?
That ’ s the current conspiracy theory spreading across the globe .
From Iran to Russia to the United States , conspiracy theorists and scheming political operatives are making wild accusations with absolutely no evidence to back them up , whether they blame Chinese researchers or the U.S. military .
At present , all the data suggests that this virus—which has sickened more than 2.4 million people , killed over 167,000 , devastated the entire world economy , and pulled off a trick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ neutralizing a U.S. nuclear-powered aircraft carrier—originated in the natural world .
But what if the next one doesn ’ t ?
Germs have killed more people than all the wars in history , and people have been trying to make use of them throughout all those wars .
Even before humans knew about the existence of microbes , they fumbled about with infected arrowheads , catapulted plague corpses , and , most infamously , dispatched smallpox-soaked blankets .
While the scientific revolution helped humans battle these horrible diseases , it also helped them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from the World War I German experiments with infecting allied livestock to the massive , and largely forgotten in the West , Japanese germ attacks on China ( which may have caused upwards of 200,000 deaths ) in World War II to the colossal bioweapon stockpiles of the Cold War , which , at least in one case , caused a Soviet anthrax version of Chernobyl .
On a smaller scale , we ’ ve seen bioterrorist attacks in the United States , such as the Rajneeshee poisoning of restaurants in 1986 and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2001 to specific targets around the country ( including my then-workplace at 30 Rockefeller Plaza in New York ) .
Fear of Saddam Hussein ’ s supposed stocks of biological weapons was one of the main causes of the disastrous Iraq War .
One of the many casualties of that debacle was the public belief in biodefense .
Crying wolf , as the George W. Bush administration did with then-Secretary of State Colin Powell ’ s famous “ vial of anthrax ” speech , boomeranged back in America ’ s face .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ didn ’ t have biological weapons , no one else could either .
After the Iraq War , Americans went from irrational paranoia to irrational denial .
The years running up to this current coronavirus pandemic not only saw the gutting of U.S. national health institutions but also a cultural groundswell of science denial in the anti-vaccination movement .
Today the United States in particular is paying for that denial in livelihoods and lives .
The warnings were clear .
The danger was real .
And instead of using the precious calm before @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , U.S. President Donald Trump not only responded with feckless , token gestures but made a very public point of downplaying the threat of the virus as a hoax .
How much damage could have been prevented had the world ’ s richest , most powerful nation behaved differently ?
How many lives could have been saved ?
If 9/11 was a “ failure of imagination , ” then history will no doubt judge the Trump administration ’ s response to COVID-19 as a failure of courage , compassion , and , most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the next administration doesn ’ t reverse course , and fast , the next pandemic , whether naturally occurring or the result of a genuine attack , could make this one look like the seasonal sniffles .
Right now , as the world struggles with a naturally occurring bug , there are still massive germ warfare stocks all around the globe .
Even if we could trust that the Russians abided by the Biological Weapons Convention of 1972 and destroyed their arsenals , what about China or North Korea , which never ratified @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the nation-states .
What about the terrorist groups , the nonstate actors with no land to defend and nothing to lose ?
In the last century , the renowned Ebola fighter Karl Johnson warned : “ It ’ s only a matter of months—years , at most—before people nail down the genes for virulence and airborne transmission in influenza , Ebola , Lassa , you name it .
And then any crackpot with a few thousand dollars ’ worth of equipment and a college biology education under his belt could manufacture bugs that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ around the park.
” Now Johnson ’ s prediction is right around the corner .
With a little dark-web information and some secondhand lab equipment , anyone will soon be able to generate do-it-yourself blights in a basement lab and then release them back into the general population .
Genetic manipulation is the most dangerous threat humanity has ever faced because it allows anyone to spin straw into lethal gold .
Unlike the hypothetical nuclear terrorist whom we ’ ve spent untold fortunes preparing for but who can ’ t act without acquiring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fissile material , the biohacker will be able to harvest germs from anywhere .
And unlike the nuclear terrorist , who gets only one shot at destruction , the biohacker ’ s bomb can copy itself over and over again .
Obviously there is no perfect defense against the germ of the future .
The fact that a lone actor could create designer bugs ensures that there will be no ready-made vaccine .
But increased surveillance , a robust public health infrastructure , and , most importantly , a willingness on the part @ @ @ @ @ @ @ experts will be crucial in minimizing the damage done by a yet-to-be created bioweapon .
Yet as we ’ re seeing now with the coronavirus , whether born from malice or chance , the invisible enemy can hide within our ranks , multiplying in secret , planting time bombs in our bodies , and all before we know what ’ s hit us .
Ultimately , humanity might not end with a bang but with a feeble cough .
Here ’ s the good news .
The world can stop it .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ weapons system to do it .
Unlike all other means of war , where new inventions require counterinventions for protection , from bulletproof vests to anti-tank missiles , all we have to do is change our thinking .
All we have to do is see public health as national security .
And we used to be really good at it .
Since the 1918 influenza pandemic , humanity , particularly in the developed world , has been building networks of public health systems to detect and defend us against disease .
Only recently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , putting hucksters in charge and valuing false savings over investment in our own safety .
The United States , in particular , needs to reverse the trend .
It needs to start pouring the kind of money and attention into systems like the global surveillance that it does for the F-35 jet fighter .
Americans need to pay more attention to organizations like the Bipartisan Commission on Biodefense that have worked tirelessly to try to warn of the threat of germ warfare .
And instead of breaking ties with them in a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ States needs to strengthen its cooperation with global health networks like the World Health Organization and reclaim leadership in the fight against microbes .
And because public health and national security are one , the United States needs to incorporate the massive might of its military .
Service members have already trained for disaster situations .
They ’ re already included in the master disaster plan of the National Response Framework .
And when they ’ ve been able to fight , side by side , with public health professionals , as in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , they have showed the power of defeating an enemy abroad instead of waiting for it at home .
Lastly , Americans who see the danger need to reengage the public in the fight against microscopic threats .
No free and open democracy can survive without the willing support of its people .
If there is any sliver of good from this tragedy , it might be the wake-up call that public health is not something to take for granted .
Those in power and fighting the war on microbes need to partner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , the same way Hollywood went to war in 1941 .
The average voter or taxpayer has to be reintroduced to science and facts to understand where sickness comes from and how to effectively combat it .
Failing to do so means surrendering the education front to the kinds of false-cure hucksters , political schemers , and pseudo-experts who gave aid and comfort to COVID-19 .
As dangerous as they were for today ’ s natural plague , they could very well be the unwitting fifth column for tomorrow ’ s bioterrorist .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ international efforts together and spend the time and money needed to rebuild the barricades of public health , then no plague , natural or engineered , will have a chance to harm us .

Was the new coronavirus cooked up in a lab? That’s the current conspiracy theory spreading across the globe. From Iran to Russia to the United States , conspiracy theorists and scheming political operatives are making wild accusations with absolutely no evidence to back them up, whether they blame Chinese researchers or the U.S. military. At present, all the data suggests that this virus—which has sickened more than 2.4 million people, killed over 167,000, devastated the entire world economy, and pulled off a trick the Soviet Navy only dreamed of by neutralizing a U.S. nuclear-powered aircraft carrier—originated in the natural world. But what if the next one doesn’t?
Was the new coronavirus cooked up in a lab? That’s the current conspiracy theory spreading across the globe. From Iran to Russia to the United States, conspiracy theorists and scheming political operatives are making wild accusations with absolutely no evidence to back them up, whether they blame Chinese researchers or the U.S. military. At present, all the data suggests that this virus—which has sickened more than 2.4 million people, killed over 167,000, devastated the entire world economy, and pulled off a trick the Soviet Navy only dreamed of by neutralizing a U.S. nuclear-powered aircraft carrier—originated in the natural world. But what if the next one doesn’t?
Germs have killed more people than all the wars in history, and people have been trying to make use of them throughout all those wars. Even before humans knew about the existence of microbes, they fumbled about with infected arrowheads, catapulted plague corpses, and, most infamously, dispatched smallpox-soaked blankets. While the scientific revolution helped humans battle these horrible diseases, it also helped them inflict those diseases on each other, from the World War I German experiments with infecting allied livestock to the massive, and largely forgotten in the West, Japanese germ attacks on China (which may have caused upwards of 200,000 deaths) in World War II to the colossal bioweapon stockpiles of the Cold War, which, at least in one case, caused a Soviet anthrax version of Chernobyl.
On a smaller scale, we’ve seen bioterrorist attacks in the United States, such as the Rajneeshee poisoning of restaurants in 1986 and the Amerithrax letters that were mailed in 2001 to specific targets around the country (including my then-workplace at 30 Rockefeller Plaza in New York). Fear of Saddam Hussein’s supposed stocks of biological weapons was one of the main causes of the disastrous Iraq War.
One of the many casualties of that debacle was the public belief in biodefense. Crying wolf, as the George W. Bush administration did with then-Secretary of State Colin Powell’s famous “vial of anthrax” speech, boomeranged back in America’s face. The nation became convinced that just because Saddam didn’t have biological weapons, no one else could either.
After the Iraq War, Americans went from irrational paranoia to irrational denial. The years running up to this current coronavirus pandemic not only saw the gutting of U.S. national health institutions but also a cultural groundswell of science denial in the anti-vaccination movement.
Today the United States in particular is paying for that denial in livelihoods and lives. The warnings were clear. The danger was real. And instead of using the precious calm before the bio-storm to prepare a vulnerable population, U.S. President Donald Trump not only responded with feckless, token gestures but made a very public point of downplaying the threat of the virus as a hoax. How much damage could have been prevented had the world’s richest, most powerful nation behaved differently? How many lives could have been saved? If 9/11 was a “failure of imagination,” then history will no doubt judge the Trump administration’s response to COVID-19 as a failure of courage, compassion, and, most of all, competence.
And if the next administration doesn’t reverse course, and fast, the next pandemic, whether naturally occurring or the result of a genuine attack, could make this one look like the seasonal sniffles.
Right now, as the world struggles with a naturally occurring bug, there are still massive germ warfare stocks all around the globe. Even if we could trust that the Russians abided by the Biological Weapons Convention of 1972 and destroyed their arsenals, what about China or North Korea, which never ratified the treaty? And these are just the nation-states.
What about the terrorist groups, the nonstate actors with no land to defend and nothing to lose? In the last century, the renowned Ebola fighter Karl Johnson warned: “It’s only a matter of months—years, at most—before people nail down the genes for virulence and airborne transmission in influenza, Ebola, Lassa, you name it. And then any crackpot with a few thousand dollars’ worth of equipment and a college biology education under his belt could manufacture bugs that would make Ebola look like a walk around the park.”
Now Johnson’s prediction is right around the corner. With a little dark-web information and some secondhand lab equipment, anyone will soon be able to generate do-it-yourself blights in a basement lab and then release them back into the general population.
Genetic manipulation is the most dangerous threat humanity has ever faced because it allows anyone to spin straw into lethal gold. Unlike the hypothetical nuclear terrorist whom we’ve spent untold fortunes preparing for but who can’t act without acquiring precious, rare, and heavily guarded fissile material, the biohacker will be able to harvest germs from anywhere. And unlike the nuclear terrorist, who gets only one shot at destruction, the biohacker’s bomb can copy itself over and over again.
Obviously there is no perfect defense against the germ of the future. The fact that a lone actor could create designer bugs ensures that there will be no ready-made vaccine. But increased surveillance, a robust public health infrastructure, and, most importantly, a willingness on the part of the public to believe in front-line experts will be crucial in minimizing the damage done by a yet-to-be created bioweapon.
Yet as we’re seeing now with the coronavirus, whether born from malice or chance, the invisible enemy can hide within our ranks, multiplying in secret, planting time bombs in our bodies, and all before we know what’s hit us. Ultimately, humanity might not end with a bang but with a feeble cough.
That’s the bad news.
Here’s the good news. The world can stop it. And nobody has to develop a whole new weapons system to do it. Unlike all other means of war, where new inventions require counterinventions for protection, from bulletproof vests to anti-tank missiles, all we have to do is change our thinking. All we have to do is see public health as national security.
And we used to be really good at it. Since the 1918 influenza pandemic, humanity, particularly in the developed world, has been building networks of public health systems to detect and defend us against disease. Only recently have we allowed those networks to deteriorate, putting hucksters in charge and valuing false savings over investment in our own safety.
The United States, in particular, needs to reverse the trend. It needs to start pouring the kind of money and attention into systems like the global surveillance that it does for the F-35 jet fighter. Americans need to pay more attention to organizations like the Bipartisan Commission on Biodefense that have worked tirelessly to try to warn of the threat of germ warfare. And instead of breaking ties with them in a fit of presidential pique, the United States needs to strengthen its cooperation with global health networks like the World Health Organization and reclaim leadership in the fight against microbes.
And because public health and national security are one, the United States needs to incorporate the massive might of its military. Service members have already trained for disaster situations. They’re already included in the master disaster plan of the National Response Framework. And when they’ve been able to fight, side by side, with public health professionals, as in the 2014 Operation United Assistance against Ebola, they have showed the power of defeating an enemy abroad instead of waiting for it at home.
Lastly, Americans who see the danger need to reengage the public in the fight against microscopic threats. No free and open democracy can survive without the willing support of its people. If there is any sliver of good from this tragedy, it might be the wake-up call that public health is not something to take for granted. Those in power and fighting the war on microbes need to partner with storytellers and communicators around the world, the same way Hollywood went to war in 1941. The average voter or taxpayer has to be reintroduced to science and facts to understand where sickness comes from and how to effectively combat it.
Failing to do so means surrendering the education front to the kinds of false-cure hucksters, political schemers, and pseudo-experts who gave aid and comfort to COVID-19. As dangerous as they were for today’s natural plague, they could very well be the unwitting fifth column for tomorrow’s bioterrorist.
If the world can join national and international efforts together and spend the time and money needed to rebuild the barricades of public health, then no plague, natural or engineered, will have a chance to harm us.