labourlist--2020-08-11--England has the worst Covid death rates in Europe. Labour needs to say so

Welsh health minister Vaughan Gething recently pointed out a startling statistic : if Wales had had the same excess death rate as England , it would have seen 1,600 more deaths ; and if England had had the same excess deaths rates as Wales , it would have experienced 24,000 fewer deaths .
England has suffered more excess deaths than any other nation in Europe , the Office for National Statistics has confirmed .
Although it is too early to know all the factors at work , it is clear that England ’ s experience of the first part of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worse .
On July 1st , Leicester became the first area of the UK to experience a localised lockdown .
It was no coincidence that this was in an English city .
When Keir Starmer used Prime Minister ’ s Questions to ask Boris Johnson why Covid infection data had not been shared with Leicester and other councils , he was raising an issue that was only a problem in England .
The Welsh Labour government had been making the same data available for weeks .
It was only the Tory UK ministers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contract with Deloitte that did not require them to share the data .
In Wales , public health officials have been at the heart of the local response to outbreaks .
In England , central government has resisted giving them a role until the cost to public health and the economy could no longer be ignored .
The Scottish government has now ordered some lockdown measures in Aberdeen , but the underlying infection rate is far lower in Scotland where – unlike England – the strategy has been to drive infections to minimal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is not easy .
There ’ s good reason to think that voters won ’ t be too impressed by any politicians who seem to be ‘ playing politics as usual ’ during this difficult collective trauma .
At the same time , Labour shouldn ’ t miss these important opportunities to talk about why England has suffered so badly .
And while a good part of the blame will lie with today ’ s Tory ministers and those who have starved the NHS and social care of resources over the past ten @ @ @ @ @ @ @ story is the way England has been governed for even longer .
Johnson was criticised for the UK death rate , and his leadership has undoubtedly been shambolic .
Last week , Keir rightly highlighted the failure of test and trace and the urgent need to sort these out before the essential reopening of schools in September .
But his Guardian article did not make clear that he was talking about England .
It is the English system of test and trace , with its preference for using privatised centralised companies over local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is English schools where the problem is most acute – and Scottish schools don ’ t even go back on the same date .
England is the most centralised nation in Europe .
Local government has fewer powers , less ability to raise its own finance , and less right to set its own priorities than anywhere else on the continent .
For decades , a ‘ Whitehall knows best ’ mantra has defined the relationship between national and local .
Labour funded the localities better and invested more in the most deprived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our party was not much keener to cede real power .
One lesson of the pandemic must be that the next Labour government must be committed , top-to-bottom , to real devolution .
As I discussed at length on the recent Labour Future podcast , highlighting the English dimension is absolutely critical .
Labour has the opportunity to point out that it is England , rather than the UK , that has had the worst Covid-19 performance of any European country .
Only England suffered the Tory-Lib Dem NHS ‘ reforms ’ that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ health , fragmenting it and starving it of resources at local and national level .
Labour has the opportunity to make it clear that it is the way that England is governed , not just the people governing England , that is the problem .
We need to set aside any reluctance to talk about England .
There have been exceptions , of course .
Ed Miliband pointed out last month the Welsh government ’ s approach to protecting jobs at AirBus , while the UK government has done nothing for AirBus jobs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t quite say “ England ” .
England and the UK are not the same place .
Labour has promised to empower local government , but when Keir Starmer is Prime Minister his writ will run no further than English local government .
He will have no power to change local government policy in Wales , Scotland or Northern Ireland .
The reality – arising directly from Labour ’ s own devolution settlement – is that on many other issues , including schools , colleges , universities , the NHS and social care @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policy for England .
Labour should be proud that we delivered to Scotland and Wales , but this should mean bringing our language about England into line with reality .
This does matter .
When leading Labour figures talk as though England and the union ( or England and Britain ) are the same place , it alienates potential supporters in Wales and Scotland .
It means that Labour can not highlight the differences between the different nations or how the experience of a Tory government , though damaging the whole of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ England .
Johnson didn ’ t win the last election in Scotland or Northern Ireland or – despite some gains – in Wales .
He won in England .
A Labour Party that doesn ’ t talk about England , or show that it understands how badly England is governed , will struggle to win England back .

Welsh health minister Vaughan Gething recently pointed out a startling statistic: if Wales had had the same excess death rate as England, it would have seen 1,600 more deaths; and if England had had the same excess deaths rates as Wales, it would have experienced 24,000 fewer deaths. England has suffered more excess deaths than any other nation in Europe, the Office for National Statistics has confirmed. Although it is too early to know all the factors at work, it is clear that England’s experience of the first part of the pandemic has been different – and worse.
On July 1st, Leicester became the first area of the UK to experience a localised lockdown. It was no coincidence that this was in an English city. When Keir Starmer used Prime Minister’s Questions to ask Boris Johnson why Covid infection data had not been shared with Leicester and other councils, he was raising an issue that was only a problem in England. The Welsh Labour government had been making the same data available for weeks. It was only the Tory UK ministers who run England and had signed a contract with Deloitte that did not require them to share the data.
In Wales, public health officials have been at the heart of the local response to outbreaks. In England, central government has resisted giving them a role until the cost to public health and the economy could no longer be ignored. The Scottish government has now ordered some lockdown measures in Aberdeen, but the underlying infection rate is far lower in Scotland where – unlike England – the strategy has been to drive infections to minimal levels.
Doing politics during the pandemic is not easy. There’s good reason to think that voters won’t be too impressed by any politicians who seem to be ‘playing politics as usual’ during this difficult collective trauma. At the same time, Labour shouldn’t miss these important opportunities to talk about why England has suffered so badly. And while a good part of the blame will lie with today’s Tory ministers and those who have starved the NHS and social care of resources over the past ten years, an important part of the story is the way England has been governed for even longer.
Johnson was criticised for the UK death rate, and his leadership has undoubtedly been shambolic. Last week, Keir rightly highlighted the failure of test and trace and the urgent need to sort these out before the essential reopening of schools in September. But his Guardian article did not make clear that he was talking about England. It is the English system of test and trace, with its preference for using privatised centralised companies over local knowledge, that is failing. It is English schools where the problem is most acute – and Scottish schools don’t even go back on the same date.
England is the most centralised nation in Europe. Local government has fewer powers, less ability to raise its own finance, and less right to set its own priorities than anywhere else on the continent. For decades, a ‘Whitehall knows best’ mantra has defined the relationship between national and local. Labour funded the localities better and invested more in the most deprived regions. But, in truth, our party was not much keener to cede real power. One lesson of the pandemic must be that the next Labour government must be committed, top-to-bottom, to real devolution.
As I discussed at length on the recent Labour Future podcast, highlighting the English dimension is absolutely critical. Labour has the opportunity to point out that it is England, rather than the UK, that has had the worst Covid-19 performance of any European country. Only England suffered the Tory-Lib Dem NHS ‘reforms’ that destroyed a genuinely world-leading system of public health, fragmenting it and starving it of resources at local and national level.
Labour has the opportunity to make it clear that it is the way that England is governed, not just the people governing England, that is the problem. We need to set aside any reluctance to talk about England. There have been exceptions, of course. Ed Miliband pointed out last month the Welsh government’s approach to protecting jobs at AirBus, while the UK government has done nothing for AirBus jobs in England – though he didn’t quite say “England”.
England and the UK are not the same place. Labour has promised to empower local government, but when Keir Starmer is Prime Minister his writ will run no further than English local government. He will have no power to change local government policy in Wales, Scotland or Northern Ireland. The reality – arising directly from Labour’s own devolution settlement – is that on many other issues, including schools, colleges, universities, the NHS and social care, the UK Prime Minister can make policy for England. Labour should be proud that we delivered to Scotland and Wales, but this should mean bringing our language about England into line with reality.
This does matter. When leading Labour figures talk as though England and the union (or England and Britain) are the same place, it alienates potential supporters in Wales and Scotland. It means that Labour cannot highlight the differences between the different nations or how the experience of a Tory government, though damaging the whole of the UK, has been particularly harsh on England. Johnson didn’t win the last election in Scotland or Northern Ireland or – despite some gains – in Wales. He won in England. A Labour Party that doesn’t talk about England, or show that it understands how badly England is governed, will struggle to win England back.


labourlist--2020-08-12--Ann Black: Why I’m standing to represent local parties on Labour’s NEC

When I left Labour ’ s national executive committee ( NEC ) two years ago , a comeback was the last thing on my mind .
The party was polarised between rival slates , and to quote Nye Bevan : “ We know what happens to people who stay in the middle of the road .
They get run over !
” So , what has changed ?
The party has changed .
More than 100,000 members left between 2017 and late 2019 , and over 120,000 joined by February 2020 .
Keir Starmer was elected leader with 56 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Corbyn ’ s mandates of 60 % and 62 % .
After the bitter 2016 leadership contest and December ’ s crushing defeat , there is a renewed desire to unite and work towards electing a Labour government .
I believe I can contribute to that goal .
The new single transferable vote system to elect local party reps will allow space for left independent voices , and a diverse constituency section that fully reflects the membership .
Through 18 years on the NEC , I acted according to consistent principles , for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and members ’ rights .
I opposed war in Iraq , Trident and privatisation , and supported council housing , public services and decent benefits and pensions .
I achieved one-member-one-vote elections to the national policy forum and helped to get Diane Abbott on the 2010 leadership ballot .
In 2016 , I voted for Jeremy Corbyn to be included without needing fresh nominations , and against a six-month qualifying period .
Reports of every meeting are at annblack.co.uk .
I ’ m happy to discuss my record , but I also want @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pledges include the following .
I will be loyal to Keir Starmer and Angela Rayner , as I have been to all previous leaders .
I will argue forcefully for members , and that sometimes means disagreement , but I have never called for the leader to resign .
It was wrong in Jeremy Corbyn ’ s time and it is wrong now .
That loyalty should extend to Labour councillors .
The central Tory government has defunded local services for ten years and that is where the blame must be laid , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ values to their communities .
In difficult situations , strong links with trade unions are essential .
As a UNISON steward for 30 years , I know the pressures , but I also know that working people need a Labour government .
Rebuilding after four election defeats requires an honest look at the challenges and how Labour can meet them .
I recommend the Labour Together review .
It ’ s as non-factional as is possible these days , and I hope the new NEC will consider its proposals seriously .
Ensuring that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ place for all members should be a priority for the NEC .
I support independent sexual harassment complaints procedures , and stand for zero tolerance of antisemitism and all forms of hatred and discrimination .
For 18 years , I consulted and reported back , explaining how I voted and why .
Members shouldn ’ t have to rely on leaks and Twitter .
I would maintain this record , and am happy to visit branches and constituencies , remotely or in person .
During lockdown , local party business was suspended for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long .
Secret ballots for selecting candidates and electing officers must be watertight , but motions are usually decided on shows of hands and could have continued remotely .
And while online meetings exclude some members without access to technology , others have been excluded from physical meetings due to disability , caring responsibilities or travel issues and are joining in for the first time .
For the future , I would like to combine the best of both worlds .
As NEC vice-chair for women , I steered women ’ s conference @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for 2020 fell off the agenda when I left the NEC and , with the coronavirus still untamed , doubts hang over 2021 .
I will make sure that women ’ s organisation is not relegated to second place again .
The NEC does not make policy directly , but it oversees policy-making processes , including the national policy forum ( NPF ) , with conference having the final say .
The NPF has barely met since 2014 , though policy commissions – which bring together shadow ministers , NPF representatives and NEC @ @ @ @ @ @ @ After 22 years , most members still don ’ t know who speaks for them on the NPF , and radical reform – promised in the 2018 democracy review – is long overdue .
The manifesto for a 2024 general election can not be written yet , and Covid-19 is drowning out normal politics .
A Tory government has been nationalising the railways , paying private sector wages and eulogising the NHS .
But cracks are appearing .
Private companies are profiteering from government contracts , healthcare workers from abroad are charged for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ exam “ results ” are in chaos and schools will have to struggle on their own if there are further lockdowns .
The disproportionate impact of Covid-19 on BAME communities and gig economy workers , and the widening class divide , raise disturbing questions .
There must be no return to austerity , and Labour should start developing principles that will inform our approach to taxation , benefits , health , education , pensions , private and social housing , the arts and the climate crisis .
To my deep regret , the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but the Tories can not be allowed to blame the consequences of a hard or , worse , a no-deal Brexit on the pandemic .
That needs the collective contribution of our 550,000 members , who bring expertise , life experience and enthusiasm .
More than 170 put themselves forward for these NEC elections and , win or lose , I would like all of them invited to take part in moving ahead .
For the 2017 general election , the NEC imposed candidates in every constituency .
We also promised never to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years CLPs pleaded to choose their candidates .
But because the NEC made selections even more complicated , and then prioritised trigger ballots for sitting MPs , dozens of local parties were still waiting when the 2019 election was called and candidates were again imposed .
It is possible to have procedures that are both democratic and efficient .
We can not get caught napping a third time .
Membership has trebled and , while a cause for celebration , the costs and the workload for voluntary CLP officers have soared .
In @ @ @ @ @ @ @ distributed subscription income more equally between larger and smaller CLPs , but also increased central control .
While on the NEC , I doubled the amount returned to CLPs – and pushed for more – but the system is no longer fit for purpose .
The NEC funds , intended to support local initiatives , have stopped inviting bids , and must be overflowing while local parties struggle .
Standard membership is over £50 , and even the reduced rate excludes many of the people that we claim to represent .
In 2018 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and it ’ s time to honour that commitment .
I will work to deliver a fair share of subscriptions to the grassroots , and a Labour Party that is affordable for all .
I ’ m a member of CLPD , the Labour Movement for Europe , the Labour Campaign for Electoral Reform and the Fabian Society , and supported by Open Labour .
For more information , please visit annblack.co.uk or contact me at [ email protected ] , [ email protected ] , or 07956637958 .

Why I am standing
When I left Labour’s national executive committee (NEC) two years ago, a comeback was the last thing on my mind. The party was polarised between rival slates, and to quote Nye Bevan: “We know what happens to people who stay in the middle of the road. They get run over!” So, what has changed?
The party has changed. More than 100,000 members left between 2017 and late 2019, and over 120,000 joined by February 2020. Keir Starmer was elected leader with 56% of the vote, close to Jeremy Corbyn’s mandates of 60% and 62%. After the bitter 2016 leadership contest and December’s crushing defeat, there is a renewed desire to unite and work towards electing a Labour government. I believe I can contribute to that goal. The new single transferable vote system to elect local party reps will allow space for left independent voices, and a diverse constituency section that fully reflects the membership.
Through 18 years on the NEC, I acted according to consistent principles, for left policies, and for party democracy and members’ rights. I opposed war in Iraq, Trident and privatisation, and supported council housing, public services and decent benefits and pensions. I achieved one-member-one-vote elections to the national policy forum and helped to get Diane Abbott on the 2010 leadership ballot. In 2016, I voted for Jeremy Corbyn to be included without needing fresh nominations, and against a six-month qualifying period.
Reports of every meeting are at annblack.co.uk. I’m happy to discuss my record, but I also want to look to the future. My pledges include the following.
Working together
I will be loyal to Keir Starmer and Angela Rayner, as I have been to all previous leaders. I will argue forcefully for members, and that sometimes means disagreement, but I have never called for the leader to resign. It was wrong in Jeremy Corbyn’s time and it is wrong now. That loyalty should extend to Labour councillors. The central Tory government has defunded local services for ten years and that is where the blame must be laid, not with councillors working to bring Labour values to their communities. In difficult situations, strong links with trade unions are essential. As a UNISON steward for 30 years, I know the pressures, but I also know that working people need a Labour government.
Rebuilding after four election defeats requires an honest look at the challenges and how Labour can meet them. I recommend the Labour Together review. It’s as non-factional as is possible these days, and I hope the new NEC will consider its proposals seriously.
Ensuring that our party is a safe and inclusive place for all members should be a priority for the NEC. I support independent sexual harassment complaints procedures, and stand for zero tolerance of antisemitism and all forms of hatred and discrimination.
Reconnecting with members
For 18 years, I consulted and reported back, explaining how I voted and why. Members shouldn’t have to rely on leaks and Twitter. I would maintain this record, and am happy to visit branches and constituencies, remotely or in person.
During lockdown, local party business was suspended for four months, and that was too long. Secret ballots for selecting candidates and electing officers must be watertight, but motions are usually decided on shows of hands and could have continued remotely. And while online meetings exclude some members without access to technology, others have been excluded from physical meetings due to disability, caring responsibilities or travel issues and are joining in for the first time. For the future, I would like to combine the best of both worlds.
As NEC vice-chair for women, I steered women’s conference to independence in 2019. Sadly plans for 2020 fell off the agenda when I left the NEC and, with the coronavirus still untamed, doubts hang over 2021. I will make sure that women’s organisation is not relegated to second place again.
Transformative policies
The NEC does not make policy directly, but it oversees policy-making processes, including the national policy forum (NPF), with conference having the final say. The NPF has barely met since 2014, though policy commissions – which bring together shadow ministers, NPF representatives and NEC members – are producing documents again. After 22 years, most members still don’t know who speaks for them on the NPF, and radical reform – promised in the 2018 democracy review – is long overdue.
The manifesto for a 2024 general election cannot be written yet, and Covid-19 is drowning out normal politics. A Tory government has been nationalising the railways, paying private sector wages and eulogising the NHS. But cracks are appearing. Private companies are profiteering from government contracts, healthcare workers from abroad are charged for the privilege of saving our lives, exam “results” are in chaos and schools will have to struggle on their own if there are further lockdowns.
The disproportionate impact of Covid-19 on BAME communities and gig economy workers, and the widening class divide, raise disturbing questions. There must be no return to austerity, and Labour should start developing principles that will inform our approach to taxation, benefits, health, education, pensions, private and social housing, the arts and the climate crisis. To my deep regret, the UK has left the European Union, but the Tories cannot be allowed to blame the consequences of a hard or, worse, a no-deal Brexit on the pandemic.
That needs the collective contribution of our 550,000 members, who bring expertise, life experience and enthusiasm. More than 170 put themselves forward for these NEC elections and, win or lose, I would like all of them invited to take part in moving ahead.
Funding democracy
For the 2017 general election, the NEC imposed candidates in every constituency. We also promised never to do it again, and for two years CLPs pleaded to choose their candidates. But because the NEC made selections even more complicated, and then prioritised trigger ballots for sitting MPs, dozens of local parties were still waiting when the 2019 election was called and candidates were again imposed. It is possible to have procedures that are both democratic and efficient. We cannot get caught napping a third time.
Membership has trebled and, while a cause for celebration, the costs and the workload for voluntary CLP officers have soared. In 2011, Labour conference agreed changes that distributed subscription income more equally between larger and smaller CLPs, but also increased central control. While on the NEC, I doubled the amount returned to CLPs – and pushed for more – but the system is no longer fit for purpose. The NEC funds, intended to support local initiatives, have stopped inviting bids, and must be overflowing while local parties struggle. Standard membership is over £50, and even the reduced rate excludes many of the people that we claim to represent. In 2018, the NEC promised a review, and it’s time to honour that commitment. I will work to deliver a fair share of subscriptions to the grassroots, and a Labour Party that is affordable for all.
I’m a member of CLPD, the Labour Movement for Europe, the Labour Campaign for Electoral Reform and the Fabian Society, and supported by Open Labour. For more information, please visit annblack.co.uk or contact me at [email protected], [email protected], or 07956637958.


labourlist--2020-08-12--Dodds slams “Johnson’s jobs crisis” as UK officially enters recession

Anneliese Dodds has condemned the government ’ s handling of the coronavirus pandemic and “ Johnson ’ s jobs crisis ” as data shows that the UK has officially entered a recession for the first time since the global financial crisis in 2008 .
Figures published this morning show that UK GDP fell by 20.4 % in the second quarter of 2020 – a larger drop than that of any other European country .
France saw its economy shrink by -13.8 % , Italy by -12.4 % and Germany by -10.1 % .
The Shadow Chancellor has said that although @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Johnson ’ s jobs crisis wasn ’ t ” and has called on the Prime Minister to take responsibility and “ scrap the one-size-fits-all withdrawal of wage support ” .
Commenting on the GDP figures , Dodds said : “ We ’ ve already got the worst excess death rate in Europe – now we ’ re on course for the worst recession too .
That ’ s a tragedy for the British people and it ’ s happened on Boris Johnson ’ s watch .
“ The Prime Minister will say there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do during a global pandemic , but that doesn ’ t explain why our economy is tanking so badly compared to other countries.
” The data released today follows the publication of the Office of National Statistics ’ labour market overview on Tuesday , which showed that the number of people in work between April and June fell by the largest amount in over a decade .
Dodds added : “ It was his government that snatched away wage support for businesses that hadn ’ t even reopened yet .
And his government @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and isolate working despite claiming it ’ s a ‘ world-beating ’ system .
“ A downturn was inevitable after lockdown – but Johnson ’ s jobs crisis wasn ’ t .
Now he must take responsibility , scrap the one-size-fits-all withdrawal of wage support and bring the health crisis properly under control.
” The ONS has reported that the country ’ s recession is the deepest decline of any G7 nation in the second quarter and represents a fall double that of the US economy , which shrank by 10.6 % over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ figures and jobs in the pandemic , TUC general secretary Frances O ’ Grady said : “ The best way to get our economy back on its feet is to keep people in work .
The more jobs we protect the faster we ’ ll recover from this crisis .
“ Ministers can not afford to dither .
They must do everything possible to stop mass unemployment .
That means extending the job retention scheme for companies that have a viable future but need support beyond October .
“ And it means investing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the future in green industries , social care and across the public sector.
” After a decline of 2.2 % in the first quarter of this year , these latest figures confirm that the UK is in recession .
The most recent 20.4 % drop in GDP is the biggest quarterly decline since comparable records began in 1955 .
Labour has repeatedly demanded that the government change course on its approach to economic support in the crisis , and Dodds has called on the Chancellor to bring forward targeted support for the industries @ @ @ @ @ @ @

Anneliese Dodds has condemned the government’s handling of the coronavirus pandemic and “Johnson’s jobs crisis” as data shows that the UK has officially entered a recession for the first time since the global financial crisis in 2008.
Figures published this morning show that UK GDP fell by 20.4% in the second quarter of 2020 – a larger drop than that of any other European country. France saw its economy shrink by 13.8%, Italy by 12.4% and Germany by 10.1%.
The Shadow Chancellor has said that although an economic downturn was inevitable, “Johnson’s jobs crisis wasn’t” and has called on the Prime Minister to take responsibility and “scrap the one-size-fits-all withdrawal of wage support”.
Commenting on the GDP figures, Dodds said: “We’ve already got the worst excess death rate in Europe – now we’re on course for the worst recession too. That’s a tragedy for the British people and it’s happened on Boris Johnson’s watch.
“The Prime Minister will say there’s only so much he could do during a global pandemic, but that doesn’t explain why our economy is tanking so badly compared to other countries.”
The data released today follows the publication of the Office of National Statistics’ labour market overview on Tuesday, which showed that the number of people in work between April and June fell by the largest amount in over a decade.
Dodds added: “It was his government that snatched away wage support for businesses that hadn’t even reopened yet. And his government that failed to get test, trace and isolate working despite claiming it’s a ‘world-beating’ system.
“A downturn was inevitable after lockdown – but Johnson’s jobs crisis wasn’t. Now he must take responsibility, scrap the one-size-fits-all withdrawal of wage support and bring the health crisis properly under control.”
The ONS has reported that the country’s recession is the deepest decline of any G7 nation in the second quarter and represents a fall double that of the US economy, which shrank by 10.6% over the same period.
Commenting on the figures and jobs in the pandemic, TUC general secretary Frances O’Grady said: “The best way to get our economy back on its feet is to keep people in work. The more jobs we protect the faster we’ll recover from this crisis.
“Ministers cannot afford to dither. They must do everything possible to stop mass unemployment. That means extending the job retention scheme for companies that have a viable future but need support beyond October.
“And it means investing in the decent jobs we need for the future in green industries, social care and across the public sector.”
After a decline of 2.2% in the first quarter of this year, these latest figures confirm that the UK is in recession. The most recent 20.4% drop in GDP is the biggest quarterly decline since comparable records began in 1955.
Labour has repeatedly demanded that the government change course on its approach to economic support in the crisis, and Dodds has called on the Chancellor to bring forward targeted support for the industries where it’s most needed.


labourlist--2020-08-12--WATCH: Exam grading system “not fit for purpose”, says Labour’s Kate Green

Labour ’ s education lead Kate Green has described the replacement exam results system being used in the Covid-19 crisis as “ not fit for purpose ” after the government announced last-minute changes .
It was revealed last night , less than two days before the first results are released , that there would be a “ triple lock ” process for A-Level and GCSE students who are not happy with their calculated grades .
Pupils will be able to choose between accepting their calculated grade , resitting their exams in the autumn , and going through an appeals process @ @ @ @ @ @ @ mock exam result .
The Shadow Education Secretary said : “ I don ’ t think this is a perfect answer at all to what is now becoming a really chaotic situation and very , very worrying for students – the day before getting their results , finding the system changing again.
” Green highlighted that there is no consistency between mock exams , with levels of difficulty varying from school to school , and that not all students will have taken mock exams as some were cancelled due to Covid .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a system which clearly is not looking fit for purpose .
The government itself is acknowledging that by announcing more and more changes to it .
But the solution they ’ re now proposing really isn ’ t strong enough .
“ That ’ s why we think that students absolutely need to have a proper robust appeals process , so that they ’ re not dependent on systems that may not fairly reflect the work that they ’ ve done.
” Asked whether mock results should be excluded from the new system @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t think the mock exams are a sufficient answer if that ’ s the basis on which the grade is going to be awarded.
” On the option of resits , the Shadow Education Secretary said it was “ useful… as a backstop ” but would be too late for students wanting to start courses in September .
She also highlighted that schools needed support to organise them .

Labour’s education lead Kate Green has described the replacement exam results system being used in the Covid-19 crisis as “not fit for purpose” after the government announced last-minute changes.
It was revealed last night, less than two days before the first results are released, that there would be a “triple lock” process for A-Level and GCSE students who are not happy with their calculated grades.
Pupils will be able to choose between accepting their calculated grade, resitting their exams in the autumn, and going through an appeals process to replace their grade with a previous mock exam result.
The Shadow Education Secretary said: “I don’t think this is a perfect answer at all to what is now becoming a really chaotic situation and very, very worrying for students – the day before getting their results, finding the system changing again.”
Green highlighted that there is no consistency between mock exams, with levels of difficulty varying from school to school, and that not all students will have taken mock exams as some were cancelled due to Covid.
“What we’ve now got is a system which clearly is not looking fit for purpose. The government itself is acknowledging that by announcing more and more changes to it. But the solution they’re now proposing really isn’t strong enough.
“That’s why we think that students absolutely need to have a proper robust appeals process, so that they’re not dependent on systems that may not fairly reflect the work that they’ve done.”
Asked whether mock results should be excluded from the new system, Green replied: “I don’t think the mock exams are a sufficient answer if that’s the basis on which the grade is going to be awarded.”
On the option of resits, the Shadow Education Secretary said it was “useful… as a backstop” but would be too late for students wanting to start courses in September. She also highlighted that schools needed support to organise them.


labourlist--2020-08-12--Government must protect pregnant women’s rights during Covid, says Labour

Labour has called on the government to protect pregnant women ’ s rights in the pandemic and to take action for those unlawfully placed on statutory sick pay , affecting their maternity pay and other entitlements .
Following an announcement from the chief medical officer in March , employers unable to make necessary adjustments to ensure workplace safety during the crisis should send pregnant women home on full pay .
But Labour ’ s Andy McDonald said many were wrongly placed on sick pay instead , and has called for time spent on sick pay related to Covid to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ used to calculate maternity pay .
The Shadow Employment Rights Secretary said : “ It is wrong that pregnant women have not only lost income as a result of being wrongly sent home on sick pay rather than their full wage , but have had their maternity pay slashed as well .
“ Covid-19-related spells on statutory sick pay should not mean women have their maternity pay cut , and the government needs to act now , end this injustice and protect pregnant women ’ s rights.
” Statutory maternity pay is paid @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equal to 90 % of your weekly income before tax for the first six weeks , then changing to £151.20 or 90 % of your average weekly earnings – whichever is lower – for the next 33 weeks .
To calculate the rate of the benefit , employers average gross earnings over a period of at least eight weeks up to and including the last payday 15 weeks before the week of the baby ’ s due date .
But to qualify for maternity pay , employees need to earn at least £120 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pay is £95.85 and Labour has pointed out that those on sick pay in the period leading up to the qualifying week will not reach the lower earnings limit .
The government amended regulations in April so that pregnant employees and other parents-to-be did not lose entitlement to statutory maternity or other parental pay as a result of being placed on furlough pay at 80 % of their wage .
Labour has said that the government refused to amend the regulations to discount a Covid-related period on statutory sick pay in maternity pay @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reverse this decision .

Labour has called on the government to protect pregnant women’s rights in the pandemic and to take action for those unlawfully placed on statutory sick pay, affecting their maternity pay and other entitlements.
Following an announcement from the chief medical officer in March, employers unable to make necessary adjustments to ensure workplace safety during the crisis should send pregnant women home on full pay.
But Labour’s Andy McDonald said many were wrongly placed on sick pay instead, and has called for time spent on sick pay related to Covid to be discounted for the period that earnings are used to calculate maternity pay.
The Shadow Employment Rights Secretary said: “It is wrong that pregnant women have not only lost income as a result of being wrongly sent home on sick pay rather than their full wage, but have had their maternity pay slashed as well.
“Covid-19-related spells on statutory sick pay should not mean women have their maternity pay cut, and the government needs to act now, end this injustice and protect pregnant women’s rights.”
Statutory maternity pay is paid for up to 39 weeks and is equal to 90% of your weekly income before tax for the first six weeks, then changing to £151.20 or 90% of your average weekly earnings – whichever is lower – for the next 33 weeks.
To calculate the rate of the benefit, employers average gross earnings over a period of at least eight weeks up to and including the last payday 15 weeks before the week of the baby’s due date.
But to qualify for maternity pay, employees need to earn at least £120 per week. The rate of sick pay is £95.85 and Labour has pointed out that those on sick pay in the period leading up to the qualifying week will not reach the lower earnings limit.
The government amended regulations in April so that pregnant employees and other parents-to-be did not lose entitlement to statutory maternity or other parental pay as a result of being placed on furlough pay at 80% of their wage.
Labour has said that the government refused to amend the regulations to discount a Covid-related period on statutory sick pay in maternity pay calculations, and has demanded that it reverse this decision.


labourlist--2020-08-12--Momentum: Why we’re launching our first ever open primary

Democracy is essential to creating the vibrant and participatory culture that the left needs to win .
Yet our movement has often been too top-down and the grassroots not always in the driving seat .
Now it ’ s time to take our responsibility as democrats seriously .
The only way we can win in the party and in the country is with an open , transparent and democratic mass movement , and a grassroots that is empowered to make decisions at every turn .
Open primaries are the best way of unearthing the talent within our movement .
Alexandria @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She was able to challenge one of the most powerful Democrats in the US , defeat him with a strong grassroots campaign , and now has played a pivotal role in changing the US political landscape for good .
Momentum launching primaries marks the end of selections based on backroom deals and who knows who , and gives all outstanding candidates the opportunity to take on a leading role in our movement in years to come .
If we are to find our own Ocasio-Cortezes , we need to make sure we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of candidates to make their case .
Democracy is the best route to finding the socialist leaders of tomorrow , whether they become MPs like Nadia Whittome and Zarah Sultana , trade unionists organising workers in un-unionised workplaces , or councillors fighting to defend schools and youth centres .
After not being able to run open selections for the Labour national executive committee ( NEC ) elections due to the time constraints imposed by the Labour right , I ’ m really excited that Momentum is today launching its first ever open primary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Labour Committee elections in November .
Young Labour is the future of our party , and under Jeremy Corbyn it reached an impressive 100,000 members .
During the expectation-defying 2017 election , many local Young Labour groups and university clubs led impressive canvassing efforts , and since then young members have been at the forefront of campaigns such as Labour for a Green New Deal and other important socialist policy initiatives .
They have brought much needed vitality to our party .
We can ’ t afford to let that energy dissipate now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be heard , both in our party and outside of it .
School students and other young people have been leading the climate movement , and a green agenda needs to be at the core of our economic vision .
Housing is an essential issue for younger generations – we need a Young Labour that can support renters organising and campaigning for affordable housing .
And young people are disproportionately affected by low pay and precarious contracts .
In the era of coronavirus , unionising young workers is more important than ever .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ young activists campaigning on these issues can coalesce and bring their ideas and energy to our party .
Momentum ’ s open primary , where young members can decide who the organisation will endorse to sit on the Young Labour committee , will be the first step in opening this process up to a wide range of participants and new leaders within the movement .
But it ’ s not just a question of bringing new leaders into the fold .
My experience of open primaries is that they are often the best @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grassroots to campaign for candidates .
We want this process to kickstart a productive discussion about the future of Young Labour , and encourage participants to invest their time and energy into changing it for the better .
Young Labour has such an important role to play in the future of socialism in the UK .
While the Labour Party leadership tacks to the right , potentially alienating the youth vote , Young Labour can set its own agenda .
Vibrant local Young Labour groups can be at the core of providing political @ @ @ @ @ @ @ organising and linking up with local and national campaigns and bringing young people ( such as those radicalised by Covid-19 , the climate crisis and the BLM movement ) into the Labour Party .
If you are under 27 and a Labour member , and have the energy and ideas to shake up Young Labour – or if you ’ d like a vote in deciding who we endorse – why not join Momentum ?
This is just the first of our open primaries , and the start of a new way of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re 27 or older , you can also join Momentum to have a say in our future open primaries – and to help build the biggest and most powerful grassroots movement for socialism this country has ever seen .
Here are the key dates :

Democracy is essential to creating the vibrant and participatory culture that the left needs to win. Yet our movement has often been too top-down and the grassroots not always in the driving seat. Now it’s time to take our responsibility as democrats seriously. The only way we can win in the party and in the country is with an open, transparent and democratic mass movement, and a grassroots that is empowered to make decisions at every turn.
Open primaries are the best way of unearthing the talent within our movement. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez is the best example of this. She was able to challenge one of the most powerful Democrats in the US, defeat him with a strong grassroots campaign, and now has played a pivotal role in changing the US political landscape for good. Momentum launching primaries marks the end of selections based on backroom deals and who knows who, and gives all outstanding candidates the opportunity to take on a leading role in our movement in years to come.
If we are to find our own Ocasio-Cortezes, we need to make sure we give every opportunity to a wide range of candidates to make their case. Democracy is the best route to finding the socialist leaders of tomorrow, whether they become MPs like Nadia Whittome and Zarah Sultana, trade unionists organising workers in un-unionised workplaces, or councillors fighting to defend schools and youth centres.
After not being able to run open selections for the Labour national executive committee (NEC) elections due to the time constraints imposed by the Labour right, I’m really excited that Momentum is today launching its first ever open primary, which will be for the Young Labour Committee elections in November.
Young Labour is the future of our party, and under Jeremy Corbyn it reached an impressive 100,000 members. During the expectation-defying 2017 election, many local Young Labour groups and university clubs led impressive canvassing efforts, and since then young members have been at the forefront of campaigns such as Labour for a Green New Deal and other important socialist policy initiatives. They have brought much needed vitality to our party.
We can’t afford to let that energy dissipate now. Voices of young people need to be heard, both in our party and outside of it. School students and other young people have been leading the climate movement, and a green agenda needs to be at the core of our economic vision. Housing is an essential issue for younger generations – we need a Young Labour that can support renters organising and campaigning for affordable housing. And young people are disproportionately affected by low pay and precarious contracts. In the era of coronavirus, unionising young workers is more important than ever.
Young Labour must be a place where young activists campaigning on these issues can coalesce and bring their ideas and energy to our party. Momentum’s open primary, where young members can decide who the organisation will endorse to sit on the Young Labour committee, will be the first step in opening this process up to a wide range of participants and new leaders within the movement.
But it’s not just a question of bringing new leaders into the fold. My experience of open primaries is that they are often the best way of building unity and energising the grassroots to campaign for candidates. We want this process to kickstart a productive discussion about the future of Young Labour, and encourage participants to invest their time and energy into changing it for the better.
Young Labour has such an important role to play in the future of socialism in the UK. While the Labour Party leadership tacks to the right, potentially alienating the youth vote, Young Labour can set its own agenda. Vibrant local Young Labour groups can be at the core of providing political education, intervening in their CLPs, organising and linking up with local and national campaigns and bringing young people (such as those radicalised by Covid-19, the climate crisis and the BLM movement) into the Labour Party.
If you are under 27 and a Labour member, and have the energy and ideas to shake up Young Labour – or if you’d like a vote in deciding who we endorse – why not join Momentum? This is just the first of our open primaries, and the start of a new way of working for our movement. If you’re 27 or older, you can also join Momentum to have a say in our future open primaries – and to help build the biggest and most powerful grassroots movement for socialism this country has ever seen.
Here are the key dates:
Midday, August 21st – Deadline for candidate applications
August 25th-26th – Shortlisting
August 28th – Ballot opens
September 2nd – Ballot closes
September 27th – Labour Party nominations close
October 19th – Labour Party ballot opens
November 12th – Labour Party ballot closes


labourlist--2020-08-12--Ruth Jones promoted to replace Lloyd Russell-Moyle in Labour’s Defra team

Ruth Jones has been promoted to Keir Starmer ’ s frontbench and replaced Lloyd Russell-Moyle as shadow minister for natural environment and air quality in Labour ’ s environment , food and rural affairs team .
Commenting on her appointment , she told LabourList : “ I am delighted that Keir Starmer has appointed me to serve as Labour ’ s new shadow minister for natural environment and air quality .
“ The coronavirus pandemic has highlighted just how much more we need to do to ensure we tackle toxic levels of air quality in communities across the country .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ us of the beauty of our natural environment , and I look forward to holding Tory Ministers to account on the many promises they have made in recent years and showing the country that our natural world will be safe in the hands of a Keir Starmer led Labour government in Westminster .
“ Over the coming months and years , I look forward to working with my colleagues in Cardiff , Belfast , Edinburgh , and in Westminster , to develop a strong policy platform and to be the strongest advocate for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ future for us all.
” Russell-Moyle , Labour MP for Brighton Kemptown and Peacehaven , cited a “ campaign by the right-wing media ” against him and a “ torrent of online hate ” when he quit the frontbench in July .
The Newport West representative replacing him was first elected in a 2019 by-election , and Jones was shadow minister for flooding and coastal communities under Jeremy Corbyn ’ s leadership .
Her first tweet in relation to her new brief was supportive of the call by Luke Pollard for grouse shooting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the illegal killings of birds of prey during the pandemic .
Reacting to the appointment , the Shadow Environment Secretary said : “ Delighted to welcome @ RuthNewportWest as the new Shadow Minister for the Natural Environment and Air Quality .
“ Looking forward to working with her on the crucial issue of high air pollution .
Fab Shadow DEFRA team alongside @ Steph_Peacock , @ DanielZeichner and @ WhitchurchGirl [ Maggie Jones ] ” .
In the micro-reshuffle Labour frontbench revealed by The Times , new MP for Warrington North Charlotte Nichols @ @ @ @ @ @ @ parliamentary private secretary role .
Nichols will now serve as PPS to Shadow Northern Ireland Secretary Louise Haigh , as well as PPS to Labour ’ s international trade lead Emily Thornberry .
She tweeted : “ I ’ m excited for the challenge of joining the Shadow Northern Ireland team as PPS to @ LouHaigh , alongside my role as PPS to @ EmilyThornberry & the Shadow International Trade team .
Lots to learn and get working on !
” The Warrington MP last week worked with Haigh to warn that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the promise he made to victims of terror ” as funding for a local peace charity had not materialised .
The Tim Parry Johnathan Ball Peace Foundation has provided a free national support service for victims of terrorism in the UK over the last two decades , but its future has been left in doubt .
Haigh and Nichols visited the centre to meet with employees and discuss their work , highlighting that Boris Johnson has not delivered on the promised funding to the charity .
The pair , along with deputy leader @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the decision to award a life peerage to Claire Fox , who has been accused of supporting the 1993 IRA Warrington bombings .

Ruth Jones has been promoted to Keir Starmer’s frontbench and replaced Lloyd Russell-Moyle as shadow minister for natural environment and air quality in Labour’s environment, food and rural affairs team.
Commenting on her appointment, she told LabourList: “I am delighted that Keir Starmer has appointed me to serve as Labour’s new shadow minister for natural environment and air quality.
“The coronavirus pandemic has highlighted just how much more we need to do to ensure we tackle toxic levels of air quality in communities across the country.
“And the pandemic has also reminded us of the beauty of our natural environment, and I look forward to holding Tory Ministers to account on the many promises they have made in recent years and showing the country that our natural world will be safe in the hands of a Keir Starmer led Labour government in Westminster.
“Over the coming months and years, I look forward to working with my colleagues in Cardiff, Belfast, Edinburgh, and in Westminster, to develop a strong policy platform and to be the strongest advocate for a cleaner, greener and more sustainable future for us all.”
Russell-Moyle, Labour MP for Brighton Kemptown and Peacehaven, cited a “campaign by the right-wing media” against him and a “torrent of online hate” when he quit the frontbench in July.
The Newport West representative replacing him was first elected in a 2019 by-election, and Jones was shadow minister for flooding and coastal communities under Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership.
Her first tweet in relation to her new brief was supportive of the call by Luke Pollard for grouse shooting to be licensed following a rise in the illegal killings of birds of prey during the pandemic.
Reacting to the appointment, the Shadow Environment Secretary said: “Delighted to welcome @RuthNewportWest as the new Shadow Minister for the Natural Environment and Air Quality.
“Looking forward to working with her on the crucial issue of high air pollution. Fab Shadow DEFRA team alongside @Steph_Peacock, @DanielZeichner and @WhitchurchGirl [Maggie Jones]”.
In the micro-reshuffle Labour frontbench revealed by The Times, new MP for Warrington North Charlotte Nichols will be stepping into Jones’ previous parliamentary private secretary role.
Nichols will now serve as PPS to Shadow Northern Ireland Secretary Louise Haigh, as well as PPS to Labour’s international trade lead Emily Thornberry.
She tweeted: “I’m excited for the challenge of joining the Shadow Northern Ireland team as PPS to @LouHaigh, alongside my role as PPS to @EmilyThornberry & the Shadow International Trade team. Lots to learn and get working on!”
The Warrington MP last week worked with Haigh to warn that the Prime Minister had “failed to keep the promise he made to victims of terror” as funding for a local peace charity had not materialised.
The Tim Parry Johnathan Ball Peace Foundation has provided a free national support service for victims of terrorism in the UK over the last two decades, but its future has been left in doubt.
Haigh and Nichols visited the centre to meet with employees and discuss their work, highlighting that Boris Johnson has not delivered on the promised funding to the charity.
The pair, along with deputy leader Angela Rayner, also spoke out against the decision to award a life peerage to Claire Fox, who has been accused of supporting the 1993 IRA Warrington bombings.


labourlist--2020-08-12--How the struggles of MPs’ caseworkers have intensified during the pandemic

MPs have a team of people who support them in their work – usually no more than four or five paid staff .
One of those roles is a caseworker .
Whenever a resident has a problem , on almost any issue you can imagine , this is who does the leg work .
Outside of Covid , the questions they receive from residents range from the trivial to the devastating to the downright bizarre .
And the weight of enquiries can be unmanageable even in normal times .
Parliamentary caseworker is not a job that people generally know about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ long hours , but it ’ s also very rewarding .
I know because I used to be one .
‘ Go work for an MP , ’ they said .
‘ It ’ ll be fun , ’ they said… Well , alright , nobody said that .
But if you are lucky enough to bag a job with an MP as their caseworker , diving into the role can be a bit of a shock .
It is very much a train-on-the-job situation , and you ’ re immediately presented with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ finding someone a place to sleep that night ; helping a community group make an application for funding ; challenging the rejection of a visa or benefits claim .
You have what feels like a never-ending caseload , while at the same time you ’ re faced with a phone that rarely stops ringing .
You ’ re buried under a ton of emails , letters , calls and drop-ins from the many thousands of residents who live in the constituency .
It can feel like a tough and thankless task at times @ @ @ @ @ @ @ abuse is common .
You ’ re the go-to person when it comes to a problem or complaint .
Caseworkers are the faceless people behind that great local constituency MP you know .
Without them , it wouldn ’ t be possible for your representative in parliament to have an effective and positive local presence .
And the work is a great opportunity to learn , to work with people from all sorts of backgrounds and to help those in need .
During a pandemic , casework will undoubtedly have become much harder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been like over the last five months , I spoke to caseworkers in Labour MPs ’ offices , as well as some who were seconded from their usual duties to cover what quickly became a mountain of casework .
This is what they told me .
When the UK went into lockdown… “ Initially , when Covid hit , it was uncontrollable the amounts of emails and calls we were getting… It was literally one after the other , after the other.
” One Labour MP ’ s caseworker tells me that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ dramatically as the country entered lockdown .
They pick up urgent casework and emails over weekends anyway , but that became much more difficult .
“ The amount of urgent cases that were coming through throughout Covid – they were all urgent .
Everyone was an emergency.
” Normally everyone tells her their case is urgent , and it always is to them , but the difference during Covid is that they were genuinely all urgent .
“ It ’ s been the greatest number of cases that we ’ ve ever had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hours I worked as a caseworker just went crazy .
Ordinarily you work way over what you ’ re contracted to work , ” he tells me .
“ But I was working really ridiculous hours .
Because what do you do when someone rings you up and says ‘ I ’ ve got no food in the fridge and my normal carer is sheltering ’ ?
Of course you ’ re going to stay late.
” The constantly shifting guidance didn ’ t help : “ Everything was changing every day .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ residents were confused about the rules – whether to go to work , who should be shielding , etc – and it was just as difficult for MPs ’ staff to keep up .
“ We were demanding answers from government ministers and obviously they didn ’ t have or know the answer to give , ” one says .
“ Firefighting.
” That ’ s how one Labour staffer describes casework in the pandemic .
“ It felt like just pointing the hose at various fires and just trying to put them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ onto the next one.
” Another reports having received between 500 and 1,500 emails a week relating exclusively to small businesses – enquiries about rateable values and furlough support , from employers and employees .
“ That is completely separate to benefits , welfare , immigration , ” she explains .
It wasn ’ t even the issue on which they received the most casework .
MPs run with a budget of £166,930 for staff in London offices and £155,930 for those outside of the capital .
It ’ s typical for there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a team .
The staff I ’ m speaking to paint a varied picture of how they ’ ve coped with the dramatic increase in work , but it ’ s clear for many that – as one puts it – “ the roles definitely got blurred ” .
One Labour staffer who usually focuses on parliamentary work tells me that she was probably spending between 30 % and 40 % of her time on casework because it was “ by far the worst ” they ’ d ever seen it .
Another @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s employees were focused only on casework for a time : “ For two weeks , four of us worked every minute to clear the backlog.
” The Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority , which manages MPs ’ expenses , budgets and pay , released extra funding to help the offices .
But it came too late .
One staffer , who had a team member off sick with Covid , tells me that offering additional funding after the peak of cases was “ a bit like shutting the stable door after the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t just magic someone up immediately ” .
“ I saw in a few places ‘ if you ’ re stressed , then call this number ’ , but it ’ s not exactly practical help .
Because what are they going to say ?
Be less stressed , don ’ t do as much work .
And when you ’ ve got a staff budget that ’ s spent , you can ’ t do less work.
” IPSA could have done – and could be doing – much more , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off with stress for a period during the pandemic .
“ It ’ s just redundancy after redundancy .
It ’ s entire business parks closing , ” one staffer in South Wales tells me .
On the specifics of her constituency , she explains that “ there have been horrible economic shocks like that in economic memory ” , referring to the pit closures .
“ The same people who are having their jobs taken away now are the same people who had to go through this on such a large scale @ @ @ @ @ @ @ much of her time negotiating with businesses , and describes how “ it ’ s been a lot of trying to get people to maintain furlough ” .
In one example , the MP ’ s office has been working with local unions to persuade a company to maintain a site in the constituency .
“ It didn ’ t go our way , ” she says .
The company will be cutting jobs down from 90 to 13 .
Another tells me she has had to deal with issues around furlough , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
She describes the experience as a “ bit of a learning curve ” and says she has had to become “ almost an HMRC expert ” .
Again , it didn ’ t help that the guidance kept changing and MPs ’ offices weren ’ t briefed on the changes as they happened .
She tells me that the WhatsApp groups with other caseworkers have been the biggest source of support : “ We ’ re all sort of trying to figure it out together.
” This lack of clarity on changing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to some residents falling through the cracks .
One caseworker recounts her experience with vulnerable residents shielding in the pandemic .
She explains her frustration as she couldn ’ t get a ministerial response on anything to do with getting the vulnerable food or priority shopping .
“ I was taking all these cases and not seeing a result – and I was getting more and more frustrated , and the MP was emailing and calling people , I was doing the same , and it was getting ridiculous.
” She describes one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ child was being turned away from supermarkets that said she was not on the national database for those shielding .
It turned out that a specific notation was required from GPs , but this had not been explained to MPs ’ caseworkers .
Even more incredibly , she explains that many of the staff in GP surgeries were also unaware .
And the caseworker says , with not a little exasperation , that this only came to light after “ days and days of going mad in circles ” .
“ Covid has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the weaknesses in these systems , ” another attests .
Because government departments weren ’ t functioning properly in normal times , “ it just seems that they ’ ve completely crumbled ” .
Residents who were already waiting to have claims or applications processed by government departments being set back even further by the pandemic .
She mentions a number of refugees waiting for an interview with the Home Office – for nine months already – being told that they must continue waiting in limbo .
It feels like the department @ @ @ @ @ @ @ excuse to fob things off ” , she says .
The pandemic has made it logistically more difficult to help vulnerable constituents , the caseworkers tell me .
Working from home like everyone else , their constituency offices have been closed .
Many MPs see locals drop into the office in person , particularly those unable or less suited to accessing help remotely .
This can range from the elderly to those with mental health issues to others for whom English is not their first language .
“ It is tougher to access @ @ @ @ @ @ @ because they haven ’ t got an email , ” one caseworker explains as an example , adding : “ We ’ ve just had to try to be as accessible as possible.
” One caseworker tells me about a personally difficult case she dealt with .
A Palestinian couple with a young baby were placed in temporary accommodation by outsourcing company Serco , and the MP ’ s office had flagged it as inappropriate .
“ There ’ s no way for them to socially distance in this accommodation , ” she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ share space with other residents .
The MP ’ s office told Serco they were worried about the welfare of the child and requested a transfer , but she says the company told her : “ We aren ’ t doing any moves at the minute .
We are not moving people who we recognise are in unsuitable accommodation – we aren ’ t moving them because of Covid.
” The caseworker goes on to describe how the baby started showing symptoms of Covid and was later hospitalised .
“ The mother just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t cope .
We had to get her more holistic support from community organisations and from the city council.
” The child has now recovered , she explains , but the family is still in the same flat .
“ And we know that that ’ s just one family in the country in unsuitable accommodation.
” Unsurprisingly , the majority of caseworkers I speak to mention the lack of protective equipment for care workers .
One says they had lots of employees in care homes getting in touch to blow the whistle @ @ @ @ @ @ @ care homes and made sure the staff were OK with PPE , that they had everything they needed.
” Another describes a marked difference between what care home managers were saying about PPE and what workers were telling them .
“ If it wasn ’ t family telling us in care homes what was happening , it was whistleblowers as staff themselves.
” She is interested to see what comes out in any inquiry .
Problems in care homes weren ’ t limited to PPE either , another makes clear .
“ It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ think about – like access to IT for people who are dying .
We had to sort that out.
” Her MP tried to ensure that there was good enough internet and equipment for people to have a last Zoom call with their relatives .
Another recalls being pressed by a resident to push for her to be able to visit her terminally ill sister in a care home , and having to speak to that constituent again when staff advised that it simply wasn ’ t possible .
Another caseworker tells me @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in tropical medicine , who had got in touch with her office during the Black Lives Matter protests .
He reported being stopped and searched by police – who were not wearing PPE .
She recounts how at the same time as he contacted the office , the constituency saw a large increase in cases in BAME communities in the constituency .
“ It just seemed like everything was coming together – that police had been stopping people from those communities and there had been a spike , ” she tells me .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ geographically with parliamentary constituencies , which means caseworkers often have more than one borough in their patch .
One describes the challenge : “ That ’ s two leaders ; two borough commanders ; one Tory council , one Labour council , so they have different ways of running.
” But the sense I get from the caseworkers is that local authorities have generally responded well to the challenges of Covid .
Local councils have been stretched more than ever in the crisis , of course .
One speaks of how they ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ like any other large organisation in the pandemic .
And many other organisations and services in the borough have had to close their doors , meaning specialist support has been unavailable .
“ Whilst I ’ m a caseworker , I ’ m not a trained talking counsellor , ” one points out .
“ And that ’ s really difficult because the people who constituents would normally go to for extra support , those services might not be running in the community .
So they come back to us.
” MPs ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other volunteer residents ’ groups .
One tells me her MP called a “ virtual roundtable discussion ” early on and “ has been at the middle of that since ” .
Others describe how the mutual aid groups and community organisations took up a lot of the work , often in partnership with local councils , in getting residents food and medicine .
Others say how helpful they ’ ve been in alerting them to particularly vulnerable residents who need support .
One speaks of difficulties with misinformation being spread between @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was largely a positive force for reaching out to residents : “ The community response has been amazing.
” “ To be fair to the council , I think they were very good at getting out how people could get involved helping out with mutual aid , ” another explains .
But he adds that it was a shame watching the treatment of local authorities by central government .
“ One of my frustrations was that a lot of the government ’ s response was so centralised , rather than understanding that councils @ @ @ @ @ @ @ do.
” Again , though , he comes back to community volunteers .
Councils are now in a tough position , he says , but it would be even worse “ if there hadn ’ t been an army of volunteers ready to go… It was quite amazing really ” .
One thing that strikes me as I talk to the caseworkers is the personal toll they describe – not just for the many residents facing all these issues , but for themselves .
On a daily basis , they have been trying @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worst situations , in the middle of a crisis unparalleled by anything this country has seen in generations .
And yet they are not complaining for themselves .
When I ask one about the emotional stress the work brings , he says : “ Well , that stuff is traumatic .
You know , in casework you come across bereavements – it ’ s part of the job – but I ’ ve never come across anything close to the rate of this .
We ’ re talking about helping people through bereavements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was able to go see their family and mourn their relatives , or have a funeral .
And I think that you ’ re really , as a caseworker , on the frontline .
It ’ s difficult having to explain to the council that someone has died in their home overnight – it ’ s just really emotionally traumatising .
And having to deal with stuff like that every single day , day in , day out .
It ’ s tough .
Really , really tough .
”

MPs have a team of people who support them in their work – usually no more than four or five paid staff. One of those roles is a caseworker. Whenever a resident has a problem, on almost any issue you can imagine, this is who does the leg work. Outside of Covid, the questions they receive from residents range from the trivial to the devastating to the downright bizarre. And the weight of enquiries can be unmanageable even in normal times.
Parliamentary caseworker is not a job that people generally know about. It often entails gruelling work and long hours, but it’s also very rewarding. I know because I used to be one. ‘Go work for an MP,’ they said. ‘It’ll be fun,’ they said… Well, alright, nobody said that. But if you are lucky enough to bag a job with an MP as their caseworker, diving into the role can be a bit of a shock.
It is very much a train-on-the-job situation, and you’re immediately presented with an impossibly broad range of issues: finding someone a place to sleep that night; helping a community group make an application for funding; challenging the rejection of a visa or benefits claim. You have what feels like a never-ending caseload, while at the same time you’re faced with a phone that rarely stops ringing. You’re buried under a ton of emails, letters, calls and drop-ins from the many thousands of residents who live in the constituency.
It can feel like a tough and thankless task at times. The pay is low, and abuse is common. You’re the go-to person when it comes to a problem or complaint. Caseworkers are the faceless people behind that great local constituency MP you know. Without them, it wouldn’t be possible for your representative in parliament to have an effective and positive local presence. And the work is a great opportunity to learn, to work with people from all sorts of backgrounds and to help those in need.
During a pandemic, casework will undoubtedly have become much harder. To find out what that has been like over the last five months, I spoke to caseworkers in Labour MPs’ offices, as well as some who were seconded from their usual duties to cover what quickly became a mountain of casework. This is what they told me.
When the UK went into lockdown…
“Initially, when Covid hit, it was uncontrollable the amounts of emails and calls we were getting… It was literally one after the other, after the other.” One Labour MP’s caseworker tells me that the number of cases they were handling increased dramatically as the country entered lockdown.
They pick up urgent casework and emails over weekends anyway, but that became much more difficult. “The amount of urgent cases that were coming through throughout Covid – they were all urgent. Everyone was an emergency.” Normally everyone tells her their case is urgent, and it always is to them, but the difference during Covid is that they were genuinely all urgent.
“It’s been the greatest number of cases that we’ve ever had,” another says. “The hours I worked as a caseworker just went crazy. Ordinarily you work way over what you’re contracted to work,” he tells me. “But I was working really ridiculous hours. Because what do you do when someone rings you up and says ‘I’ve got no food in the fridge and my normal carer is sheltering’? Of course you’re going to stay late.”
The constantly shifting guidance didn’t help: “Everything was changing every day. It was just a nightmare.” The residents were confused about the rules – whether to go to work, who should be shielding, etc – and it was just as difficult for MPs’ staff to keep up. “We were demanding answers from government ministers and obviously they didn’t have or know the answer to give,” one says.
“Firefighting.” That’s how one Labour staffer describes casework in the pandemic. “It felt like just pointing the hose at various fires and just trying to put them out as quickly as possible before moving onto the next one.” Another reports having received between 500 and 1,500 emails a week relating exclusively to small businesses – enquiries about rateable values and furlough support, from employers and employees. “That is completely separate to benefits, welfare, immigration,” she explains. It wasn’t even the issue on which they received the most casework.
Staffing in the crisis…
MPs run with a budget of £166,930 for staff in London offices and £155,930 for those outside of the capital. It’s typical for there to be one or two caseworkers in a team. The staff I’m speaking to paint a varied picture of how they’ve coped with the dramatic increase in work, but it’s clear for many that – as one puts it – “the roles definitely got blurred”.
One Labour staffer who usually focuses on parliamentary work tells me that she was probably spending between 30% and 40% of her time on casework because it was “by far the worst” they’d ever seen it. Another tells me that all of the MP’s employees were focused only on casework for a time: “For two weeks, four of us worked every minute to clear the backlog.”
The Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority, which manages MPs’ expenses, budgets and pay, released extra funding to help the offices. But it came too late. One staffer, who had a team member off sick with Covid, tells me that offering additional funding after the peak of cases was “a bit like shutting the stable door after the horse has bolted, because you can’t just magic someone up immediately”.
“I saw in a few places ‘if you’re stressed, then call this number’, but it’s not exactly practical help. Because what are they going to say? Be less stressed, don’t do as much work. And when you’ve got a staff budget that’s spent, you can’t do less work.” IPSA could have done – and could be doing – much more, says an experienced caseworker who was signed off with stress for a period during the pandemic.
Jobs and business…
“It’s just redundancy after redundancy. It’s entire business parks closing,” one staffer in South Wales tells me. On the specifics of her constituency, she explains that “there have been horrible economic shocks like that in economic memory”, referring to the pit closures. “The same people who are having their jobs taken away now are the same people who had to go through this on such a large scale 30-40 years ago.”
She has spent much of her time negotiating with businesses, and describes how “it’s been a lot of trying to get people to maintain furlough”. In one example, the MP’s office has been working with local unions to persuade a company to maintain a site in the constituency. “It didn’t go our way,” she says. The company will be cutting jobs down from 90 to 13.
Another tells me she has had to deal with issues around furlough, rates relief and grants from the government. She describes the experience as a “bit of a learning curve” and says she has had to become “almost an HMRC expert”. Again, it didn’t help that the guidance kept changing and MPs’ offices weren’t briefed on the changes as they happened. She tells me that the WhatsApp groups with other caseworkers have been the biggest source of support: “We’re all sort of trying to figure it out together.”
Falling through the cracks…
This lack of clarity on changing rules, support and guidance has led to some residents falling through the cracks. One caseworker recounts her experience with vulnerable residents shielding in the pandemic. She explains her frustration as she couldn’t get a ministerial response on anything to do with getting the vulnerable food or priority shopping. “I was taking all these cases and not seeing a result – and I was getting more and more frustrated, and the MP was emailing and calling people, I was doing the same, and it was getting ridiculous.”
She describes one case where a woman with a disabled child was being turned away from supermarkets that said she was not on the national database for those shielding. It turned out that a specific notation was required from GPs, but this had not been explained to MPs’ caseworkers. Even more incredibly, she explains that many of the staff in GP surgeries were also unaware. And the caseworker says, with not a little exasperation, that this only came to light after “days and days of going mad in circles”.
“Covid has really shone a light on the cracks and the weaknesses in these systems,” another attests. Because government departments weren’t functioning properly in normal times, “it just seems that they’ve completely crumbled”. Residents who were already waiting to have claims or applications processed by government departments being set back even further by the pandemic. She mentions a number of refugees waiting for an interview with the Home Office – for nine months already – being told that they must continue waiting in limbo. It feels like the department has used the pandemic “as an excuse to fob things off”, she says.
The pandemic has made it logistically more difficult to help vulnerable constituents, the caseworkers tell me. Working from home like everyone else, their constituency offices have been closed. Many MPs see locals drop into the office in person, particularly those unable or less suited to accessing help remotely. This can range from the elderly to those with mental health issues to others for whom English is not their first language. “It is tougher to access those who usually fall through the cracks because they haven’t got an email,” one caseworker explains as an example, adding: “We’ve just had to try to be as accessible as possible.”
A home in the pandemic…
One caseworker tells me about a personally difficult case she dealt with. A Palestinian couple with a young baby were placed in temporary accommodation by outsourcing company Serco, and the MP’s office had flagged it as inappropriate. “There’s no way for them to socially distance in this accommodation,” she explains, because the family had to share space with other residents. The MP’s office told Serco they were worried about the welfare of the child and requested a transfer, but she says the company told her: “We aren’t doing any moves at the minute. We are not moving people who we recognise are in unsuitable accommodation – we aren’t moving them because of Covid.”
The caseworker goes on to describe how the baby started showing symptoms of Covid and was later hospitalised. “The mother just had a complete breakdown, couldn’t cope. We had to get her more holistic support from community organisations and from the city council.” The child has now recovered, she explains, but the family is still in the same flat. “And we know that that’s just one family in the country in unsuitable accommodation.”
Personal protective equipment and care homes…
Unsurprisingly, the majority of caseworkers I speak to mention the lack of protective equipment for care workers. One says they had lots of employees in care homes getting in touch to blow the whistle. “The MP contacted all the care homes and made sure the staff were OK with PPE, that they had everything they needed.” Another describes a marked difference between what care home managers were saying about PPE and what workers were telling them. “If it wasn’t family telling us in care homes what was happening, it was whistleblowers as staff themselves.” She is interested to see what comes out in any inquiry.
Problems in care homes weren’t limited to PPE either, another makes clear. “It was things you don’t normally think about – like access to IT for people who are dying. We had to sort that out.” Her MP tried to ensure that there was good enough internet and equipment for people to have a last Zoom call with their relatives. Another recalls being pressed by a resident to push for her to be able to visit her terminally ill sister in a care home, and having to speak to that constituent again when staff advised that it simply wasn’t possible.
Another caseworker tells me of a Black resident, a professor in tropical medicine, who had got in touch with her office during the Black Lives Matter protests. He reported being stopped and searched by police – who were not wearing PPE. She recounts how at the same time as he contacted the office, the constituency saw a large increase in cases in BAME communities in the constituency. “It just seemed like everything was coming together – that police had been stopping people from those communities and there had been a spike,” she tells me.
Solidarity, local government and resident volunteers…
Boroughs and constituencies don’t match geographically with parliamentary constituencies, which means caseworkers often have more than one borough in their patch. One describes the challenge: “That’s two leaders; two borough commanders; one Tory council, one Labour council, so they have different ways of running.” But the sense I get from the caseworkers is that local authorities have generally responded well to the challenges of Covid.
Local councils have been stretched more than ever in the crisis, of course. One speaks of how they’ve had staff off work, just like any other large organisation in the pandemic. And many other organisations and services in the borough have had to close their doors, meaning specialist support has been unavailable. “Whilst I’m a caseworker, I’m not a trained talking counsellor,” one points out. “And that’s really difficult because the people who constituents would normally go to for extra support, those services might not be running in the community. So they come back to us.”
MPs’ teams had varied dealings with mutual aid and other volunteer residents’ groups. One tells me her MP called a “virtual roundtable discussion” early on and “has been at the middle of that since”. Others describe how the mutual aid groups and community organisations took up a lot of the work, often in partnership with local councils, in getting residents food and medicine. Others say how helpful they’ve been in alerting them to particularly vulnerable residents who need support. One speaks of difficulties with misinformation being spread between the groups, but explains that it was largely a positive force for reaching out to residents: “The community response has been amazing.”
“To be fair to the council, I think they were very good at getting out how people could get involved helping out with mutual aid,” another explains. But he adds that it was a shame watching the treatment of local authorities by central government. “One of my frustrations was that a lot of the government’s response was so centralised, rather than understanding that councils probably know their areas better than they do.” Again, though, he comes back to community volunteers. Councils are now in a tough position, he says, but it would be even worse “if there hadn’t been an army of volunteers ready to go… It was quite amazing really”.
The personal toll…
One thing that strikes me as I talk to the caseworkers is the personal toll they describe – not just for the many residents facing all these issues, but for themselves. On a daily basis, they have been trying to support people in some of the worst situations, in the middle of a crisis unparalleled by anything this country has seen in generations. And yet they are not complaining for themselves.
When I ask one about the emotional stress the work brings, he says: “Well, that stuff is traumatic. You know, in casework you come across bereavements – it’s part of the job – but I’ve never come across anything close to the rate of this. We’re talking about helping people through bereavements several times a day.
“No-one was able to go see their family and mourn their relatives, or have a funeral. And I think that you’re really, as a caseworker, on the frontline. It’s difficult having to explain to the council that someone has died in their home overnight – it’s just really emotionally traumatising. And having to deal with stuff like that every single day, day in, day out. It’s tough. Really, really tough.”


labourlist--2020-08-12--We’re campaigning for a four-day week – and we want Labour’s backing

The idea of moving to a four-day working week is catching on during the coronavirus crisis , and the 4 Day Week Campaign believes that Labour should reaffirm its commitment to the policy before the Tories get there first .
Millions of us used lockdown to reconsider what we believe to be important in our lives – and for many , that ’ s having a better work-life balance .
Over the weekend , we released new polling that showed if everyone could move to a four-day week , with no loss of pay , an overwhelming 53 % of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with family .
The polling was an interesting snapshot of how the country could be happier and healthier as a result of working less .
39 % said they would use the extra free time to recuperate and rest , 38 % would socialise with friends and 36 % would use the time for exercise .
In a potential major and much-needed boost to the UK tourism sector , 30 % said they would take more short holidays in the UK .
These findings followed polling last month , which showed that two @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government exploring the introduction of a four-day week – including 57 % of Conservative voters .
Over the last few weeks , our campaign has been in discussion with the Treasury about the policy via Labour MP Clive Lewis .
While they haven ’ t signalled that they will be adopting it any time soon , Treasury minister Kemi Badenoch has committed to an open dialogue with the campaign and requested a copy of the new report ‘ Time for Change ‘ by think tank Autonomy , which proposes a Shorter Working Time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is what we ’ re going to be campaigning for as we head towards the Autumn Budget in October – and it would be great to have Labour ’ s backing on this policy .
Behind the scenes , we ’ ve been having conversations with the party , and we know that many senior frontbenchers openly support a four-day week .
We ’ re also pleased to have Andy McDonald , Shadow Secretary for Employment Rights , joining us at an online public meeting in September .
We appreciate that the policy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the 2019 general election .
We also understand communication concerns around calling for people to do less work at a time when hundreds of thousands have been made redundant and are desperate for any work they can get .
This conundrum is what drove Autonomy to write Time for Change .
The report calls on the government to replace the furlough scheme , once it winds down , with a SWTSS .
This would prevent mass unemployment in sectors that are struggling the most , while at the same time helping with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the longer-term .
The proposal is inspired by the German Kurzarbeit scheme , recognised as the ‘ gold standard ’ by the IMF , which both Anneliese Dodds and Ed Miliband have pointed towards in the last couple of weeks .
This is very encouraging , and we hope that Labour officially backs a scheme for shorter working time in the near future .
In the face of a government with no substantial plan for unemployment , it ’ s urgent that the party backs a strategy for retaining jobs and provides a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ .
With everything still up in the air , many questioning their relationship with work and more automation on the way , the move to a four-day week feels inevitable .
But we want to reach that point more quickly .
Since the 1980s , workers in the UK have seen almost no reduction in their working hours .
While our productivity lags behind , we work longer hours than most other European countries .
The Tories are beginning to recognise this and have stopped publicly attacking the policy as presumably they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blowing .
Analysis of the Tory and Labour manifestos in 2015 showed that the Conservatives were far more future thinking .
Jeremy Corbyn learnt this lesson in 2017 , and it ’ s an important one for Labour ’ s new frontbench team .
When times are so uncertain , being able to carve out a vision for the future is essential .
The move to a four-day week is long overdue : we hope that Labour will recognise this by backing our campaign as soon as possible .
Andy McDonald MP , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ MP Clive Lewis will take part in online public meeting ‘ Has the time come for a four-day week ?
’ on Tuesday 8th September , 6pm-7.30pm .
Follow @ 4Day_Week for an announcement soon about the event .

The idea of moving to a four-day working week is catching on during the coronavirus crisis, and the 4 Day Week Campaign believes that Labour should reaffirm its commitment to the policy before the Tories get there first. Millions of us used lockdown to reconsider what we believe to be important in our lives – and for many, that’s having a better work-life balance.
Over the weekend, we released new polling that showed if everyone could move to a four-day week, with no loss of pay, an overwhelming 53% of people would spend their extra free time with family. The polling was an interesting snapshot of how the country could be happier and healthier as a result of working less.
39% said they would use the extra free time to recuperate and rest, 38% would socialise with friends and 36% would use the time for exercise. In a potential major and much-needed boost to the UK tourism sector, 30% said they would take more short holidays in the UK. These findings followed polling last month, which showed that two thirds of the UK population support the government exploring the introduction of a four-day week – including 57% of Conservative voters.
Over the last few weeks, our campaign has been in discussion with the Treasury about the policy via Labour MP Clive Lewis. While they haven’t signalled that they will be adopting it any time soon, Treasury minister Kemi Badenoch has committed to an open dialogue with the campaign and requested a copy of the new report ‘Time for Change‘ by think tank Autonomy, which proposes a Shorter Working Time Subsidy Scheme (SWTSS).
This is what we’re going to be campaigning for as we head towards the Autumn Budget in October – and it would be great to have Labour’s backing on this policy. Behind the scenes, we’ve been having conversations with the party, and we know that many senior frontbenchers openly support a four-day week. We’re also pleased to have Andy McDonald, Shadow Secretary for Employment Rights, joining us at an online public meeting in September.
We appreciate that the policy took a bit of a hammering at the 2019 general election. We also understand communication concerns around calling for people to do less work at a time when hundreds of thousands have been made redundant and are desperate for any work they can get.
This conundrum is what drove Autonomy to write Time for Change. The report calls on the government to replace the furlough scheme, once it winds down, with a SWTSS. This would prevent mass unemployment in sectors that are struggling the most, while at the same time helping with the transition to more desirable working patterns in the longer-term.
The proposal is inspired by the German Kurzarbeit scheme, recognised as the ‘gold standard’ by the IMF, which both Anneliese Dodds and Ed Miliband have pointed towards in the last couple of weeks. This is very encouraging, and we hope that Labour officially backs a scheme for shorter working time in the near future. In the face of a government with no substantial plan for unemployment, it’s urgent that the party backs a strategy for retaining jobs and provides a vision for what constitutes ‘good work’.
With everything still up in the air, many questioning their relationship with work and more automation on the way, the move to a four-day week feels inevitable. But we want to reach that point more quickly. Since the 1980s, workers in the UK have seen almost no reduction in their working hours. While our productivity lags behind, we work longer hours than most other European countries. The Tories are beginning to recognise this and have stopped publicly attacking the policy as presumably they can see which way the wind is blowing.
Analysis of the Tory and Labour manifestos in 2015 showed that the Conservatives were far more future thinking. Jeremy Corbyn learnt this lesson in 2017, and it’s an important one for Labour’s new frontbench team. When times are so uncertain, being able to carve out a vision for the future is essential. The move to a four-day week is long overdue: we hope that Labour will recognise this by backing our campaign as soon as possible.
Andy McDonald MP, Shadow Employment Rights Secretary, and Labour MP Clive Lewis will take part in online public meeting ‘Has the time come for a four-day week?’ on Tuesday 8th September, 6pm-7.30pm. Follow @4Day_Week for an announcement soon about the event.