labourlist--2020-04-02--“I will never stop fighting for our NHS” – Kate Osborne’s maiden speech

Below is the full text of the maiden speech delivered by the recently elected Labour MP for Jarrow , Kate Osborne , in parliament on February 5th .
It is a great honour to serve in this House .
It is also the greatest honour of my life to be elected to represent the constituency of Jarrow , and I would like to thank the people of Jarrow for putting their faith in me .
I pay tribute to my predecessor , Stephen Hepburn , and thank him on behalf of the constituents of Jarrow for his 22 years of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was born and raised .
I wish him well for the future .
It is fitting to be called in this debate because as a councillor for the past ten years , I have fought for local government funding and services , hit by unending cuts to local authority budgets .
I am blessed to represent such a fantastic part of our country .
The constituency of Jarrow is not just the town of Jarrow : it is also Hebburn , Boldon , Cleadon and parts of Gateshead .
It is also the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ J ’ .
Jarrow , with its proud history , powered the industrial revolution , built as it was on coal , shipbuilding and metal works , but that was to change .
Palmers Shipbuilding and Iron Company closed in the 1930s , Leslie ’ s yard at Hebburn stopped shipbuilding in 1982 and the last pit in Jarrow closed in the 1980s .
Successive Tory governments , from Thatcher to Johnson , have decimated industry and come after our communities — not just in Jarrow but across the whole of the North @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people were discarded , and we are still living with those scars to this day .
The closures and the misery they caused were and will always be a tragedy .
They are a constant reminder of what Thatcherism brought to our region .
Sadly , like a lot of the country , particularly in the north-east , we now have food banks , high unemployment , poverty and struggle , but the people of Jarrow are resilient and proud of their history , community and working-class solidarity .
They never give up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and them : neither will I .
There is no better example of this resilience than the MP for Jarrow from 1935 to 1947 , Red Ellen Wilkinson .
To be the first woman MP for Jarrow since Ellen fills me with pride , and it is only right and proper that I pay tribute to her here today .
Ellen , outraged by injustice and the transgression of power at home or abroad , sought to do the right thing .
She was , and still is , a legend .
As @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to organise the suffrage pilgrimage in 1913 , where more than 50,000 women marched to a mass rally in Hyde Park .
In 1935 , as the MP for Jarrow , Ellen played a key role in organising the Jarrow march , an iconic protest against the unemployment and poverty in Tyneside .
Like me , she would be outraged that today around 2,500 people are having to claim unemployment benefits in Jarrow .
Ellen , as an internationalist , condemned general Franco and supported the Spanish Republicans .
She also , in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s appeasement of Nazi Germany .
Here at home when she became Education Secretary , she had the monumental task of rebuilding Britain ’ s schools after six years of war .
A pioneer , she raised the school leaving age from 14 to 15 and introduced the School Milk Act of 1946 , which gave free milk to schoolchildren .
Her powerful speeches can be read in Hansard today .
I would encourage all members to have a read .
Sadly , Ellen died a year before the Labour government ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service , and she would be disgusted by the systematic dismantling of this vital service .
The crisis in our NHS means that staff are overstretched , GP waiting times are longer than ever , and mental health services are lacking .
I would like to assure this House and the people of Jarrow that I will never stop fighting for our NHS .
I will continue the fight to save South Tyneside Hospital and to make sure we have palliative care within the constituency after the closure of Saint Clare Hospice .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ zero-hours contracts and unemployment , and I will fight for skilled , unionised , well-paid jobs .
Like Ellen , I will fight for our children and young people to have the education they deserve .
We need increased funding for our schools and investment in further education .
I will not shirk one of the biggest battles still confronting us today , and that is against universal credit , a catastrophe that has had a cruel effect on our most vulnerable families .
There are vulnerable children in need across the country—children @ @ @ @ @ @ @ home—and it was in order to provide these children with a much-needed lifeline that I became a foster carer .
I strongly believe communities should look after each other .
In Jarrow , we understand what being a community really means .
We know all about solidarity , collectivism , trade unionism — all values that I hold dear .
I have been a trade union rep all my working life — I worked for Royal Mail for 25 years , on the frontline , as a Unite representative—but now I will shift @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to account .
I will defend our public services , our NHS and our hard-won rights , and I will fight for equality and social justice — for a society in which nobody is left behind .
To the people of Jarrow , I say : I won ’ t let you down .

Below is the full text of the maiden speech delivered by the recently elected Labour MP for Jarrow, Kate Osborne, in parliament on February 5th.
It is a great honour to serve in this House. It is also the greatest honour of my life to be elected to represent the constituency of Jarrow, and I would like to thank the people of Jarrow for putting their faith in me. I pay tribute to my predecessor, Stephen Hepburn, and thank him on behalf of the constituents of Jarrow for his 22 years of unwavering support for the place where he was born and raised. I wish him well for the future.
It is fitting to be called in this debate because as a councillor for the past ten years, I have fought for local government funding and services, hit by unending cuts to local authority budgets. I am blessed to represent such a fantastic part of our country. The constituency of Jarrow is not just the town of Jarrow: it is also Hebburn, Boldon, Cleadon and parts of Gateshead. It is also the only constituency beginning with the letter ‘J’.
Jarrow, with its proud history, powered the industrial revolution, built as it was on coal, shipbuilding and metal works, but that was to change. Palmers Shipbuilding and Iron Company closed in the 1930s, Leslie’s yard at Hebburn stopped shipbuilding in 1982 and the last pit in Jarrow closed in the 1980s. Successive Tory governments, from Thatcher to Johnson, have decimated industry and come after our communities — not just in Jarrow but across the whole of the North.
Many good, hard-working, decent people were discarded, and we are still living with those scars to this day. The closures and the misery they caused were and will always be a tragedy. They are a constant reminder of what Thatcherism brought to our region. Sadly, like a lot of the country, particularly in the north-east, we now have food banks, high unemployment, poverty and struggle, but the people of Jarrow are resilient and proud of their history, community and working-class solidarity. They never give up, and I say to this House and them: neither will I.
There is no better example of this resilience than the MP for Jarrow from 1935 to 1947, Red Ellen Wilkinson. To be the first woman MP for Jarrow since Ellen fills me with pride, and it is only right and proper that I pay tribute to her here today. Ellen, outraged by injustice and the transgression of power at home or abroad, sought to do the right thing. She was, and still is, a legend. As a young trade unionist, she helped to organise the suffrage pilgrimage in 1913, where more than 50,000 women marched to a mass rally in Hyde Park. In 1935, as the MP for Jarrow, Ellen played a key role in organising the Jarrow march, an iconic protest against the unemployment and poverty in Tyneside. Like me, she would be outraged that today around 2,500 people are having to claim unemployment benefits in Jarrow.
Ellen, as an internationalist, condemned general Franco and supported the Spanish Republicans. She also, in no uncertain terms, denounced Neville Chamberlain’s appeasement of Nazi Germany. Here at home when she became Education Secretary, she had the monumental task of rebuilding Britain’s schools after six years of war. A pioneer, she raised the school leaving age from 14 to 15 and introduced the School Milk Act of 1946, which gave free milk to schoolchildren. Her powerful speeches can be read in Hansard today. I would encourage all members to have a read.
Sadly, Ellen died a year before the Labour government’s greatest achievement, the national health service, and she would be disgusted by the systematic dismantling of this vital service. The crisis in our NHS means that staff are overstretched, GP waiting times are longer than ever, and mental health services are lacking. I would like to assure this House and the people of Jarrow that I will never stop fighting for our NHS. I will continue the fight to save South Tyneside Hospital and to make sure we have palliative care within the constituency after the closure of Saint Clare Hospice. I will fight against precarious work, zero-hours contracts and unemployment, and I will fight for skilled, unionised, well-paid jobs.
Like Ellen, I will fight for our children and young people to have the education they deserve. We need increased funding for our schools and investment in further education. I will not shirk one of the biggest battles still confronting us today, and that is against universal credit, a catastrophe that has had a cruel effect on our most vulnerable families. There are vulnerable children in need across the country—children without a stable environment to call their home—and it was in order to provide these children with a much-needed lifeline that I became a foster carer. I strongly believe communities should look after each other. In Jarrow, we understand what being a community really means. We know all about solidarity, collectivism, trade unionism — all values that I hold dear.
I have been a trade union rep all my working life — I worked for Royal Mail for 25 years, on the frontline, as a Unite representative—but now I will shift my focus by holding this Tory government to account. I will defend our public services, our NHS and our hard-won rights, and I will fight for equality and social justice — for a society in which nobody is left behind. To the people of Jarrow, I say: I won’t let you down.


labourlist--2020-04-02--Labour’s new leader must read the next decade far better than the last

Labour ’ s last four general election defeats have all been rooted in its failure to understand the fallout from the 2008 financial crash and the beast that the crisis unleashed .
The public reaction wasn ’ t simply to ‘ swing left ’ against casino capitalism .
The crash was the catalyst for a decade-long backlash against an entire economy and culture built on cosmopolitan dominance .
This backlash was on show both in the 2016 referendum and again in 2019 ’ s ‘ get Brexit done ’ election .
Cosmopolitan Britain was underpinned by a dominant ideology that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a Britain replete with opportunity .
This would benefit those “ swift to adapt ” and “ slow to complain ” , as Tony Blair famously stated in 2005 .
He presumably meant swift to move to London , because the reality was that wealth and opportunity were swept away from manufacturing and directed towards the financial services sector in the South East .
The shift left industrial towns and communities to fend for themselves .
New technology devastated high streets and introduced low-paid and insecure ‘ gig economy ’ work .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ higher education system offering little for the forgotten 50 % not attending university , and led by a ruling graduate class utterly content with the status quo .
There were , of course , plenty of benefits of globalisation , but anyone willing a return to pre-2016 Britain should think again .
Why does all of this matter now ?
Simple : Covid-19 is likely to be a game-changer every bit as significant as the crash .
How exactly the pieces will fall is unclear for now , but what is certain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ read – and lead – that transformation far better than we did after the financial crisis .
Ed Miliband ’ s Labour lost in 2015 because it resorted to a traditional state versus market argument .
The promise of the unifying , post-Olympic ‘ One Nation Labour ’ agenda was jettisoned – along with ‘ responsible capitalism ’ – for a more traditional state-based leftism , with the traditional electoral result .
The 2016 EU referendum result then marked a backlash that had been brewing for years – one that most in Labour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on xenophobia .
Labour must read the next decade far better than it did the last , starting with the coronavirus fallout .
Taxpayers may swing left and be more willing to fund health and social care .
But they may also want those taxes to replenish the treasury ’ s coffers .
And even if the country does move left on spending , it doesn ’ t mean voters will automatically swing behind Labour .
The Conservative Party is the ultimate wolf in sheep ’ s clothing , putting pragmatism over ideology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ nine-week head start at the beginning of this crisis , they are flying in the polls and will do whatever it takes to maintain that lead .
The other assumption is that the Covid-19 crisis will increase demand for international co-operation to fight global challenges .
This argument should defeat the nationalist view that the UK can somehow hide away in self-isolation , but Labour will still need to beat that drum effectively .
What we must not do is mistakenly assume that embracing international co-operation means returning to the cosmopolitan ideology of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the dominant cultural trend we are seeing is a recognition that localism , neighbourliness and solidarity matters more than anything .
The public are recognising more than ever the importance of family and community .
Localism and communitarianism are more deeply etched into the nation ’ s psyche than globalism and cosmopolitanism .
Labour needs to adapt to this situation .
Some on the left are terrified to talk about family because they worry it has to mean two straight parents , and fear that ‘ community ’ is somehow a buzzword for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is ridiculous , because modern families and communities come in all shapes , sizes and colours .
The new Labour leader must show leadership and wrap our part in the language of communitarianism .
But that alone will not be enough .
Regaining the public ’ s ear will first require a reckoning about what has gone wrong .
We need to face two important realities .
First , just how irrelevant Jeremy Corbyn and Corbynism has made our party .
Second , how much trust has been lost over Brexit .
Most @ @ @ @ @ @ @ understand the first , but will the new leadership really have the confidence to face up to the second ?
Polling suggests that 73 % of Labour-to-Tory switchers in 2019 cited Labour ’ s Brexit position as a reason to throw their weight behind Boris Johnson ’ s ‘ get Brexit done ’ message .
The coronavirus crisis may help us overcome the Remain-Leave divide , but the underlying mistrust felt by many Leavers who saw us renege on our promise to respect the referendum will run far deeper .
We have to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ trust of these voters and reconnect with their priorities .
For instance , if Labour fails to take a constructive position on both the UK ’ s trade talks and the new Tory immigration policy , then we can kiss the Bolsover and the Blyth Valley seats goodbye for a generation .
The new leader ’ s critique of the government ’ s handling of the Covid-19 crisis also needs deep thought .
Praising the economic response but highlighting the health failures and the wasted nine-week head start feel like the credible and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ moment is right .
Restoring credibility , regaining trust , and reading the post-coronavirus landscape correctly – this is the bear minimum that our new leader must do to avoid repeating the mistakes of the last decade .

Labour’s last four general election defeats have all been rooted in its failure to understand the fallout from the 2008 financial crash and the beast that the crisis unleashed. The public reaction wasn’t simply to ‘swing left’ against casino capitalism. The crash was the catalyst for a decade-long backlash against an entire economy and culture built on cosmopolitan dominance. This backlash was on show both in the 2016 referendum and again in 2019’s ‘get Brexit done’ election.
Cosmopolitan Britain was underpinned by a dominant ideology that said globalisation and new technology would create a Britain replete with opportunity. This would benefit those “swift to adapt” and “slow to complain”, as Tony Blair famously stated in 2005. He presumably meant swift to move to London, because the reality was that wealth and opportunity were swept away from manufacturing and directed towards the financial services sector in the South East. The shift left industrial towns and communities to fend for themselves.
New technology devastated high streets and introduced low-paid and insecure ‘gig economy’ work. The economy was fed by a ‘winner-takes-all’ higher education system offering little for the forgotten 50% not attending university, and led by a ruling graduate class utterly content with the status quo. There were, of course, plenty of benefits of globalisation, but anyone willing a return to pre-2016 Britain should think again.
Why does all of this matter now? Simple: Covid-19 is likely to be a game-changer every bit as significant as the crash. How exactly the pieces will fall is unclear for now, but what is certain is that Labour will have to successfully read – and lead – that transformation far better than we did after the financial crisis. Ed Miliband’s Labour lost in 2015 because it resorted to a traditional state versus market argument. The promise of the unifying, post-Olympic ‘One Nation Labour’ agenda was jettisoned – along with ‘responsible capitalism’ – for a more traditional state-based leftism, with the traditional electoral result. The 2016 EU referendum result then marked a backlash that had been brewing for years – one that most in Labour just couldn’t understand and blamed on xenophobia.
Labour must read the next decade far better than it did the last, starting with the coronavirus fallout. Taxpayers may swing left and be more willing to fund health and social care. But they may also want those taxes to replenish the treasury’s coffers. And even if the country does move left on spending, it doesn’t mean voters will automatically swing behind Labour. The Conservative Party is the ultimate wolf in sheep’s clothing, putting pragmatism over ideology at every turn. Despite wasting a nine-week head start at the beginning of this crisis, they are flying in the polls and will do whatever it takes to maintain that lead.
The other assumption is that the Covid-19 crisis will increase demand for international co-operation to fight global challenges. This argument should defeat the nationalist view that the UK can somehow hide away in self-isolation, but Labour will still need to beat that drum effectively. What we must not do is mistakenly assume that embracing international co-operation means returning to the cosmopolitan ideology of unfettered globalisation. This is dangerous because the dominant cultural trend we are seeing is a recognition that localism, neighbourliness and solidarity matters more than anything. The public are recognising more than ever the importance of family and community. Localism and communitarianism are more deeply etched into the nation’s psyche than globalism and cosmopolitanism.
Labour needs to adapt to this situation. Some on the left are terrified to talk about family because they worry it has to mean two straight parents, and fear that ‘community’ is somehow a buzzword for the white working classes. Their aversion is ridiculous, because modern families and communities come in all shapes, sizes and colours. The new Labour leader must show leadership and wrap our part in the language of communitarianism. But that alone will not be enough.
Regaining the public’s ear will first require a reckoning about what has gone wrong. We need to face two important realities. First, just how irrelevant Jeremy Corbyn and Corbynism has made our party. Second, how much trust has been lost over Brexit. Most Labour members seem to have come to understand the first, but will the new leadership really have the confidence to face up to the second? Polling suggests that 73% of Labour-to-Tory switchers in 2019 cited Labour’s Brexit position as a reason to throw their weight behind Boris Johnson’s ‘get Brexit done’ message.
The coronavirus crisis may help us overcome the Remain-Leave divide, but the underlying mistrust felt by many Leavers who saw us renege on our promise to respect the referendum will run far deeper. We have to think carefully about how we regain the trust of these voters and reconnect with their priorities. For instance, if Labour fails to take a constructive position on both the UK’s trade talks and the new Tory immigration policy, then we can kiss the Bolsover and the Blyth Valley seats goodbye for a generation.
The new leader’s critique of the government’s handling of the Covid-19 crisis also needs deep thought. Praising the economic response but highlighting the health failures and the wasted nine-week head start feel like the credible and principled route to take, when the moment is right. Restoring credibility, regaining trust, and reading the post-coronavirus landscape correctly – this is the bare minimum that our new leader must do to avoid repeating the mistakes of the last decade.


labourlist--2020-04-03--Progress: Labour’s task of renewal goes beyond its next leader

Before lunchtime tomorrow , we will know who has replaced Jeremy Corbyn as the leader of the Labour Party .
The announcement can not come a moment too soon .
With the Conservatives currently enjoying a 25-plus percentage point lead over Labour , the new leader has a mountain to climb if we are to rebuild as a credible party of government .
To do that , we need an honest understanding and analysis of why we lost last year ’ s election so catastrophically – and we are looking forward to the publication of Labour Together ’ s much-trailed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Today , we are publishing our submission to that review .
We would encourage you to read it in full , if only for some of the brutally honest feedback we gathered from members and supporters that we ’ ve quoted in the text .
Front and centre , there is no escaping the fact that Jeremy Corbyn and the politics he has come to represent was a massive turn off for the general public .
His political worldview was irreconcilable with maintaining the support of our voters , particularly given the patriotism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that he had historic sympathies with the IRA , Islamist groups and Russia were toxic , with councillors and activists reporting voters slamming doors in their faces because of this perceived support .
The decision to vote in favour of dissolution in November 2019 highlighted the hubris at the heart of the Corbyn project : the assumption that public opinion would turn in his favour , and that the righteousness of his cause would lead to a Labour victory .
As it was , our contorted Brexit policy ended up pleasing nobody – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , party members , ordinary voters .
We weren ’ t trusted on this fundamental issue of national importance .
Longstanding allegations of cronyism and intolerance finally cut through on the doorstep in the latter half of 2019 .
The active decision to isolate and repudiate internal opponents , the actual and political nepotism surrounding senior appointments , and stories of intimidation and an increasingly corrosive culture at HQ were all cited to us as problems .
All of these issues – hubris , ideological and nepotistic favouritism , intolerance towards moderate and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ anti-Western foreign policy outlook – collided together to create the poisonous crisis of Labour Party antisemitism .
The party ’ s failure to deal with consistent and damning instances of antisemitism – not least Corbyn ’ s personal lack of engagement , accountability or convincing concern – came to define us .
It was raised with us on doorsteps from south Wales to west London , in Wolverhampton and in Canterbury , serving as a totemic issue to describe and explain the party ’ s descent and defeat under Corbyn .
Whilst the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ all of this , there are further structural political issues that need to be addressed .
Labour ’ s support is changing , reflecting the seismic cultural and social changes that have been accelerated by austerity and flagged up by Brexit .
If the Labour Party has any future as a relevant and credible political force , it has to grapple with these changes and decide what and who it stands for in the decade ahead .
These are potentially existential questions .
Does it have the appetite to recast itself as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the country together ?
The loss of longstanding staff with significant campaigning experience has become marked in recent years .
HQ has seemed happy to subcontract campaign innovation to Momentum , whilst community organising has been prioritised and directed by senior staff instead of being devolved to regional offices and local Labour groups .
The election exposed just how far the Labour Party has been transformed , quite purposefully it seems , from an organisation devoted to the planning and winning of elections , to one remodelled as a movement to support the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ rectified .
Despite pleasing sections of the party membership , taken as a whole our 2019 platform failed to convince the public – notwithstanding approval for individual policies .
Taken as a whole , our manifesto did not add up and the sheer number of policies undermined our credibility .
This was felt on the doorstep , too .
Looking to the policy preoccupations of the decade ahead , we need to be thinking more creatively about devolution and localism , policies that promote redistribution and empowerment , and how we prioritise local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and consumers .
Now more than ever , we must tackle 21st century problems with 21st century solutions – not hark back to prescriptions from the 1970s and 1980s .
A lot to think about , and a lot of work to do if the party is to recover its political position .
We are hopeful that the new incoming leadership will take our concerns seriously .
But the task of renewal goes beyond the new leadership – we all need to get stuck in if it is to be a success .

Before lunchtime tomorrow, we will know who has replaced Jeremy Corbyn as the leader of the Labour Party. The announcement cannot come a moment too soon. With the Conservatives currently enjoying a 25-plus percentage point lead over Labour, the new leader has a mountain to climb if we are to rebuild as a credible party of government.
To do that, we need an honest understanding and analysis of why we lost last year’s election so catastrophically – and we are looking forward to the publication of Labour Together’s much-trailed election review to kickstart that process. Today, we are publishing our submission to that review. We would encourage you to read it in full, if only for some of the brutally honest feedback we gathered from members and supporters that we’ve quoted in the text.
Front and centre, there is no escaping the fact that Jeremy Corbyn and the politics he has come to represent was a massive turn off for the general public. His political worldview was irreconcilable with maintaining the support of our voters, particularly given the patriotism of our traditional base. Reports alleging that he had historic sympathies with the IRA, Islamist groups and Russia were toxic, with councillors and activists reporting voters slamming doors in their faces because of this perceived support.
The decision to vote in favour of dissolution in November 2019 highlighted the hubris at the heart of the Corbyn project: the assumption that public opinion would turn in his favour, and that the righteousness of his cause would lead to a Labour victory. As it was, our contorted Brexit policy ended up pleasing nobody – Remainers, Leavers, the shadow cabinet, party members, ordinary voters. We weren’t trusted on this fundamental issue of national importance.
Longstanding allegations of cronyism and intolerance finally cut through on the doorstep in the latter half of 2019. The active decision to isolate and repudiate internal opponents, the actual and political nepotism surrounding senior appointments, and stories of intimidation and an increasingly corrosive culture at HQ were all cited to us as problems.
All of these issues – hubris, ideological and nepotistic favouritism, intolerance towards moderate and progressive elements, and a narrow, anti-Western foreign policy outlook – collided together to create the poisonous crisis of Labour Party antisemitism.
The party’s failure to deal with consistent and damning instances of antisemitism – not least Corbyn’s personal lack of engagement, accountability or convincing concern – came to define us. It was raised with us on doorsteps from south Wales to west London, in Wolverhampton and in Canterbury, serving as a totemic issue to describe and explain the party’s descent and defeat under Corbyn.
Whilst the new leader can draw a line under all of this, there are further structural political issues that need to be addressed. Labour’s support is changing, reflecting the seismic cultural and social changes that have been accelerated by austerity and flagged up by Brexit.
If the Labour Party has any future as a relevant and credible political force, it has to grapple with these changes and decide what and who it stands for in the decade ahead. These are potentially existential questions. Does it have the appetite to recast itself as a genuinely universalist political project committed to bringing the country together?
The loss of longstanding staff with significant campaigning experience has become marked in recent years. HQ has seemed happy to subcontract campaign innovation to Momentum, whilst community organising has been prioritised and directed by senior staff instead of being devolved to regional offices and local Labour groups.
The election exposed just how far the Labour Party has been transformed, quite purposefully it seems, from an organisation devoted to the planning and winning of elections, to one remodelled as a movement to support the outgoing leader. This has to be rectified.
Despite pleasing sections of the party membership, taken as a whole our 2019 platform failed to convince the public – notwithstanding approval for individual policies. Taken as a whole, our manifesto did not add up and the sheer number of policies undermined our credibility. This was felt on the doorstep, too.
Looking to the policy preoccupations of the decade ahead, we need to be thinking more creatively about devolution and localism, policies that promote redistribution and empowerment, and how we prioritise local communities and our individual roles as citizens and consumers. Now more than ever, we must tackle 21st century problems with 21st century solutions – not hark back to prescriptions from the 1970s and 1980s.
A lot to think about, and a lot of work to do if the party is to recover its political position. We are hopeful that the new incoming leadership will take our concerns seriously. But the task of renewal goes beyond the new leadership – we all need to get stuck in if it is to be a success.


labourlist--2020-04-03--Labour must unite to build a better Britain after the coronavirus crisis

Although we are in the midst of the greatest public health crisis any of us have ever faced , and the eyes of the country are understandably elsewhere , tomorrow the result of the Labour leadership election will be announced .
It will be the job of our new leader , and the job of all of our party , to rise to the challenges presented by the coronavirus crisis .
The pandemic has underlined the fragilities in our economy and our society .
After a decade of cuts , the government have pledged ‘ whatever it takes ’ to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ keep our economy afloat .
It is our job as the Labour Party to ensure that rhetoric is matched by strong , decisive action and clear , unequivocal guidance .
The role of the opposition is to act in the national interest : support the government when they get it right ; hold them to account when they get it wrong .
That must be the new leader ’ s and their team ’ s first priority .
But we also have a responsibility to keep on fighting for resources so that our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against the coronavirus .
That is what I am doing as an MP and as South Yorkshire mayor .
I am in daily contact with our local resilience forum , our directors of public health , local hospitals , police , voluntary and community mutual aid groups and with people and businesses across our region to fight for what South Yorkshire needs .
I have convened an economic recovery taskforce to support our regional economy and protect as many jobs as possible .
I ’ m working to ensure the continued resilience of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can get to where they need to be .
And I ’ m providing practical guidance for businesses that are fighting to weather the storm of the coronavirus .
This is undoubtedly the biggest collective challenge we have faced as a country since the second world war .
We do not know how long this crisis will last , but we do know that it will change how we live our lives for years to come .
Just like in the aftermath of the war , our country will need to be rebuilt @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Britain we build will be a radically fairer , more equal society and economy than the one that went before .
The economic impact of the coronavirus has exposed the limits and the frailties of the market .
This public health crisis has also been a crisis of capitalism .
The future will mean a much greater role for the state and the public sector in delivering the basic services that all of us rely on .
It has also exposed the vital importance of the welfare state and social security .
For @ @ @ @ @ @ @ time they ’ re required to navigate Universal Credit and other similarly complex benefits .
Those already familiar will know how callous and stressful this experience can prove .
The days of demonising and denigrating those who have to fall back on the safety net of the welfare state must be over .
The opportunity to build a sound , equitable welfare system must be seized with both hands .
However , the coronavirus has also shown what we can achieve when we pull together : the underlying power and potential of our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in my constituency in Barnsley have signed up as community volunteers to help neighbours in need , and that 750,000 have registered nationally to support our NHS , is a true testament to the fantastic community spirit of which we can be so proud .
The Britain that will be forged in the aftermath of this disease must be one based on the principles of community , solidarity and collective human decency .
It has taken a global pandemic to demonstrate the workers who really matter in our economy .
When that pandemic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to business as usual .
Our communities have faced a decade of crippling austerity ; we can not , and must not , face a decade more .
We have a long way to go to beat the coronavirus .
I know that in the best traditions of our Labour Party and trade union movement , comrades the length and breadth of our country will come together to support those in need .
From the new leadership to the Parliamentary Labour Party and our hard-working representatives in local and regional government , to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we will unite to build a better Britain .

Although we are in the midst of the greatest public health crisis any of us have ever faced, and the eyes of the country are understandably elsewhere, tomorrow the result of the Labour leadership election will be announced. It will be the job of our new leader, and the job of all of our party, to rise to the challenges presented by the coronavirus crisis.
The pandemic has underlined the fragilities in our economy and our society. After a decade of cuts, the government have pledged ‘whatever it takes’ to beat this disease, safeguard workers and keep our economy afloat. It is our job as the Labour Party to ensure that rhetoric is matched by strong, decisive action and clear, unequivocal guidance.
The role of the opposition is to act in the national interest: support the government when they get it right; hold them to account when they get it wrong. That must be the new leader’s and their team’s first priority. But we also have a responsibility to keep on fighting for resources so that our communities are best prepared in the fight against the coronavirus.
That is what I am doing as an MP and as South Yorkshire mayor. I am in daily contact with our local resilience forum, our directors of public health, local hospitals, police, voluntary and community mutual aid groups and with people and businesses across our region to fight for what South Yorkshire needs.
I have convened an economic recovery taskforce to support our regional economy and protect as many jobs as possible. I’m working to ensure the continued resilience of our public transport system so key workers can get to where they need to be. And I’m providing practical guidance for businesses that are fighting to weather the storm of the coronavirus.
This is undoubtedly the biggest collective challenge we have faced as a country since the second world war. We do not know how long this crisis will last, but we do know that it will change how we live our lives for years to come. Just like in the aftermath of the war, our country will need to be rebuilt.
We need to ensure that the Britain we build will be a radically fairer, more equal society and economy than the one that went before. The economic impact of the coronavirus has exposed the limits and the frailties of the market. This public health crisis has also been a crisis of capitalism. The future will mean a much greater role for the state and the public sector in delivering the basic services that all of us rely on.
It has also exposed the vital importance of the welfare state and social security. For many, this will be the first time they’re required to navigate Universal Credit and other similarly complex benefits. Those already familiar will know how callous and stressful this experience can prove. The days of demonising and denigrating those who have to fall back on the safety net of the welfare state must be over. The opportunity to build a sound, equitable welfare system must be seized with both hands.
However, the coronavirus has also shown what we can achieve when we pull together: the underlying power and potential of our communities. That hundreds of local people in my constituency in Barnsley have signed up as community volunteers to help neighbours in need, and that 750,000 have registered nationally to support our NHS, is a true testament to the fantastic community spirit of which we can be so proud.
The Britain that will be forged in the aftermath of this disease must be one based on the principles of community, solidarity and collective human decency. It has taken a global pandemic to demonstrate the workers who really matter in our economy. When that pandemic passes, there can be no return to business as usual. Our communities have faced a decade of crippling austerity; we cannot, and must not, face a decade more.
We have a long way to go to beat the coronavirus. I know that in the best traditions of our Labour Party and trade union movement, comrades the length and breadth of our country will come together to support those in need. From the new leadership to the Parliamentary Labour Party and our hard-working representatives in local and regional government, to every single member and trade unionist – we will unite to build a better Britain.


Goodbye, Jeremy Corbyn

Labour ’ s leadership elections have finally come to a close , and the results will be announced tomorrow morning via… a press release .
Perhaps a fitting end to a remarkably dull contest , which is unfortunately set to conclude amid a pandemic .
LabourList will report on the breaking Labour news and provide relevant analysis , of course .
And before the new leader , deputy leader , Scottish deputy and national executive committee members are unveiled , we must recognise that this is the last day of Jeremy Corbyn ’ s leadership of the Labour Party .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Fabian Society , has shared his thoughts on the Corbyn era in a piece for LabourList .
He starts with the acknowledgement that Labour now has fewer MPs than at any time since the Second World War .
It is quite right to mention this fact : Labour is a party that exists to meet the needs of working people , and seeks success in parliamentary elections .
Achieving that success at a time when the party was so at odds with the voters it needed to win over on the dominating issue @ @ @ @ @ @ @ talking about Brexit – would always have been near impossible , I believe , but Labour basically being a shambles didn ’ t help .
The key positive of the Corbyn years that Harrop identifies is that “ the party stopped being scared of its own shadow ” .
This is a crucial point , and one that we must not forget going forward .
The party had been suffering from extreme timidity , which meant it was neither here nor there on the big questions .
Under Corbyn , Labour was definitely @ @ @ @ @ @ @ universalism , on shifting power from the few to the many .
That was not to say it didn ’ t engage in some triangulation of its own – Brexit , again , but also on other sticky issues – nonetheless its boldness was hugely appreciated .
A lot of hurt was caused .
While party culture became incredibly exciting for lots of members , enthusiastic about the hope that Corbyn had inspired , there was also a toxicity to the political battles held in some local parties .
It could be that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ which frequently had little to do with your actual views , and were then torn down in a very personal way by supposed comrades .
Delighted by the size of the membership ( and rightly so ) , the leadership seemed to underestimate to what extent these grassroots dynamics were diminishing the party as an electoral force .
Decisions were taken , as well as put off , that allowed an antisemitism crisis to dominate the Corbyn era .
The leadership ’ s highly defensive attitude – a devastating consequence of the 2016 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criticism was received badly and people found to be in the wrong were protected on the basis of their factional allegiance rather than whether they deserved it .
The result of this mess is Labour being investigated for institutional antisemitism by the Equality and Human Rights Commission .
Labour members are overwhelmingly in favour of the policies put forward in the 2017 and 2019 manifestos , as polling exclusively revealed yesterday by LabourList found .
The teams of Corbyn , John McDonnell and other shadow cabinet members , as well as many trade @ @ @ @ @ @ @ policies , and their efforts deserve thanks .
It doesn ’ t look likely that members will be selecting a Corbynite as Corbyn ’ s successor , however .
According to surveys , their main priorities are electability and an ability to unite the party .
The scale of the challenges ahead for Labour ’ s next leader are impossible to overstate .

Labour’s leadership elections have finally come to a close, and the results will be announced tomorrow morning via… a press release. Perhaps a fitting end to a remarkably dull contest, which is unfortunately set to conclude amid a pandemic. LabourList will report on the breaking Labour news and provide relevant analysis, of course. And before the new leader, deputy leader, Scottish deputy and national executive committee members are unveiled, we must recognise that this is the last day of Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the Labour Party.
Andrew Harrop, general secretary of the Fabian Society, has shared his thoughts on the Corbyn era in a piece for LabourList. He starts with the acknowledgement that Labour now has fewer MPs than at any time since the Second World War. It is quite right to mention this fact: Labour is a party that exists to meet the needs of working people, and seeks success in parliamentary elections. Achieving that success at a time when the party was so at odds with the voters it needed to win over on the dominating issue of the day – I’m talking about Brexit – would always have been near impossible, I believe, but Labour basically being a shambles didn’t help.
The key positive of the Corbyn years that Harrop identifies is that “the party stopped being scared of its own shadow”. This is a crucial point, and one that we must not forget going forward. The party had been suffering from extreme timidity, which meant it was neither here nor there on the big questions. Under Corbyn, Labour was definitely ‘there’ on austerity, on universalism, on shifting power from the few to the many. That was not to say it didn’t engage in some triangulation of its own – Brexit, again, but also on other sticky issues – nonetheless its boldness was hugely appreciated.
A lot of hurt was caused. While party culture became incredibly exciting for lots of members, enthusiastic about the hope that Corbyn had inspired, there was also a toxicity to the political battles held in some local parties. It could be that you were assigned a factional label, which frequently had little to do with your actual views, and were then torn down in a very personal way by supposed comrades. Delighted by the size of the membership (and rightly so), the leadership seemed to underestimate to what extent these grassroots dynamics were diminishing the party as an electoral force.
Decisions were taken, as well as put off, that allowed an antisemitism crisis to dominate the Corbyn era. The leadership’s highly defensive attitude – a devastating consequence of the 2016 challenge – meant that too often constructive criticism was received badly and people found to be in the wrong were protected on the basis of their factional allegiance rather than whether they deserved it. The result of this mess is Labour being investigated for institutional antisemitism by the Equality and Human Rights Commission.
Labour members are overwhelmingly in favour of the policies put forward in the 2017 and 2019 manifestos, as polling exclusively revealed yesterday by LabourList found. The teams of Corbyn, John McDonnell and other shadow cabinet members, as well as many trade unions, worked hard to develop these policies, and their efforts deserve thanks. It doesn’t look likely that members will be selecting a Corbynite as Corbyn’s successor, however. According to surveys, their main priorities are electability and an ability to unite the party. The scale of the challenges ahead for Labour’s next leader are impossible to overstate.


labourlist--2020-04-03--“My voice will not be stilled” – Jeremy Corbyn’s final email to Labour members

Below is the full text of Jeremy Corbyn ’ s final email to Labour members .
Subject : The honour of my life I hope you and your family are keeping safe and well .
I would especially like to thank the thousands of you working in key jobs and professions and those organising in mutual aid groups to help your local community .
As I stand down as leader , I also want to thank you for all the support you have given the party , and me personally , over the last four and a half years .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ life to lead this party .
Our members are my inspiration , and I am so proud that we have become a party of nearly 600,000 strong .
I have made it a priority to meet members in every part of our country , and I learned so much from you .
So many of the issues we have been campaigning on over the past few years have been thrown into even sharper relief by the coronavirus crisis .
It has highlighted the underfunding in our NHS and social care as a result @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lack of employment rights at work , the scandalously low level of welfare benefits , as well as housing insecurity and homelessness .
It has also reminded everyone how the people who keep our society running are not the hedge fund billionaires , but the cleaners , nurses , care workers and supermarket staff – so often women and migrant workers on low pay .
The strength of our party is that it is rooted in our workplaces and communities in all their diversity .
Over the past five years we have changed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ economy is run .
In 2015 , opposing austerity was seen as radical ; today it is the political mainstream .
A majority of the public supports Labour on issues such as public ownership and higher taxes on the richest .
We now look forward as a party of economic inclusion , climate justice , peace and human rights .
Of course , we could have achieved so much in government , and I am sorry that under my leadership we did not get there .
In 2017 we came close , winning @ @ @ @ @ @ @ since 1945 .
Sadly , the 2019 election was a Brexit election and our attempt to bridge the gap between Leave and Remain voters was unsuccessful .
I firmly believe that together we have the ideas , policies , energy and organisation to win a Labour government next time .
We can build a society based on social justice , equality , and care for our environment .
But it will not come about unless we fight for it .
Our party grew out of local communities and that is where we must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ always have .
I will continue to campaign on the issues and principles that have motivated me as Leader , as an MP , as a councillor and as a party member for more than 50 years .
I can assure you my voice will not be stilled .
I ’ ll be out there campaigning for socialism , peace and justice , and I feel sure we ’ ll be doing that together .

Below is the full text of Jeremy Corbyn’s final email to Labour members.
Subject: The honour of my life
Dear member,
I hope you and your family are keeping safe and well. I would especially like to thank the thousands of you working in key jobs and professions and those organising in mutual aid groups to help your local community.
As I stand down as leader, I also want to thank you for all the support you have given the party, and me personally, over the last four and a half years. It has been the honour of my life to lead this party. Our members are my inspiration, and I am so proud that we have become a party of nearly 600,000 strong. I have made it a priority to meet members in every part of our country, and I learned so much from you.
So many of the issues we have been campaigning on over the past few years have been thrown into even sharper relief by the coronavirus crisis. It has highlighted the underfunding in our NHS and social care as a result of damaging and counter-productive austerity, the lack of employment rights at work, the scandalously low level of welfare benefits, as well as housing insecurity and homelessness.
It has also reminded everyone how the people who keep our society running are not the hedge fund billionaires, but the cleaners, nurses, care workers and supermarket staff – so often women and migrant workers on low pay. The strength of our party is that it is rooted in our workplaces and communities in all their diversity.
Over the past five years we have changed the agenda on austerity and how the economy is run. In 2015, opposing austerity was seen as radical; today it is the political mainstream. A majority of the public supports Labour on issues such as public ownership and higher taxes on the richest. We now look forward as a party of economic inclusion, climate justice, peace and human rights.
Of course, we could have achieved so much in government, and I am sorry that under my leadership we did not get there. In 2017 we came close, winning the biggest increase in the popular vote since 1945. Sadly, the 2019 election was a Brexit election and our attempt to bridge the gap between Leave and Remain voters was unsuccessful.
I firmly believe that together we have the ideas, policies, energy and organisation to win a Labour government next time. We can build a society based on social justice, equality, and care for our environment. But it will not come about unless we fight for it.
Our party grew out of local communities and that is where we must focus our efforts, just as we always have. I will continue to campaign on the issues and principles that have motivated me as Leader, as an MP, as a councillor and as a party member for more than 50 years. I can assure you my voice will not be stilled. I’ll be out there campaigning for socialism, peace and justice, and I feel sure we’ll be doing that together.
Best wishes,
Jeremy Corbyn


labourlist--2020-04-03--Labour’s Lord Gordon dies after contracting coronavirus

Labour peer and former broadcaster James Gordon of Strathblane has died in hospital at the age of 83 after contracting the coronavirus .
Lord Gordon , founder of Radio Clyde and formerly the political editor of STV between 1965 to 1973 , is reported to have passed away on Tuesday .
He contested the seat of East Renfrewshire for Labour in the 1964 general election and was elevated to a life peerage by the party in 1997 as Baron Gordon of Strathblane .
In the 1984 birthday honours , he was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Sony Award for his services to radio .
A statement from the peer ’ s family said : “ Family was very important to Jimmy – of all the roles he had in his life , the one that brought him most pleasure was being ‘ Papa ’ to his four grandchildren , with whom he was frankly besotted .
“ All messages received over the last day have focused on three things – his generosity , his kindness and his enthusiasm for life .
He was a kind and supportive father , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ even when there was evidence to the contrary .
“ Family came first , and although he never preached to us , he always had a profound wisdom to share if you asked for it .
He never judged unfairly and was patient and tolerant of all kinds of foolishness .
“ He had a great sense of humour and enjoyed food , wine and good company .
Nothing made him happier than his grandchildren .
He will be missed so much by us all.
” Lord McConnell , former First Minister of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ express his condolences , saying : “ Very sad news that Lord Jimmy Gordon has passed away .
An outstanding career in business and public service.
” Ian Murray , Labour ’ s only Scottish MP , said : “ Really sad news .
A very kind , generous and supportive friend .
A massive loss to the Labour Party and Scotland .
Sympathies and love to his wife Anne and three children.
” Clyde Radio tweeted : “ Everyone at Radio Clyde is very sad to report the death of our founder @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was 83 and died at Glasgow Royal Infirmary of coronavirus on Tuesday.
” There are now a total of 33,718 reported cases of coronavirus in the UK , although the true figure is thought to be higher .
The number of people reported to have died from the disease so far stands at 2,921 .

Labour peer and former broadcaster James Gordon of Strathblane has died in hospital at the age of 83 after contracting the coronavirus.
Lord Gordon, founder of Radio Clyde and formerly the political editor of STV between 1965 to 1973, is reported to have passed away on Tuesday.
He contested the seat of East Renfrewshire for Labour in the 1964 general election and was elevated to a life peerage by the party in 1997 as Baron Gordon of Strathblane.
In the 1984 birthday honours, he was appointed a Commander of the Order of the British Empire (CBE) and received a Sony Award for his services to radio.
A statement from the peer’s family said: “Family was very important to Jimmy – of all the roles he had in his life, the one that brought him most pleasure was being ‘Papa’ to his four grandchildren, with whom he was frankly besotted.
“All messages received over the last day have focused on three things – his generosity, his kindness and his enthusiasm for life. He was a kind and supportive father, always thinking the best of his children even when there was evidence to the contrary.
“Family came first, and although he never preached to us, he always had a profound wisdom to share if you asked for it. He never judged unfairly and was patient and tolerant of all kinds of foolishness.
“He had a great sense of humour and enjoyed food, wine and good company. Nothing made him happier than his grandchildren. He will be missed so much by us all.”
Lord McConnell, former First Minister of Scotland, took to social media to express his condolences, saying: “Very sad news that Lord Jimmy Gordon has passed away. An outstanding career in business and public service.”
Ian Murray, Labour’s only Scottish MP, said: “Really sad news. A very kind, generous and supportive friend. A massive loss to the Labour Party and Scotland. Sympathies and love to his wife Anne and three children.”
Clyde Radio tweeted: “Everyone at Radio Clyde is very sad to report the death of our founder, Lord Gordon of Strathblane. He was 83 and died at Glasgow Royal Infirmary of coronavirus on Tuesday.”
There are now a total of 33,718 reported cases of coronavirus in the UK, although the true figure is thought to be higher. The number of people reported to have died from the disease so far stands at 2,921.


labourlist--2020-04-03--What next for Momentum and the Labour left?

As the party leadership contest creeps towards its conclusion and the likely outcome of a Keir Starmer victory , an oft-heard question from over the last four years is becoming more pertinent for the Labour left once again .
What is Momentum for ?
In many ways , this question has been at the heart of the organisation since it was founded in 2016 , and has never quite been answered .
After spending decades marginalised to the fringes of the party , the Labour left was not prepared for the influx of sympathetic new members and the enthusiasm they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ secure the leadership of the party in 2015 .
This meant the debate about how the grassroots left relates to a left Labour leadership was not held , and instead Momentum got on with building itself up in order to strengthen Jeremy Corbyn ’ s position .
But it now seems probably that the left ’ s candidate will not win the party leadership , nor will the Labour left determine appointments to the shadow cabinet .
It seems unlikely to hold the balance of power on the national executive committee for very @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shift in orientation for Momentum and the Labour left more generally within this new environment , and the debate on what it does next is more important than ever .
One challenge for Momentum is that despite having around 40,000 paid-up members , activity on the ground is quite thin except for at election time .
In 2016 , groups sprung up all over the country with the aim of not only building support inside the Labour Party but also acting as a link to support the labour movement in those areas .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ conduit between the party and grassroots campaigns around issues such as housing , anti-racism and trade union struggles .
However , in early 2017 , Momentum ’ s steering group imposed a constitution that centralised power to its national coordinating group in a bid to curb the influence of various groups and individuals who wanted to see democratic structures throughout the organisation and a sovereign policy-making conference .
The new constitution and the dissolution of regional democratic structures saw many Momentum groups fall into inactivity – with the exception of a number of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
As time went on , and the NCG began ignoring groups over issues such as local candidate endorsements , remaining groups began rebranding themselves as ‘ Labour left ’ ones rather than as Momentum .
The 2017 constitution – combined with wider attacks on Corbyn elsewhere in the party , including within the parliamentary party – also helped to cement a bunker mentality among its supporters .
Momentum ’ s purpose was to protect the ‘ Corbyn project ’ at any cost .
This mentality saw anyone who questioned the new constitution @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , while those with concerns about the organisation ’ s silence on issues such as Brexit and free movement were supposedly acting in bad faith .
Those with dissenting views were kept off the NCG and the Momentum leadership ran their own slates of loyalists for internal elections , who could be trusted not to ask difficult questions about the direction of the leadership or how it dealt with major policy issues or management of the antisemitism crisis .
Although there were some signs of it fulfilling part of its original mission – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ could build collective power in local communities and usher in a Labour government – Momentum was too frequently focussed on the internal-facing objective of ‘ winning for the left ’ within Labour .
It largely became more like a classic top-down NGO , with its members being passive donors-cum-election canvassers , rather than active participants in building this movement .
For Momentum to find relevance again , it must find a path back to genuine movement-building .
This will , first and foremost , require prioritising political education to arm activists with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in their CLPs , workplaces and union branches .
Our failure to educate people over a long period of time is widely acknowledged to have been one of the mistakes of 2019 .
We now have the chance to get that right , and Momentum could play a key role .
It will also require building a common purpose for the left and fighting for this in the wider labour movement all year round , not just during NEC elections .
Building this movement means that people with different views or from different @ @ @ @ @ @ @ together .
The castigation of fellow activists who don ’ t take Momentum headquarter ’ s line on key issues must end , and those who couldn ’ t quite find it in themselves to enthusiastically support Rebecca Long-Bailey ’ s campaign should be included .
It will be vital to reach out , creating a welcoming and democratic left , to ensure that everyone who was enthused by the policies of the 2017 and 2019 manifestos finds a home in this movement .
And an effort must be made to win over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ importantly , building a movement to sustain the Labour left will mean reaching beyond party structures and becoming part of wider struggles in society at a grassroots level .
Key to this mission will be the vision of Momentum groups in 2016 : bringing together the various community campaigns and coalitions that create change by building power outside of party politics while working alongside it .
The ‘ Hobson ’ s choice ’ given to members in Momentum ’ s ballot for the Labour leadership elections of Long-Bailey or nobody encapsulated the problem @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that members are not seen to serve a fundamental purpose .
To survive , treating Momentum activists as merely an army of people who will share a video or donate a few quid to a campaign will no longer cut it .
But I am optimistic that there is still a route back to relevance if Momentum ’ s NCG decides to embrace democracy and end its ‘ we know best ’ approach to organising .
Given its infrastructure and resources , Momentum has the potential to be a powerful voice of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the best chance of keeping the left together after the leadership contest .
If it will talk to and listen to its activists , rather than talking at them , it can build on the gains of recent years and ensure that the left is not a marginalised force once again .

As the party leadership contest creeps towards its conclusion and the likely outcome of a Keir Starmer victory, an oft-heard question from over the last four years is becoming more pertinent for the Labour left once again. What is Momentum for? In many ways, this question has been at the heart of the organisation since it was founded in 2016, and has never quite been answered.
After spending decades marginalised to the fringes of the party, the Labour left was not prepared for the influx of sympathetic new members and the enthusiasm they brought, nor was it ready to secure the leadership of the party in 2015. This meant the debate about how the grassroots left relates to a left Labour leadership was not held, and instead Momentum got on with building itself up in order to strengthen Jeremy Corbyn’s position.
But it now seems probably that the left’s candidate will not win the party leadership, nor will the Labour left determine appointments to the shadow cabinet. It seems unlikely to hold the balance of power on the national executive committee for very long either. This will require a shift in orientation for Momentum and the Labour left more generally within this new environment, and the debate on what it does next is more important than ever.
One challenge for Momentum is that despite having around 40,000 paid-up members, activity on the ground is quite thin except for at election time. In 2016, groups sprung up all over the country with the aim of not only building support inside the Labour Party but also acting as a link to support the labour movement in those areas. They were supposed to act as a conduit between the party and grassroots campaigns around issues such as housing, anti-racism and trade union struggles.
However, in early 2017, Momentum’s steering group imposed a constitution that centralised power to its national coordinating group in a bid to curb the influence of various groups and individuals who wanted to see democratic structures throughout the organisation and a sovereign policy-making conference. The new constitution and the dissolution of regional democratic structures saw many Momentum groups fall into inactivity – with the exception of a number of larger urban-based groups like Manchester and Bristol.
As time went on, and the NCG began ignoring groups over issues such as local candidate endorsements, remaining groups began rebranding themselves as ‘Labour left’ ones rather than as Momentum. The 2017 constitution – combined with wider attacks on Corbyn elsewhere in the party, including within the parliamentary party – also helped to cement a bunker mentality among its supporters. Momentum’s purpose was to protect the ‘Corbyn project’ at any cost.
This mentality saw anyone who questioned the new constitution portrayed as some sort of far-left wrecker, while those with concerns about the organisation’s silence on issues such as Brexit and free movement were supposedly acting in bad faith. Those with dissenting views were kept off the NCG and the Momentum leadership ran their own slates of loyalists for internal elections, who could be trusted not to ask difficult questions about the direction of the leadership or how it dealt with major policy issues or management of the antisemitism crisis.
Although there were some signs of it fulfilling part of its original mission – helping to build a grassroots movement that could build collective power in local communities and usher in a Labour government – Momentum was too frequently focussed on the internal-facing objective of ‘winning for the left’ within Labour. It largely became more like a classic top-down NGO, with its members being passive donors-cum-election canvassers, rather than active participants in building this movement.
For Momentum to find relevance again, it must find a path back to genuine movement-building. This will, first and foremost, require prioritising political education to arm activists with the critical abilities to argue for socialist ideas in their CLPs, workplaces and union branches. Our failure to educate people over a long period of time is widely acknowledged to have been one of the mistakes of 2019. We now have the chance to get that right, and Momentum could play a key role. It will also require building a common purpose for the left and fighting for this in the wider labour movement all year round, not just during NEC elections.
Building this movement means that people with different views or from different political organising traditions will have to work together. The castigation of fellow activists who don’t take Momentum headquarter’s line on key issues must end, and those who couldn’t quite find it in themselves to enthusiastically support Rebecca Long-Bailey’s campaign should be included. It will be vital to reach out, creating a welcoming and democratic left, to ensure that everyone who was enthused by the policies of the 2017 and 2019 manifestos finds a home in this movement. And an effort must be made to win over those who weren’t.
Most importantly, building a movement to sustain the Labour left will mean reaching beyond party structures and becoming part of wider struggles in society at a grassroots level. Key to this mission will be the vision of Momentum groups in 2016: bringing together the various community campaigns and coalitions that create change by building power outside of party politics while working alongside it.
The ‘Hobson’s choice’ given to members in Momentum’s ballot for the Labour leadership elections of Long-Bailey or nobody encapsulated the problem with the organisation. It made clear that members are not seen to serve a fundamental purpose. To survive, treating Momentum activists as merely an army of people who will share a video or donate a few quid to a campaign will no longer cut it.
But I am optimistic that there is still a route back to relevance if Momentum’s NCG decides to embrace democracy and end its ‘we know best’ approach to organising. Given its infrastructure and resources, Momentum has the potential to be a powerful voice of the left in Labour, and potentially has the best chance of keeping the left together after the leadership contest. If it will talk to and listen to its activists, rather than talking at them, it can build on the gains of recent years and ensure that the left is not a marginalised force once again.


labourlist--2020-04-03--The next shadow cabinet – runners and riders

We have decided to run this piece looking at who might be appointed to the new shadow cabinet under the next Labour leader at this particular time for a reason .
The article is being published after ballots closed in the leadership election on Thursday .
But now that voting is over , LabourList can say that local party nominations and polling all very strongly indicate a decisive victory for Keir Starmer .
For that reason , we will be looking here at which MPs he might be likely to promote to his team .
Starmer could win tomorrow on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , in the way that Corbyn did both in 2015 ( 59.5 % ) and 2016 ( 61.8 % ) .
This would give him a clear mandate .
But he also ran his leadership campaign on the theme of party unity .
That means he will have to strike a balance : while there is hidden talent in the parliamentary party that could deservedly come to the fore , he can not clear out all of the Labour left representatives either .
It is often forgotten that Jeremy Corbyn appointed a unity @ @ @ @ @ @ @ as leader in 2015 .
While John McDonnell , his friend and campaign manager , took the role of Shadow Chancellor , opponent Andy Burnham was Shadow Home .
Owen Smith , Lisa Nandy , Angela Eagle , Hilary Benn , Heidi Alexander , Chris Bryant – all of whom later supported the challenge to his leadership in 2016 – were also given top jobs .
The focus of Starmer ’ s new shadow cabinet is likely to be first and foremost on competence – another key theme of his campaign – and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the appointments are sold .
The other factor that will have to be considered is diversity .
Corbyn had a female majority in his first shadow cabinet – the first in British parliamentary history .
But he was still criticised for appointing men to the most senior posts .
If Keir Starmer is elected , he should be under pressure to make sure that his team members do not all look like him .
Supporters on the Corbynsceptic wing of the party in particular are wondering just how risk-averse Starmer would be as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will be one of the first real indicators of whether he intends to take a ‘ softly , softly ’ approach or a more ruthless one .
His character certainly suggests that he would pick figures who are as sensible and inoffensive as possible .
Rachel Reeves – As a British economist , the MP for Leeds West is deemed best-placed by many in the party to take over from McDonnell as Shadow Chancellor .
She has certainly got the credentials , having worked at the Bank of England before entering parliament .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ close to Starmer saw her as an example of “ young soft lefties who are brainy and , importantly , who most people don ’ t recognise ” .
She is not on the soft left , and this seriously underestimates just how controversial Reeves is on the Labour left .
Throughout the contest , members have shared a Guardian article in which Reeves as a new welfare chief in 2013 vowed to be “ tougher ” than the Tories on benefits .
Nonetheless , Reeves is seen by many Starmer backers as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and she has been making her voice heard over recent weeks – from appearing on Politics Live to writing for LabourList on the Budget and coronavirus measures .
She has been working on her plan for the ‘ everyday economy ’ for two years now .
Anneliese Dodds – This former MEP , now MP for Oxford East , is the other main candidate for the Shadow Chancellor job .
Like Reeves , she is an Oxford PPE graduate .
Exceptionally well-liked , Dodds is known to be sharp and incredibly capable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , a pro-European internationalist like Starmer , and she has served as a shadow Treasury minister since July 2017 .
Perhaps most importantly , Dodds comes recommended by McDonnell himself .
Although sources close to Starmer are convinced that Reeves has the edge over Dodds , the appointment of the latter would definitely help to unite the party – reassuring Corbynites without causing concern among Corbynsceptics or attracting criticism from the press .
There are suggestions that she could be Shadow Foreign Secretary instead , however .
Preet Gill – Our first female @ @ @ @ @ @ @ international development .
She may well be promoted directly upwards – after all , there is basically zero chance of Dan Carden keeping his job .
She is also interested in local government and health .
She wrote a Keir Starmer endorsement piece for LabourList .
Sarah Jones – Another 2017 intake MP , Jones has been a vocal supporter of Starmer during the race and went out to bat for him on Politics Live .
She is currently a shadow housing minister , but also takes an interest in knife crime as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seat .
She has written movingly about single mothers being attacked by the Tories .
Jim McMahon – Starmer kicked off his campaign in Oldham , McMahon ’ s constituency , and McMahon spoke on the candidate ’ s behalf at the local government hustings when Starmer took a leave of absence .
He is already a shadow local government minister .
Bridget Phillipson – This Sunderland MP was first elected in 2010 , believe it or not .
She is not well-known among members , but has built a strong reputation among @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thoughtful politician .
Jonathan Reynolds – Currently shadow economic secretary to the Treasury , Reynolds has plenty of frontbench experience as a former shadow energy minister , shadow transport minister , and PPS to the Leader of the Opposition .
He is a self-described “ moderate ” in the party , but holds some unusual positions – support for proportional representation , Universal Basic Income .
Reynolds strongly backed Starmer for the leadership throughout the contest .
He did lose his rag on Twitter once , though .
Yvette Cooper – Lots of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ see the return of Cooper , either as Shadow Home or Chancellor .
She has plenty of experience , of course , but she would have to quit as chair of the home affairs select committee .
Some have raised concerns that Labour would be losing someone who occupies a key backbench role , which will be even more important in holding to account a Tory government with an 80-seat majority .
Hilary Benn – If Starmer does want to appoint only one of the crucial Labour select committee chairs , he could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the ‘ committee on the future relationship with the European Union ’ , formerly the Brexit committee , but could be a good shout for International Trade .
Starmer is thought to have poor personal relations with almost nobody except Barry Gardiner , who currently holds that post .
David Lammy – The Tottenham MP was a vice-chair of the Starmer campaign .
The fellow barrister is known for his passionate speeches and influential work on the Windrush scandal and the Grenfell fire .
He is thought to still be interested in one @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the meantime his dynamism and straight-talking approach would be very welcome on the Labour frontbench .
Nick Thomas-Symonds – The role of Shadow Attorney General could be up grabs , and this Keir-backing historian/barrister looks like a good candidate for the job .
Ian Murray – It is very difficult to see Labour ’ s only Scottish MP not being appointed as Shadow Secretary for Scotland , a role currently occupied by Tony Lloyd who is also covering Northern Ireland .
Chris Matheson – He has been tipped by the JC to replace @ @ @ @ @ @ @ seems an unlikely appointment , though , as he is little-known and would do nothing to improve the demographic diversity of the leadership team .
Luke Pollard and Tracy Brabin – Both keen Starmer backers , and both only recently appointed to shadow cabinet positions ( Defra and DCMS ) .
They seem incredibly likely to be kept where they are now .
Jon Ashworth – The Shadow Health Secretary will almost definitely be kept on : there needs to be continuity in this area during the coronavirus crisis , and he has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ criticising the government over its failures in relation to the pandemic .
Rebecca Long-Bailey and Lisa Nandy – The other leadership contenders have both been promised “ top jobs ” by Starmer .
The question is whether Long-Bailey will be allowed to keep her current brief of business , energy and industrial strategy , which would mean she could continue working on the green new deal plan .
Early on , Nandy was expected to get something as senior as Home , but that is thought unlikely now .
More likely local government @ @ @

We have decided to run this piece looking at who might be appointed to the new shadow cabinet under the next Labour leader at this particular time for a reason. The article is being published after ballots closed in the leadership election on Thursday. But now that voting is over, LabourList can say that local party nominations and polling all very strongly indicate a decisive victory for Keir Starmer. For that reason, we will be looking here at which MPs he might be likely to promote to his team.
Starmer could win tomorrow on the basis of first preference votes alone, in the way that Corbyn did both in 2015 (59.5%) and 2016 (61.8%). This would give him a clear mandate. But he also ran his leadership campaign on the theme of party unity. That means he will have to strike a balance: while there is hidden talent in the parliamentary party that could deservedly come to the fore, he cannot clear out all of the Labour left representatives either.
It is often forgotten that Jeremy Corbyn appointed a unity shadow cabinet after he was first elected as leader in 2015. While John McDonnell, his friend and campaign manager, took the role of Shadow Chancellor, opponent Andy Burnham was Shadow Home. Owen Smith, Lisa Nandy, Angela Eagle, Hilary Benn, Heidi Alexander, Chris Bryant – all of whom later supported the challenge to his leadership in 2016 – were also given top jobs.
The focus of Starmer’s new shadow cabinet is likely to be first and foremost on competence – another key theme of his campaign – and that will certainly be the way that the appointments are sold. The other factor that will have to be considered is diversity. Corbyn had a female majority in his first shadow cabinet – the first in British parliamentary history. But he was still criticised for appointing men to the most senior posts. If Keir Starmer is elected, he should be under pressure to make sure that his team members do not all look like him.
Supporters on the Corbynsceptic wing of the party in particular are wondering just how risk-averse Starmer would be as Labour leader – and the shadow cabinet will be one of the first real indicators of whether he intends to take a ‘softly, softly’ approach or a more ruthless one. His character certainly suggests that he would pick figures who are as sensible and inoffensive as possible.
Rachel Reeves – As a British economist, the MP for Leeds West is deemed best-placed by many in the party to take over from McDonnell as Shadow Chancellor. She has certainly got the credentials, having worked at the Bank of England before entering parliament.
The Sunday Times reported that a source close to Starmer saw her as an example of “young soft lefties who are brainy and, importantly, who most people don’t recognise”. She is not on the soft left, and this seriously underestimates just how controversial Reeves is on the Labour left. Throughout the contest, members have shared a Guardian article in which Reeves as a new welfare chief in 2013 vowed to be “tougher” than the Tories on benefits.
Nonetheless, Reeves is seen by many Starmer backers as the most qualified candidate for the post, and she has been making her voice heard over recent weeks – from appearing on Politics Live to writing for LabourList on the Budget and coronavirus measures. She has been working on her plan for the ‘everyday economy’ for two years now.
Anneliese Dodds – This former MEP, now MP for Oxford East, is the other main candidate for the Shadow Chancellor job. Like Reeves, she is an Oxford PPE graduate. Exceptionally well-liked, Dodds is known to be sharp and incredibly capable. She is regarded as soft left, a pro-European internationalist like Starmer, and she has served as a shadow Treasury minister since July 2017.
Perhaps most importantly, Dodds comes recommended by McDonnell himself. Although sources close to Starmer are convinced that Reeves has the edge over Dodds, the appointment of the latter would definitely help to unite the party – reassuring Corbynites without causing concern among Corbynsceptics or attracting criticism from the press. There are suggestions that she could be Shadow Foreign Secretary instead, however.
Preet Gill – Our first female Sikh MP is currently shadow minister for international development. She may well be promoted directly upwards – after all, there is basically zero chance of Dan Carden keeping his job. She is also interested in local government and health. She wrote a Keir Starmer endorsement piece for LabourList.
Sarah Jones – Another 2017 intake MP, Jones has been a vocal supporter of Starmer during the race and went out to bat for him on Politics Live. She is currently a shadow housing minister, but also takes an interest in knife crime as an issue that particularly affects her Croydon seat. She has written movingly about single mothers being attacked by the Tories.
Jim McMahon – Starmer kicked off his campaign in Oldham, McMahon’s constituency, and McMahon spoke on the candidate’s behalf at the local government hustings when Starmer took a leave of absence. He is already a shadow local government minister.
Bridget Phillipson – This Sunderland MP was first elected in 2010, believe it or not. She is not well-known among members, but has built a strong reputation among journalists and particularly pro-EU colleagues as a thoughtful politician.
Jonathan Reynolds – Currently shadow economic secretary to the Treasury, Reynolds has plenty of frontbench experience as a former shadow energy minister, shadow transport minister, and PPS to the Leader of the Opposition. He is a self-described “moderate” in the party, but holds some unusual positions – support for proportional representation, Universal Basic Income. Reynolds strongly backed Starmer for the leadership throughout the contest. He did lose his rag on Twitter once, though.
Yvette Cooper – Lots of Starmer supporters have said they want to see the return of Cooper, either as Shadow Home or Chancellor. She has plenty of experience, of course, but she would have to quit as chair of the home affairs select committee. Some have raised concerns that Labour would be losing someone who occupies a key backbench role, which will be even more important in holding to account a Tory government with an 80-seat majority.
Hilary Benn – If Starmer does want to appoint only one of the crucial Labour select committee chairs, he could go for Benn. He heads up the ‘committee on the future relationship with the European Union’, formerly the Brexit committee, but could be a good shout for International Trade. Starmer is thought to have poor personal relations with almost nobody except Barry Gardiner, who currently holds that post.
David Lammy – The Tottenham MP was a vice-chair of the Starmer campaign. The fellow barrister is known for his passionate speeches and influential work on the Windrush scandal and the Grenfell fire. He is thought to still be interested in one day becoming London mayor, but in the meantime his dynamism and straight-talking approach would be very welcome on the Labour frontbench.
Nick Thomas-Symonds – The role of Shadow Attorney General could be up grabs, and this Keir-backing historian/barrister looks like a good candidate for the job.
Ian Murray – It is very difficult to see Labour’s only Scottish MP not being appointed as Shadow Secretary for Scotland, a role currently occupied by Tony Lloyd who is also covering Northern Ireland.
Chris Matheson – He has been tipped by the JC to replace Ian Lavery as party chair. It seems an unlikely appointment, though, as he is little-known and would do nothing to improve the demographic diversity of the leadership team.
Luke Pollard and Tracy Brabin – Both keen Starmer backers, and both only recently appointed to shadow cabinet positions (Defra and DCMS). They seem incredibly likely to be kept where they are now.
Jon Ashworth – The Shadow Health Secretary will almost definitely be kept on: there needs to be continuity in this area during the coronavirus crisis, and he has skilfully adopted exactly the right tone for criticising the government over its failures in relation to the pandemic.
Rebecca Long-Bailey and Lisa Nandy – The other leadership contenders have both been promised “top jobs” by Starmer. The question is whether Long-Bailey will be allowed to keep her current brief of business, energy and industrial strategy, which would mean she could continue working on the green new deal plan. Early on, Nandy was expected to get something as senior as Home, but that is thought unlikely now. More likely local government or transport.


labourlist--2020-04-03--The Universal Credit wait is pushing our food banks to breaking point

Food policy has been overlooked by government for too long .
The coronavirus outbreak is showing that the supply of food to our supermarket shelves and workers to our farms is not as solid as we would like .
And it ’ s exposing the reality of hidden poverty and hidden hunger .
We need to thoroughly look again at our relationship with food .
Not just in light of growing poverty , the climate crisis , but also because the virus outbreak has shone a spotlight on an under-appreciated and fragile part of our economy .
Up and down @ @ @ @ @ @ @ providing a lifeline to individuals and families in lockdown , self-isolation or in the clutch of food poverty .
I want to be absolutely clear : food banks should not exist .
No industrialised society should need to give out food to people who are hungry .
But the decade of austerity has embedded and normalised food banks in government policy .
The expansion of Universal Credit is a huge contributor to the growth in food bank usage .
One million people have applied for the benefit in the last two weeks in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shutdown of huge parts of our economy .
Not everyone who applied this time will be the same as those who were migrated to it pre-virus , but what it does show is how precarious and fragile the circumstances of so many people are .
We can prudently predict a massive surge in food bank usage as the cruel five-week wait pushes more and more people further and further into poverty .
In some areas , the government has listened to the case made by Labour for a change of policy and emergency @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fast on Universal Credit ’ s five-week wait .
That can not stand – simply because there is not enough capacity in the UK food bank network .
Many of the volunteers who run food banks are themselves now self-isolating , and being shielded for their own protection and ours .
The DBS checks for new volunteers are still taking too long and , despite good intentions , the number of new volunteers are not yet piling into our food banks .
Donations are down as surplus food stocks diminish .
The Co-op @ @ @ @ @ @ @ donations throughout the crisis , although the big chains are now back in gear and donating huge sums to the emergency food sector .
But with one million new claims for Universal Credit , expecting people to endure over a month without financial support , or taking out loans that will slash their support in the future , on top of paying back any government welfare debts , we know food bank use will only surge upwards .
That is why ministers should look seriously at scrapping the five-week wait , ensuring people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to immediately .
They need to ensure there is commensurate support provided for emergency food provision .
The answer in politics is rarely this or that , it is always ‘ and ’ – and this measure , and this measure .
That is true here .
People were starving in Britain before the virus , and people remain starving during the virus .
We must do all we can at this time of incredible national challenge to rise to the occasion .
We need to remove the obstacles that force people further @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deprives children and the most vulnerable of the good , nutritious food that they need .
Many of those who will be going to a food bank for the very first time in the coming weeks were in work until the virus hit .
Many will not have used one before , and most will not be one of the 1.5 million on the government ’ s vulnerable people list .
That is why we need a drastic change of direction here .
In the spirit of helping the government make the right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reconsider so that everyone has the food that they need at this time of great crisis .

Food policy has been overlooked by government for too long. The coronavirus outbreak is showing that the supply of food to our supermarket shelves and workers to our farms is not as solid as we would like. And it’s exposing the reality of hidden poverty and hidden hunger. We need to thoroughly look again at our relationship with food. Not just in light of growing poverty, the climate crisis, but also because the virus outbreak has shone a spotlight on an under-appreciated and fragile part of our economy.
Up and down the country, emergency food provision is providing a lifeline to individuals and families in lockdown, self-isolation or in the clutch of food poverty. I want to be absolutely clear: food banks should not exist. No industrialised society should need to give out food to people who are hungry. But the decade of austerity has embedded and normalised food banks in government policy.
The expansion of Universal Credit is a huge contributor to the growth in food bank usage. One million people have applied for the benefit in the last two weeks in response to the Covid-19 outbreak and the shutdown of huge parts of our economy. Not everyone who applied this time will be the same as those who were migrated to it pre-virus, but what it does show is how precarious and fragile the circumstances of so many people are. We can prudently predict a massive surge in food bank usage as the cruel five-week wait pushes more and more people further and further into poverty.
In some areas, the government has listened to the case made by Labour for a change of policy and emergency measures, but it is still holding fast on Universal Credit’s five-week wait. That cannot stand – simply because there is not enough capacity in the UK food bank network. Many of the volunteers who run food banks are themselves now self-isolating, and being shielded for their own protection and ours. The DBS checks for new volunteers are still taking too long and, despite good intentions, the number of new volunteers are not yet piling into our food banks.
Donations are down as surplus food stocks diminish. The Co-op was the only supermarket to maintain their donations throughout the crisis, although the big chains are now back in gear and donating huge sums to the emergency food sector. But with one million new claims for Universal Credit, expecting people to endure over a month without financial support, or taking out loans that will slash their support in the future, on top of paying back any government welfare debts, we know food bank use will only surge upwards.
That is why ministers should look seriously at scrapping the five-week wait, ensuring people get the support that they are entitled to immediately. They need to ensure there is commensurate support provided for emergency food provision. The answer in politics is rarely this or that, it is always ‘and’ – and this measure, and this measure. That is true here.
People were starving in Britain before the virus, and people remain starving during the virus. We must do all we can at this time of incredible national challenge to rise to the occasion. We need to remove the obstacles that force people further into poverty, into hunger, and deprives children and the most vulnerable of the good, nutritious food that they need.
Many of those who will be going to a food bank for the very first time in the coming weeks were in work until the virus hit. Many will not have used one before, and most will not be one of the 1.5 million on the government’s vulnerable people list. That is why we need a drastic change of direction here. In the spirit of helping the government make the right choices, I am urging ministers to reconsider so that everyone has the food that they need at this time of great crisis.


labourlist--2020-04-03--Jackie Baillie elected as Scottish Labour deputy leader

Jackie Baillie has been elected as Scottish Labour ’ s new deputy leader in a victory for Corbynsceptics .
The MSP for Dumbarton won against Labour left Glasgow councillor and former parliamentary candidate Matt Kerr .
Voting closed at noon on Thursday , and the internal election was run alongside the UK Labour leader and deputy leader contests .
Commenting on the result , Baillie said : “ I am humbled by the support I have received from members and trade unionists across Scotland .
“ When this election started , nobody expected the country to be in the grip @ @ @ @ @ @ @ focus will remain on the challenge that Covid-19 poses to the very fabric of our society .
“ Our heartfelt thanks goes to the workers on the frontline – from doctors and nurses to social care staff , police officers and food retail workers .
“ They are helping to care for us and keep us safe at a time of crisis and we should never forget their bravery and service .
“ We will get through this together .
It will be some time before politics returns to normal , but the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over one year away .
“ The Scottish Labour Party has a huge challenge ahead of us .
Working together with Richard Leonard , our new UK leader and the entire Labour movement , I am ready for that challenge .
“ I will work each and every day to repay the trust placed in me by members so that we rebuild our party , and win back the trust of the people of Scotland.
” Scottish Labour leader Richard Leonard commented : “ I am delighted that Jackie has been elected .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ closely together to get the party in shape to fight the 2021 Scottish Parliament elections .
“ Jackie will bring a renewed energy and determination to win so I am extremely pleased that she is joining the leadership team at this critical time.
” Ian Murray , Labour ’ s only Scottish MP who is running to be UK deputy leader , said : “ This fantastic result is a vote for change , and deserved recognition of Jackie ’ s formidable record as a campaigner and a winner .
“ Having Jackie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ party to embark on a vital rebuilding project ahead of next year ’ s Holyrood elections , so that we can regain the trust of the Scottish people .
”

Jackie Baillie has been elected as Scottish Labour’s new deputy leader in a victory for Corbynsceptics.
The MSP for Dumbarton won against Labour left Glasgow councillor and former parliamentary candidate Matt Kerr.
Voting closed at noon on Thursday, and the internal election was run alongside the UK Labour leader and deputy leader contests.
The final result was:
Jackie Baillie – 10,311 votes
Matt Kerr – 7,528 votes
Turnout: 50.6%
Commenting on the result, Baillie said: “I am humbled by the support I have received from members and trade unionists across Scotland.
“When this election started, nobody expected the country to be in the grip of a global pandemic. Our collective focus will remain on the challenge that Covid-19 poses to the very fabric of our society.
“Our heartfelt thanks goes to the workers on the frontline – from doctors and nurses to social care staff, police officers and food retail workers.
“They are helping to care for us and keep us safe at a time of crisis and we should never forget their bravery and service.
“We will get through this together. It will be some time before politics returns to normal, but the next Scottish parliament elections are now just over one year away.
“The Scottish Labour Party has a huge challenge ahead of us. Working together with Richard Leonard, our new UK leader and the entire Labour movement, I am ready for that challenge.
“I will work each and every day to repay the trust placed in me by members so that we rebuild our party, and win back the trust of the people of Scotland.”
Scottish Labour leader Richard Leonard commented: “I am delighted that Jackie has been elected. We will unite the party and work closely together to get the party in shape to fight the 2021 Scottish parliament elections.
“Jackie will bring a renewed energy and determination to win so I am extremely pleased that she is joining the leadership team at this critical time.”
Ian Murray, Labour’s only Scottish MP who is running to be UK deputy leader, said: “This fantastic result is a vote for change, and deserved recognition of Jackie’s formidable record as a campaigner and a winner.
“Having Jackie in the leadership team will allow the party to embark on a vital rebuilding project ahead of next year’s Holyrood elections, so that we can regain the trust of the Scottish people.”