foreignpolicy--2020-01-20--Outrage Culture Is Ruining Foreign Policy

August and September 2018 were two significant months for the outrage culture that has afflicted the U.S. public square in recent years .
In August , the California Democratic Party called for a boycott of In-N-Out Burger because of a $ 25,000 donation that company made to the state Republican Party .
A few weeks later , some Americans burned their sneakers over a Nike television ad featuring the blackballed NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick .
Ever since , I have wondered how foreign diplomats posted in Washington try to capture the current moment in U.S. politics .
Do they and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ presidents , kings , and queens they serve grasp the near-constant state of indignation that has gripped society , fueling polarization and even fear in recent years ?
It seemed absurd to me that a beloved burger joint became the object of political ire among Democrats and that people , the majority of whom seemed to be supporters of President Donald Trump , were burning their sneakers .
I can not even imagine what those diplomatic cables say .
These episodes were no doubt regarded as the oddities and excesses of the current @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been a source of confusion and dismay for U.S. allies , but the Kaepernick story and the burger boycott ( which failed ) had no effect on foreign policy .
Yet this may be changing .
In recent months , outrage—and its cousin , virtue signaling—have made it harder and harder to have a conversation about U.S. foreign policy .
At a time when the world and U.S. priorities in it are changing , this sad state of affairs is putting Americans at a disadvantage .
There are already countries in the Middle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tend to view through their own ideological prisms .
As I wrote last summer : Egypt , Israel , the United Arab Emirates , and Saudi Arabia are “ red ” in the sense that Republicans tend to be—or are perceived to be—more supportive of these governments than Democrats .
In turn , Iran , the 2015 nuclear deal , and Palestine are—or are perceived to be— “ blue ” given that Democrats tend to support engagement with the Iranians , back the nuclear agreement , and express sympathy with the Palestinians in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of affairs , I argued , was not a positive development .
Looking back , I was a bit too Pollyannish for fear of giving offense—it is actually ludicrous , moronic , and dangerous .
In Washington these days there is no conversation or debate about foreign policy ; there is only politics .
The appreciation of a complex world in fine-grained shades of gray—the recognition of which once indicated an active and fertile mind—has given way to a binary world of absolutes .
Folks choose teams and advocate for what is best @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is in the best interest of the United States .
This seemed clear as the conversation— though it was more like people talking in their own echo chambers—about the U.S. killing of the Iranian general Qassem Suleimani unfolded .
There was far greater interest among journalists , analysts , and activists in scoring points .
That is how you get fury over a manufactured controversy in which Sen. Elizabeth Warren , a presidential candidate challenging Trump , allegedly changed her position on Suleimani ’ s demise .
She did no such thing .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ is to be expected in a political campaign season , but it is precisely because the stakes in a confrontation with Iran are so high that the indignation and trolling were inappropriate .
There were a bevy of interesting analyses written over the last two weeks , but the overall quality of the discourse over the Suleimani hit was diminished by partisanship in which two basic facts seemed to get lost .
First , Suleimani was the leader of the Quds Forces who had copious amounts of American , Syrian , and Iraqi @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had devoted his violent life to doing the bidding of a regime built on a worldview that is hostile to the United States and American ideals .
Second , killing Suleimani contained serious risks .
Acknowledging the former should not qualify as support for the Trump administration , and recognizing the latter does not make one an apologist for Iran ’ s leaders .
It should be ok to use the conjunction “ but ” or caveat a declaratory statement with a complicating factor .
The world is maddeningly complicated ( and interesting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that in their public discourse , they will have a foreign policy built on the defective assumptions of ideologues .
Of course , this politicization of foreign policy is not just a matter of the Suleimani killing , but it has reached new impassioned and frenzied heights .
Since 2015 , the editorial boards of both the Washington Post and the New York Times have inveighed against the Saudi intervention in Yemen at least 22 times .
In these missives , the boards have called for a halt to military operations , demanded @ @ @ @ @ @ @ beseeched both the Obama and Trump administrations to halt its logistical support for the Saudis and their partners .
In the abstract , these are reasonable demands , but the outrage shot through these editorials does little to help anyone understand the origins of the conflict or the nature of Saudi Arabia ’ s enemies in Yemen .
The result is a narrative of bloodthirsty Saudis and innocent Houthis .
Yemen is more complicated , of course .
The Houthis are guided by the slogan , “ God is Great , Death to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Jews , Victory to Islam , ” which they seem to take seriously .
They also believe that 9/11 was an American and Zionist plot to divide the Muslim world .
The Houthis are not fighting because Saudi Arabia intervened in Yemen but rather because they are an actor in a civil war .
There was one New York Times editorial on the Houthis .
It was decidedly equivocal .
This is not a defense of Saudi conduct in Yemen , which has been appalling , but rather to underscore the willful @ @ @ @ @ @ @ obscures what is going on in a region that is important to the United States—at least for the time being .
There are a variety of compelling reasons to rethink the U.S.-Saudi relationship , but that is hard to do if one team believes that the Saudis are the root of all evil and the other is not willing to acknowledge there is a problem .
It may very well be that smart individuals on both sides recognize the complexities and nuance of the Saudi issue but are constrained from publicly discussing them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fellow team members .
In other words , ideological purity tests .
How did we get here ?
That is a rhetorical question .
We all know how .
It is tempting to chalk it all up to the political silly season .
Ahead of his run for the presidency in 1988 , then-Vice President George H.W .
Bush told Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev to ignore the “ empty canons of rhetoric ” that would mark the campaign , assuring his interlocutor that the bombast would recede once the votes were counted , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
It is not so much that foreign policy was always insulated from politics , but it was often insulated from outrage .
That no longer seems to be the case , and we are worse off for it .

August and September 2018 were two significant months for the outrage culture that has afflicted the U.S. public square in recent years. In August, the California Democratic Party called for a boycott of In-N-Out Burger because of a $25,000 donation that company made to the state Republican Party. A few weeks later, some Americans burned their sneakers over a Nike television ad featuring the blackballed NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick.
August and September 2018 were two significant months for the outrage culture that has afflicted the U.S. public square in recent years. In August, the California Democratic Party called for a boycott of In-N-Out Burger because of a $25,000 donation that company made to the state Republican Party. A few weeks later, some Americans burned their sneakers over a Nike television ad featuring the blackballed NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick.
Ever since, I have wondered how foreign diplomats posted in Washington try to capture the current moment in U.S. politics. Do they and the foreign ministers, prime ministers, presidents, kings, and queens they serve grasp the near-constant state of indignation that has gripped society, fueling polarization and even fear in recent years? It seemed absurd to me that a beloved burger joint became the object of political ire among Democrats and that people, the majority of whom seemed to be supporters of President Donald Trump, were burning their sneakers. I cannot even imagine what those diplomatic cables say.
These episodes were no doubt regarded as the oddities and excesses of the current moment in American politics and may have been a source of confusion and dismay for U.S. allies, but the Kaepernick story and the burger boycott (which failed) had no effect on foreign policy. Yet this may be changing. In recent months, outrage—and its cousin, virtue signaling—have made it harder and harder to have a conversation about U.S. foreign policy. At a time when the world and U.S. priorities in it are changing, this sad state of affairs is putting Americans at a disadvantage.
There are already countries in the Middle East that elites in the United States tend to view through their own ideological prisms. As I wrote last summer: Egypt, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia are “red” in the sense that Republicans tend to be—or are perceived to be—more supportive of these governments than Democrats. In turn, Iran, the 2015 nuclear deal, and Palestine are—or are perceived to be—“blue” given that Democrats tend to support engagement with the Iranians, back the nuclear agreement, and express sympathy with the Palestinians in greater numbers than Republicans. This state of affairs, I argued, was not a positive development. Looking back, I was a bit too Pollyannish for fear of giving offense—it is actually ludicrous, moronic, and dangerous.
In Washington these days there is no conversation or debate about foreign policy; there is only politics. The appreciation of a complex world in fine-grained shades of gray—the recognition of which once indicated an active and fertile mind—has given way to a binary world of absolutes. Folks choose teams and advocate for what is best for their side, not necessarily what is in the best interest of the United States. This seemed clear as the conversation— though it was more like people talking in their own echo chambers—about the U.S. killing of the Iranian general Qassem Suleimani unfolded. There was far greater interest among journalists, analysts, and activists in scoring points. That is how you get fury over a manufactured controversy in which Sen. Elizabeth Warren, a presidential candidate challenging Trump, allegedly changed her position on Suleimani’s demise. She did no such thing. I suppose that this type of nonsense is to be expected in a political campaign season, but it is precisely because the stakes in a confrontation with Iran are so high that the indignation and trolling were inappropriate.
There were a bevy of interesting analyses written over the last two weeks, but the overall quality of the discourse over the Suleimani hit was diminished by partisanship in which two basic facts seemed to get lost. First, Suleimani was the leader of the Quds Forces who had copious amounts of American, Syrian, and Iraqi blood on his hands, and he had devoted his violent life to doing the bidding of a regime built on a worldview that is hostile to the United States and American ideals. Second, killing Suleimani contained serious risks. Acknowledging the former should not qualify as support for the Trump administration, and recognizing the latter does not make one an apologist for Iran’s leaders. It should be ok to use the conjunction “but” or caveat a declaratory statement with a complicating factor. The world is maddeningly complicated (and interesting), and unless Americans can acknowledge that in their public discourse, they will have a foreign policy built on the defective assumptions of ideologues.
Of course, this politicization of foreign policy is not just a matter of the Suleimani killing, but it has reached new impassioned and frenzied heights. Since 2015, the editorial boards of both the Washington Post and the New York Times have inveighed against the Saudi intervention in Yemen at least 22 times. In these missives, the boards have called for a halt to military operations, demanded accountability for alleged war crimes, and beseeched both the Obama and Trump administrations to halt its logistical support for the Saudis and their partners.
In the abstract, these are reasonable demands, but the outrage shot through these editorials does little to help anyone understand the origins of the conflict or the nature of Saudi Arabia’s enemies in Yemen. The result is a narrative of bloodthirsty Saudis and innocent Houthis. Yemen is more complicated, of course. The Houthis are guided by the slogan, “God is Great, Death to America, Death to Israel, Curse the Jews, Victory to Islam,” which they seem to take seriously. They also believe that 9/11 was an American and Zionist plot to divide the Muslim world. The Houthis are not fighting because Saudi Arabia intervened in Yemen but rather because they are an actor in a civil war. There was one New York Times editorial on the Houthis. It was decidedly equivocal. This is not a defense of Saudi conduct in Yemen, which has been appalling, but rather to underscore the willful ignorance of outrage culture and how it obscures what is going on in a region that is important to the United States—at least for the time being.
There are a variety of compelling reasons to rethink the U.S.-Saudi relationship, but that is hard to do if one team believes that the Saudis are the root of all evil and the other is not willing to acknowledge there is a problem. It may very well be that smart individuals on both sides recognize the complexities and nuance of the Saudi issue but are constrained from publicly discussing them for fear of retribution and opprobrium from fellow team members. In other words, ideological purity tests. How did we get here? That is a rhetorical question. We all know how.
It is tempting to chalk it all up to the political silly season. Ahead of his run for the presidency in 1988, then-Vice President George H.W. Bush told Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev to ignore the “empty canons of rhetoric” that would mark the campaign, assuring his interlocutor that the bombast would recede once the votes were counted, a winner declared, and governing resumed. It is not so much that foreign policy was always insulated from politics, but it was often insulated from outrage. That no longer seems to be the case, and we are worse off for it.


foreignpolicy--2020-01-21--The Far-Right Is Going Global

The Far-Right Is Going Global

The Far-Right Is Going Global In October 2019 , 23 members of the European Parliament ( MEPs ) visited Kashmir , just two months after the Indian government removed the region ’ s special autonomous status .
The trip sparked controversy when it was revealed that most of the MEPs belonged to far-right political parties , including France ’ s National Rally ( formerly National Front ) and Germany ’ s Alternative für Deutschland ( AfD ) .
It wasn ’ t just the affiliations of these visitors that drew attention : The MEPs had been granted access to Kashmir @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were barred access to the region , and the Indian-administered government had imposed an internet shutdown since August .
This visit was the latest example of the growing ties between the far-right in India and Europe , a connection that is rooted primarily in a shared hostility toward immigrants and Muslims , and couched in similar overarching nationalistic visions .
Today , with the populist radical right ascendant in India and in several European democracies , the far-right agenda has been increasingly normalized and made a part of mainstream political discourse .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long predates the relatively recent rise of right-wing populist leaders .
In the 1930s , Hindu nationalists collaborated with key figures in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany in order to help advance their extreme right-wing projects .
One of the pioneers of Hindu nationalism , V.D .
Savarkar , once wrote that India should model its approach to its “ Muslim problem ” on that used by the Nazis to deal with their “ Jewish problem.
” Similarly , European ideologues like Savitri Devi ( born in France as Maximiani Portas ) described @ @ @ @ @ @ @ god Vishnu .
Nearly four decades after she died , her ideology remains popular among American white nationalists .
The manifesto of Anders Behring Breivik , the Norwegian terrorist who killed 77 people in 2011 , also expressed an affinity for the Hindu nationalist approach to Islam that highlights many contemporary European attitudes toward Muslim immigrant populations .
“ The only positive thing about the Hindu right wing is that they dominate the streets .
They do not tolerate the current injustice and often riot and attack Muslims when things get out of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and degrade Hinduism too much , ” Breivik wrote before bombing a government building in Oslo and killing dozens of children at a summer camp .
“ India will continue to wither and die unless the Indian nationalists consolidate properly and strike to win .
It is essential that the European and Indian resistance movements learn from each other and cooperate as much as possible .
Our goals are more or less identical.
” More recently , Steve Bannon , the former White House chief strategist and editor in chief of the far-right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ creating a Breitbart India in 2015 after Narendra Modi became prime minister of India .
Bannon has long admired Modi , once calling him “ a Trump before Trump.
” Meanwhile , European supporters of Modi and his nationalist message include the leader of the Dutch far-right Party for Freedom ( PVV ) Geert Wilders .
The MEPs ’ visit to Kashmir sheds light on the solidarity of the global far-right .
Although they were sent invitations on behalf of Madi Sharma , a Brussels-based entrepreneur and president of the NGO Women ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ WESTT ) , the visit itself was funded and organized by an NGO registered in New Delhi called the International Institute for Non-Aligned Studies ( IINS ) —a group that shares the same IP address as the obscure news website New Delhi Times .
Steve Bannon has long admired Narendra Modi , once calling him “ a Trump before Trump.
” This website , in turn , is connected to a global network of think tanks , companies , NGOs , and , significantly , over 265 local media outlets in 65 countries @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on disinformation campaigns targeting European Union member states , recently concluded that the media outlets tied to the New Delhi Times are attempting to influence international institutions and elected representatives .
While the ideological leanings of the New Delhi Times are unclear , its network of media outlets syndicate content criticizing Pakistan ’ s role in Kashmir , and they regularly take Islamophobic editorial stances .
Although those positions are not unusual in the Indian media landscape , it is rare for such outlets to lobby on a global scale .
Two notable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Geneva—maintain strong connections to NGOs and think tanks in Brussels and Geneva , in effect serving as lobbying interests to the EU and the United Nations .
Sharma promised invitees “ a prestigious VIP meeting ” with Modi in addition to their trip to Kashmir .
The MEPs stated that the purpose of the visit was to “ gather information ” on the situation in Kashmir .
Although the MEPs were technically an unofficial delegation , they received clearance not just to tour Kashmir , but also to meet with several senior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Government ministries have publicly stated that they were not involved in arranging the visit , although it is unlikely that such clearance could have been obtained without approval from high-level authorities .
Before visiting Kashmir , the MEPs went to New Delhi to meet Modi , who said that the delegation would gain “ a better understanding of the cultural and religious diversity of the region.
” While in Kashmir , the European delegation went on a guided tour through the capital of Srinagar before having lunch at the Indian Army Headquarters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ terrorist training camps in Pakistan , where attacks in Kashmir are allegedly plotted .
Several MEPs , including far-right Czech MEP Tomas Zdechovsky and National Rally MEP Thierry Mariani , later used social media to share their experience meeting the prime minister ; Mariani , for example , tweeted in support of the Indian government ’ s policy in Kashmir .
Mariani also told reporters that “ we stand with India in its fight against terrorists , ” while AfD MEP Lars Patrick Berg accused the media of branding them “ Muslim-hating Nazis.
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ for stronger border security in the EU , linking migration to potential Islamist terrorist attacks .
The Kashmir issue is a rallying cry for much of Europe ’ s far-right .
Europe ’ s nationalists share a deep concern over Islamist extremism , as well as an overarching vision of national strength .
In many ways , they see Modi ’ s hardline stance in Kashmir as indicative of their own aims .
The latest crisis in Kashmir began when Modi ’ s government revoked Article 370 of the Indian Constitution , thereby @ @ @ @ @ @ @ autonomous status .
Wilders openly tweeted his support of the revocation of Kashmir ’ s autonomy the day it was announced .
The British columnist Katie Hopkins also expressed solidarity and has more recently claimed that Hindus are the victims of ethnic cleansing in Kashmir .
The Kashmir issue is a rallying cry for much of Europe ’ s far-right .
Europe ’ s nationalists share a deep concern over Islamist extremism , as well as an overarching vision of national strength .
The immediate pretext for Modi ’ s move was brewing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ separatist insurgency has gripped Kashmir since 1989 , and Pakistan has played a substantial role supporting violent separatist groups in the region .
Islamist terrorist attacks remain an everyday reality on the ground , and they have sometimes spilled over into India itself .
This includes the 2008 Mumbai attacks , in which Lashkar-e-Tayyiba , a Pakistan-based Islamist group seeking Kashmiri unification with Pakistan , launched a massive attack in Mumbai killing 164 people .
The situation continued to escalate in February 2019 , when Pakistan ’ s Air Force launched a series @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Indian retaliation .
Periodic airstrikes have been conducted intermittently since—arguably boosting Modi ’ s popularity with his base and helping him win reelection last year .
Although the pretext for the constitutional change was regional unrest , there are broader goals .
Hindu nationalists have long sought to expand India ’ s territorial reach into what was once British-controlled India—including not only Kashmir but also Pakistan , Bangladesh , and other parts of South Asia .
In much the same way that Hindu nationalists see Islamist extremism as an existential threat to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ characterize extremist-inspired attacks as foreign threats , even when the perpetrators are fellow citizens .
Following the 2017 Westminster attack in London , for example , National Rally leader Marine Le Pen called on France to take “ control ” of its borders , despite the fact that the attacker was a British-born Muslim convert .
The far-right in India and Europe are learning from each other , and their abilities to govern according to a shared ideological agenda rooted in Islamophobia are evolving in parallel .
A few months later , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fidesz parliamentary leader Lajos Kósa to state that “ terrorism doesn ’ t start with a ‘ suicide bomber.
’ It starts when terrorists illegally come to Europe and many people actually assist them.
” The attacker in this case , too , had been born in the United Kingdom to Libyan refugees , but far-right figures still used the attacks to condemn Islamist extremism and promote their Islamophobic , anti-immigrant agendas .
Members of the South Asian diaspora living in Western countries have also played their part in helping to promote a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for organizations based in India .
Although the visit of the MEPs was widely criticized in the international community for flouting diplomatic norms , it signals a new development in Indo-European relations : Far-right narratives have become part of the global mainstream .
The far-right in these two regions are learning from each other , and their abilities to govern according to a shared ideological agenda rooted in Islamophobia are evolving in parallel .
Although transnational bonds between nationalists may seem counterintuitive , their visions are not necessarily contradictory , and they may @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as the Muslim “ other ” remains their common enemy .
If far-right nationalists have it their way , it is likely that Indo-European relations will be reshaped along Islamophobic lines .

In October 2019, 23 members of the European Parliament (MEPs) visited Kashmir, just two months after the Indian government removed the region’s special autonomous status. The trip sparked controversy when it was revealed that most of the MEPs belonged to far-right political parties, including France’s National Rally (formerly National Front) and Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). It wasn’t just the affiliations of these visitors that drew attention: The MEPs had been granted access to Kashmir even as foreign journalists and domestic politicians were barred access to the region, and the Indian-administered government had imposed an internet shutdown since August.
In October 2019, 23 members of the European Parliament (MEPs) visited Kashmir, just two months after the Indian government removed the region’s special autonomous status. The trip sparked controversy when it was revealed that most of the MEPs belonged to far-right political parties, including France’s National Rally (formerly National Front) and Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). It wasn’t just the affiliations of these visitors that drew attention: The MEPs had been granted access to Kashmir even as foreign journalists and domestic politicians were barred access to the region, and the Indian-administered government had imposed an internet shutdown since August.
This visit was the latest example of the growing ties between the far-right in India and Europe, a connection that is rooted primarily in a shared hostility toward immigrants and Muslims, and couched in similar overarching nationalistic visions. Today, with the populist radical right ascendant in India and in several European democracies, the far-right agenda has been increasingly normalized and made a part of mainstream political discourse.
The link between far-right ideologies in these regions long predates the relatively recent rise of right-wing populist leaders. In the 1930s, Hindu nationalists collaborated with key figures in Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany in order to help advance their extreme right-wing projects. One of the pioneers of Hindu nationalism, V.D. Savarkar, once wrote that India should model its approach to its “Muslim problem” on that used by the Nazis to deal with their “Jewish problem.”
Similarly, European ideologues like Savitri Devi (born in France as Maximiani Portas) described Hitler as an incarnation of the Hindu god Vishnu. Nearly four decades after she died, her ideology remains popular among American white nationalists. The manifesto of Anders Behring Breivik, the Norwegian terrorist who killed 77 people in 2011, also expressed an affinity for the Hindu nationalist approach to Islam that highlights many contemporary European attitudes toward Muslim immigrant populations.
“The only positive thing about the Hindu right wing is that they dominate the streets. They do not tolerate the current injustice and often riot and attack Muslims when things get out of control, usually after the Muslims disrespect and degrade Hinduism too much,” Breivik wrote before bombing a government building in Oslo and killing dozens of children at a summer camp. “India will continue to wither and die unless the Indian nationalists consolidate properly and strike to win. It is essential that the European and Indian resistance movements learn from each other and cooperate as much as possible. Our goals are more or less identical.”
More recently, Steve Bannon, the former White House chief strategist and editor in chief of the far-right site Breitbart News Network, had considered creating a Breitbart India in 2015 after Narendra Modi became prime minister of India. Bannon has long admired Modi, once calling him “a Trump before Trump.” Meanwhile, European supporters of Modi and his nationalist message include the leader of the Dutch far-right Party for Freedom (PVV) Geert Wilders.
The MEPs’ visit to Kashmir sheds light on the solidarity of the global far-right. Although they were sent invitations on behalf of Madi Sharma, a Brussels-based entrepreneur and president of the NGO Women’s Economic and Social Think Tank (WESTT), the visit itself was funded and organized by an NGO registered in New Delhi called the International Institute for Non-Aligned Studies (IINS)—a group that shares the same IP address as the obscure news website New Delhi Times.
Steve Bannon has long admired Narendra Modi, once calling him “a Trump before Trump.”
This website, in turn, is connected to a global network of think tanks, companies, NGOs, and, significantly, over 265 local media outlets in 65 countries. EU DisinfoLab, which conducts research on disinformation campaigns targeting European Union member states, recently concluded that the media outlets tied to the New Delhi Times are attempting to influence international institutions and elected representatives.
While the ideological leanings of the New Delhi Times are unclear, its network of media outlets syndicate content criticizing Pakistan’s role in Kashmir, and they regularly take Islamophobic editorial stances. Although those positions are not unusual in the Indian media landscape, it is rare for such outlets to lobby on a global scale. Two notable websites in this network—EP Today and Times of Geneva—maintain strong connections to NGOs and think tanks in Brussels and Geneva, in effect serving as lobbying interests to the EU and the United Nations.
Sharma promised invitees “a prestigious VIP meeting” with Modi in addition to their trip to Kashmir. The MEPs stated that the purpose of the visit was to “gather information” on the situation in Kashmir. Although the MEPs were technically an unofficial delegation, they received clearance not just to tour Kashmir, but also to meet with several senior members of the Indian government and military. Government ministries have publicly stated that they were not involved in arranging the visit, although it is unlikely that such clearance could have been obtained without approval from high-level authorities.
Before visiting Kashmir, the MEPs went to New Delhi to meet Modi, who said that the delegation would gain “a better understanding of the cultural and religious diversity of the region.” While in Kashmir, the European delegation went on a guided tour through the capital of Srinagar before having lunch at the Indian Army Headquarters, where they saw maps of supposed terrorist training camps in Pakistan, where attacks in Kashmir are allegedly plotted.
Several MEPs, including far-right Czech MEP Tomas Zdechovsky and National Rally MEP Thierry Mariani, later used social media to share their experience meeting the prime minister; Mariani, for example, tweeted in support of the Indian government’s policy in Kashmir. Mariani also told reporters that “we stand with India in its fight against terrorists,” while AfD MEP Lars Patrick Berg accused the media of branding them “Muslim-hating Nazis.” Both Mariani and Berg have called for stronger border security in the EU, linking migration to potential Islamist terrorist attacks.
The Kashmir issue is a rallying cry for much of Europe’s far-right. Europe’s nationalists share a deep concern over Islamist extremism, as well as an overarching vision of national strength. In many ways, they see Modi’s hardline stance in Kashmir as indicative of their own aims.
The latest crisis in Kashmir began when Modi’s government revoked Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, thereby removing Jammu and Kashmir’s special autonomous status. Wilders openly tweeted his support of the revocation of Kashmir’s autonomy the day it was announced. The British columnist Katie Hopkins also expressed solidarity and has more recently claimed that Hindus are the victims of ethnic cleansing in Kashmir.
The Kashmir issue is a rallying cry for much of Europe’s far-right. Europe’s nationalists share a deep concern over Islamist extremism, as well as an overarching vision of national strength.
The immediate pretext for Modi’s move was brewing unrest in the region. An ongoing separatist insurgency has gripped Kashmir since 1989, and Pakistan has played a substantial role supporting violent separatist groups in the region. Islamist terrorist attacks remain an everyday reality on the ground, and they have sometimes spilled over into India itself. This includes the 2008 Mumbai attacks, in which Lashkar-e-Tayyiba, a Pakistan-based Islamist group seeking Kashmiri unification with Pakistan, launched a massive attack in Mumbai killing 164 people.
The situation continued to escalate in February 2019, when Pakistan’s Air Force launched a series of airstrikes in Indian-controlled Kashmir, leading to Indian retaliation. Periodic airstrikes have been conducted intermittently since—arguably boosting Modi’s popularity with his base and helping him win reelection last year.
Although the pretext for the constitutional change was regional unrest, there are broader goals. Hindu nationalists have long sought to expand India’s territorial reach into what was once British-controlled India—including not only Kashmir but also Pakistan, Bangladesh, and other parts of South Asia.
In much the same way that Hindu nationalists see Islamist extremism as an existential threat to the nation, European far-right figures often characterize extremist-inspired attacks as foreign threats, even when the perpetrators are fellow citizens. Following the 2017 Westminster attack in London, for example, National Rally leader Marine Le Pen called on France to take “control” of its borders, despite the fact that the attacker was a British-born Muslim convert.
The far-right in India and Europe are learning from each other, and their abilities to govern according to a shared ideological agenda rooted in Islamophobia are evolving in parallel.
A few months later, the Manchester Arena bombing led the far-right Hungarian Fidesz parliamentary leader Lajos Kósa to state that “terrorism doesn’t start with a ‘suicide bomber.’ It starts when terrorists illegally come to Europe and many people actually assist them.” The attacker in this case, too, had been born in the United Kingdom to Libyan refugees, but far-right figures still used the attacks to condemn Islamist extremism and promote their Islamophobic, anti-immigrant agendas. Members of the South Asian diaspora living in Western countries have also played their part in helping to promote a Hindu nationalist agenda through lobbying and fundraising for organizations based in India.
Although the visit of the MEPs was widely criticized in the international community for flouting diplomatic norms, it signals a new development in Indo-European relations: Far-right narratives have become part of the global mainstream. The far-right in these two regions are learning from each other, and their abilities to govern according to a shared ideological agenda rooted in Islamophobia are evolving in parallel.
Although transnational bonds between nationalists may seem counterintuitive, their visions are not necessarily contradictory, and they may continue to complement each other so long as the Muslim “other” remains their common enemy. If far-right nationalists have it their way, it is likely that Indo-European relations will be reshaped along Islamophobic lines.


foreignpolicy--2020-01-21--Trump Set to Speak at Davos as Impeachment Trial Begins

Trump Set to Speak at Davos as Impeachment Trial Begins Here is today ’ s Foreign Policy brief : U.S. President Donald Trump appears at Davos as his impeachment trial continues in the Senate , the cost of Australia ’ s bush fires rises , and migrants clash with police on the Mexico-Guatemala border .
We welcome your feedback at morningbrief @ foreignpolicy.com .
Today U.S. President Donald Trump is scheduled to deliver a speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos , Switzerland .
The president is missing a pivotal day back in Washington , where the impeachment trial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ earnest in the Senate .
With the Davos appearance , Trump ’ s advisors hope to show that the trial isn ’ t distracting the president from his duties .
This is Trump ’ s second trip to Davos , which is attended annually by world leaders and corporate executives .
( He missed last year ’ s event due a partial government shutdown . )
In the speech today , Trump is expected to highlight his recent economic victories , including a new trade deal with Canada and Mexico and the “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ China last week .
Who will Trump meet ?
The White House has released a list of leaders that Trump will meet , including Iraqi President Barham Salih , Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan , and Nechirvan Barzani , the president of the Kurdistan Regional Government .
The meetings come as anti-government protests resume in Iraq and amid hostilities between the United States and Iran .
It was previously reported that Trump would also meet with Ursula von der Leyen , the new president of the European Commission .
Trial rules .
Meanwhile @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ground rules for the impeachment trial laid out by Majority Leader Mitch McConnell : that each side would be given 24 hours to present their case , beginning on Wednesday .
Trump ’ s lawyers have also called for a quick trial : In a brief filed on Monday , his legal team called for the Senate to “ swiftly reject ” the two impeachment charges and acquit the president .
Australia ’ s bush fires take their toll .
As fire conditions in Australia are expected to worsen again this week , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ increase emergency funding for small businesses affected by the country ’ s blazes .
The cost of the fires means the government may not deliver on a promised budget surplus .
The world ’ s biggest coal mining company , BHG Group , has warned that poor air quality from the fires could disrupt its operations this year .
Australia ’ s tourism and insurance industries have already reported they are likely to take a hit .
Migrants clash with police on Guatemala-Mexico border .
Hundreds of Central American migrants clashed with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ river from Guatemala into Mexico on Monday .
In the process , some children were separated from their parents , Reuters reports .
The migrants were part of a group that left Honduras last week , posing a challenge for a Mexican government under pressure from the Trump administration to reduce the number of Central American migrants headed for the United States .
Seven still missing after Himalayan avalanche .
Seven hikers and guides are still missing in Nepal after an avalanche hit a trail around Annapurna , the world ’ s 10th @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have already rescued 200 people , but the search for the missing was called off on Monday amid worsening weather conditions .
Last year , Nepal faced a deadly climbing season on Mount Everest , leading to criticism that it had issued too many permits .
Norway ’ s government .
Norwegian Prime Minister Erna Solberg ’ s ruling coalition fell apart on Monday , after a right-wing party withdrew in response to a controversial decision to repatriate a suspected member of the Islamic State and her children from Syria so that one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ political crisis could have ramifications for other European governments already wary of repatriating ex-ISIS fighters .
Angolan corruption probe .
The billionaire Isabel dos Santos , the daughter of Angola ’ s ex-president , is facing scrutiny from her Lisbon-based bank after tens of thousands of documents were leaked suggesting that she took advantage of money from the Angolan government to increase her own wealth .
Angola ’ s current government has vowed to bring dos Santos back to the country , where she could face corruption charges .
The Wuhan coronavirus .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ in China , and health officials have officially confirmed it is being passed from person to person .
Currently the main concerns over the disease are in China itself , particularly if the government is downplaying the health crisis ahead of the Lunar New Year travel season , FP ’ s James Palmer explains .
Sri Lanka hosted a world-record attempt to gather the most twins in one place on Monday , though the event was so overcrowded that officials struggled to count them all .
The Guinness World Records organization hasn ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a new record .
The last one was set in Taiwan in 1999 , with a gathering of nearly 4,000 sets of twins .
Flights between Serbia and Kosovo will soon resume for the first time in over two decades under a deal brokered by the United States .
Kosovo formally declared independence from Serbia in 2008 , though relations remain tense .
The decision to resume flights comes as the European Union seeks to resolve ongoing tensions .
For more from FP , visit foreignpolicy.com , subscribe here , or sign up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tips , comments , questions , or corrections to morningbrief @ foreignpolicy.com .

Here is today’s Foreign Policy brief: U.S. President Donald Trump appears at Davos as his impeachment trial continues in the Senate, the cost of Australia’s bush fires rises, and migrants clash with police on the Mexico-Guatemala border .
Here is today’s Foreign Policy brief: U.S. President Donald Trump appears at Davos as his impeachment trial continues in the Senate, the cost of Australia’s bush fires rises, and migrants clash with police on the Mexico-Guatemala border.
If you would like to receive Morning Brief in your inbox every day, please sign up here.
Trump Speaks at Davos as Senate Trial Starts
Today U.S. President Donald Trump is scheduled to deliver a speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland. The president is missing a pivotal day back in Washington, where the impeachment trial against him is set to begin in earnest in the Senate. With the Davos appearance, Trump’s advisors hope to show that the trial isn’t distracting the president from his duties.
This is Trump’s second trip to Davos, which is attended annually by world leaders and corporate executives. (He missed last year’s event due a partial government shutdown.) In the speech today, Trump is expected to highlight his recent economic victories, including a new trade deal with Canada and Mexico and the “phase one” trade agreement signed with China last week.
Who will Trump meet? The White House has released a list of leaders that Trump will meet, including Iraqi President Barham Salih, Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan, and Nechirvan Barzani, the president of the Kurdistan Regional Government. The meetings come as anti-government protests resume in Iraq and amid hostilities between the United States and Iran.
It was previously reported that Trump would also meet with Ursula von der Leyen, the new president of the European Commission.
Trial rules. Meanwhile, the U.S. Senate votes today on ground rules for the impeachment trial laid out by Majority Leader Mitch McConnell: that each side would be given 24 hours to present their case, beginning on Wednesday. Trump’s lawyers have also called for a quick trial: In a brief filed on Monday, his legal team called for the Senate to “swiftly reject” the two impeachment charges and acquit the president.
What We’re Following Today
Australia’s bush fires take their toll. As fire conditions in Australia are expected to worsen again this week, the government announced Monday that it would increase emergency funding for small businesses affected by the country’s blazes. The cost of the fires means the government may not deliver on a promised budget surplus. The world’s biggest coal mining company, BHG Group, has warned that poor air quality from the fires could disrupt its operations this year. Australia’s tourism and insurance industries have already reported they are likely to take a hit.
Migrants clash with police on Guatemala-Mexico border. Hundreds of Central American migrants clashed with the Mexican National Guard after they crossed a river from Guatemala into Mexico on Monday. In the process, some children were separated from their parents, Reuters reports. The migrants were part of a group that left Honduras last week, posing a challenge for a Mexican government under pressure from the Trump administration to reduce the number of Central American migrants headed for the United States.
Seven still missing after Himalayan avalanche. Seven hikers and guides are still missing in Nepal after an avalanche hit a trail around Annapurna, the world’s 10th highest mountain, last Friday. Officials have already rescued 200 people, but the search for the missing was called off on Monday amid worsening weather conditions. Last year, Nepal faced a deadly climbing season on Mount Everest, leading to criticism that it had issued too many permits.
Keep an Eye On
Norway’s government. Norwegian Prime Minister Erna Solberg’s ruling coalition fell apart on Monday, after a right-wing party withdrew in response to a controversial decision to repatriate a suspected member of the Islamic State and her children from Syria so that one could receive urgent medical treatment. The political crisis could have ramifications for other European governments already wary of repatriating ex-ISIS fighters.
Angolan corruption probe. The billionaire Isabel dos Santos, the daughter of Angola’s ex-president, is facing scrutiny from her Lisbon-based bank after tens of thousands of documents were leaked suggesting that she took advantage of money from the Angolan government to increase her own wealth. Angola’s current government has vowed to bring dos Santos back to the country, where she could face corruption charges.
The Wuhan coronavirus. A new pneumonia-causing virus is still spreading in China, and health officials have officially confirmed it is being passed from person to person. Currently the main concerns over the disease are in China itself, particularly if the government is downplaying the health crisis ahead of the Lunar New Year travel season, FP’s James Palmer explains.
Odds and Ends
Sri Lanka hosted a world-record attempt to gather the most twins in one place on Monday, though the event was so overcrowded that officials struggled to count them all. The Guinness World Records organization hasn’t yet confirmed whether the event set a new record. The last one was set in Taiwan in 1999, with a gathering of nearly 4,000 sets of twins.
Flights between Serbia and Kosovo will soon resume for the first time in over two decades under a deal brokered by the United States. Kosovo formally declared independence from Serbia in 2008, though relations remain tense. The decision to resume flights comes as the European Union seeks to resolve ongoing tensions.
That’s it for today.
For more from FP, visit foreignpolicy.com, subscribe here, or sign up for our other newsletters. Send your tips, comments, questions, or corrections to morningbrief@foreignpolicy.com.


Cali-Globalization

On Jan. 1 , the new California Consumer Privacy Act ( CCPA ) went into effect , with consequences felt far beyond the state ’ s borders .
Unlike in neighboring Las Vegas , what happens in California rarely stays in California , especially when it comes to business regulations .
The CCPA is no exception .
It is the U.S. beachhead of the 2018 European Union General Data Protection Regulation ( GDPR ) , the previous effort by the EU to regulate aspects of how corporations handle personal data .
By dint of California ’ s size—it is the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the fifth-largest economy in the world—and influence in the tech sector—the state is home to Facebook , Google , Yahoo , Cisco , and many others—the impact of the CCPA on the rest of the world could be far larger than its European cousin .
Indeed , the CCPA has already lit a fire under the U.S. Congress , where a rare bipartisan push toward federal data protection legislation is underway .
The effort is aimed at forestalling a state-by-state patchwork of law and , for the Republican Party at least , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ legislators of California .
In other years , the EU ’ s enactment of the GDPR would have spurred congressional action or trans-Atlantic talks to harmonize the legal codes of the world ’ s two largest economic entities .
The GDPR levies fines of up to 4 percent of annual revenue on companies doing business in Europe that fail to protect the personal data and privacy of EU citizens .
The rule has already cost companies globally over $ 100 million in legal and other fees , including the rewiring of digital business @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chief data officers , a relatively new post necessitated by the law ; and other compliance measures .
Google was quickly hit with a $ 57 million fine in 2019 .
The new legislation ’ s impact will be even greater for American firms than their European cousins .
But under the current administration , it is nearly impossible to enact any new rules that could be portrayed as ceding sovereignty in legal or regulatory matters .
In turn , some Democrat-led states , including New York and California , have tried to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Their behavior is not unprecedented .
These states have long tried to set the tone for certain business and policy practices ( New York on financial regulation and anti-corruption legislation , California and others on environmental and agricultural policy ) .
And , in fact , there is a deep history of all sorts of states taking the lead on issues where Washington can ’ t reach consensus .
In the 1980s , for example , the states of New England banded together to fight the acid rain that resulted from coal-burning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ eventually sued the Environmental Protection Agency ( EPA ) to force it to enforce the 1963 Clean Air Act and won its case in the Supreme Court in 2007 .
When the Obama administration signed the Iran nuclear deal in 2015 , many states , Texas in particular , led the charge against the agreement by forcing locally based firms and pension funds to divest from companies doing business in Iran despite pledges in the deal to end U.S. economic sanctions .
New York Gov .
Andrew Cuomo tried to spark a similar @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by banning the technique in his state in 2014 , with hopes that others would follow .
But other states with shale formations—Texas , Pennsylvania , North Dakota , Colorado , and others—found the license fees and tax revenue preferable , and they show no signs of following suit .
It is in California where such legislative maneuvering has had the greatest impact .
California ’ s 2007 decision to set higher fuel efficiency standards than the rest of the United States—a move affirmed by the EPA in 2009 when it issued an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ federal standards—defeated powerful opposition from the energy and auto industries .
It forced a rapid increase , again due to the state ’ s size , in the average miles per gallon of new global vehicles .
The Trump administration recently revoked California ’ s EPA exemption , but it matters little .
All along , the auto industry ’ s main objections to California ’ s higher standard revolved around the costs involved in retooling and redesigning existing fleets .
They ’ re no more interested in retooling again for lower standards @ @ @ @ @ @ @ cars may slow if Trump ’ s reversal is not itself reversed by a future administration .
The California Department of Justice warns that even GDPR-complaint companies will have additional obligations under the CCPA .
For instance , the GDPR requires all firms to do an audit of their data policies to create records of what information they are retaining .
Under the CCPA , there is an entirely different requirement for data mapping , which will mean tweaks to any current GDPR-compliant practices .
Both the CCPA and the GDPR require companies @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to personal information , including demands that such information be erased ( part of the EU ’ s assertion of a “ right to be forgotten ” ) .
But the CCPA defines “ personal data ” somewhat differently than the GDPR .
The California Department of Justice advisory notes that “ businesses may need to review and reconcile the different definitions of personal information and applicable rules on verification of consumer requests.
” The bottom line : lots more work ( and more fees ) for corporate legal teams—and that ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regulatory body or through a consumer class action group .
Meanwhile , the new law has already stirred unusual activity among the typically inert mass of humanity Americans refer to as Congress .
Late last year , four Democratic senators , including Maria Cantwell , the top Democrat on the Senate Commerce , Science , and Transportation Committee , introduced a new national privacy bill : the Consumer Online Privacy Rights Act .
The bill aims to provide consumers with a digital version of Miranda rights and , for companies that don ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up steep penalties to encourage compliance .
Republicans countered with their own bill , sponsored by Sen. Roger Wicker of Mississippi , which raises the bar for consumer consent .
Rather than rely on legalistic disclosures like Cantwell ’ s version , the Republican alternative would effectively forbid the collection or transfer of personal data unless consumers specifically opt in to allow it .
Meanwhile , a proposal in the House , sponsored by two California Democratic representatives , Anna Eshoo and Zoe Lofgren , would create an independent federal agency to enforce @ @ @ @ @ @ @ remains unclear whether such politically fraught legislation can pass in a presidential election year—or whether Trump would sign it if it did .
He has shown little love for initiatives born in California and has lashed out frequently at Big Tech .
Whatever becomes of the CCPA and the current proposals in Congress , it is clear that global regulators and other stewards of good governance view the Golden State as a golden opportunity .
A recent move among European central bankers to create green financing standards has already received pledges of related @ @ @ @ @ @ @ states .
California is also leading , with New York , in seeking to create standards on so-called ESG data ( Environment , Social , and Governance ) that corporations release to financial data firms like Bloomberg and Thomson Reuters to burnish their green credentials .
The current unregulated system allows companies to pick and choose what they report to greenwash their reputations .
Environmentalists and activists on corporate transparency see little hope that the Trump administration would push forward on such initiatives , making California once again the promised land .

On Jan. 1, the new California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA) went into effect, with consequences felt far beyond the state’s borders. Unlike in neighboring Las Vegas, what happens in California rarely stays in California, especially when it comes to business regulations.
On Jan. 1, the new California Consumer Privacy Act (CCPA) went into effect, with consequences felt far beyond the state’s borders. Unlike in neighboring Las Vegas, what happens in California rarely stays in California, especially when it comes to business regulations.
The CCPA is no exception. It is the U.S. beachhead of the 2018 European Union General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), the previous effort by the EU to regulate aspects of how corporations handle personal data. By dint of California’s size—it is the largest internal market in the United States and the fifth-largest economy in the world—and influence in the tech sector—the state is home to Facebook, Google, Yahoo, Cisco, and many others—the impact of the CCPA on the rest of the world could be far larger than its European cousin.
Indeed, the CCPA has already lit a fire under the U.S. Congress, where a rare bipartisan push toward federal data protection legislation is underway. The effort is aimed at forestalling a state-by-state patchwork of law and, for the Republican Party at least, denying a victory to the reviled activist legislators of California.
The reversal in recent years of the decadeslong trend toward a more coordinated global economic, trade, and regulatory environment has led regulators in the United States and abroad to seek new ways around populist and protectionist governments. Stateside, California has been a perfect Trojan horse.
In other years, the EU’s enactment of the GDPR would have spurred congressional action or trans-Atlantic talks to harmonize the legal codes of the world’s two largest economic entities.
The GDPR levies fines of up to 4 percent of annual revenue on companies doing business in Europe that fail to protect the personal data and privacy of EU citizens. The rule has already cost companies globally over $100 million in legal and other fees, including the rewiring of digital business plans and platforms; the hiring of chief data officers, a relatively new post necessitated by the law; and other compliance measures. Google was quickly hit with a $57 million fine in 2019. The new legislation’s impact will be even greater for American firms than their European cousins.
But under the current administration, it is nearly impossible to enact any new rules that could be portrayed as ceding sovereignty in legal or regulatory matters. In turn, some Democrat-led states, including New York and California, have tried to take up the cause on their own. Their behavior is not unprecedented. These states have long tried to set the tone for certain business and policy practices (New York on financial regulation and anti-corruption legislation, California and others on environmental and agricultural policy). And, in fact, there is a deep history of all sorts of states taking the lead on issues where Washington can’t reach consensus.
In the 1980s, for example, the states of New England banded together to fight the acid rain that resulted from coal-burning power plants in the Midwest. Massachusetts eventually sued the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to force it to enforce the 1963 Clean Air Act and won its case in the Supreme Court in 2007.
When the Obama administration signed the Iran nuclear deal in 2015, many states, Texas in particular, led the charge against the agreement by forcing locally based firms and pension funds to divest from companies doing business in Iran despite pledges in the deal to end U.S. economic sanctions.
New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo tried to spark a similar revolt, this time against fracking, by banning the technique in his state in 2014,with hopes that others would follow. But other states with shale formations—Texas, Pennsylvania, North Dakota, Colorado, and others—found the license fees and tax revenue preferable, and they show no signs of following suit.
It is in California where such legislative maneuvering has had the greatest impact. California’s 2007 decision to set higher fuel efficiency standards than the rest of the United States—a move affirmed by the EPA in 2009 when it issued an exemption to allow the state to exceed federal standards—defeated powerful opposition from the energy and auto industries. It forced a rapid increase, again due to the state’s size, in the average miles per gallon of new global vehicles.
The Trump administration recently revoked California’s EPA exemption, but it matters little. All along, the auto industry’s main objections to California’s higher standard revolved around the costs involved in retooling and redesigning existing fleets. They’re no more interested in retooling again for lower standards, although subsequent improvements in new U.S. cars may slow if Trump’s reversal is not itself reversed by a future administration.
So what, exactly, will the CCPA bring? Generally, for anyone doing business online, from Google and Facebook down to small shop with a simple email marketing account, the CCPA will matter, even if the company has already spent significantly to comply with the GDPR.
The California Department of Justice warns that even GDPR-complaint companies will have additional obligations under the CCPA. For instance, the GDPR requires all firms to do an audit of their data policies to create records of what information they are retaining. Under the CCPA, there is an entirely different requirement for data mapping, which will mean tweaks to any current GDPR-compliant practices.
Both the CCPA and the GDPR require companies to respond to individual requests for access to personal information, including demands that such information be erased (part of the EU’s assertion of a “right to be forgotten”). But the CCPA defines “personal data” somewhat differently than the GDPR. The California Department of Justice advisory notes that “businesses may need to review and reconcile the different definitions of personal information and applicable rules on verification of consumer requests.”
The bottom line: lots more work (and more fees) for corporate legal teams—and that’s before you get sued by the state regulatory body or through a consumer class action group.
For multinationals, the GDPR has not been the existential blow its harshest critics predicted, but it has added complications and costs to operating in the big European market. The Harvard Business Review notes that “these new powers come with new responsibilities and new costs for users, not least of which are ballooning budgets for government data management and enforcement bureaucracies worldwide.” No matter how you slice that, higher taxes go hand in hand with the costs corporations bear to comply with the law, with those costs invariably passed along to consumers.
Meanwhile, the new law has already stirred unusual activity among the typically inert mass of humanity Americans refer to as Congress. Late last year, four Democratic senators, including Maria Cantwell, the top Democrat on the Senate Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee, introduced a new national privacy bill: the Consumer Online Privacy Rights Act. The bill aims to provide consumers with a digital version of Miranda rights and, for companies that don’t properly adjust their policies, set up steep penalties to encourage compliance.
Republicans countered with their own bill, sponsored by Sen. Roger Wicker of Mississippi, which raises the bar for consumer consent. Rather than rely on legalistic disclosures like Cantwell’s version, the Republican alternative would effectively forbid the collection or transfer of personal data unless consumers specifically opt in to allow it. Meanwhile, a proposal in the House, sponsored by two California Democratic representatives, Anna Eshoo and Zoe Lofgren, would create an independent federal agency to enforce privacy protections and investigate abuses.
It remains unclear whether such politically fraught legislation can pass in a presidential election year—or whether Trump would sign it if it did. He has shown little love for initiatives born in California and has lashed out frequently at Big Tech.
Whatever becomes of the CCPA and the current proposals in Congress, it is clear that global regulators and other stewards of good governance view the Golden State as a golden opportunity. A recent move among European central bankers to create green financing standards has already received pledges of related action from California and other green-tinted U.S. states.
California is also leading, with New York, in seeking to create standards on so-called ESG data (Environment, Social, and Governance) that corporations release to financial data firms like Bloomberg and Thomson Reuters to burnish their green credentials. The current unregulated system allows companies to pick and choose what they report to greenwash their reputations. Environmentalists and activists on corporate transparency see little hope that the Trump administration would push forward on such initiatives, making California once again the promised land.


foreignpolicy--2020-01-21--Ghosn’s Flight Leaves CEOs Thinking Twice About Japan

The dramatic year-end escape of the auto titan-turned-fugitive Carlos Ghosn , the former chairman of Renault , Nissan , and Mitsubishi Motors , has captured the Japanese popular imagination .
All the required elements are there—high-stakes skullduggery , shady international operatives , and bureaucratic slip-ups—in a saga that has seldom been off Japan ’ s front pages since his equally surprising sudden airport arrest in November 2018 and subsequent fraud charges .
But behind the drama of Ghosn himself , the growing problems at Nissan and Renault and the unwanted global attention on Japan ’ s justice system have meant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ few winners .
The most obvious loser remains Ghosn himself , having exchanged what appeared to be almost certain incarceration for a life of limited freedom in Lebanon , with unclear prospects to undertake the globetrotting for which the CEO , who holds French , Lebanese , and Brazilian nationality , was once renowned .
While Lebanon does not , in principle , extradite its citizens , a so-called red notice issued by Interpol means that Ghosn would face greater risk of arrest in other countries .
Another key loser is the international @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a country that likes to tout the rule of law to show how it differs from rivals like China .
But Ghosn arguably had some reason to flee .
His arrest and subsequent 130 days held in custody before trial , coupled with marathon interrogations without an attorney , have refocused widespread international criticism of a justice system that , while nominally presuming innocence , delivers guilty verdicts with mechanical precision .
His flight has now been seized upon by both opponents and supporters of the Japanese system , prompting a hardening @ @ @ @ @ @ @ calls for reform .
Meanwhile , two of the companies he once ran have themselves been preoccupied with the crisis .
Both Renault and Nissan are down over 30 percent since Ghosn ’ s arrest in November 2018 .
Right after Ghosn held a marathon televised news conference in Beirut earlier this month after his late December arrival , Japanese Justice Minister Masako Mori gave her own late-night news conference , defending Japan ’ s justice system and saying that Ghosn should come back to “ prove his innocence.
” She had to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Japan ’ s legal system , it is not up to someone to prove that they are not guilty .
But the comment is emblematic of Japan ’ s mixed approach to justice , which some experts say still relies on the premise that the state and prosecutors are usually right .
“ The prosecution has too much authority and the defense has too little .
This would not be the situation if Japan had a bona fide adversarial system , but the fact of the matter is that the balance of power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the legal scholar Keiichi Muraoka said in a January 2019 interview .
Of course , Ghosn isn ’ t the first person—or even the first foreigner—to feel railroaded by Japan ’ s legal system .
But there ’ s a big difference when it involves one of the world ’ s best-known CEOs .
While the prospect of arrest is remote for most foreign business executives in Japan , Ghosn ’ s plight is a vivid reminder of the fact that when things go wrong in Japan , they go seriously wrong .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ School of Management professor Jeffrey Sonnenfeld said that many executives privately cheered Ghosn ’ s actions .
Amid what Sonnenfeld described as increasing concerns for global executives , “ Japan ’ s treatment of Ghosn stands out for its brazen ruthlessness , even more so because it happened in one of the world ’ s most advanced democracies.
” The editorial pages of the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal also found rare common cause by suggesting that Ghosn deserved the benefit of the doubt .
There has been no sign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Japan ( unlike in 2011 , when many fled in the wake of the Fukushima earthquake and nuclear crisis ) but the risk adds to other negatives , especially the issue of taxation on worldwide income and wealth for anyone staying beyond five years .
It ’ s all a far cry from when Ghosn first arrived in Japan in 1999 , as part of Nissan ’ s newly formed alliance with the French automaker Renault .
Ghosn ’ s decisive leadership and a cash injection by Renault for a 37 percent stake @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fortunes around .
By 2002 , Ghosn was a global hero , named Asian business executive of the year by Fortune .
In 2016 , Mitsubishi Motors was added to the alliance , making it by 2018 the second-largest automaker in the world , with Ghosn the CEO of all three groups .
The case against him began as a fairly technical matter of taxation .
Whistleblowers ( or backstabbers depending on your viewpoint ) compiled what they said was evidence that Ghosn had worked with others to boost his compensation without the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plea bargain system , they went to prosecutors , who duly opened a case against Ghosn , the senior Nissan executive Greg Kelly , and the company itself .
They then took Ghosn and Kelly into custody as they flew in for meetings that came at the request of company officials in Tokyo .
From here the model began to fall apart .
Ghosn was meant to apologize , plead guilty , and likely pay a fine .
He could have noted in his defense that many officials within the company , including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the very least been negligent in approving the measures , which related to future compensation .
A later investigation by the head of audit within the company and reported on by the Wall Street Journal identified some 80 people who were involved .
The case would have likely closed , with prosecutors chalking up another victory .
Instead Ghosn dug in his heels and claimed total innocence .
In response , the prosecutors dug further and found questionable payments to business partners in Oman and Saudi Arabia , raising the issue of whether @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his own pocket .
This is a much more serious case known as “ breach of trust , ” and Ghosn has had a more difficult time knocking down these allegations .
At this point , Ghosn and his attorneys managed to turn the story in a new direction with a focus on his treatment and the use of what ’ s referred to as “ hostage justice , ” in which prosecutors wear down a defendant into confessing even when innocent in order to end their ordeal .
Family members said that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with no heating , was denied blankets he asked for , could not have pen and paper , and was subject to questioning , with no attorney present , for up to seven hours in a day .
( By some accounts , his situation was better than many Japanese inmates .
A rather harrowing 1995 account from Human Rights Watch can be found here . )
Justice Ministry officials have quibbled with this figure , saying that questioning averaged no more than four hours daily .
Even after Ghosn got out on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ activities were tightly controlled , and he made much of the fact that he was not allowed to see his wife , Carole Ghosn , who has herself now been charged in the case .
Ghosn ’ s lawyers also complained that the prosecution refused to hand over 6,000 items such as emails from Nissan , saying they were confidential information , demonstrating that the process of judicial discovery in Japan is a long way from U.S. standards .
In the end , Ghosn said he determined that he could never have a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that 99 percent of criminal cases brought to trial in Japan end in a conviction .
He is far from alone in attacking the judicial system .
Human rights groups , the United Nations , and Japan ’ s own Federation of Bar Associations have all called for changes to the draconian rules that allow detention for 23 days with no charge , limited access to lawyers , and the use of harsh interrogation techniques to extract the confessions on which most convictions rest .
While there have been some reforms in recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ interrogation sessions to limit compelled confessions , the bar association believes much more needs to be done , saying in an October 2019 statement that “ the interrogation-centered investigation and the detention of suspects , dubbed ‘ hostage justice , ’ continue to be the bedrock of Japanese criminal proceedings.
” At the same time , the Ghosn case has also provided ammunition the system ’ s defenders , who can now paint him as a fugitive from justice .
Masakazu Toyoda , a Nissan outside director from the Japanese Ministry of Economy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ asked about Ghosn ’ s claim that Toyoda himself was part of a conspiracy against the executive , simply said “ I don ’ t have time to deal with a one-man show by someone who violated the law and escaped justice.
” Officials also now defend locking up Ghosn for long periods simply by saying that his escape proves their concern that he was a flight risk .
The affair has also cast fresh attention on the “ forgotten man ” in the case , former Nissan executive Greg Kelly , who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ media have drawn the comparison between the rich executive with global friends and the 63-year-old American who says he was arrested when called to Japan for a company meeting .
Ghosn has himself championed Kelly ’ s plight and the outcome of his trial on the question of the compensation plans , which will now serve as a proxy in the case against his former boss .
It ’ s not certain how Ghosn ’ s departure will influence his case .
On the one hand , prosecutors will want to show there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , their methods will be under wider scrutiny in the international arena , with the observation that none of the Japanese executives involved , such as interim CEO Hiroto Saikawa , are in the dock to share the pain .
But even as they dig in their heels , Japan ’ s justice officials are going to find the international temperature rising as a partly liberated Ghosn continues to roll out information he says proves that the fix was in place long before his arrest .
The Justice Ministry has this week published @ @ @ @ @ @ @ how the Japanese system is fine , a clear sign that it is nervous about what is to come .
While he has so far avoided naming specific government officials , Ghosn has claimed that he has evidence of direct collusion by the government with Nissan and is reported to be planning a second news conference shortly .
That will certainly not be good news for the Japanese ministries trying to attract more foreign investment and senior executives into the country .

The dramatic year-end escape of the auto titan-turned-fugitive Carlos Ghosn, the former chairman of Renault, Nissan, and Mitsubishi Motors, has captured the Japanese popular imagination. All the required elements are there—high-stakes skullduggery, shady international operatives, and bureaucratic slip-ups—in a saga that has seldom been off Japan’s front pages since his equally surprising sudden airport arrest in November 2018 and subsequent fraud charges. But behind the drama of Ghosn himself, the growing problems at Nissan and Renault and the unwanted global attention on Japan’s justice system have meant there are no shortage of losers and few winners.
The dramatic year-end escape of the auto titan-turned-fugitive Carlos Ghosn, the former chairman of Renault, Nissan, and Mitsubishi Motors, has captured the Japanese popular imagination. All the required elements are there—high-stakes skullduggery, shady international operatives, and bureaucratic slip-ups—in a saga that has seldom been off Japan’s front pages since his equally surprising sudden airport arrest in November 2018 and subsequent fraud charges. But behind the drama of Ghosn himself, the growing problems at Nissan and Renault and the unwanted global attention on Japan’s justice system have meant there are no shortage of losers and few winners.
The most obvious loser remains Ghosn himself, having exchanged what appeared to be almost certain incarceration for a life of limited freedom in Lebanon, with unclear prospects to undertake the globetrotting for which the CEO, who holds French, Lebanese, and Brazilian nationality, was once renowned. While Lebanon does not, in principle, extradite its citizens, a so-called red notice issued by Interpol means that Ghosn would face greater risk of arrest in other countries. Another key loser is the international reputation of the Japanese police and courts—irksome for a country that likes to tout the rule of law to show how it differs from rivals like China.
But Ghosn arguably had some reason to flee. His arrest and subsequent 130 days held in custody before trial, coupled with marathon interrogations without an attorney, have refocused widespread international criticism of a justice system that, while nominally presuming innocence, delivers guilty verdicts with mechanical precision. His flight has now been seized upon by both opponents and supporters of the Japanese system, prompting a hardening in attitude that will likely scuttle any calls for reform. Meanwhile, two of the companies he once ran have themselves been preoccupied with the crisis. Both Renault and Nissan are down over 30 percent since Ghosn’s arrest in November 2018.
Right after Ghosn held a marathon televised news conference in Beirut earlier this month after his late December arrival, Japanese Justice Minister Masako Mori gave her own late-night news conference, defending Japan’s justice system and saying that Ghosn should come back to “prove his innocence.” She had to backtrack slightly afterward to acknowledge that under Japan’s legal system, it is not up to someone to prove that they are not guilty. But the comment is emblematic of Japan’s mixed approach to justice, which some experts say still relies on the premise that the state and prosecutors are usually right. “The prosecution has too much authority and the defense has too little. This would not be the situation if Japan had a bona fide adversarial system, but the fact of the matter is that the balance of power in Japanese courts is skewed,” the legal scholar Keiichi Muraoka said in a January 2019 interview.
Of course, Ghosn isn’t the first person—or even the first foreigner—to feel railroaded by Japan’s legal system. But there’s a big difference when it involves one of the world’s best-known CEOs. While the prospect of arrest is remote for most foreign business executives in Japan, Ghosn’s plight is a vivid reminder of the fact that when things go wrong in Japan, they go seriously wrong. Writing in Chief Executive magazine, Yale School of Management professor Jeffrey Sonnenfeld said that many executives privately cheered Ghosn’s actions. Amid what Sonnenfeld described as increasing concerns for global executives, “Japan’s treatment of Ghosn stands out for its brazen ruthlessness, even more so because it happened in one of the world’s most advanced democracies.” The editorial pages of the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal also found rare common cause by suggesting that Ghosn deserved the benefit of the doubt. There has been no sign of a sudden exodus among expats in Japan (unlike in 2011, when many fled in the wake of the Fukushima earthquake and nuclear crisis) but the risk adds to other negatives, especially the issue of taxation on worldwide income and wealth for anyone staying beyond five years.
It’s all a far cry from when Ghosn first arrived in Japan in 1999, as part of Nissan’s newly formed alliance with the French automaker Renault. Ghosn’s decisive leadership and a cash injection by Renault for a 37 percent stake in the nearly bankrupt Nissan turned its fortunes around. By 2002, Ghosn was a global hero, named Asian business executive of the year by Fortune. In 2016, Mitsubishi Motors was added to the alliance, making it by 2018 the second-largest automaker in the world, with Ghosn the CEO of all three groups.
The case against him began as a fairly technical matter of taxation. Whistleblowers (or backstabbers depending on your viewpoint) compiled what they said was evidence that Ghosn had worked with others to boost his compensation without the proper disclosures. Utilizing a newly introduced plea bargain system, they went to prosecutors, who duly opened a case against Ghosn, the senior Nissan executive Greg Kelly, and the company itself. They then took Ghosn and Kelly into custody as they flew in for meetings that came at the request of company officials in Tokyo.
From here the model began to fall apart. Ghosn was meant to apologize, plead guilty, and likely pay a fine. He could have noted in his defense that many officials within the company, including the board of directors, had at the very least been negligent in approving the measures, which related to future compensation. A later investigation by the head of audit within the company and reported on by the Wall Street Journal identified some 80 people who were involved. The case would have likely closed, with prosecutors chalking up another victory.
Instead Ghosn dug in his heels and claimed total innocence. In response, the prosecutors dug further and found questionable payments to business partners in Oman and Saudi Arabia, raising the issue of whether Ghosn had used company funds to line his own pocket. This is a much more serious case known as “breach of trust,” and Ghosn has had a more difficult time knocking down these allegations.
At this point, Ghosn and his attorneys managed to turn the story in a new direction with a focus on his treatment and the use of what’s referred to as “hostage justice,” in which prosecutors wear down a defendant into confessing even when innocent in order to end their ordeal. Family members said that Ghosn was held in a small cell with no heating, was denied blankets he asked for, could not have pen and paper, and was subject to questioning, with no attorney present, for up to seven hours in a day. (By some accounts, his situation was better than many Japanese inmates. A rather harrowing 1995 account from Human Rights Watch can be found here.)
Justice Ministry officials have quibbled with this figure, saying that questioning averaged no more than four hours daily. Even after Ghosn got out on bail of $14 million, his activities were tightly controlled, and he made much of the fact that he was not allowed to see his wife, Carole Ghosn, who has herself now been charged in the case. Ghosn’s lawyers also complained that the prosecution refused to hand over 6,000 items such as emails from Nissan, saying they were confidential information, demonstrating that the process of judicial discovery in Japan is a long way from U.S. standards.
In the end, Ghosn said he determined that he could never have a fair trial, noting the oft-quoted fact that 99 percent of criminal cases brought to trial in Japan end in a conviction. He is far from alone in attacking the judicial system. Human rights groups, the United Nations, and Japan’s own Federation of Bar Associations have all called for changes to the draconian rules that allow detention for 23 days with no charge, limited access to lawyers, and the use of harsh interrogation techniques to extract the confessions on which most convictions rest. While there have been some reforms in recent years, such as the recording of interrogation sessions to limit compelled confessions, the bar association believes much more needs to be done, saying in an October 2019 statement that “the interrogation-centered investigation and the detention of suspects, dubbed ‘hostage justice,’ continue to be the bedrock of Japanese criminal proceedings.”
At the same time, the Ghosn case has also provided ammunition the system’s defenders, who can now paint him as a fugitive from justice. Masakazu Toyoda, a Nissan outside director from the Japanese Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry, when asked about Ghosn’s claim that Toyoda himself was part of a conspiracy against the executive, simply said “I don’t have time to deal with a one-man show by someone who violated the law and escaped justice.” Officials also now defend locking up Ghosn for long periods simply by saying that his escape proves their concern that he was a flight risk.
The affair has also cast fresh attention on the “forgotten man” in the case, former Nissan executive Greg Kelly, who is charged with helping Ghosn. Japanese media have drawn the comparison between the rich executive with global friends and the 63-year-old American who says he was arrested when called to Japan for a company meeting. Ghosn has himself championed Kelly’s plight and the outcome of his trial on the question of the compensation plans, which will now serve as a proxy in the case against his former boss. It’s not certain how Ghosn’s departure will influence his case. On the one hand, prosecutors will want to show there was wrongdoing. At the same time, their methods will be under wider scrutiny in the international arena, with the observation that none of the Japanese executives involved, such as interim CEO Hiroto Saikawa, are in the dock to share the pain.
But even as they dig in their heels, Japan’s justice officials are going to find the international temperature rising as a partly liberated Ghosn continues to roll out information he says proves that the fix was in place long before his arrest. The Justice Ministry has this week published a cheery Q&A document about how the Japanese system is fine, a clear sign that it is nervous about what is to come. While he has so far avoided naming specific government officials, Ghosn has claimed that he has evidence of direct collusion by the government with Nissan and is reported to be planning a second news conference shortly. That will certainly not be good news for the Japanese ministries trying to attract more foreign investment and senior executives into the country.