labourlist--2020-10-09--Johnson’s abandoned ‘levelling up’ agenda leaves a gap for Starmer to fill

Public health officials has warned that it is “ extremely likely ” the North West will see around 3,000 Covid-19 patients in hospital by the end of the month , reaching the same levels as experienced during the peak of the virus in April , according to a document seen by the HSJ .
The second wave has definitely arrived .
The details that have trickled out in advance suggest the Prime Minister will announce on Monday that shielding is back and household mixing will be banned in high infection areas , plus there will be a ‘ tiered ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also set to unveil the “ next stage ” of his job support scheme ( better late than never ) with help for businesses having to close over the coming weeks and months .
The TUC has called for a local furlough scheme , and something like their proposals is expected .
Many of us living in the South and in other areas of the country have been unaffected by the second wave and its restrictions so far , but how long can that last ?
Boris Johnson is insisting that we push @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local lockdowns , instead of national restrictions ( other than the rule of six and some hospitality changes such as the 10pm curfew , mask-wearing and table service only ) .
But without a properly functioning Test and Trace – its contact rate is actually getting worse , by the way – it can only be a matter of time before Johnson ’ s own constituents are hit by further measures .
Nicola Sturgeon has opted for a sort-of circuit breaker whereby over the next 16 days pubs and restaurants can only serve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 6pm , for example .
The current approach goes completely against the government ’ s ‘ levelling up ’ agenda , of course .
As ITV ’ s Hannah Miller pointed out to the PM last week , the infection rate in his own constituency is higher now than the rates of almost all the areas in Greater Manchester when they were first put under restrictions .
There appear to be no criteria for when areas enter and leave lockdown , and the delay in the extra financial support now being promised is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ today argues that Johnson ’ s ‘ levelling up ’ pledge is a slogan in search of a policy .
Could Starmer make the bold call for a second national lockdown , as John McDonnell has done ?
Incredibly unlikely .
His instincts from the start of the pandemic have been to resist restrictions that might themselves have a negative impact on public health .
But the Labour leader can develop a community empowerment narrative , echoing the views of Andy Burnham and other local figureheads .
That ’ s why we ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Local Government Information Unit report , offering suggestions with which Starmer could “ hand power down to level up ” and fill the policy gap left by Johnson .
These ideas for radical devolution would align well with his complaint in the Telegraph today that the government is operating under the ‘ Whitehall knows best ’ view , as noted in yesterday ’ s LabourList email .
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Public health officials has warned that it is “extremely likely” the North West will see around 3,000 Covid-19 patients in hospital by the end of the month, reaching the same levels as experienced during the peak of the virus in April, according to a document seen by the HSJ. The second wave has definitely arrived. The details that have trickled out in advance suggest the Prime Minister will announce on Monday that shielding is back and household mixing will be banned in high infection areas, plus there will be a ‘tiered’ system for clarity. The Chancellor is also set to unveil the “next stage” of his job support scheme (better late than never) with help for businesses having to close over the coming weeks and months. The TUC has called for a local furlough scheme, and something like their proposals is expected.
Many of us living in the South and in other areas of the country have been unaffected by the second wave and its restrictions so far, but how long can that last? Boris Johnson is insisting that we push on with the strategy of ever stricter local lockdowns, instead of national restrictions (other than the rule of six and some hospitality changes such as the 10pm curfew, mask-wearing and table service only). But without a properly functioning Test and Trace – its contact rate is actually getting worse, by the way – it can only be a matter of time before Johnson’s own constituents are hit by further measures. Nicola Sturgeon has opted for a sort-of circuit breaker whereby over the next 16 days pubs and restaurants can only serve food and non-alcoholic drinks from 6am to 6pm, for example.
The current approach goes completely against the government’s ‘levelling up’ agenda, of course. As ITV’s Hannah Miller pointed out to the PM last week, the infection rate in his own constituency is higher now than the rates of almost all the areas in Greater Manchester when they were first put under restrictions. There appear to be no criteria for when areas enter and leave lockdown, and the delay in the extra financial support now being promised is simply outrageous. Our columnist Jake Richards today argues that Johnson’s ‘levelling up’ pledge is a slogan in search of a policy.
Could Starmer make the bold call for a second national lockdown, as John McDonnell has done? Incredibly unlikely. His instincts from the start of the pandemic have been to resist restrictions that might themselves have a negative impact on public health. But the Labour leader can develop a community empowerment narrative, echoing the views of Andy Burnham and other local figureheads. That’s why we’ve taken a look at the new Local Government Information Unit report, offering suggestions with which Starmer could “hand power down to level up” and fill the policy gap left by Johnson. These ideas for radical devolution would align well with his complaint in the Telegraph today that the government is operating under the ‘Whitehall knows best’ view, as noted in yesterday’s LabourList email.
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labourlist--2020-10-09--How Starmer’s Labour could “hand power down to level up”

From Gogglebox to left-wing Twitter , Keir Starmer has faced much criticism in recent weeks as some believe the Labour leader should be calling for more concrete policy proposals .
We know that Starmer wants to avoid setting out a wholesale political programme during a global crisis and so far from an election , but there is one area where he could be more vocal : devolution .
In a recent interview with HuffPost UK , Starmer discussed giving much more power to local authorities .
Most of the ideas were focused on coronavirus : giving mayors the power to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and trace to put it in the hands of local public health teams , and so on .
Behind those policies , there were the makings of a wider vision for Starmer ’ s Labour around empowering the UK ’ s regions and communities .
Radical federalism and wider devolution have already quietly become hallmarks of Starmer ’ s tenure as leader .
He promised wider-ranging powers for Scotland , Wales and Northern Ireland in an article for the Daily Record in April .
During his leadership campaign , he called for “ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ principle of federalism ” .
The Labour leader has not yet translated exactly these ideas could mean to normal voters .
Devolution is all well and good as a concept , but practically it can mean anything from new regional parliaments and elections to more powers for councils .
From giving regions financial independence to offering better bus networks , as Lisa Nandy is prone to suggesting .
A new report from the Local Government Information Unit ( LGIU ) offers some practical suggestions .
Published today , Power Down to Level Up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ highlights a longstanding “ crisis in government ” in the UK , which is already one of the most centralised countries in the world .
Despite the restrictions on regional power , the report argues that devolved administrations have been remarkably successful at “ place-shaping ” , i.e .
giving a positive sense of local identity to the community .
It concludes with a set of concrete recommendations for the government to help “ promote empowered and resilient places throughout England ” .
One of the report ’ s proposals is totally rethinking @ @ @ @ @ @ @ allowing them to have total control over local taxes .
It also calls for councils to be given total control over programmes such as Kick Start , which offers work or training to young people , so they can be tailored to the economic needs of the local area .
Another suggestion is using a sense of local identity to encourage the mass mobilisation of people to support their communities .
At its core is the idea that national government involvement in local communities need to be heavily cut back .
These proposals @ @ @ @ @ @ @ steps to consider , particularly given the actions of the current administration .
Under the advice of Dominic Cummings , Downing Street has increasingly centralised government operations in Whitehall .
But this approach is riddled with problems – just take the government ’ s increasing obsession with algorithms .
The infamous exams algorithm ignored the damage it was doing to the life chances of individual students in favour optimising national grade averages .
Meanwhile , flaws in the formula that the government is using to decide regional housing targets have caused it to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ South East , and to cut targets in northern towns and cities .
The Tories promised to address regional inequality with a “ levelling up ” agenda , yet government policies under Boris Johnson so far have consistently seen parts of the country – particularly the North of England – sacrificed for the sake of the whole .
Presenting a concrete alternative to that , something that stops communities from being ‘ left behind ’ and offers a positive vision for the country , could be both the best way for Britain to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to Labour ’ s central mission of rebuilding trust with voters .

From Gogglebox to left-wing Twitter, Keir Starmer has faced much criticism in recent weeks as some believe the Labour leader should be calling for more concrete policy proposals. We know that Starmer wants to avoid setting out a wholesale political programme during a global crisis and so far from an election, but there is one area where he could be more vocal: devolution.
In a recent interview with HuffPost UK, Starmer discussed giving much more power to local authorities. Most of the ideas were focused on coronavirus: giving mayors the power to decide on local lockdowns, overhauling test and trace to put it in the hands of local public health teams, and so on. Behind those policies, there were the makings of a wider vision for Starmer’s Labour around empowering the UK’s regions and communities.
Radical federalism and wider devolution have already quietly become hallmarks of Starmer’s tenure as leader. He promised wider-ranging powers for Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland in an article for the Daily Record in April. During his leadership campaign, he called for “a new constitutional settlement… built on the principle of federalism”. The Labour leader has not yet translated exactly these ideas could mean to normal voters. Devolution is all well and good as a concept, but practically it can mean anything from new regional parliaments and elections to more powers for councils. From giving regions financial independence to offering better bus networks, as Lisa Nandy is prone to suggesting.
A new report from the Local Government Information Unit (LGIU) offers some practical suggestions. Published today, Power Down to Level Up: Resilient Place-Shaping for a Post-Covid Age highlights a longstanding “crisis in government” in the UK, which is already one of the most centralised countries in the world. Despite the restrictions on regional power, the report argues that devolved administrations have been remarkably successful at “place-shaping”, i.e. giving a positive sense of local identity to the community. It concludes with a set of concrete recommendations for the government to help “promote empowered and resilient places throughout England”.
One of the report’s proposals is totally rethinking the fiscal powers of local authorities by allowing them to have total control over local taxes. It also calls for councils to be given total control over programmes such as Kick Start, which offers work or training to young people, so they can be tailored to the economic needs of the local area. Another suggestion is using a sense of local identity to encourage the mass mobilisation of people to support their communities. At its core is the idea that national government involvement in local communities need to be heavily cut back.
These proposals should give Starmer a number of tangible steps to consider, particularly given the actions of the current administration. Under the advice of Dominic Cummings, Downing Street has increasingly centralised government operations in Whitehall. But this approach is riddled with problems – just take the government’s increasing obsession with algorithms. The infamous exams algorithm ignored the damage it was doing to the life chances of individual students in favour optimising national grade averages. Meanwhile, flaws in the formula that the government is using to decide regional housing targets have caused it to disproportionately prioritise housebuilding in London and the South East, and to cut targets in northern towns and cities.
The Tories promised to address regional inequality with a “levelling up” agenda, yet government policies under Boris Johnson so far have consistently seen parts of the country – particularly the North of England – sacrificed for the sake of the whole. Presenting a concrete alternative to that, something that stops communities from being ‘left behind’ and offers a positive vision for the country, could be both the best way for Britain to recover after the pandemic and the key to Labour’s central mission of rebuilding trust with voters.


labourlist--2020-10-09--For Boris Johnson, ‘levelling up’ is merely a slogan in search of a policy

Boris Johnson ’ s priority as Prime Minister , beyond his desire to ‘ get Brexit done ’ , is his ‘ levelling up agenda ’ .
Both phrases are similar in their sloppy syntax and attempts to portray simplicity in fiendishly complex policy areas .
Brexit is done to the extent that a trade deal now needs negotiating , upon which Britain will have a generational challenge to rebuild its global relationships .
To ‘ level up ’ Britain has , in different ways , been the mission of every Prime Minister since the turn of the 19th century @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could have adopted , but most governments had more ideological substance than this Johnson administration .
Transformative Prime Ministers have real policy programmes .
For example , Clement Attlee built the welfare state to ‘ level up ’ the most vulnerable , having seen the horrors of poverty in Stepney .
Margaret Thatcher privatised large swathes of the public realm and cut taxes in the misguided hope of empowering the many – to ‘ level up ’ those she felt were frustrated by an all-encompassing state .
Tony Blair wanted to invest in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were the best in the world and to ‘ level up ’ opportunities for all .
Even Theresa May , in her speech on becoming Prime Minister , displayed more depth and understanding before the chaos of Brexit swept her away .
For Johnson , ‘ levelling up ’ is merely a slogan in search of a policy .
Dominic Cummings , the apparent brain behind the government , is dreaming about civil service reform and building space agencies – ideas far removed from peoples ’ lives .
The rest of the cabinet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their loyalty to the Brexit cause or Johnson ’ s own political ambitions .
Where there is an intellectual vacuum , different Tory tribes attempt to fill it .
Danny Kruger MP , a man who must hold the record for most policy pamphlets written without delivering any particular policies , has written ( yet another ) report about how civil society holds the key to ‘ levelling up ’ , wholly echoing David Cameron ’ s vacuous ‘ Big Society ’ .
The ‘ Blue Wall ’ MPs have set up a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is pretty empty with regard to policy , but suggests the answer lies in huge spending in R & D and infrastructure away from London and the South East and into ‘ left behind ’ Northern towns .
It remains to be seen how the Conservatives will pay for this considering the current state of the public finances and their wariness of redistributive economic policies .
For all the chatter amongst different Tory groups about ‘ levelling up ’ , their commitment to tackling regional inequality and investing in people and places that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ any of their recent policies .
Most famously , over the summer the Department of Education allowed an algorithm they knew would discriminate against successful students from poorer areas to adjudicate on examination results ( before U-turning under pressure ) .
It took a campaign from footballer Marcus Rashford to force the government to reconsider its decision to scrap free school meals during the pandemic .
The recent publication of reforms to the planning system was met with widespread scepticism , with experts warning that it would benefit the south-east of England most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the least ) .
Even in the midst of the pandemic , research shows that the poorest areas of England are four times as likely to face lockdown as the richest following the disastrous attempt to set up a functioning test and trace system .
More recently , as explained by Torsten Bell of the Resolution foundation , Rishi Sunak pledged to cut benefits on a much bigger scale than even George Osborne in 2015 .
The numbers suggest the poorest fifth of the population will lose 7 % of their disposable incomes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in three households in the ‘ Red Wall ’ will lost around £1,000 per year as a result of this announcement .
Bell has also expertly explained why Sunak ’ s new job support scheme is designed to protect the stable and more well-paid employees , but cut adrift the precarious and low-paid work , whose jobs Sunak deems “ unviable ” .
Where in the country unemployment occurs during the incipient recession , and for whom , is unlikely to reflect any notion of ‘ levelling up ’ .
This should come @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Labour must not let the Tories forget the recent past .
As Giles Wilkes , a former special adviser in the coalition government , tweeted , “ I saw that local authority income is down 60 % since 2010 .
With all the chatter about levelling up , I ’ m constantly surprised the whole conversation isn ’ t dominated by that fact.
” He ’ s right .
The cuts implemented over a decade of Tory rule have devastated many parts of the country .
This must be the starting point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ after years of the Conservatives smashing the country down .
Ultimately , however , the opportunity for ( and duty of ) Labour is to build a substantive policy programme , with a narrative for change , that people trust and believe in .
This government will begin to fight amongst itself , because there is no coherent intellectual framework beyond a hard-Brexit obsession .
Whilst they do so , let Labour ’ s work begin to fill the void and be a viable and serious progressive voice once more .

Boris Johnson’s priority as Prime Minister, beyond his desire to ‘get Brexit done’, is his ‘levelling up agenda’. Both phrases are similar in their sloppy syntax and attempts to portray simplicity in fiendishly complex policy areas. Brexit is done to the extent that a trade deal now needs negotiating, upon which Britain will have a generational challenge to rebuild its global relationships. To ‘level up’ Britain has, in different ways, been the mission of every Prime Minister since the turn of the 19th century. It is a phrase that each could have adopted, but most governments had more ideological substance than this Johnson administration. Transformative Prime Ministers have real policy programmes.
For example, Clement Attlee built the welfare state to ‘level up’ the most vulnerable, having seen the horrors of poverty in Stepney. Margaret Thatcher privatised large swathes of the public realm and cut taxes in the misguided hope of empowering the many – to ‘level up’ those she felt were frustrated by an all-encompassing state. Tony Blair wanted to invest in and modernise public services to ensure they were the best in the world and to ‘level up’ opportunities for all. Even Theresa May, in her speech on becoming Prime Minister, displayed more depth and understanding before the chaos of Brexit swept her away.
For Johnson, ‘levelling up’ is merely a slogan in search of a policy. Dominic Cummings, the apparent brain behind the government, is dreaming about civil service reform and building space agencies – ideas far removed from peoples’ lives. The rest of the cabinet are largely powerless, given office for their loyalty to the Brexit cause or Johnson’s own political ambitions.
Where there is an intellectual vacuum, different Tory tribes attempt to fill it. Danny Kruger MP, a man who must hold the record for most policy pamphlets written without delivering any particular policies, has written (yet another) report about how civil society holds the key to ‘levelling up’, wholly echoing David Cameron’s vacuous ‘Big Society’. The ‘Blue Wall’ MPs have set up a ‘Levelling Up Taskforce’, which is pretty empty with regard to policy, but suggests the answer lies in huge spending in R&D and infrastructure away from London and the South East and into ‘left behind’ Northern towns. It remains to be seen how the Conservatives will pay for this considering the current state of the public finances and their wariness of redistributive economic policies.
For all the chatter amongst different Tory groups about ‘levelling up’, their commitment to tackling regional inequality and investing in people and places that need it most does not align with any of their recent policies. Most famously, over the summer the Department of Education allowed an algorithm they knew would discriminate against successful students from poorer areas to adjudicate on examination results (before U-turning under pressure). It took a campaign from footballer Marcus Rashford to force the government to reconsider its decision to scrap free school meals during the pandemic. The recent publication of reforms to the planning system was met with widespread scepticism, with experts warning that it would benefit the south-east of England most (the area that needs such investment the least). Even in the midst of the pandemic, research shows that the poorest areas of England are four times as likely to face lockdown as the richest following the disastrous attempt to set up a functioning test and trace system.
More recently, as explained by Torsten Bell of the Resolution foundation, Rishi Sunak pledged to cut benefits on a much bigger scale than even George Osborne in 2015. The numbers suggest the poorest fifth of the population will lose 7% of their disposable incomes. The plans will mean that one in three households in the ‘Red Wall’ will lost around £1,000 per year as a result of this announcement. Bell has also expertly explained why Sunak’s new job support scheme is designed to protect the stable and more well-paid employees, but cut adrift the precarious and low-paid work, whose jobs Sunak deems “unviable”. Where in the country unemployment occurs during the incipient recession, and for whom, is unlikely to reflect any notion of ‘levelling up’.
This should come as no surprise from a Conservative government. Labour must not let the Tories forget the recent past. As Giles Wilkes, a former special adviser in the coalition government, tweeted, “I saw that local authority income is down 60% since 2010. With all the chatter about levelling up, I’m constantly surprised the whole conversation isn’t dominated by that fact.” He’s right. The cuts implemented over a decade of Tory rule have devastated many parts of the country. This must be the starting point for any discussion on levelling up, after years of the Conservatives smashing the country down.
Ultimately, however, the opportunity for (and duty of) Labour is to build a substantive policy programme, with a narrative for change, that people trust and believe in. This government will begin to fight amongst itself, because there is no coherent intellectual framework beyond a hard-Brexit obsession. Whilst they do so, let Labour’s work begin to fill the void and be a viable and serious progressive voice once more.


labourlist--2020-10-09--Why Labour’s ruling NEC needs Grassroots Voice candidates

As a Constituency Labour Party ( CLP ) representative standing down from Labour ’ s national executive committee ( NEC ) this year , I wanted to give my perspective on the upcoming elections , and the difference that can and must be made by having representatives who will genuinely act in the interests of grassroots members .
For the last few years , Labour ’ s 39-member NEC has had a centre-left majority that has changed the party in the interests of members .
In 2018 , all nine of the CLP representatives elected were strong supporters of Jeremy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of democratisation .
Alongside promoting the policies , processes and organisation needed to win elections , we have done our very best to push that agenda forward on the NEC by working with comrades in trade unions and the shadow cabinet .
Labour ’ s democracy review brought significant improvements .
Under Tony Blair , party conference was reduced to keynote speeches by the chosen few while the influence of members was diminished .
A centre-left majority on the NEC changed that : four policy discussions have become 20 , and the ridiculous @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Conference – when it happens – is no longer a leadership rally but a collective endeavour where all members , with the experience we bring from our local communities , have a much greater say in party policy .
As left-wing CLP representatives , we have prioritised reforms to the equalities structures of our party .
We have created new NEC seats directly elected by BAME and Disabled members for the first time .
Next year ’ s standalone , policy-making women ’ s conference is due to elect a committee to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s organisation .
We have introduced greater democracy at a regional level .
And while we were unsuccessful in achieving open selections , the campaign led to reforms that made trigger ballots easier to activate , which if properly implemented mean MPs are more accountable to the membership .
But the centre-left majority has disappeared with the new leadership .
The appointment of three new shadow cabinet representatives to replace the wonderful Diane Abbott , Rebecca Long-Bailey and Jon Trickett , as well as victory in the NEC elections for three candidates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changed the NEC .
The new majority vote against even the mildest attempts to stand up for members and grassroots democracy .
For example , I put forward an amendment to the paper agreeing a timetable for the NEC elections that said CLPs should be able to meet formally to take forward their usual business as well as NEC priorities .
The new majority voted against it .
I also tabled an amendment to the Forde Inquiry arguing that the terms of reference should include the alleged misuse of money during the 2017 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
They also opposed the introduction of a single transferable vote ( STV ) being discussed at conference – a purely factional move , apparently done to diminish the impact of the left , despite it overriding the rights of members to decide important changes to the rulebook .
What can left-wing CLP representatives now achieve ?
• Grassroots Voice candidates will do all they can to hold Keir Starmer to his leadership pledge on democratic selections and speak out when the rights of members are curtailed , such as in the recent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Where there are NEC members on panels , it ’ s important that left-wing NEC representatives are available to ensure these panels follow due process .
• With Yasmine Dar and Ann Henderson , I have prioritised fighting for a just and transparent disciplinary process , working to improve efficiency and fairness , and highlighting abuses of natural justice .
It is imperative we have left-wing CLP representatives who speak up for members and try to ensure due process .
• The NEC has an important role in holding the leadership to account @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for thousands of us when she questioned Keir Starmer on his belittling use of “ moment ” to describe Black Lives Matter .
We need left-wing CLP representatives who understand that pandering to the right-wing press and a return to focus group politics is a dead end for Labour .
• Finally , we need CLP representatives who are in touch with and value members and who will speak up in the interests of all members – for example by raising issues such as technology , funding , restrictions on debate and national @ @ @ @ @ @ @ energy and ideas of an active and empowered mass membership to stand a chance of election victory .
Now more than ever , we need assertive left-wing voices who will stand up for members ’ interests and take a stand when the leadership makes the wrong call .
To that end , I urge you to vote for the Grassroots Voice candidates Yasmine Dar , Laura Pidcock , Ann Henderson , Mish Rahman , Gemma Bolton and Nadia Jama to be your CLP representatives .

As a Constituency Labour Party (CLP) representative standing down from Labour’s national executive committee (NEC) this year, I wanted to give my perspective on the upcoming elections, and the difference that can and must be made by having representatives who will genuinely act in the interests of grassroots members.
For the last few years, Labour’s 39-member NEC has had a centre-left majority that has changed the party in the interests of members. In 2018, all nine of the CLP representatives elected were strong supporters of Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership and his agenda of democratisation. Alongside promoting the policies, processes and organisation needed to win elections, we have done our very best to push that agenda forward on the NEC by working with comrades in trade unions and the shadow cabinet.
Labour’s democracy review brought significant improvements. Under Tony Blair, party conference was reduced to keynote speeches by the chosen few while the influence of members was diminished. A centre-left majority on the NEC changed that: four policy discussions have become 20, and the ridiculous ‘contemporary’ criteria have been abolished. Conference – when it happens – is no longer a leadership rally but a collective endeavour where all members, with the experience we bring from our local communities, have a much greater say in party policy.
As left-wing CLP representatives, we have prioritised reforms to the equalities structures of our party. We have created new NEC seats directly elected by BAME and Disabled members for the first time. Next year’s standalone, policy-making women’s conference is due to elect a committee to lead the rebuilding of our national women’s organisation. We have introduced greater democracy at a regional level. And while we were unsuccessful in achieving open selections, the campaign led to reforms that made trigger ballots easier to activate, which if properly implemented mean MPs are more accountable to the membership.
But the centre-left majority has disappeared with the new leadership. The appointment of three new shadow cabinet representatives to replace the wonderful Diane Abbott, Rebecca Long-Bailey and Jon Trickett, as well as victory in the NEC elections for three candidates supported by the right, has radically changed the NEC.
The new majority vote against even the mildest attempts to stand up for members and grassroots democracy. For example, I put forward an amendment to the paper agreeing a timetable for the NEC elections that said CLPs should be able to meet formally to take forward their usual business as well as NEC priorities. The new majority voted against it.
I also tabled an amendment to the Forde Inquiry arguing that the terms of reference should include the alleged misuse of money during the 2017 general election campaign – again voted down. They also opposed the introduction of a single transferable vote (STV) being discussed at conference – a purely factional move, apparently done to diminish the impact of the left, despite it overriding the rights of members to decide important changes to the rulebook.
What can left-wing CLP representatives now achieve?
Grassroots Voice candidates will do all they can to hold Keir Starmer to his leadership pledge on democratic selections and speak out when the rights of members are curtailed, such as in the recent West of England mayoral candidate selection. Where there are NEC members on panels, it’s important that left-wing NEC representatives are available to ensure these panels follow due process.
With Yasmine Dar and Ann Henderson, I have prioritised fighting for a just and transparent disciplinary process, working to improve efficiency and fairness, and highlighting abuses of natural justice. It is imperative we have left-wing CLP representatives who speak up for members and try to ensure due process.
The NEC has an important role in holding the leadership to account. For example, Huda Elmi spoke for thousands of us when she questioned Keir Starmer on his belittling use of “moment” to describe Black Lives Matter. We need left-wing CLP representatives who understand that pandering to the right-wing press and a return to focus group politics is a dead end for Labour.
Finally, we need CLP representatives who are in touch with and value members and who will speak up in the interests of all members – for example by raising issues such as technology, funding, restrictions on debate and national and regional support. Labour needs the energy and ideas of an active and empowered mass membership to stand a chance of election victory.
Now more than ever, we need assertive left-wing voices who will stand up for members’ interests and take a stand when the leadership makes the wrong call. To that end, I urge you to vote for the Grassroots Voice candidates Yasmine Dar, Laura Pidcock, Ann Henderson, Mish Rahman, Gemma Bolton and Nadia Jama to be your CLP representatives.


labourlist--2020-10-08--Labour will not oppose 10pm Covid hospitality curfew, says Starmer

Keir Starmer has announced ahead of a vote on the 10pm Covid hospitality curfew that the Labour Party will not oppose the measure introduced by the government to curb the spread of the virus .
In an interview this afternoon , the Labour leader said there is “ growing concern about the 10pm curfew ” and added that there needs to be reform of the restriction to hospitality business opening hours .
But Starmer added : “ The problem with the vote next week is it ’ s an up down , take it or leave it vote – and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , there won ’ t be any restrictions in place .
“ That ’ s not what we want , so we won ’ t be voting down the restrictions in place .
But we do say to the government : reform the 10pm review , show us the evidence , do it in a much smarter way.
” The Labour leader highlighted problems reported in recent weeks since the curfew was introduced , including that hospitality customers have been gathering together in large numbers outside pubs and bars after the early closing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ want the government to acknowledge that the 10pm curfew isn ’ t working as well as they might have anticipated .
Lots of people spilling out of venues at the same time , there ’ s been lots of concern about it.
” He emphasised that there is a “ smarter way ” to implement a curfew and urged Downing Street to look at the 10pm measure under Labour in Wales , which is a “ drinking-up time ” rather than when guests are forced to leave .
Starmer echoed his previous comments @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , arguing for a review of local measures in light of rising infection rates and calling for more control in the pandemic to be devolved to local authorities .
He said : “ There ’ s deep concern across the country .
What we ’ ve seen is lots of local areas in added restrictions .
In 19 of the 20 areas that have been in restrictions for two months , the infection rate is still going up .
“ We need that rapidly reviewed and we need something done about it .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the government to accept the argument that trace and isolate , the vital part of the system , needs to be under local control.
” The Labour leader told the public this afternoon that “ local leaders have been asking for this for months ” , and warned that “ unless that is fixed , we will struggle to get control over this virus ” .
Starmer ’ s comments today followed his questions on the early closing time in parliament on Wednesday , during which he called on Boris Johnson to publish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ measure introduced in September .
Professor and SAGE member John Edmunds told BBC Newsnight this week that he does not believe the curfew can “ turn the epidemic around ” , adding : “ I really don ’ t think [ the 10pm curfew ] does anything .
”

Keir Starmer has announced ahead of a vote on the 10pm Covid hospitality curfew that the Labour Party will not oppose the measure introduced by the government to curb the spread of the virus.
In an interview this afternoon, the Labour leader said there is “growing concern about the 10pm curfew” and added that there needs to be reform of the restriction to hospitality business opening hours.
But Starmer added: “The problem with the vote next week is it’s an up down, take it or leave it vote – and if you vote down the current arrangements, there won’t be any restrictions in place.
“That’s not what we want, so we won’t be voting down the restrictions in place. But we do say to the government: reform the 10pm review, show us the evidence, do it in a much smarter way.”
The Labour leader highlighted problems reported in recent weeks since the curfew was introduced, including that hospitality customers have been gathering together in large numbers outside pubs and bars after the early closing time.
He declared: “I want the government to acknowledge that the 10pm curfew isn’t working as well as they might have anticipated. Lots of people spilling out of venues at the same time, there’s been lots of concern about it.”
He emphasised that there is a “smarter way” to implement a curfew and urged Downing Street to look at the 10pm measure under Labour in Wales, which is a “drinking-up time” rather than when guests are forced to leave.
Starmer echoed his previous comments on the government’s Covid strategy, arguing for a review of local measures in light of rising infection rates and calling for more control in the pandemic to be devolved to local authorities.
He said: “There’s deep concern across the country. What we’ve seen is lots of local areas in added restrictions. In 19 of the 20 areas that have been in restrictions for two months, the infection rate is still going up.
“We need that rapidly reviewed and we need something done about it. I think the constructive thing is for the government to accept the argument that trace and isolate, the vital part of the system, needs to be under local control.”
The Labour leader told the public this afternoon that “local leaders have been asking for this for months”, and warned that “unless that is fixed, we will struggle to get control over this virus”.
'There needs to be involvement of local leaders'@Keir_Starmer has criticised the government's handling of local lockdowns, saying the "constructive thing" to do is "accept the argument that trace and isolate" needs to be under "local control". Latest: https://t.co/p8JaHdlEQw pic.twitter.com/MFJBh1HAQI — SkyNews (@SkyNews) October 8, 2020
Starmer’s comments today followed his questions on the early closing time in parliament on Wednesday, during which he called on Boris Johnson to publish the “scientific basis” for the measure introduced in September.
Professor and SAGE member John Edmunds told BBC Newsnight this week that he does not believe the curfew can “turn the epidemic around”, adding: “I really don’t think [the 10pm curfew] does anything.”


labourlist--2020-10-09--Longer hours in Covid causing worker “mental health crisis”, report warns

Longer working hours during the coronavirus pandemic have had a catastrophic effect on the mental health of the UK ’ s workforce , with women disproportionately affected , a new report has found .
The research , which was released today by the 4 Day Week Campaign and think tanks Compass and Autonomy , warns of a “ mental health crisis ” as 49 % more staff are now reporting mental distress compared to 2017-19 .
The ‘ Burnout Britain : Overwork in an Age of Unemployment ‘ report identifies that an increase in the number of hours worked by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ one of the main causes of the rise in mental health problems .
The research notes : “ For workers who have made the transition to working remotely , the always-on culture of being available for meetings , calls and checking emails has suddenly entered their homes .
“ The rapid speed of this change , alongside insufficient barriers put in place to separate work and home lives , has steadily extended the length of the working day .
By April a third of [ non-furloughed employees ] were working more hours than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % more likely to have increased their hours beyond a standard working week than their male counterparts and , particularly for those with children , this is linked to heightened mental distress .
The report concludes by calling for a four-day working week for public sector workers , warning that “ we are heading into an unprecedented mental health crisis , as a direct result of both underemployment and overemployment ” .
Joe Ryle , a campaigner with the 4 Day Week Campaign , said : “ It ’ s extremely concerning that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ resulted in workers doing more hours and not less.
” He added : “ This country desperately needs a four-day working week to rebalance the economy , boost mental health and give people more time to spend doing the things they love.
” According to the report , released on the eve of World Mental Health Day , the impact of longer Covid working hours has been most acutely felt by female employees , with women more likely to have increased their hours during coronavirus .
Women were also disproportionately hit by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of women working a normal number of hours but with childcare greater than or equal to the UK average experienced mental distress during April .
Alongside its call for a four-day week , the report recommended the formation of a Working Time Commission by the government to explore ways to reduce hours and share work more equally across the economy Commenting on the new research , mental health charity Mind ’ s head of workplace wellbeing Emma Mamo said : “ During these challenging times we encourage employers to support staff wellbeing .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ by offering flexible working , this could include flexible start and finish times or for some could include working four days a week or exploring job share roles… employers could take forward more measures such as working from home or different hours to suit people ’ s lives.
” British employees were working some of the longest hours in all of Europe , even before the spike in hours caused by coronavirus pandemic , according to analysis from the TUC released last year .
Full-time staff in Britain worked an average of 42 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ two hours more than the EU average .
By comparison , German workers did 1.8 hours less each week but were almost 15 % more productive .
Mental Health at Work ’ s Alison Pay said : “ The global pandemic has brought flexibility to the workplace on a scale hitherto unimaginable , but with it has come an increase in working hours and merging of boundaries between home and work and we know these factors contribute to mental health issues .
“ At Mental Health at Work , we ask organisations to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ them and how this can be implemented to support employee mental health .
“ A shorter working week is one of those adjustments , benefitting the individual , their family and the organisation , whilst as a minimum maintaining employee engagement and productivity.
” The newest research comes after polling for the 4 Day Week Campaign indicated that 79 % of business leaders are open to the idea of introducing a four-day working week to help deal with the impact of the coronavirus pandemic .
Left-wing Labour shadow cabinet member Andy McDonald backed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ online event last month , citing benefits to workers ’ wellbeing , the climate and the economy as a whole .

Longer working hours during the coronavirus pandemic have had a catastrophic effect on the mental health of the UK’s workforce, with women disproportionately affected, a new report has found.
The research, which was released today by the 4 Day Week Campaign and think tanks Compass and Autonomy, warns of a “mental health crisis” as 49% more staff are now reporting mental distress compared to 2017-19.
The ‘Burnout Britain: Overwork in an Age of Unemployment‘ report identifies that an increase in the number of hours worked by those now working from home has been one of the main causes of the rise in mental health problems.
The research notes: “For workers who have made the transition to working remotely, the always-on culture of being available for meetings, calls and checking emails has suddenly entered their homes.
“The rapid speed of this change, alongside insufficient barriers put in place to separate work and home lives, has steadily extended the length of the working day. By April a third of [non-furloughed employees] were working more hours than usual.”
It says women are 43% more likely to have increased their hours beyond a standard working week than their male counterparts and, particularly for those with children, this is linked to heightened mental distress.
The report concludes by calling for a four-day working week for public sector workers, warning that “we are heading into an unprecedented mental health crisis, as a direct result of both underemployment and overemployment”.
Joe Ryle, a campaigner with the 4 Day Week Campaign, said: “It’s extremely concerning that overall the shift to working remotely has resulted in workers doing more hours and not less.”
He added: “This country desperately needs a four-day working week to rebalance the economy, boost mental health and give people more time to spend doing the things they love.”
According to the report, released on the eve of World Mental Health Day, the impact of longer Covid working hours has been most acutely felt by female employees, with women more likely to have increased their hours during coronavirus.
Women were also disproportionately hit by the increased demands of childcare. 86% of women working a normal number of hours but with childcare greater than or equal to the UK average experienced mental distress during April.
Alongside its call for a four-day week, the report recommended the formation of a Working Time Commission by the government to explore ways to reduce hours and share work more equally across the economy
Commenting on the new research, mental health charity Mind’s head of workplace wellbeing Emma Mamo said: “During these challenging times we encourage employers to support staff wellbeing.
“One way of doing this is by offering flexible working, this could include flexible start and finish times or for some could include working four days a week or exploring job share roles… employers could take forward more measures such as working from home or different hours to suit people’s lives.”
British employees were working some of the longest hours in all of Europe, even before the spike in hours caused by coronavirus pandemic, according to analysis from the TUC released last year.
Full-time staff in Britain worked an average of 42 hours a week in 2018, nearly two hours more than the EU average. By comparison, German workers did 1.8 hours less each week but were almost 15% more productive.
Mental Health at Work’s Alison Pay said: “The global pandemic has brought flexibility to the workplace on a scale hitherto unimaginable, but with it has come an increase in working hours and merging of boundaries between home and work and we know these factors contribute to mental health issues.
“At Mental Health at Work, we ask organisations to consider what workplace adjustments are available to them and how this can be implemented to support employee mental health.
“A shorter working week is one of those adjustments, benefitting the individual, their family and the organisation, whilst as a minimum maintaining employee engagement and productivity.”
The newest research comes after polling for the 4 Day Week Campaign indicated that 79% of business leaders are open to the idea of introducing a four-day working week to help deal with the impact of the coronavirus pandemic.
Left-wing Labour shadow cabinet member Andy McDonald backed trials of a four-day week at an online event last month, citing benefits to workers’ wellbeing, the climate and the economy as a whole.


labourlist--2020-10-09--Sunak U-turns on furlough – but there are many holes in his new plan

Rishi Sunak made the entirely predictable U-turn today of resuming a form of furlough , after repeatedly claiming that it would end this month and after announcing a ‘ job support scheme ’ that simply wasn ’ t up to the job .
With further local lockdowns on their way and more restrictions being imposed as the Covid-19 infection rate rises , it was inevitable that the Chancellor would have to face up to the fact that you can not both order businesses to shut and cut off financial support .
Under the newly unveiled plan , coming just two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that was quickly found to be sorely lacking , employees who work for UK businesses forced to shut due to Covid restrictions will have 67 % of their wages paid for by the government , up to £2,100 per month per employee .
Their employers will only have to cover National Insurance and pension contributions .
The scheme starts on November 1st and will be in place for six months .
There will also be an increase in the cash grants available for businesses required to close , up to £3,000 a month @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will depend on how things will develop , but predicted that they will run at hundreds of millions a month .
It would appear that we ’ ve gone from “ we will do whatever is necessary ” to “ your jobs are not viable ” and now back to “ we will do whatever is necessary ” , which Sunak pledged again today .
This is welcome , of course .
And yet the Chancellor has failed to address many of the existing gaps that have caused hardship throughout the pandemic and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ This plan has more holes in it than Swiss cheese , ” one Labour source said .
There is again a big problem with perverse incentives ( also a significant issue in the job support scheme ) : as The New Statesman highlights , Mark Drakeford and Nicola Sturgeon will now be incentivised to impose restrictions that lead to businesses being forced to close by law , rather than setting rules such as the 10pm hospitality curfew , because the first category of firms will receive robust support and the latter @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not forced to close but it has taken a massive hit , nothing has changed today .
Similarly , nothing has changed for the self-employed .
From next month , they will be getting just 20 % of average monthly profits ( up to a total of £1,875 ) , which is minimal but also could be 20 % of basically nothing .
The advice for those self-employers whose business has dried up ?
Apply for Universal Credit .
Nothing , of course , has changed in relation to welfare – though Labour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social security system are desperately needed .
This includes removing the savings limit that currently disqualifies so many – particularly the self-employed who many have savings for their pension or for a rainy day , because that is what responsible people are supposed to do , but now have to burn through those savings .
Weren ’ t the Tories supposed to encourage entrepreneurs ?
The Chancellor clearly doesn ’ t have any interested in addressing the Excluded UK campaign , which has been highlighting the three million taxpayers who have fallen through @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This group includes ” the newly self-employed , i.e .
those who set up business after April 6th , 2019 ; women who recently took maternity leave , as featured in the ‘ Pregnant Then Screwed ’ campaign ; the employees who were denied furlough by their employers as they were shielding or on zero-hour contracts .
Sunak has done nothing to change the financial situations of the already excluded .
Unfortunately , the Tories are more focused on their internal battles around the cabinet table and against potentially rebellious backbenchers than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to support everyone being hit hard by Covid-19 .

Rishi Sunak made the entirely predictable U-turn today of resuming a form of furlough, after repeatedly claiming that it would end this month and after announcing a ‘job support scheme’ that simply wasn’t up to the job. With further local lockdowns on their way and more restrictions being imposed as the Covid-19 infection rate rises, it was inevitable that the Chancellor would have to face up to the fact that you cannot both order businesses to shut and cut off financial support.
Under the newly unveiled plan, coming just two weeks after his original winter economy plan that was quickly found to be sorely lacking, employees who work for UK businesses forced to shut due to Covid restrictions will have 67% of their wages paid for by the government, up to £2,100 per month per employee. Their employers will only have to cover National Insurance and pension contributions. The scheme starts on November 1st and will be in place for six months. There will also be an increase in the cash grants available for businesses required to close, up to £3,000 a month.
The Treasury has acknowledged that costings will depend on how things will develop, but predicted that they will run at hundreds of millions a month. It would appear that we’ve gone from “we will do whatever is necessary” to “your jobs are not viable” and now back to “we will do whatever is necessary”, which Sunak pledged again today. This is welcome, of course. And yet the Chancellor has failed to address many of the existing gaps that have caused hardship throughout the pandemic and opened up new gaps in financial support.
“This plan has more holes in it than Swiss cheese,” one Labour source said. There is again a big problem with perverse incentives (also a significant issue in the job support scheme): as The New Statesman highlights, Mark Drakeford and Nicola Sturgeon will now be incentivised to impose restrictions that lead to businesses being forced to close by law, rather than setting rules such as the 10pm hospitality curfew, because the first category of firms will receive robust support and the latter will not. If your business is not forced to close but it has taken a massive hit, nothing has changed today.
Similarly, nothing has changed for the self-employed. From next month, they will be getting just 20% of average monthly profits (up to a total of £1,875), which is minimal but also could be 20% of basically nothing. The advice for those self-employers whose business has dried up? Apply for Universal Credit. Nothing, of course, has changed in relation to welfare – though Labour’s five recommended changes to the social security system are desperately needed. This includes removing the savings limit that currently disqualifies so many – particularly the self-employed who many have savings for their pension or for a rainy day, because that is what responsible people are supposed to do, but now have to burn through those savings. Weren’t the Tories supposed to encourage entrepreneurs?
The Chancellor clearly doesn’t have any interested in addressing the Excluded UK campaign, which has been highlighting the three million taxpayers who have fallen through the racks since the start of Covid. This group includes” the newly self-employed, i.e. those who set up business after April 6th, 2019; women who recently took maternity leave, as featured in the ‘Pregnant Then Screwed’ campaign; the employees who were denied furlough by their employers as they were shielding or on zero-hour contracts. Sunak has done nothing to change the financial situations of the already excluded. Unfortunately, the Tories are more focused on their internal battles around the cabinet table and against potentially rebellious backbenchers than they are on taking the action needed to support everyone being hit hard by Covid-19.


labourlist--2020-10-09--UK Labour must reinvent itself. Local councils have already started

Labour must reinvent itself as a party of opposition .
Foundations are already being laid nationally .
In this , the polls only matter if they give the leadership the confidence to push on rather than freeze .
The basis for future trust is being laid .
But trust is increasingly a two-way street : it ’ s not just whether voters trust Labour , but whether the party trusts them .
The big renewal of Labour is not via credibility , although that matters .
It is whether Labour can pull itself back from being a party that predominantly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a party whose critical job is to help people and communities help themselves .
At Labour ’ s ‘ Connected ’ conference last month , Keir Starmer talked about “ the sound of the future arriving ” – well , this is it .
In an increasingly bottom-up networked society , the job of Labour is to ensure that the growing power of citizens and civil society is accelerated and aggregated in a way that works for all people and the planet .
Nationally , the party must show it gets this shift @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Steve Reed gets it – and he did not learn it from a book or a seminar , but from practical on-the-ground experience of Labour in office .
Only the office was not national , but local .
Reed led Lambeth and pioneered the co-operative council movement , which is all about the equalisation of power .
It is locally , where the party is already in power , that matters just as much – if not more – than national advances .
And across the country there is a story to tell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Camden , Plymouth , Wigan , Preston , Manchester , Bristol and elsewhere .
Across local government , in the face of real adversity , both political and financial , Labour councils are trying to create a better future for their residents .
And the best are doing it with residents .
Here is a major case in point .
Compass , the organisation of which I am director , has been charting the course of citizen power in Barking and Dagenham .
It is an outer-London borough that lost its economic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dramatically wound down , austerity hit and the far right took root on the council .
But Labour turned this around .
First , by listening to communities and then by sharing power with them .
The latest phase of which could lay the foundations for systemic power sharing , not just in this borough but as a model for local government across the country .
Even before Covid , the council was experimenting with the idea of ‘ Citizens ’ Alliance Network ‘ , or CAN .
The lockdown accelerated its development @ @ @ @ @ @ @ council and civil society meet and action what residents want and need , offering an intermediary structure that allows the best of the state and civil society to combine in agile and appropriate ways .
During lockdown , the council co-created with civil society a complex delivery and response system for food and medicine distribution .
Through trust , participation and shared purpose , it did so in a way that any outsourcing company would have got nowhere near to in terms of its scale , speed and responsiveness – let alone cost @ @ @ @ @ @ @ partner organisations covering the whole borough and allowed vulnerable residents to get vital supplies and be effectively referred for more specialist help .
The beauty and potential of this CAN prototype model is that it has the council doing what it does best , providing resources and infrastructure , while civil society provides the trusted and connected relationships , feedback and energy of the community .
And nobody needs government support or go-ahead to set up a CAN .
Every Labour council can do it now .
This territory is not a free @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commissioned Danny Kruger , the new Tory MP for Devizes , to come upon with a new civil society strategy , and his report has secured a lot of support in the civil society sector .
The issue now is whether CAN can be sustained and developed , outside of a strict lockdown , and replicated across the country as one model for how Labour shares power , helps to deliver better services and develops the resourcefulness of the community .
Click here to read the report ‘ From paternalism to participation : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid crisis and built a new collaborative institution ’ .

Labour must reinvent itself as a party of opposition. Foundations are already being laid nationally. In this, the polls only matter if they give the leadership the confidence to push on rather than freeze. The basis for future trust is being laid. But trust is increasingly a two-way street: it’s not just whether voters trust Labour, but whether the party trusts them. The big renewal of Labour is not via credibility, although that matters. It is whether Labour can pull itself back from being a party that predominantly does well-meaning change to people, to a party whose critical job is to help people and communities help themselves.
At Labour’s ‘Connected’ conference last month, Keir Starmer talked about “the sound of the future arriving” – well, this is it. In an increasingly bottom-up networked society, the job of Labour is to ensure that the growing power of citizens and civil society is accelerated and aggregated in a way that works for all people and the planet. Nationally, the party must show it gets this shift. Shadow Communities and Local Government Secretary Steve Reed gets it – and he did not learn it from a book or a seminar, but from practical on-the-ground experience of Labour in office.
Only the office was not national, but local. Reed led Lambeth and pioneered the co-operative council movement, which is all about the equalisation of power. It is locally, where the party is already in power, that matters just as much – if not more – than national advances. And across the country there is a story to tell of reforms in places such as Barnsley, Camden, Plymouth, Wigan, Preston, Manchester, Bristol and elsewhere. Across local government, in the face of real adversity, both political and financial, Labour councils are trying to create a better future for their residents. And the best are doing it with residents.
Here is a major case in point. Compass, the organisation of which I am director, has been charting the course of citizen power in Barking and Dagenham. It is an outer-London borough that lost its economic and social glue as the Ford plant dramatically wound down, austerity hit and the far right took root on the council. But Labour turned this around. First, by listening to communities and then by sharing power with them. The latest phase of which could lay the foundations for systemic power sharing, not just in this borough but as a model for local government across the country.
Even before Covid, the council was experimenting with the idea of ‘Citizens’ Alliance Network‘, or CAN. The lockdown accelerated its development. It is a platform where the council and civil society meet and action what residents want and need, offering an intermediary structure that allows the best of the state and civil society to combine in agile and appropriate ways. During lockdown, the council co-created with civil society a complex delivery and response system for food and medicine distribution. Through trust, participation and shared purpose, it did so in a way that any outsourcing company would have got nowhere near to in terms of its scale, speed and responsiveness – let alone cost. It operated through nine civil society partner organisations covering the whole borough and allowed vulnerable residents to get vital supplies and be effectively referred for more specialist help.
The beauty and potential of this CAN prototype model is that it has the council doing what it does best, providing resources and infrastructure, while civil society provides the trusted and connected relationships, feedback and energy of the community. And nobody needs government support or go-ahead to set up a CAN. Every Labour council can do it now.
This territory is not a free hit for Labour. The government recently commissioned Danny Kruger, the new Tory MP for Devizes, to come upon with a new civil society strategy, and his report has secured a lot of support in the civil society sector. The issue now is whether CAN can be sustained and developed, outside of a strict lockdown, and replicated across the country as one model for how Labour shares power, helps to deliver better services and develops the resourcefulness of the community.
Click here to read the report ‘From paternalism to participation: how one London borough dealt with the Covid crisis and built a new collaborative institution’.


labourlist--2020-10-09--Cathleen Clarke: Why I’m standing to be chair of Young Labour

I want to turn Young Labour into a national winning campaign force .
I need your vote to transform Young Labour into a support hub for young people during these times of perpetual Tory crisis .
YL should be a buzzing centre-point of activism , trade unionism and community organising .
But before any of that is possible , we must work together to make it a genuinely welcoming and inclusive environment , where nobody is left behind .
I am happy being the candidate for chair who is not backed by either of Young Labour ’ s two traditional @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to step back and look at YL with the eyes of a problem-fixer , rather than as a sectarian player .
We can not begin to transform YL without first being open and honest about its current state .
The response to my campaign has blown me away .
First , winning the endorsement of Open Labour members , then gaining over 100 nominations from young members in my first week , then being nominated by SERA – Labour ’ s environment campaign – and Labour Housing Group .
But I have also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ in this election .
There has been a concerted effort not to defeat me at the ballot box , but to exclude me from the ballot altogether – and to pressure me into dropping out .
I can only imagine what these barriers feel like to those who are from more under-represented backgrounds .
At this rate , we will not find ‘ the next AOC ’ , the next Bernie Grant or the next Nadia Whittome .
We need development pathways without barriers for the talent of young members to flourish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ destructive factional games .
We have grown up through a decade of Tory austerity , rising hate crimes and economic crises .
We all know that the # YouthDeserveBetter , and I will fight for a better future for every single young person .
I am driving a positive programme for change , having launched a campaign to end the Covid crisis on university campuses – with seven clear demands on Westminster and the devolved governments .
To fight for our futures , YL needs to link up with party affiliates to explore @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members access better opportunities .
And the organisation should launch a national recruitment drive in every constituency , learning environment and workplace across the UK , bringing new members into our movement .
I will be pushing for trade union recruitment to make sure every young worker is supported from day one .
This is not about lazing about on committees or hosting the occasional event – we need a strong , year-round partnership with our trade unions that delivers real action for YL members .
As chair , I will organise a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trade unions and socialist societies to help train up young activists whilst amplifying their voices in our party ’ s policy-making process .
We should also create a digital YL resource hub to equip our young members with the tools , skills and confidence they need to deliver winning campaigns and secure a better future for our generation .
To truly address both the climate crisis and the global rise of the far right , we must rebuild our relationship with the Young European Socialists and strengthen ties with our young socialist partners @ @ @ @ @ @ @ give our members a global voice where they currently have none and open up opportunities for our members to work with like-minded activists around the world .
To build a winning movement , we need up to 20 paid youth organisers to work with our members across every region and nation .
I am determined that local and regional YL groups and their executives must be supported with proper funding , resources , and training ; harnessing the ideas and campaigning power of young people would help the Labour Party rebuild ward by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ none of this is possible unless we can truly say goodbye to YL ’ s current disenfranchising , hostile and toxic culture .
That is why I am asking you to put your faith in me and elect me as your next chair of YL , and to back fellow candidates committed to this vision .
I am the only candidate for chair to have outlined a broad strategy to make YL a welcoming and inclusive environment where nobody is left behind .
It is not enough to say that we will all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ although that would be a good start ! )
or simply to refuse to acknowledge that we have a toxic culture that needs ending .
We will start by creating a specific constitution and a code of conduct with mandatory equalities and safeguarding training for every YL committee member .
We will set the tone from the top that bullying , harassment , abuse and all forms of racism and bigotry are utterly unacceptable .
I would lobby for the creation of a youth-specific safeguarding and complaints procedure that is effective , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ culture across the party .
It will be a long process , but it is vital if we want our party to rebuild from the inside out .
And that is only the tip of the iceberg .
Together , we will challenge Boris Johnson ’ s government at every turn and produce an energised party that is fighting for a fairer future and is determined to win .
Building for a Labour victory in next year ’ s local elections begins now .
Building for a socialist Labour government begins right now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ young people has never been tougher – but never has it been more necessary .
You deserve better .
The # YouthDeserveBetter .
Read more about the YL we could have here .
Vote Cathleen for chair , and together we will build a winning party , where no one is left behind .

I want to turn Young Labour into a national winning campaign force. I need your vote to transform Young Labour into a support hub for young people during these times of perpetual Tory crisis. YL should be a buzzing centre-point of activism, trade unionism and community organising. But before any of that is possible, we must work together to make it a genuinely welcoming and inclusive environment, where nobody is left behind. I am happy being the candidate for chair who is not backed by either of Young Labour’s two traditional warring wings. It has allowed me to step back and look at YL with the eyes of a problem-fixer, rather than as a sectarian player. We cannot begin to transform YL without first being open and honest about its current state.
The response to my campaign has blown me away. First, winning the endorsement of Open Labour members, then gaining over 100 nominations from young members in my first week, then being nominated by SERA – Labour’s environment campaign – and Labour Housing Group. But I have also experienced a large amount of ‘gatekeeping’ in this election. There has been a concerted effort not to defeat me at the ballot box, but to exclude me from the ballot altogether – and to pressure me into dropping out. I can only imagine what these barriers feel like to those who are from more under-represented backgrounds. At this rate, we will not find ‘the next AOC’, the next Bernie Grant or the next Nadia Whittome. We need development pathways without barriers for the talent of young members to flourish, and without the need to play destructive factional games.
We have grown up through a decade of Tory austerity, rising hate crimes and economic crises. We all know that the #YouthDeserveBetter, and I will fight for a better future for every single young person. I am driving a positive programme for change, having launched a campaign to end the Covid crisis on university campuses – with seven clear demands on Westminster and the devolved governments. To fight for our futures, YL needs to link up with party affiliates to explore education and skills pathways to help our members access better opportunities. And the organisation should launch a national recruitment drive in every constituency, learning environment and workplace across the UK, bringing new members into our movement.
I will be pushing for trade union recruitment to make sure every young worker is supported from day one. This is not about lazing about on committees or hosting the occasional event – we need a strong, year-round partnership with our trade unions that delivers real action for YL members. As chair, I will organise a series of workshops with shadow ministers, trade unions and socialist societies to help train up young activists whilst amplifying their voices in our party’s policy-making process. We should also create a digital YL resource hub to equip our young members with the tools, skills and confidence they need to deliver winning campaigns and secure a better future for our generation.
To truly address both the climate crisis and the global rise of the far right, we must rebuild our relationship with the Young European Socialists and strengthen ties with our young socialist partners around the world. I will help give our members a global voice where they currently have none and open up opportunities for our members to work with like-minded activists around the world. To build a winning movement, we need up to 20 paid youth organisers to work with our members across every region and nation. I am determined that local and regional YL groups and their executives must be supported with proper funding, resources, and training; harnessing the ideas and campaigning power of young people would help the Labour Party rebuild ward by ward, community by community.
But none of this is possible unless we can truly say goodbye to YL’s current disenfranchising, hostile and toxic culture. That is why I am asking you to put your faith in me and elect me as your next chair of YL, and to back fellow candidates committed to this vision. I am the only candidate for chair to have outlined a broad strategy to make YL a welcoming and inclusive environment where nobody is left behind. It is not enough to say that we will all just be nicer to each other (although that would be a good start!) or simply to refuse to acknowledge that we have a toxic culture that needs ending.
We will start by creating a specific constitution and a code of conduct with mandatory equalities and safeguarding training for every YL committee member. We will set the tone from the top that bullying, harassment, abuse and all forms of racism and bigotry are utterly unacceptable. I would lobby for the creation of a youth-specific safeguarding and complaints procedure that is effective, and join in efforts to improve the internal culture across the party. It will be a long process, but it is vital if we want our party to rebuild from the inside out. And that is only the tip of the iceberg.
Together, we will challenge Boris Johnson’s government at every turn and produce an energised party that is fighting for a fairer future and is determined to win. Building for a Labour victory in next year’s local elections begins now. Building for a socialist Labour government begins right now. The fight for the futures of young people has never been tougher – but never has it been more necessary. You deserve better. The #YouthDeserveBetter. Read more about the YL we could have here. Vote Cathleen for chair, and together we will build a winning party, where no one is left behind.


labourlist--2020-10-09--Who is new Downing Street press secretary Allegra Stratton?

Downing Street has appointed former journalist Allegra Stratton as its new press secretary , which means she will lead the No 10 daily televised press briefings starting next month .
Who is Stratton , and what does her new government role entail ?
After graduating from Cambridge , Stratton took up a role as a producer for the BBC .
Over the next few years , she would move between the BBC and the foreign desk for The Times , before eventually being appointed as a political correspondent for The Guardian .
She left The Guardian in 2011 to become @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Newsnight .
Four years later , she moved to her final job in journalism as national editor for ITV , where she co-presented Peston on Sunday .
Her work has not been without controversy .
In a Newsnight segment on housing benefit and welfare reform , Stratton interviewed a young woman who lived with her parents and wanted to move into her own home .
Very little is said of the interviewee ’ s own situation , but in a later section Stratton discusses how young people living with their parents “ don @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ have fights ” .
The implication was that the interviewee was unemployed , which was not the case .
In the end , the interviewee filed a complaint to the BBC over Stratton ’ s behaviour and even launched a petition asking Newsnight for an apology , which the programme eventually supplied .
Stratton was also the subject of a damning Private Eye report at the time .
The magazine said the political editor of Newsnight had “ dismissed other potential interviewees offered up by Tower Hamlets council , including a couple @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their jobs and faced having to move out of London ” .
It was reported that Stratton told council officials , “ You must have got people living on benefits as a lifestyle choice !
” , before she “ shouted across a crowded open-plan office floor that “ people should think about whether they can afford kids before they have them !
” ” .
Sounds like her views match up well with those of the Prime Minister , who once wrote that single mothers have produced “ a generation of ill-raised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” .
The journalist , who told The Telegraph four years ago “ I don ’ t do spin ” , left her role at ITV in April this year to become director of strategic communications for Chancellor Rishi Sunak .
She is the latest in a long line of journalists who have transitioned into Downing Street roles .
Robbie Gibb edited the BBC ’ s political output before being appointed Theresa May ’ s director of communications in 2017 .
Alastair Campbell worked for The Mirror before becoming chief spin doctor to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ plugged into the Conservative Party , being married to The Spectator ‘ s James Forsyth – the magazine once edited by Boris Johnson , which currently employs as commissioning editor Mary Wakefield , who in turn is married to the Prime Minister ’ s top adviser Dominic Cummings .
Stratton ’ s appointment to Sunak ’ s team coincided with a huge rise in profile for the new Chancellor .
From photo ops in Wagamama as he launched Eat Out to Help Out to putting his signature on every new economic support programme @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recent months have been a sleek affair .
It ’ s no coincidence that polls have suggested he is the most popular Chancellor in 40 years , as well as the highest-rated Conservative politician currently in parliament .
The new press secretary ’ s transition will likely be a relief for Johnson , not least due to the speculation in recent months that Sunak ’ s newfound success and growing profile will make him a potential future rival for the role of Prime Minister .
Although Stratton is a political appointment by the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ her £100,000-a-year salary will be paid for by taxpayers .
In her role , Stratton will be the face of the government ’ s new TV briefings .
Currently , lobby journalists grill the Prime Minister ’ s spokesperson off-camera every day , but the format will convert the briefings into televised daily updates open to the public – similar to the format used by the White House .
Johnson has said this will offer voters more “ direct engagement ” with the government .
Describing the initiative as “ obviously a political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the political discourse ” , Keir Starmer has revealed that he will launch his own regular televised press conferences .
The Labour leader expects these sessions to be carried by national broadcasters , much like his response to Johnson ’ s address to the nation on Covid-19 in September .

Downing Street has appointed former journalist Allegra Stratton as its new press secretary, which means she will lead the No 10 daily televised press briefings starting next month. Who is Stratton, and what does her new government role entail?
After graduating from Cambridge, Stratton took up a role as a producer for the BBC. Over the next few years, she would move between the BBC and the foreign desk for The Times, before eventually being appointed as a political correspondent for The Guardian. She left The Guardian in 2011 to become a correspondent for the BBC’s Newsnight. Four years later, she moved to her final job in journalism as national editor for ITV, where she co-presented Peston on Sunday.
Her work has not been without controversy. In a Newsnight segment on housing benefit and welfare reform, Stratton interviewed a young woman who lived with her parents and wanted to move into her own home. Very little is said of the interviewee’s own situation, but in a later section Stratton discusses how young people living with their parents “don’t have a job” and “have fights”. The implication was that the interviewee was unemployed, which was not the case. In the end, the interviewee filed a complaint to the BBC over Stratton’s behaviour and even launched a petition asking Newsnight for an apology, which the programme eventually supplied.
Stratton was also the subject of a damning Private Eye report at the time. The magazine said the political editor of Newsnight had “dismissed other potential interviewees offered up by Tower Hamlets council, including a couple with four children who had both lost their jobs and faced having to move out of London”. It was reported that Stratton told council officials, “You must have got people living on benefits as a lifestyle choice!”, before she “shouted across a crowded open-plan office floor that “people should think about whether they can afford kids before they have them!””. Sounds like her views match up well with those of the Prime Minister, who once wrote that single mothers have produced “a generation of ill-raised, ignorant, aggressive and illegitimate children”.
The journalist, who told The Telegraph four years ago “I don’t do spin”, left her role at ITV in April this year to become director of strategic communications for Chancellor Rishi Sunak. She is the latest in a long line of journalists who have transitioned into Downing Street roles. Robbie Gibb edited the BBC’s political output before being appointed Theresa May’s director of communications in 2017. Alastair Campbell worked for The Mirror before becoming chief spin doctor to Tony Blair. Stratton has long been plugged into the Conservative Party, being married to The Spectator‘s James Forsyth – the magazine once edited by Boris Johnson, which currently employs as commissioning editor Mary Wakefield, who in turn is married to the Prime Minister’s top adviser Dominic Cummings.
Stratton’s appointment to Sunak’s team coincided with a huge rise in profile for the new Chancellor. From photo ops in Wagamama as he launched Eat Out to Help Out to putting his signature on every new economic support programme, Sunak’s public relations in recent months have been a sleek affair. It’s no coincidence that polls have suggested he is the most popular Chancellor in 40 years, as well as the highest-rated Conservative politician currently in parliament.
The new press secretary’s transition will likely be a relief for Johnson, not least due to the speculation in recent months that Sunak’s newfound success and growing profile will make him a potential future rival for the role of Prime Minister. Although Stratton is a political appointment by the Conservative Party, as a special adviser her £100,000-a-year salary will be paid for by taxpayers.
In her role, Stratton will be the face of the government’s new TV briefings. Currently, lobby journalists grill the Prime Minister’s spokesperson off-camera every day, but the format will convert the briefings into televised daily updates open to the public – similar to the format used by the White House. Johnson has said this will offer voters more “direct engagement” with the government. Describing the initiative as “obviously a political move” that would risk “unbalancing the political discourse”, Keir Starmer has revealed that he will launch his own regular televised press conferences. The Labour leader expects these sessions to be carried by national broadcasters, much like his response to Johnson’s address to the nation on Covid-19 in September.