labourlist--2020-05-12--Ex-Labour MEPs tell Starmer to push for Brexit transition extension

Hundreds of party activists , including several former Labour MEPs , have called on new leader Keir Starmer to push for an extension to the Brexit transition period .
Organised by Labour for a Socialist Europe , the open letter warns that failing to extend the phase – due to end in December – would “ cost lives ” amid the Covid-19 pandemic .
It has been signed by 450 Labour members , including former European Labour leader Richard Corbett , plus ex-MEPs Seb Dance , Theresa Griffin , Julie Ward and Jude Kirton-Darling .
The UK has until 30th @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be extended , but Downing Street has insisted that no such request will be made – despite the impact of Covid-19 on Brexit talks .
Negotiations have now resumed via videoconference , but two planned rounds of talks were cancelled in the meantime and officials spent weeks arranging the remote discussions .
The Prime Minister ’ s spokesperson has said that any extension would mean the UK having to follow EU rules at a time when the country “ needs flexibility ” in its Covid-19 response .
Keir Starmer was a leading advocate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ public vote on Brexit , and was the only Labour leadership candidate to defend the party ’ s 2019 Brexit policy .
But asked about the extension issue by an LBC caller on Monday , Starmer refused to call for a delay – though he said it was unlikely that a deal could be struck in time .
“ The government says it ’ s going to get negotiations and a deal done by the end of the year , ” he said .
“ I ’ ve always thought that ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ re going to hold them to that and see how they get on.
” He added : “ I would seek to ensure that the negotiations were completed as quickly as possible .
I ’ ve not called for a pause because the government says it ’ s going to get it done by the end of the year.
” If no extension is agreed , the UK would leave the European single market at the end of 2020 either with or without a deal in place .
Critics have said this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Below if the full text of the open letter .
On Thursday 16th April , the government publicly stated that it would reject any extension to the Brexit transition period beyond 31st December 2020 .
In the midst of the coronavirus crisis , this is a deeply dangerous move for our rights , livelihoods and public services .
As Labour members , activists and supporters and trade unionists , we are calling for our party and unions to push for a major extension to the Brexit transition period .
Efforts must now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Covid-19 at a national and global level .
We call for the new leadership under Keir Starmer and Angela Rayner to speak out forcefully to articulate this growing demand coming from across society .
Even before this crisis , possibilities for a UK-EU deal looked bleak : now negotiations are effectively suspended .
In the context of the huge economic and social dislocation already caused by the pandemic , the further shock of a hard Brexit in less than nine months ’ time would be disastrous .
Leaving the EU ’ s Early @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Medicines Agency , as per the government ’ s current plans , could substantially delay UK access to an effective vaccine and other treatments , as well as limit our ability to deal with future pandemics .
This will cost lives .
We believe the whole labour movement should unite to demand an extension , as well as continued membership of the relevant European bodies , regardless of wider views on Brexit .
This is a fundamental issue of defending working people ’ s living standards and rights , including rights to health @ @ @ @ @ @ @ current crisis .
If Labour speaks out and campaigns on this crucial issue , we can force the government to change course , safeguarding the economy and living standards and protecting our communities .
Julie Ward , former MEP for the North West Richard Corbett , former MEP for Yorkshire & the Humber and leader of European Parliamentary Labour Party , GMB Jude Kirton-Darling , former MEP for the North East , Unite and GMB Seb Dance , former MEP for London , GMB Theresa Griffin , former MEP for North East and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ John Moloney , Slough GC Delegate , PCS Assistant General Secretary Mark Boothroyd , Camberwell and Peckham CLP , Unite Guys and St Thomas NHS Hospital Branch Secretary Kas Witana , Penistone & Stocksbridge CLP , care worker and Unison member Ben Selby , Grantham and Stamford CLP Tracy McGuire , Darlington , Chair West Branch , NEU NEC Joan Twelves , Vauxhall CLP , EC member , Unite the Union Community , branch treasurer Abbie Clark , Stevenage CLP Secretary , Unite Magi Young , Exeter GC and EC delegate , NUS @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and 2019 parliamentary candidate , Unite workplace rep Andrea Pisauro , Oxford West & Abingdon , coordinator , “ Take a Break from Brexit ” campaign Michael Chessum , Streatham CLP , Unite Matthew Fulton-McAlister , councillor , Norwich CLP , NASUWT Regional Official Jill Borcherds , Stevenage , 2019 parliamentary candidate , NEU Tom Pottrill , Stourbridge Josh Lovell , Stevenage , County Councillor , UCU Margaret Eames-Petersen , Herts county councillor for Hatfield North , Previously union rep AUT Sandy Paul , Poplar and Limehouse .
Membership Coordinator , EC Delegate @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Unite Julia Welbourn , Unite Community Kim Vodden , Pudsey , Deborah Hansen , Harborough CLP , Unite Community Martin Thomas , Islington South and Finsbury , NEU Heidy Kempe-Bottcher , Manchester Withington , UCU Ana Oppenheim , Hackney North and Stoke Newington , IWGB Seema Syeda , Limehouse & Poplar , UVW Stephen Smith , Pollards Hill , Mitcham and Morden Rosalyn Newell , International Dr Camila Bassi , Sheffield Central , Branch President , SHU UCU Alexander Sim , Uxbridge and South Ruislip , Unison Hannah Sawtell , Nottingham East Helen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Fulham CLP Member Lynn Davies , Devizes John Presley , Totnes , CWU Daniel Round , Stourbridge CLP , NEU Hongjian Luo , York Central/Member , TSSA/Delegate to the Labour Party Phil Whitney , Derbyshire Dales ( Auditor ) , Previously Vice Chair and European Officer , NUT Charles Ernest Leggat , Bosworth Deborah Finberg , Cambridge , Unison member Meg Wood , Wolverhampton North East , Unison Nick Clark , Wealden , Andrew Kitchen , Cotswolds Ann Terry , Mid Suffolk , RCN Margaret Ducketty Barbara Slowikowski , Woodhouse , Unison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Moore Andy Nicolaou , Jennifer Cox , Battersea , NEU Andy Sims , Eastbourne CL , Retired Joseph Hodson , Buckingham Ian Jones , Totton Joe Sollitt , Fylde Labour Party Natasha Steele , Beighton , Sheffield , NEU Rep Beverley Gill Gavin Edwards , Walthamstow CLP , UCU Gerard Johnson , Lewisham Deptford CLP Linda Turner , City of Chester , Member Jemma Irvine Ruth Milsom , Sheffield Hallam , Unite Mike Vessey , Chelsea & Fulham , GMB Paul Scolari Daniel Nichols , Romford , UNISON Philip Inglesant , Vauxhall , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , York CLP Sarah Jones , Milton Keynes CLP Paul Bond , Dulwich & W Norwood , Bive chaur RMT London Taxi Nye Goodwin , Oldham East & Saddleworth , National Education Union Joanne Simpson , Kingston upon Hull Emma Witney , Edinburgh Southern , Unison Ann Corner , Ex Unison branch secretary and senior steward for social care and health Nottinghamshire County Council Chris Allen , Leicester West CLP , Unite Pete Radcliff , Broxtowe – expelled in 2016 for being supporter of the AWL , Unite Community branch committee Russell Carr @ @ @ @ @ @ @ United 101034 , Branch Organiser Femi Oshatogbe , Islington South and Finsbury , Labour Member Yolanda Leask , Thanet South Daniel Randall , Assistant Chair , RMT Bakerloo branch ( personal capacity ) Emily Walsh , Bristol West , UCU Christopher Hunt , yes , No Sheila Ravnkilde , Broxtowe , Unite Community Pantelis Mina David Cullen , Stevenage .
Councillor , ex-TASS ex north Thames regional secretary Julia Moore , Lewisham East , Diem25 member Alex Evans , Colne Valley Daniel Edward Higgins Natacha Kennedy , Eltham , UCU Sacha Ismail , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Reddish CLP , Unison Steward Eddie Hornby , Stevenage John Medhurst , Hove , GMB Nik Barstow , Stretford and Urmston , Unite the union Abel Harvie-Clark , Newcastle East CLP , Unison Rowena Foote Ian Smith , Scarborough , NAPO – local rep Vijay Jackson , Political Education Officer , Edinburgh Central CLP , CWU John Gaskell , SW Surrey , Retired Ailsa Milnes , North Somerset – exec member Lynne Armstrong , Bognor Regis and Littlehampton James Stonhold , Brighton Kemptown , Unite Dominic Jackson , Bury North , Unite @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , member , Unite ( retired ) Andrew Wincott , Selby and Ainsty Dr Jenny Watts , UCU member Pauline Moylan , Elmet and Rothwell Catherine Reynolds , Eddisbury CLP Treasurer , Unison retired member Matthew Dodson , NEU member Grace Polina Sparks , Trafford , NUJ Patrick Jenkins , Greenwich and Woolwich , GMB Pauline Di Chiara Lisette Stux Audrey Gaffney , Garston and Halewood , Unison Ruth Fryer , Canterbury Susan Quinlan , Walton , Retired Pauline Spencer , Wavertree , self-employed Michael John Banks , Wigan Steve Power , Wirral @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Unite ) Jacqueline Jones , Workington , Unite Sue Baxter , Wirral South , now retired , Formerly IPCS Paul Ronayne , Wirral South , NEU Treasurer , Wirral District Moira Winder , Liverpool West Derby , NEU Robert Buckingham , Wirral South CLP , UNITE Jimmy Sergi , Birkenhead CLP , Chair of Wirral Young Labour Janie Seal , Sefton Central Vicky Matthews , Wirral South , Unite Joan Darwin Maureen McDaid , Garston & Halewood Vivienne Clark Rosemary Stewart Liz Miller , Riverside Christina McCabe , S Cambs , Unite member @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Chester , foot soldier Judith King , Walsall South Antony Wilson , Hill North , NEU Pauline Stafford , Leeds NW , Retired Carl Asher Paul Waterhouse , Holborn & St Pancras , GC delegate & Labour Activist Jenny Gilders , Kate Blair , West Dorset Michele Wilson , Stretford and Urmston , – retired .
Previously BECTU Jenna Ford-Knubley , Mid Norfolk , was a shop steward with GMB Julia Bardsley Ellie Ford-Knubley Philip Rowlands , Kettering branch , Retired David Wood , Chair , Stevenage CLP , UCU member Stephen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ member ) Michelle Gardner , Labour women ’ s forum chair , Unite Chris Webb , Stevenage , Campaign Coordinator Kate Foale , Rushcliffe , GMB Georgine Whiting , Stevenage , UNISON ( retired member ) Gillian Phillips , Chester Maximilian Czekalski , Warrington South CLP John Searby , Brighton Pavilion Jill Ebrey , Withington CLP ( Chair Chorlton Branch ) , UCU Valerie Wallace Suzanne Horton John Porter , Portsmouth North member , NGA , NUJ , Postal Workers Union Gerard Burke , Milton Keynes , Chris Paul , Manchester Withington CLP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Unite Roni Digir , Warrington South Cosima Doerfel , Wallasey Pauline McDonnell , Gateshead Polly Wicks , Ordinary member , GMB Tim McCann , Warrington South , Prospect Gareth Robson , Lewisham West and Penge Calix Eden , Lewisham West and Penge , Vice Chair Membership , local CLP Sacha Marten , Tonbridge and Malling , VC Membership and LGBT Officer John Howard Bradley Allsop , Ipswich CLP Sally McHugh , Hornchurch and Upminster , Retired NUT Daniel Barrow , Salford , UCU Roxana Fraser , Winchester , GMB Kristian Ravnkilde , Broxtowe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ CLP disability officer , Unite Community Marcus Thorne , Lewisham Deptford CLP ( GC delegate ) Hendrix Lancaster , Eccles Claudia Hutchings , Kensington Suzanne Jones , Warwick & Leamington Fiona Murray , Halesowen & Rowley Regis , Unison Colin Clarke , Batley & Spen , GMB Duncan Morrison , Lewisham Deptford CLP , GC Delegate , Lewisham NEU , Branch Secretary Mark Osborn , Lewisham East , NEU rep Dan Davison , Cambridge CLP , UCU Stephen Wood , Bermondsey & Old Southwark , RMT Patrick Markey , Northampton South , NEU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Maisie Sanders , Lewisham Deptford CLP , Unite Bruce Robinson , Stockport CLP , Unite Community Stuart Jordan , Lewisham Deptford , Unison member Vicki Morris , Nottingham East , Chair , University of Nottingham Unison branch ( personal capacity ) Robert Sutton , Chair Crystal Palace and Upper Norwood , Unite Construction Elaine Jones , Wirral South CLP , Unison Cheshire West and Wirral Community Health branch Labour Link officer Janine Booth , TULO , Hackney South and Shoreditch , RMT Alison Brown , Sheffield Heeley LGBTQ officer , UNISON South Yorkshire @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Rushcliffe/LGBTQIA+ officer , IWW Tony Byrne , Secretary Newark CLP , Chair RMT East Midlands Central branch Brian Cantrill , member of PCS/ARMS Gemma Short , Hornsey & Wood Green , NEU Ruth Cashman , Tooting , UNISON Branch Secretary Adele Cresswell , Nottingham East Tim Broughton , Stevenage TULO , Convenor Liam Conway , Nottingham East , Notts NEU – Membership Secretary Dave Kirk , Leeds West CLP political education office , Unite Karen Johnson , London Bridge and West Bermondsey , Branch Secretary Ed Whitby , Newcastle East CLP executive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ link officer Will Stephens , Hampstead and Kilburn , United Voices of the World ( SAW coordinator ) Tim Van Tinteren , Heeley CLP , ASLEF Charlie McDonald , West Ham CLP , PCS Dave Levy , Lewisham Deptford CLP/GC Delegate , GMB ( Branch President ) ; personal capacity John Windsor , Bristol North West , Ex NATFHE ( UCU ) secretary Sam Greenwood , Hemsworth , UNISON Wakefield local Government Branch Secretary Zack Murrell-Dowson , Bristol West CLP , IWGB/ IWGB CLB Bristol treasurer Joshua Chown , Hornchurch & Upminster , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Committee member Joe Booth , Chipping Barnet , RMT Mark Chilcott , Unison Member Jean Lane , Penistone and Stocksbridge Stan Crooke , Glasgow Shettleston CLP , Unite and GMB Christie Neary , Hornsey & Wood Green , NEU Daniel Rawnsley , Sheffield Central , NEU Paulette Romain , Croydon Central , PCS TU Rep Chris Marks , Lewisham Deptford , PCS NEC Ben Towse , Labour Campaign for Free Movement co-founder , Unison David Ball , Finchley and Golders Green CLP , Trade Union Liaison Officer , workplace rep , Unison and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ membership secretary , BECTU Christine Rimmer , Member Broxtowe CLP , Unite Community Patricia Lee , Liverpool West Derby Daniel Jeffery , Streatham , Vice Chair and Labour Link Officer Lambeth UNISON Anita Downs , Lewisham East , Unite – workplace rep John Bloxam , Currently not a member , UNITE Omar Raii , Lewisham Deptford CLP , UCU Eleanor Clarke , Putney CLP , Unite Jim Denham , Selly Oak CLP , Unite delegate to CLP Ian Townson , Secretary , Lambeth & Southwark Unite Community Alice Marshall , Hemsworth , Unison @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Andy Warren , Lewisham Deptford , PCS DWP London Region Young Members officer Joseph Lynn , Bethnal Green and Bow Kathleen Hunt , Cannock Chase Barry Parkin , Hertford and Stortford , Previously area rep of ACTT Marianna Masters , Streatham/ Lambeth Councillor , Unite & Unison Owain Gardner , North West Durham CLP , EC Member and Weardale BLP Secretary , Unite the Union and UCU Gilles Morin , West Ham CLP , Member of Unison Ali Hosseini , Slough Peter Nowland , Oxford east , Unite Jill Mountford , Lewisham Deptford @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Cooper , Lewisham Deptford , Unite Community Chrissie Charvill , Oxford East Gillian Hart , Lewisham Deptford Older Person Co-ordinator , Unite Community Treasurer Liz Yeates , Charnwood Howard Ricketts , Stevenage , Unite ( AAC ) Liz Blackshaw , Charnwood Timothy Cooper , Nottingham East TULO officer Unison member Nela Roncevic , Ashton , Bury South Liz Minns , Epsom & Ewell – Socialist Societies Rep , Unison Barry Woolhead Sally McArthur , Shipley , NEU Sean O ’ Toole , Stevenage CLP Patrick Mc Fadden Zaheer Mohammed , Leyton and Wanstead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – Communications Officer , UNITE Peter Bone , Broxtowe , NEU Philomena Mullan , Banbury Mark Shenton Howard Varney , Poplar and Limehouse Helen McCabe , Broxtow , UCU Gerard Marshall , West Dunbartonshire Marie-Claire Ohsan Berthelsen , Oxford West & Abingdon Holly Harwood , Stepney Green Sue Lyon , Cities of London and Westminster Ole John Berthelsen , Oxford west and Abingdon Harry Shipman , Southampton , BMA Tom O ’ Carroll , Pudsey , NEU Dawn Kinnersley Rachael Tomlinson , Beverley and Holderness Sue Mew , Walthamstow CLP , UCU Edward @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Oxford East Vinay Chambore , Battersea Kitty Howarth , Broxtowe CLP , UCU Branch Chair Nottingham College Avril Alexander , Oxford East Hannah Lane , Bermondsey and Old Southwark Mark Sandell , Hove , Unite Genevieve Ohsan , Reading West CLP Daphne Bone , Broxtowe CLP Alec Shelton Broxtowe , CLP Branch Chair , Unison Retired member Sandy Critchley , Former NUJ freelance branch secretary Alex Stuart , Poplar and Limehouse CLP Lucy Ismail , Streatham , UCU retired member Eva Burnett Konnie Lloyd , Broxtowe , Retired Graham Barrett , Brent Central @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and Westminster Andy Forse , Milton Keynes South , GMB Barry Buitekant , Hackney North and Stoke Newington , USDAW Kirsten Malcolm , Bristol NW Faisal Rahim , Broxtowe CLP John Ireland , High Peak John Shore , Bethnal Green and Bow/member of General Committee Jacob Armstrong , International , Vice Chair Berlin Branch John mason , Uxbridge and South Ruislip , UCU Graham Martin , York , Unite Community John Halliday , Hammersmith and Fulham Frances Alexander , Leyton and Wanstead , NEU retired Thelma Jones , Carmarthenshire Paul Waters , Broxtowe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Unite Marie-Louise Rabe , Addiscombe West , Croydon Theodore Michael , Sevenoaks Martin Warne , West Ham GC member Suzy Roston , Stoke Newington , London Lucinda Eaglesfield , Tooting , Prospect Chris Jefferies , Bristol West Zenobia Tata , Ealing Central and Acton Claire O ’ Kell , member of the Labour and Co-operative Party , member of Unite Community ) Roger Berry , Bristol East Glyn Hambrook , Harrogate and Knaresborough , UCU ( retired member ) Jan Green , Witney Mark Hayward , Shrewsbury and Atcham Alan Richardson , East @ @ @ @ @ @ @ McMeeken , Vice Chair Campaigns , Croydon North CLP Paul O ’ Kell , York , Unison ( retired member ) Brenda Ashton , Wirral South Joern Janssen , Islington South , IG BAU Joan Allwright , Lancaster and Fleetwood CLP , ordinary member Brett Cowie , Wimbledon Labour Party member Dick Allwright , Lancaster and Fleetwood , UCU Ruth Klassen Green , Tottenham John Handford , Macclesfield Chris Bright , Camberwell & Peckham , Unison Andrew Nicol , Wimbledon Barbara Clark , Swansea West CLP Mike Wilson , Mitcham and Morden Roland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Cardiff West , Unison member Peter Brimson , Leyton and Wanstead Krystina Stimakovits , Lambeth Martin Eric Rodgers , Rochdale , GMB , BMA Pamela Calder , Vauxhall GC delegate , UCU retired member John Cunningham , Chorley CLP , UCU ( retired section ) Ruth Keynes , Brighton Pavilion Hugo Hunt Linda Clarke , Islington South Labour Party , Holloway ward chair , CLP environmental officer , UCU Terry Walker , Brighton Pavilion Caroline Richardson , Workington , Unite Community Equality Officer Richard Hoffmann , Congleton Wanda Lozinska , Stroud CLP @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Nantwich CLP , Prospect Denise Abel , Labour International , Italy and Malta branch , Unison ( retired members ) Hilary Lawson , Brighton Pavilion James Chespy , Gillingham and Rainham CLP , GMB Richard Stifter , South Shields , Retired member Maggie , Whitby & Scarborough Sylvia Scaife , Ipswich Lizzie Palliser , Member , Shipley constituency Alicia Marshall , Witney Marie W Green , Amber Valley Judy Mason , Stratford on Avon Thomas Gilbert , Islington South & Finsbury , UVW Neil Nerva , Hampstead and Kilburn , Brent Cllr Annie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stalybridge and Hyde Tracey Nevill Peter Matthews Clare Harrison , York Central Tom Harris , Lewisham Deptford , PCS activist Elizabeth Hallworth Camilla Lovelace , Cardiff South and Penarth Jacqueline Ellis , Great Grimsby Jackie Jones , Chair Cardiff Central Esther Saunders-Jennings , Bristol West Dave Burn , Finchley and Golders Green John Howarth , Former MEP for South East England , Reading Labour , NUJ Joy Hall , Penrith Nikki Masters , Kettering , Unison Frankie Elen , Wells , NUT ( Retired ) David Earnshaw , Chair , Brussels Labour , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Woodford Green member , UCU member Leopold Loewer , Poole , Prospect Margarita Morales , Chelsea and Fulham CLP , GMB Mick Duncan , Brighton Kemptown , ward campaigns officer , Unite and Equity Natasha Crofton , Lewisham Deptford , Unite Community Lawrence Welch , Durham , Unite Peter Cuthbert Monica Eeuwens , North East Bedfordshire Liz Macleod , member Janice Bailey , Shrewsbury & Atcham member Dr M M Gilchrist , Hull Central & West , Unison member Sandy Sharples , High Peak member Chris Romberg , Shrewsbury & Atcham Kalim Ahmed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Lewisham West and Penge Keith Reader , Islington North , UCU ( but retired ) John McLeod , Tottenham Jane Clarke , Hornsey and Wood Green , NEU Officer of local association Sue Winter , Camborne & Redruth Sarah Perrigo , Leeds NE Political education Officer Henry Tiller , Chingford ad Woodford Green , NEU Sally Carter , Worsley and Eccles south Daniel Fitzpatrick , Kensington UCU Jason Gold , Labour International Founder Delegate to Executive Body , Chair of Central Eastern Europe Branch John Croft , Erith and Thamesmead , UCU @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Brian McCarthy , Streatham , Streatham Hill CLP , Unison Daniel Key , Bristol East Labour Party , Unite Margaret Masterman , Boston and Skegness member , UNISON ( retired member from Lincs County Council ) Alan White , Streatham Jo Halliday , Islington South & Finsbury CLP Anne Sadler , Mid Derbyshire Camilo Tirado , Tottenham Lucy Caldicot , Vauxhall CLP , Lambeth Councillor , Unison Taraneh Ahmadi-Parker , Hove E Griffiths , Hornsey & Wood Green ; exec , Society of Labour Lawyers Joseph Lynn , Bethnal Green & Bow Steve @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Ealing Chris Billing , Totnes CLP , Nautilus UK Stephen Tompsett , Winchester Lynton North , Torridge & West Devon Tim Gopsill , Dulwich and West Norwood/Chair of Coldharbour Ward party , Unite Samantha Lewis , Tooting , NEU Claire Shipp , South West Bedfordshire Liz Gardiner , Monmouth CLP , Equity member Glory Rigueros , Brighton Pavilion , UCU Meg van Rooyen , Warwick & Leamington , Unison Pauline Williams , Ynys Mon Terry Moore , Labour International Naomi Greene , Morley and Outwood CLP Roger Shepherd , Bristol West CLP Sally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Oxford East CLP , Unite Mr Nicolas Franklin-Woolley , Penistone and Stocksbridge Mo McManus , Bristol North West James Jacobs , Broxtowe CLP Ken Brooks , Bristol NW CLP Jill Barrett , Hackney South and Shoreditch CLP Mark Jones , Aldershot CLP , F & C Branch Exec Member , Unite the Union Linda Burnip , Startford-on-Avon , UNISON Gordon Sim , North Wilts CLP Steve O ’ Neal , Devizes CLP Secretary Rosalynne Birch , Vice chair membership Oldham East & Saddleworth CLP , Unite Maude Dews , Lewisham Deptford , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Central and Acton/ Branch Secretary Marcus Atkin , Wyre and Preston North CLP

Hundreds of party activists, including several former Labour MEPs, have called on new leader Keir Starmer to push for an extension to the Brexit transition period.
Organised by Labour for a Socialist Europe, the open letter warns that failing to extend the phase – due to end in December – would “cost lives” amid the Covid-19 pandemic.
It has been signed by 450 Labour members, including former European Labour leader Richard Corbett, plus ex-MEPs Seb Dance, Theresa Griffin, Julie Ward and Jude Kirton-Darling.
The UK has until 30th June to request that the transition phase be extended, but Downing Street has insisted that no such request will be made – despite the impact of Covid-19 on Brexit talks.
Negotiations have now resumed via videoconference, but two planned rounds of talks were cancelled in the meantime and officials spent weeks arranging the remote discussions.
The Prime Minister’s spokesperson has said that any extension would mean the UK having to follow EU rules at a time when the country “needs flexibility” in its Covid-19 response.
Keir Starmer was a leading advocate of the campaign to hold a fresh public vote on Brexit, and was the only Labour leadership candidate to defend the party’s 2019 Brexit policy.
But asked about the extension issue by an LBC caller on Monday, Starmer refused to call for a delay – though he said it was unlikely that a deal could be struck in time.
“The government says it’s going to get negotiations and a deal done by the end of the year,” he said. “I’ve always thought that’s tight and pretty unlikely, but we’re going to hold them to that and see how they get on.”
He added: “I would seek to ensure that the negotiations were completed as quickly as possible. I’ve not called for a pause because the government says it’s going to get it done by the end of the year.”
If no extension is agreed, the UK would leave the European single market at the end of 2020 either with or without a deal in place. Critics have said this could delay UK access to a vaccine.


labourlist--2020-05-12--Calm after the storm

Calm after the storm

When Sir Anthony Eden broadcast directly to the nation in November 1956 amid the Suez crisis , Hugh Gaitskell demanded a right of reply .
The opposition leader did not set a convention that such a response would have to be courteous or apolitical – far from it , he boldly called on the Prime Minister to resign .
Keir Starmer did not do the same in his broadcast yesterday , of course .
He reiterated his hope that a “ national consensus ” could be built during this crisis , and called for “ clear directions ” from the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ some of the worst communications that this country has surely ever seen .
Some readers might have been expecting a more indignant message from the Labour leader , our most recent survey would suggest , or a mention of trade unions .
That is certainly the kind of broadcast that would have been offered by Jeremy Corbyn , who has joined colleagues on the Labour left in describing the Prime Minister ’ s statement as a “ thinly veiled declaration of class war ” .
But the approach to opposition taken by Labour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is explored by Sabrina Huck in her column today , which highlights the contrasts between Corbynism and the new style .
This was not a broadcast created with one eye on the views of party activists .
And many will think : quite right too !
This was the first time most voters will have had a proper look at the new Labour leader .
The key objective was to come across as constructive , sensible and proud of the UK ’ s efforts in the coronavirus crisis .
Most importantly , as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this strategy see Labour fall between two stools , positioning itself politically neither here nor there , à la Ed Miliband ?
Or might it be just the thing for a British electorate wanting calm in the aftermath of a global pandemic ?
We ’ ve kicked off the week with a huge number of brilliant articles on LabourList , even if I do say so myself .
An absolute must-read for anyone with interest in the future of Labour policy on work and pensions is Jonathan Reynold ’ s piece that sets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
There will be no going back on the pledge to scrap Universal Credit , he assures readers .
As for local government , Trafford Council leader Andrew Western is doing a series on how it is responding to challenges presented by Covid-19 .
The first is on adult social care .
And there is plenty of news to keep up with , from Clive Lewis backing rent strikes to the upcoming developments on the furlough scheme , all on LabourList .
Sign up to LabourList ’ s morning email for everything Labour @ @ @ @ @

When Sir Anthony Eden broadcast directly to the nation in November 1956 amid the Suez crisis, Hugh Gaitskell demanded a right of reply. The opposition leader did not set a convention that such a response would have to be courteous or apolitical – far from it, he boldly called on the Prime Minister to resign. Keir Starmer did not do the same in his broadcast yesterday, of course. He reiterated his hope that a “national consensus” could be built during this crisis, and called for “clear directions” from the government after a chaotic 24 hours displaying some of the worst communications that this country has surely ever seen.
Some readers might have been expecting a more indignant message from the Labour leader, our most recent survey would suggest, or a mention of trade unions. That is certainly the kind of broadcast that would have been offered by Jeremy Corbyn, who has joined colleagues on the Labour left in describing the Prime Minister’s statement as a “thinly veiled declaration of class war”. But the approach to opposition taken by Labour under Starmer has decisively shifted. This is explored by Sabrina Huck in her column today, which highlights the contrasts between Corbynism and the new style.
This was not a broadcast created with one eye on the views of party activists. And many will think: quite right too! This was the first time most voters will have had a proper look at the new Labour leader. The key objective was to come across as constructive, sensible and proud of the UK’s efforts in the coronavirus crisis. Most importantly, as a Prime Minister in waiting. Will this strategy see Labour fall between two stools, positioning itself politically neither here nor there, à la Ed Miliband? Or might it be just the thing for a British electorate wanting calm in the aftermath of a global pandemic?
We’ve kicked off the week with a huge number of brilliant articles on LabourList, even if I do say so myself. An absolute must-read for anyone with interest in the future of Labour policy on work and pensions is Jonathan Reynold’s piece that sets out his priorities in the new brief. There will be no going back on the pledge to scrap Universal Credit, he assures readers. As for local government, Trafford Council leader Andrew Western is doing a series on how it is responding to challenges presented by Covid-19. The first is on adult social care. And there is plenty of news to keep up with, from Clive Lewis backing rent strikes to the upcoming developments on the furlough scheme, all on LabourList. Sign up to LabourList’s morning email for everything Labour, every weekday morning.


labourlist--2020-05-12--WATCH: “Has the government learnt nothing from Windrush?” asks Tan Dhesi

Labour ’ s shadow minister Tan Dhesi has compared the government ’ s treatment of UK residents stranded abroad to @ @ @ @ @ .
The new member of Labour ’ s transport team said : “ These individuals @ @ @ @ @ , and some have been living here for decades , they have lived , worked @ @ @ @ @ “ They have made an immense contribution to our community and our society .
And… @ @ @ @ @ and deserve to be brought back .
“ Has the government learnt nothing from the @ @ @ @ @ concluded .
Asked whether this was “ another Windrush ” , Dhesi replied : “ @ @ @ @ @ The BBC spoke to an NHS surgeon in Plymouth whose wife and children “ will @ @ @ @ @ anyway – be brought back by the Foreign Office because they ’ re non-British UK @ @ @

Labour’s shadow minister Tan Dhesi has compared the government’s treatment of UK residents stranded abroad to that of the Windrush generation.
The new member of Labour’s transport team said: “These individuals who came to the UK, and some have been living here for decades, they have lived, worked and paid taxes here.
“They have made an immense contribution to our community and our society. And… they have gone on holiday and deserve to be brought back.
“Has the government learnt nothing from the Windrush scandal?” he concluded. Asked whether this was “another Windrush”, Dhesi replied: “In essence, yes.”
The BBC spoke to an NHS surgeon in Plymouth whose wife and children “will not – at the moment anyway – be brought back by the Foreign Office because they’re non-British UK residents”.


labourlist--2020-05-12--How Labour’s approach to opposition has shifted under Keir Starmer

Keir Starmer addressed the nation on television and radio last night , offering a response to the Prime Minister ’ s Sunday evening broadcast .
The Labour leader made clear that the party under his leadership would “ always put the national interest first and have the courage to support the government where it gets things right ; but challenge it where it gets things wrong ” .
He called again for a national consensus , assurance and clarity to fight the virus .
It was a very courteous statement , despite Britain recording the highest death rate in Europe @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jeremy Corbyn ’ s leadership just over a month ago .
Since Starmer ’ s election as party leader , media commentators and moderate Labour members have celebrated the return of a ‘ sensible opposition ’ .
They have praised Starmer for his demeanour at the despatch box and his desire to work together with the government to find solutions .
But some members worry that the leadership ’ s approach has been too soft : LabourList ’ s latest survey revealed that 62 % of readers believed Labour was not critical enough @ @ @ @ @ @ @ divergent attitudes towards Labour ’ s role in our parliamentary democracy .
Of course , Labour under both Corbyn and Starmer would see winning an election and taking state power as the primary goal .
But Corbynism aimed to be more than ‘ just ’ a traditional party .
It saw Labour as a tool to bridge the gap between the institutions of state power ( government , parliament ) and extra-parliamentary struggles fought through trade unions and social movements .
Rather than just take over the state to use it as an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , it wanted to ‘ transform ’ it .
This is why Corbynism presented alternatives to government policy , rather than supplement or improve it by making helpful suggestions .
It didn ’ t view politics as an arena to forge consensus but as an opportunity for struggle to force a break with convention .
Ultimately , by taking over and transforming the state , democratic socialism could be achieved .
This strategy has often been described by thinkers in and around the Labour left as “ in and against the state ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power to legislate is de facto highly centralised with the Prime Minister and his cabinet .
Traditionally , the role of the opposition party is to closely follow and scrutinise the government ’ s work .
Shadow cabinet members are expected to question their counterparts in the debating chamber to expose policy weaknesses .
Cross-party select committees can produce reports and table amendments to bills , but not propose legislation themselves .
MPs can introduce Early Day Motions or Private Members Bills , but their chances of success are limited .
Whilst Corbynism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Labour slots nicely back into convention .
This is most evident now over the coronavirus crisis response , but there is little indication that this will change whenever this is over .
Some of the key battlegrounds exposed by the virus are directly relevant to class struggle : the Tories are willing to sacrifice working-class people on the altar of profit as they order them back to work without proper health and safety guidance or enforcement .
Labour is also now advocating rent deferrals .
( This was initially called for by Corbyn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeared to come out in favour of rent suspensions . )
The new policy announced over the weekend will especially harm young people and those on low incomes , two groups that are more likely to live in rented accommodation .
They will struggle significantly to make up additional housing costs during an economic downturn .
Not only would it be the right thing to back vulnerable renters .
Labour ’ s decision to ditch the rent suspension policy also abandons a key constituency for a future electoral coalition .
It opens up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we are here to represent .
Starmer ’ s Labour is siding with those who can reap the benefits of capitalism even in crisis .
As Her Majesty ’ s Most Loyal Opposition , we are expected to fulfil our role in the political realm , which is to help negotiate unity between different parts of the dominant social classes .
At worst , this means Labour will side with landlords or small businesses to advocate on their behalf against a Conservative Party that might be more concerned with the needs of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ At best , this can result in social democratic policies and a mixed market economy .
Mediating between capital and labour results in better working conditions or pay policies , but it does not pose a fundamental challenge to the exploitation of labour for profit by bosses .
A Labour Party that once again sees itself as an integral part of the system poses a huge challenge to those who still hope that a Labour government is the first step to transforming the state and society .
The question is whether there will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Starmer on policy , if not on strategy .
In the meantime , the public ’ s general view of the government ’ s handling of the crisis seems to remain favourable .
Only time will tell whether consensus politics during a pandemic can pay off electorally .

Keir Starmer addressed the nation on television and radio last night, offering a response to the Prime Minister’s Sunday evening broadcast. The Labour leader made clear that the party under his leadership would “always put the national interest first and have the courage to support the government where it gets things right; but challenge it where it gets things wrong”. He called again for a national consensus, assurance and clarity to fight the virus. It was a very courteous statement, despite Britain recording the highest death rate in Europe. It would have been unimaginable under Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership just over a month ago.
Since Starmer’s election as party leader, media commentators and moderate Labour members have celebrated the return of a ‘sensible opposition’. They have praised Starmer for his demeanour at the despatch box and his desire to work together with the government to find solutions. But some members worry that the leadership’s approach has been too soft: LabourList’s latest survey revealed that 62% of readers believed Labour was not critical enough.
This differing approach is rooted in divergent attitudes towards Labour’s role in our parliamentary democracy. Of course, Labour under both Corbyn and Starmer would see winning an election and taking state power as the primary goal. But Corbynism aimed to be more than ‘just’ a traditional party. It saw Labour as a tool to bridge the gap between the institutions of state power (government, parliament) and extra-parliamentary struggles fought through trade unions and social movements.
Rather than just take over the state to use it as an instrument to administer society and manage capitalism, it wanted to ‘transform’ it. This is why Corbynism presented alternatives to government policy, rather than supplement or improve it by making helpful suggestions. It didn’t view politics as an arena to forge consensus but as an opportunity for struggle to force a break with convention. Ultimately, by taking over and transforming the state, democratic socialism could be achieved. This strategy has often been described by thinkers in and around the Labour left as “in and against the state”.
In the UK parliamentary system, power to legislate is de facto highly centralised with the Prime Minister and his cabinet. Traditionally, the role of the opposition party is to closely follow and scrutinise the government’s work. Shadow cabinet members are expected to question their counterparts in the debating chamber to expose policy weaknesses. Cross-party select committees can produce reports and table amendments to bills, but not propose legislation themselves. MPs can introduce Early Day Motions or Private Members Bills, but their chances of success are limited.
Whilst Corbynism represented a break, Starmer’s Labour slots nicely back into convention. This is most evident now over the coronavirus crisis response, but there is little indication that this will change whenever this is over. Some of the key battlegrounds exposed by the virus are directly relevant to class struggle: the Tories are willing to sacrifice working-class people on the altar of profit as they order them back to work without proper health and safety guidance or enforcement.
Labour is also now advocating rent deferrals. (This was initially called for by Corbyn, but he and John McDonnell later appeared to come out in favour of rent suspensions.) The new policy announced over the weekend will especially harm young people and those on low incomes, two groups that are more likely to live in rented accommodation. They will struggle significantly to make up additional housing costs during an economic downturn. Not only would it be the right thing to back vulnerable renters. Labour’s decision to ditch the rent suspension policy also abandons a key constituency for a future electoral coalition. It opens up the fundamental question of who we think we are here to represent.
Starmer’s Labour is siding with those who can reap the benefits of capitalism even in crisis. As Her Majesty’s Most Loyal Opposition, we are expected to fulfil our role in the political realm, which is to help negotiate unity between different parts of the dominant social classes. At worst, this means Labour will side with landlords or small businesses to advocate on their behalf against a Conservative Party that might be more concerned with the needs of the financial sector and multinational corporate giants. At best, this can result in social democratic policies and a mixed market economy. Mediating between capital and labour results in better working conditions or pay policies, but it does not pose a fundamental challenge to the exploitation of labour for profit by bosses.
A Labour Party that once again sees itself as an integral part of the system poses a huge challenge to those who still hope that a Labour government is the first step to transforming the state and society. The question is whether there will be scope to at least influence Team Starmer on policy, if not on strategy. In the meantime, the public’s general view of the government’s handling of the crisis seems to remain favourable. Only time will tell whether consensus politics during a pandemic can pay off electorally.


labourlist--2020-05-12--Approval rating of +23 gives boost to Keir Starmer

New Labour leader Keir Starmer has been given a boost thanks to YouGov polling today that shows he has a net approval rating of +23 , which is higher than that of Boris Johnson .
Asked whether they thought Keir Starmer was doing well or badly as leader of the Labour Party , overall 40 % said “ very well ” or “ fairly well ” and 17 % said “ very badly ” or “ fairly badly ” .
His net approval rating of +23 compares well to that of Boris Johnson , whose net rating has fallen to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ % still say the Prime Minister is doing well .
Indicating that there are still low levels of familiarity with the Labour leader among members of the public , a substantial 44 % replied “ don ’ t know ” to the YouGov question .
The “ don ’ t know ” response was higher among those aged between 18 and 24 , as to be expected , at 57 % .
In this group , 32 % said he was doing well and 11 % said he was doing badly .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those aged 65 and over – saw only 33 % say “ don ’ t know ” , while 48 % said he was doing “ well ” and 20 % said he was doing “ badly ” .
The answers of men and women were similar , with the latter group being more likely to say “ don ’ t know ” .
40 % of men and 38 % of women said he was doing well ; 20 % of men and 15 % of women said he was doing badly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in London , where 43 % said he was doing well and 14 % badly .
In the Midlands , 37 % said well and 17 % badly ; in the North , 42 % said well and 15 % badly .
In Scotland , where Labour needs to make progress to win a general election , 34 % said well and 24 % said badly .
In Wales , 31 % said well and 13 % said badly .
His ratings are notably different between Remain and Leave voters , with a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – saying well while a lower 35 % of the latter said well .
More Conservative voters said he was doing well than badly , at 34 % and 25 % respectively .
Lib Dem voters were very positive about Starmer , with a higher percentage saying well ( 63 % ) compared to Labour voters ( 54 % ) .
1,674 adults took part in the survey conducted May 9th-10th , 2020 .

New Labour leader Keir Starmer has been given a boost thanks to YouGov polling today that shows he has a net approval rating of +23, which is higher than that of Boris Johnson.
Asked whether they thought Keir Starmer was doing well or badly as leader of the Labour Party, overall 40% said “very well” or “fairly well” and 17% said “very badly” or “fairly badly”.
His net approval rating of +23 compares well to that of Boris Johnson, whose net rating has fallen to +22, though a total of 57% still say the Prime Minister is doing well.
Indicating that there are still low levels of familiarity with the Labour leader among members of the public, a substantial 44% replied “don’t know” to the YouGov question.
The “don’t know” response was higher among those aged between 18 and 24, as to be expected, at 57%. In this group, 32% said he was doing well and 11% said he was doing badly.
The oldest group in the survey results – those aged 65 and over – saw only 33% say “don’t know”, while 48% said he was doing “well” and 20% said he was doing “badly”.
The answers of men and women were similar, with the latter group being more likely to say “don’t know”. 40% of men and 38% of women said he was doing well; 20% of men and 15% of women said he was doing badly.
Starmer’s ratings were best in London, where 43% said he was doing well and 14% badly. In the Midlands, 37% said well and 17% badly; in the North, 42% said well and 15% badly.
In Scotland, where Labour needs to make progress to win a general election, 34% said well and 24% said badly. In Wales, 31% said well and 13% said badly.
His ratings are notably different between Remain and Leave voters, with a majority of the former – 52% – saying well while a lower 35% of the latter said well.
More Conservative voters said he was doing well than badly, at 34% and 25% respectively. Lib Dem voters were very positive about Starmer, with a higher percentage saying well (63%) compared to Labour voters (54%).
1,674 adults took part in the survey conducted May 9th-10th, 2020.


labourlist--2020-05-12--How local government has responded to Covid-19: children’s services

My first piece in this series on the local government response to Covid-19 set out some of the challenges we are facing in adult social care .
One of the key areas that has not attracted as much attention has been children ’ s services , and how we safeguard children and young people at times of crisis .
Whilst children are statistically less at risk from the virus , the social and economic changes generated by Covid-19 means child protection has never been more important .
Like social care – arguably more so – it ’ s not a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ isn ’ t visible like bins or potholes , but for me we have no more crucial responsibility as a council .
In many ways , this is a difficult issue for me to write about with authority .
Just a few months after Labour took control of the council in 2018 , we were inspected by Ofsted .
They found that our looked after children ’ s services were inadequate .
This was something of a fall from grace for Trafford following a ‘ Good ’ rating with some areas outstanding in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was obvious to us that cutting millions from these services would cause such damage .
We told the Tories they were wrong to cut over £17m from the Children , Families and Wellbeing Budget in the 2015/16 proposals – proposals they approved on the very day they got the Good rating from Ofsted .
Trafford Labour has looked to repair the damage where we can – increasing staffing numbers ; reducing social worker caseloads significantly ; bringing our youth service back in-house ; creating a new youth outreach team ; and ploughing £6m @ @ @ @ @ @ @ help offer .
This last point is critical : early help is the ultimate invest-to-save service , yet preventative services have been sacrificed in many areas on the altar of austerity .
Covid-19 has necessarily impacted on our improvement journey in Trafford .
New ways of working have been required to safeguard vulnerable children , and our social workers have been magnificent in the lengths they have gone to in order to check on the welfare of those we know need additional help and support .
One of the big challenges that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of schools , and what this has meant for the attendance of vulnerable children .
Whilst government guidance states that in addition to the children of critical workers , provision should be available for vulnerable children , in reality the number of children categorised as vulnerable ( children known to social services , looked after children , as well as children with EHC plans ) attending school has been low .
In many ways , this is understandable : parents and carers are nervous in the current climate .
But it does mean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children in need of support come into contact with the public sector – in schools – is taken away , thus eliminating the daily oversight we usually have over their welfare .
It ’ s important to remember that for many children categorised as vulnerable , home life is incredibly challenging .
Some live in homes where drug and alcohol addiction is an issue , others may have been the victim of – or witnessed – domestic violence .
These are just some examples but underline why , with so many of this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ social work team has had to mobilise at pace .
Our officers have been carrying out visits to all children not presenting at school who are known to social services for safeguarding reasons , and have been working with partners including police and health to ensure we have robust oversight of their welfare .
This has been a herculean effort in an already challenging time : the nature of visits has had to change due to Covid-19 , whilst staffing numbers have been depleted for the same reason .
That said , our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to assure themselves that our most vulnerable young people are safe .
Audits are showing that 100 % of children who should be visited have been , whilst the team is now focusing on how we make the visits even more meaningful despite the new ways of working .
The passion that our teams have for the children they work with is amazing .
Of course , the major concerns over lockdown have not just been a rise in domestic violence , mental health issues and addiction problems in families we already know @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worry that such a drastic change in everyday life will push many more people into crisis – be it mental , physical , financial or otherwise .
Some families not on our radar may well be struggling with children who we would now consider vulnerable as a result .
Another knock-on effect of the lockdown that has safeguarding ramifications therefore can not be forgotten : the reduction in referrals from our partners .
With children not known to social services out of school , and with fewer people accessing health and other holistic @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the virus , those agencies from which we normally receive the most new referrals ( schools and health ) are seeing fewer children directly .
We ’ ve had to work closely with both of these partners and with the police to see how we can increase our oversight , and it ’ s been pleasing to see that the number of referrals – particularly from health colleagues – has started to pick up again and our social workers can take action if needed .
The work done to give ourselves the assurance @ @ @ @ @ @ @ safe has been brilliant .
The way the team has adapted to new ways of working is testament to their commitment .
But it ’ s not just social workers who have been delivering critical services in different ways at present .
Our education team and the schools they support have gone above and beyond .
In addition to catering for the children of critical workers and those vulnerable children attending school , they have had to coordinate an incredibly varied response in a range of other areas .
And what has that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worked with schools to ensure unprecedented provision to provide childcare on bank holidays and over the Easter break , with more than 20 Trafford schools open on Friday ’ s VE Day bank holiday .
They ’ ve worked with heads to ensure that free school meal vouchers are distributed to qualifying families , underlining the fact that schools do so much more than just teach .
On the frontline , I ’ ve heard stories of teachers ringing every child in their class to see how they are , and creating engaging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ continue their learning .
At every level , education services are doing their best in unusual times to ensure the best possible education for our kids , as they always do .
The key now is what happens next .
We can ’ t rush schools back – and we should , in my view , be focusing on transition and exam-age children ( Years 6 , 10 and 12 ) when we do .
My own sister is a reception teacher , and from talking to her and friends who are teachers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on getting the very youngest children back in is an odd call .
Getting five years old to socially distance will be almost impossible , whilst those with big exams in the next year or two surely should be our main priority .
There is a lot to think across children ’ s services for councils .
Whilst the focus of the crisis for local authorities has centred around community response , public health and social care , these critical statutory services have had to respond in ways unimaginable just three months ago @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our parents , carers , teachers , foster carers , social workers and other local authority staff for their work in these bizarre times .
You are going above and beyond to keep our most vulnerable safe .
Thank you .

My first piece in this series on the local government response to Covid-19 set out some of the challenges we are facing in adult social care. One of the key areas that has not attracted as much attention has been children’s services, and how we safeguard children and young people at times of crisis. Whilst children are statistically less at risk from the virus, the social and economic changes generated by Covid-19 means child protection has never been more important. Like social care – arguably more so – it’s not a service many people think about as it isn’t visible like bins or potholes, but for me we have no more crucial responsibility as a council.
In many ways, this is a difficult issue for me to write about with authority. Just a few months after Labour took control of the council in 2018, we were inspected by Ofsted. They found that our looked after children’s services were inadequate. This was something of a fall from grace for Trafford following a ‘Good’ rating with some areas outstanding in our previous inspection of 2015.
It was obvious to us that cutting millions from these services would cause such damage. We told the Tories they were wrong to cut over £17m from the Children, Families and Wellbeing Budget in the 2015/16 proposals – proposals they approved on the very day they got the Good rating from Ofsted. Trafford Labour has looked to repair the damage where we can – increasing staffing numbers; reducing social worker caseloads significantly; bringing our youth service back in-house; creating a new youth outreach team; and ploughing £6m a year into reinstating a robust early help offer. This last point is critical: early help is the ultimate invest-to-save service, yet preventative services have been sacrificed in many areas on the altar of austerity.
Covid-19 has necessarily impacted on our improvement journey in Trafford. New ways of working have been required to safeguard vulnerable children, and our social workers have been magnificent in the lengths they have gone to in order to check on the welfare of those we know need additional help and support.
One of the big challenges that the team has faced has been the closure of schools, and what this has meant for the attendance of vulnerable children. Whilst government guidance states that in addition to the children of critical workers, provision should be available for vulnerable children, in reality the number of children categorised as vulnerable (children known to social services, looked after children, as well as children with EHC plans) attending school has been low. In many ways, this is understandable: parents and carers are nervous in the current climate. But it does mean that the principle route by which these children in need of support come into contact with the public sector – in schools – is taken away, thus eliminating the daily oversight we usually have over their welfare.
It’s important to remember that for many children categorised as vulnerable, home life is incredibly challenging. Some live in homes where drug and alcohol addiction is an issue, others may have been the victim of – or witnessed – domestic violence. These are just some examples but underline why, with so many of this cohort not currently attending school, our social work team has had to mobilise at pace. Our officers have been carrying out visits to all children not presenting at school who are known to social services for safeguarding reasons, and have been working with partners including police and health to ensure we have robust oversight of their welfare.
This has been a herculean effort in an already challenging time: the nature of visits has had to change due to Covid-19, whilst staffing numbers have been depleted for the same reason. That said, our teams have been fantastic, working hard to assure themselves that our most vulnerable young people are safe. Audits are showing that 100% of children who should be visited have been, whilst the team is now focusing on how we make the visits even more meaningful despite the new ways of working. The passion that our teams have for the children they work with is amazing.
Of course, the major concerns over lockdown have not just been a rise in domestic violence, mental health issues and addiction problems in families we already know about. There is also a real worry that such a drastic change in everyday life will push many more people into crisis – be it mental, physical, financial or otherwise. Some families not on our radar may well be struggling with children who we would now consider vulnerable as a result. Another knock-on effect of the lockdown that has safeguarding ramifications therefore cannot be forgotten: the reduction in referrals from our partners.
With children not known to social services out of school, and with fewer people accessing health and other holistic services due to the fear of contracting the virus, those agencies from which we normally receive the most new referrals (schools and health) are seeing fewer children directly. We’ve had to work closely with both of these partners and with the police to see how we can increase our oversight, and it’s been pleasing to see that the number of referrals – particularly from health colleagues – has started to pick up again and our social workers can take action if needed.
The work done to give ourselves the assurance that children known to our services are safe has been brilliant. The way the team has adapted to new ways of working is testament to their commitment. But it’s not just social workers who have been delivering critical services in different ways at present. Our education team and the schools they support have gone above and beyond. In addition to catering for the children of critical workers and those vulnerable children attending school, they have had to coordinate an incredibly varied response in a range of other areas.
And what has that response looked like? The team has worked with schools to ensure unprecedented provision to provide childcare on bank holidays and over the Easter break, with more than 20 Trafford schools open on Friday’s VE Day bank holiday. They’ve worked with heads to ensure that free school meal vouchers are distributed to qualifying families, underlining the fact that schools do so much more than just teach. On the frontline, I’ve heard stories of teachers ringing every child in their class to see how they are, and creating engaging online resources so children are able to continue their learning.
At every level, education services are doing their best in unusual times to ensure the best possible education for our kids, as they always do. The key now is what happens next. We can’t rush schools back – and we should, in my view, be focusing on transition and exam-age children (Years 6, 10 and 12) when we do. My own sister is a reception teacher, and from talking to her and friends who are teachers it’s clear the government focus on getting the very youngest children back in is an odd call. Getting five years old to socially distance will be almost impossible, whilst those with big exams in the next year or two surely should be our main priority.
There is a lot to think across children’s services for councils. Whilst the focus of the crisis for local authorities has centred around community response, public health and social care, these critical statutory services have had to respond in ways unimaginable just three months ago. I want to thank all of our parents, carers, teachers, foster carers, social workers and other local authority staff for their work in these bizarre times. You are going above and beyond to keep our most vulnerable safe. Thank you.


labourlist--2020-05-12--Returning to work? Section 44 explained

Returning to work? Section 44 explained

There ’ s been a lot of talk about ‘ Section 44 ’ since Boris Johnson announced plans to ease coronavirus lockdown measures at the weekend and advised some people to return to work .
But what does Section 44 actually do , and what does it mean for you if you ’ re returning to work tomorrow ?
Section 44 is a section of the Employment Rights Act 1996 , a key piece of legislation covering the rights of every employee .
It can offer you protection if you refuse to work when you have a reasonable belief there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ to your health and safety or that of others around you .
I stress here the ‘ can ’ – it depends on the specific situation .
The TUC ’ s coronavirus advice to unions cites Section 44 , and many employees have already used it in the coronavirus context .
So who exactly does it protect , and how can it be used ?
You have the right to safety at work .
You have always had the right to work in a setting where all possible steps to avoid risk @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deemed as a serious risk to your health have been met .
This right continues to apply during Covid-19 .
While we are yet to see comprehensive advice from the government on recommended safety precautions for coronavirus , there are existing laws and guidance that already protect workers .
Under the Health and Safety at Work Regulations Act 1974 , it is a legal requirement for bosses to carry out a workplace risk assessment and for them to be written down .
Recent government guidance goes into greater detail on what may be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of transmitting Covid-19 .
These include social distancing measures such as 2-metre spacing , or personal protective equipment depending on the type of work .
The Health and Safety Executive has confirmed that its remit covers public health guidelines and it will enforce them .
The Prime Minister has also said that the HSE will be undertaking spot checks to ensure workplaces are complying with their obligations .
Actions the HSE can take against employers include closing workplaces and prosecuting bosses .
Only a foolhardy boss would ignore a more inquisitive and active @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government ’ s guidance isn ’ t yet finalised , it is likely that any of the following are strongly suggestive of breaches of your rights under health and safety rules : • Failure to provide the necessary and appropriate personal protective equipment ; • Failure to allow extremely vulnerable workers in the ‘ shielded ’ category to observe NHS advice .
If , after voicing concern , a serious or imminent danger persists , you and your colleagues are protected by law if you leave ( or – if you wish – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ advice from your union or a lawyer first is always recommended – they can advise on whether your concerns are likely to meet what is considered ‘ serious or imminent ’ .
Refusing to work could mean staying at home , walking off the job or refusing to carry out specific work duties .
The precise law , which it may be helpful to quote to your employer , says : The law covers all ‘ employees ’ but it does not include all workers or self-employed contractors .
However , do be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to avoid their obligations , so don ’ t just take their description of you without questioning .
You can use the government ’ s checker as a blunt tool , but there is no substitute for proper union ( or legal ) advice .
In addition to exercising your rights in line with the law , trade union representatives and officers can report concerns of breaches to the HSE via [ email protected ] .
The law judges the appropriateness of any walk-out or proposed walk-out based on Section 44 on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that were available to you at the time .
You do not need to exhaust all avenues to work out if something is genuinely a serious and imminent danger .
If you are worried , it is important to contact your health and safety representative or a relevant trade union officer .
They are likely to have knowledge of the law as it applies to your specific type and place of work .
They can advise on practical next steps , access legal opinions where necessary and make the demand for safe working @ @ @ @ @ @ @ off you as an individual .
Make sure you communicate any actions , and your reasons , clearly to your employer and make a careful written , dated record of what happened – you may need it later .
You are legally protected from dismissal .
You have the right not to be victimised as a result of refusing to work in danger .
The law protects you from unfair detriment , meaning your boss can not legally dismiss , discipline or dock your pay if you are : • Leaving , or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work in circumstances of serious and imminent danger ; • Taking steps to protect yourself or others ; • Carrying out your functions as a trade union representative .
If , after raising concerns and seeking advice , the danger persists , and you decide to take action – you will have the backing of the law .
Section 100 of the same Act states : This allows you to ultimately bring a claim in an employment tribunal for compensation ( under s.48 and s.49 ) , which the courts determine include both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ you suffer , such as lost commission or docked pay , and ( b ) an amount to reflect any injury to feelings that you suffer .
You are not alone .
If you are considering refusal of work , know that you are not alone .
There is a precedent for taking this type of action .
Many employees all over the UK are asserting their rights in the same way during this crisis , and your union will have your back .
Library , postal and refuse workers have all already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ concerns , citing Section 44 .
There is strength and safety in numbers : most of those who have taken action have done so with the advice and support of their union .
You need to show you have ‘ reasonable belief of serious or imminent danger ’ , and your union will be able to advise on the veracity of that claim in your specific situation .
And if you haven ’ t joined a union yet , this crisis has shown why there is no better time to do so .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ no return to work until it ’ s safe ” , with union workplace reps on May 14th .
You can register here .

There’s been a lot of talk about ‘Section 44’ since Boris Johnson announced plans to ease coronavirus lockdown measures at the weekend and advised some people to return to work. But what does Section 44 actually do, and what does it mean for you if you’re returning to work tomorrow?
Section 44 is a section of the Employment Rights Act 1996, a key piece of legislation covering the rights of every employee. It can offer you protection if you refuse to work when you have a reasonable belief there is a ‘serious or imminent danger’ to your health and safety or that of others around you. I stress here the ‘can’ – it depends on the specific situation.
The TUC’s coronavirus advice to unions cites Section 44, and many employees have already used it in the coronavirus context. So who exactly does it protect, and how can it be used?
You have the right to safety at work.
You have always had the right to work in a setting where all possible steps to avoid risk of exposure to what can be reasonably deemed as a serious risk to your health have been met. This right continues to apply during Covid-19.
While we are yet to see comprehensive advice from the government on recommended safety precautions for coronavirus, there are existing laws and guidance that already protect workers.
Under the Health and Safety at Work Regulations Act 1974, it is a legal requirement for bosses to carry out a workplace risk assessment and for them to be written down.
Recent government guidance goes into greater detail on what may be required to protect employees from the risk of transmitting Covid-19. These include social distancing measures such as 2-metre spacing, or personal protective equipment depending on the type of work.
The Health and Safety Executive has confirmed that its remit covers public health guidelines and it will enforce them. The Prime Minister has also said that the HSE will be undertaking spot checks to ensure workplaces are complying with their obligations. Actions the HSE can take against employers include closing workplaces and prosecuting bosses. Only a foolhardy boss would ignore a more inquisitive and active regulator in this context.
While the government’s guidance isn’t yet finalised, it is likely that any of the following are strongly suggestive of breaches of your rights under health and safety rules:
Failure to introduce specified social distancing measures;
Failure to provide the necessary and appropriate personal protective equipment;
Failure to allow extremely vulnerable workers in the ‘shielded’ category to observe NHS advice.
If, after voicing concern, a serious or imminent danger persists, you and your colleagues are protected by law if you leave (or – if you wish – propose to leave) work. Getting advice from your union or a lawyer first is always recommended – they can advise on whether your concerns are likely to meet what is considered ‘serious or imminent’. Refusing to work could mean staying at home, walking off the job or refusing to carry out specific work duties.
The precise law, which it may be helpful to quote to your employer, says:
Section 44.1 (d) in circumstances of danger which the employee reasonably believed to be serious and imminent and which he could not reasonably have been expected to avert, he left (or proposed to leave) or (while the danger persisted) refused to return to his place of work or any dangerous part of his place of work, or (e) in circumstances of danger which the employee reasonably believed to be serious and imminent, he took (or proposed to take) appropriate steps to protect himself or other persons from the danger.
The law covers all ‘employees’ but it does not include all workers or self-employed contractors. However, do be wary that unscrupulous employers frequently miscategorise staff to avoid their obligations, so don’t just take their description of you without questioning. You can use the government’s checker as a blunt tool, but there is no substitute for proper union (or legal) advice.
In addition to exercising your rights in line with the law, trade union representatives and officers can report concerns of breaches to the HSE via [email protected].
Seek advice.
The law judges the appropriateness of any walk-out or proposed walk-out based on Section 44 on the ‘knowledge, facilities and advice’ that were available to you at the time. You do not need to exhaust all avenues to work out if something is genuinely a serious and imminent danger.
If you are worried, it is important to contact your health and safety representative or a relevant trade union officer. They are likely to have knowledge of the law as it applies to your specific type and place of work. They can advise on practical next steps, access legal opinions where necessary and make the demand for safe working a collective one – taking the onus off you as an individual.
Make sure you communicate any actions, and your reasons, clearly to your employer and make a careful written, dated record of what happened – you may need it later.
You are legally protected from dismissal.
You have the right not to be victimised as a result of refusing to work in danger. The law protects you from unfair detriment, meaning your boss cannot legally dismiss, discipline or dock your pay if you are:
Raising health and safety concerns;
Leaving, or refusing to leave, a place of work in circumstances of serious and imminent danger;
Taking steps to protect yourself or others;
Carrying out your functions as a trade union representative.
If, after raising concerns and seeking advice, the danger persists, and you decide to take action – you will have the backing of the law. Section 100 of the same Act states:
(1) An employee has the right not to be subjected to any detriment by any act, or any deliberate failure to act, by his employer done on the ground that — (d) in circumstances of danger which the employee reasonably believed to be serious and imminent and which he could not reasonably have been expected to avert, he left (or proposed to leave) or (while the danger persisted) refused to return to his place of work or any dangerous part of his place of work
This allows you to ultimately bring a claim in an employment tribunal for compensation (under s.48 and s.49), which the courts determine include both (a) any of the losses you suffer, such as lost commission or docked pay, and (b) an amount to reflect any injury to feelings that you suffer.
You are not alone.
If you are considering refusal of work, know that you are not alone. There is a precedent for taking this type of action. Many employees all over the UK are asserting their rights in the same way during this crisis, and your union will have your back. Library, postal and refuse workers have all already walked off the job over coronavirus exposure concerns, citing Section 44.
There is strength and safety in numbers: most of those who have taken action have done so with the advice and support of their union. You need to show you have ‘reasonable belief of serious or imminent danger’, and your union will be able to advise on the veracity of that claim in your specific situation. And if you haven’t joined a union yet, this crisis has shown why there is no better time to do so.
The TUC is running a webinar, “no return to work until it’s safe”, with union workplace reps on May 14th. You can register here.


labourlist--2020-05-12--We must rebuild a fairer economy – and plug the many holes in our tax rules

Coronavirus has hit many companies very hard , despite unprecedented financial support and loans to tide them through the peak of the crisis .
Thousands of businesses face an existential threat – British Airways announced thousands of potential job losses following the collapse in global travel , while small firms have inundated banks with requests for new government-backed loans .
One high street bank reported receiving 200 applications in just the first few minutes of the scheme going live , and another received 2,000 in the first two hours .
And it is quite right that the state should step @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of goods and services , and for our economy to recover after this crisis we will need them to be able to reopen their doors .
But that ’ s not where the story finishes .
Just as the state should be there to support the private sector when needed , the private sector owes it to taxpayers to play its part .
We should learn our lesson from the last financial crash .
When banks received bailouts after the financial crisis , it saved our banking sector – but when those banks @ @ @ @ @ @ @ proper regard for the communities they serve , the public was understandably angry .
We have been left with a banking system lacking in competition , absent from many high streets , slow to lend to small business and excluding entirely the 1.7 million who don ’ t have access to even the most basic financial products .
Meanwhile , public stakes were sold off for bargain basement prices .
Four years after the queues of customers withdrawing their savings from Northern Rock in 2007 , the bank was sold to Virgin for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ injected into the bank in the first place .
This time , we have a responsibility to rebuild our economy better .
Among those asking for bailouts from the government are businesses for whom profit maximisation has long been a singular focus – to the detriment of the communities in which they operate .
Many businesses , thanks to complicated accounting practices or tax haven headquarters , haven ’ t contributed their fair share .
At the Co-operative Party , we have long been concerned with paying a fair share of tax .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ be accredited with the Fair Tax Mark , and support their work to campaign for fairer , more transparent taxation .
We need a fit for purpose tax system to pay for the public services we rely on .
The need for well-funded public services , from the NHS to social care , has never been clearer .
We are also clear on the importance of protecting jobs .
Ideological purity should not come before people ’ s livelihoods , and employees shouldn ’ t be punished for the actions of their employers @ @ @ @ @ @ @ businesses in receipt of state support should be expected to change their ways and become better corporate citizens .
When so many businesses are able to thrive while paying their fair share , it shouldn ’ t be too great a hurdle for all companies to do the same in the future .
We think that companies should be required to publish a binding tax policy that explicitly shuns tax avoidance and the artificial use of tax havens , as well as committing them to the declaration of profits in the place where @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shifting .
To make this meaningful , it should be subject to an annual compliance audit and there should be a designated board director responsible .
We also believe that companies should embrace greater transparency .
This means making the consolidated annual profit and loss report of the parent company public together with details of association corporation tax payments , beyond a “ total tax ” accounting charge .
This should be accompanied by a tax reconciliation note , to give the company the opportunity to set out when and why there are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ might expect them to pay .
This should all be disclosed on a country-by-country basis so anyone can see where profits are made and where taxes are paid .
And we think it ’ s only right that businesses are upfront about who owns them .
Anonymously-owned companies are one of the key tools used by money launderers and tax evaders to hide elicit gains – so clarity on the ultimate beneficial owners , as well as those with significant control , allows HMRC and law enforcement to make sure everyone pays their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t about punishing individual companies – they should be about plugging the many holes in our tax rules .
We need to build a fairer economy after coronavirus , and to do so we need a fairer taxation framework to match .
These conditions should apply to all businesses and should form the basis of a new system where everyone pays their share .

Coronavirus has hit many companies very hard, despite unprecedented financial support and loans to tide them through the peak of the crisis. Thousands of businesses face an existential threat – British Airways announced thousands of potential job losses following the collapse in global travel, while small firms have inundated banks with requests for new government-backed loans. One high street bank reported receiving 200 applications in just the first few minutes of the scheme going live, and another received 2,000 in the first two hours.
And it is quite right that the state should step up. Businesses are employers and providers of goods and services, and for our economy to recover after this crisis we will need them to be able to reopen their doors. But that’s not where the story finishes. Just as the state should be there to support the private sector when needed, the private sector owes it to taxpayers to play its part.
We should learn our lesson from the last financial crash. When banks received bailouts after the financial crisis, it saved our banking sector – but when those banks continued to pay large bonuses or lacked proper regard for the communities they serve, the public was understandably angry. We have been left with a banking system lacking in competition, absent from many high streets, slow to lend to small business and excluding entirely the 1.7 million who don’t have access to even the most basic financial products. Meanwhile, public stakes were sold off for bargain basement prices. Four years after the queues of customers withdrawing their savings from Northern Rock in 2007, the bank was sold to Virgin for just half the amount the UK taxpayer injected into the bank in the first place.
This time, we have a responsibility to rebuild our economy better. Among those asking for bailouts from the government are businesses for whom profit maximisation has long been a singular focus – to the detriment of the communities in which they operate. Many businesses, thanks to complicated accounting practices or tax haven headquarters, haven’t contributed their fair share.
At the Co-operative Party, we have long been concerned with paying a fair share of tax. We are the only political party to be accredited with the Fair Tax Mark, and support their work to campaign for fairer, more transparent taxation. We need a fit for purpose tax system to pay for the public services we rely on. The need for well-funded public services, from the NHS to social care, has never been clearer.
We are also clear on the importance of protecting jobs. Ideological purity should not come before people’s livelihoods, and employees shouldn’t be punished for the actions of their employers. But it is reasonable that those businesses in receipt of state support should be expected to change their ways and become better corporate citizens. When so many businesses are able to thrive while paying their fair share, it shouldn’t be too great a hurdle for all companies to do the same in the future.
We think that companies should be required to publish a binding tax policy that explicitly shuns tax avoidance and the artificial use of tax havens, as well as committing them to the declaration of profits in the place where their economic substance arrives – preventing profit shifting. To make this meaningful, it should be subject to an annual compliance audit and there should be a designated board director responsible.
We also believe that companies should embrace greater transparency. This means making the consolidated annual profit and loss report of the parent company public together with details of association corporation tax payments, beyond a “total tax” accounting charge. This should be accompanied by a tax reconciliation note, to give the company the opportunity to set out when and why there are any deviations from the headline rates you might expect them to pay. This should all be disclosed on a country-by-country basis so anyone can see where profits are made and where taxes are paid.
And we think it’s only right that businesses are upfront about who owns them. Anonymously-owned companies are one of the key tools used by money launderers and tax evaders to hide elicit gains – so clarity on the ultimate beneficial owners, as well as those with significant control, allows HMRC and law enforcement to make sure everyone pays their fair share.
These conditions aren’t about punishing individual companies – they should be about plugging the many holes in our tax rules. We need to build a fairer economy after coronavirus, and to do so we need a fairer taxation framework to match. These conditions should apply to all businesses and should form the basis of a new system where everyone pays their share.


labourlist--2020-05-12--Is Keir Starmer a winner? May 2021 elections will give us a clue

Were it not for Covid-19 , Keir Starmer would have faced voters a little over a month after becoming Labour leader .
When the leadership contest began in January , May 7th was pencilled into the diaries of candidates as the day of elections for police and crime commissioners across England and Wales , 118 English local authorities , the London Assembly , and directly-elected mayors .
It would have been the new leader ’ s first big test with the public .
And on becoming Labour leader , the inheritance from his predecessor would have left Starmer a mountain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to reach the summit .
It would have provided Boris Johnson with a much more favourable run at the first poll of voters in the post-Brexit parliament .
The postponement of the 2020 local elections has afforded Starmer a year in which to begin the process of detoxifying the ‘ Labour brand ’ and winning back the trust of lost swing voters .
The luxury of time ups the ante for Labour , however , as political parties across the UK will now face an unprecedented series of elections just over a year @ @ @ @ @ @ @ need to show progress if Starmer is to demonstrate a credible pathway to government under his leadership .
One year out , this is the start of a short series for LabourList on Starmer ’ s first major test with the electorate ( barring any unforeseen parliamentary by-elections ) .
I will identify the key battlegrounds , examine what past elections held one year into a new parliament show us , and what Labour needs to do in order to show progress with the electorate .
It starts here , with an overview @ @ @ @ @ @ @ take place .
Given the catalogue of failings on the part of the Johnson government during the Covid-19 crisis , the political reality is that the first phase of opposition in this parliament should focus on turning these elections into the equivalent of US midterms for the Prime Minister .
For Labour , this comes at a risk .
But to win again , Labour must be bold .
The elections in May 2021 are a big deal , across all nations , both in the number and the nature of the votes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elect the Welsh parliament .
It will be the first time that 16- and 17 year-olds will vote to elect the Welsh government .
60 seats are up for grabs in a chamber that has consistently seen Labour return the highest number of members at every election since devolution in 1999 .
However , a YouGov poll in April reported a lead for the Tories that , if repeated on election day , would secure a majority of seats for the Conservatives for the first time in Wales , overtaking Labour .
While @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Wales at the general election in December , the Tories made six gains – all at Labour ’ s expense .
Voters in Scotland will elect 129 members of the Scottish parliament , five years after the Conservatives overtook Labour to take second place in Holyrood .
With the gains of 2017 wiped out in last year ’ s general election , Labour finds itself once again with a single MP in Scotland .
After ten years in opposition at UK level , however it is explained , Labour has had no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Scotland .
That can not continue if Labour is to be a party of government once again , with modelling showing that Labour must occupy at least 15 seats in Scotland if it is to hold a majority in the UK parliament .
This is not the test next year , but Labour needs to change in the eyes of voters in Scotland – just as it does in Wales and England , if it is to have a chance of being in power again .
In England , there are local @ @ @ @ @ @ @ county level .
Police and crime commissioners are up for election – as they are in Wales as well .
Voters will also go to the polls for the London Assembly .
But there are three parts of the picture in England that are going to become the political focus .
First , Sadiq Khan should comfortably return as mayor of London .
Second , there are two particularly promising ‘ metro mayor ’ battlegrounds for Labour : Tees Valley and the West Midlands .
Both are currently held by Tory incumbents , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s sights – not least in the West Midlands , where the party was defeated by a margin of just 1 % in 2017 .
Third , the ‘ national equivalent ’ share of the vote .
Local elections provide performance measures in the form of votes , seats and councils won .
But as local elections are not held everywhere , these numbers are a simplistic interpretation of the nation ’ s political mood .
Academic experts Michael Thrasher and Colin Rallings model the votes cast at ward level – an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ elections and some not .
They use this to project the outcome for a general election , in which every voter in every ward would have cast a ballot .
This figure , which will be published the day after polling day , will inform an important part of the narrative framework heading into the second phase of this parliament .
For the leader of the opposition , it will inform the answer to the question : ‘ Is this person a winner ?
’

Were it not for Covid-19, Keir Starmer would have faced voters a little over a month after becoming Labour leader. When the leadership contest began in January, May 7th was pencilled into the diaries of candidates as the day of elections for police and crime commissioners across England and Wales, 118 English local authorities, the London Assembly, and directly-elected mayors.
It would have been the new leader’s first big test with the public. And on becoming Labour leader, the inheritance from his predecessor would have left Starmer a mountain to climb with no time in which to reach the summit. It would have provided Boris Johnson with a much more favourable run at the first poll of voters in the post-Brexit parliament.
The postponement of the 2020 local elections has afforded Starmer a year in which to begin the process of detoxifying the ‘Labour brand’ and winning back the trust of lost swing voters. The luxury of time ups the ante for Labour, however, as political parties across the UK will now face an unprecedented series of elections just over a year into the new parliament. Labour will need to show progress if Starmer is to demonstrate a credible pathway to government under his leadership.
One year out, this is the start of a short series for LabourList on Starmer’s first major test with the electorate (barring any unforeseen parliamentary by-elections). I will identify the key battlegrounds, examine what past elections held one year into a new parliament show us, and what Labour needs to do in order to show progress with the electorate. It starts here, with an overview of the political battlegrounds where elections will take place.
Given the catalogue of failings on the part of the Johnson government during the Covid-19 crisis, the political reality is that the first phase of opposition in this parliament should focus on turning these elections into the equivalent of US midterms for the Prime Minister. For Labour, this comes at a risk. But to win again, Labour must be bold. The elections in May 2021 are a big deal, across all nations, both in the number and the nature of the votes being held.
Wales
Voters in Wales will elect the Welsh parliament. It will be the first time that 16- and 17 year-olds will vote to elect the Welsh government. 60 seats are up for grabs in a chamber that has consistently seen Labour return the highest number of members at every election since devolution in 1999.
However, a YouGov poll in April reported a lead for the Tories that, if repeated on election day, would secure a majority of seats for the Conservatives for the first time in Wales, overtaking Labour. While the Labour Party retained 22 parliamentary seats in Wales at the general election in December, the Tories made six gains – all at Labour’s expense.
Scotland
Voters in Scotland will elect 129 members of the Scottish parliament, five years after the Conservatives overtook Labour to take second place in Holyrood. With the gains of 2017 wiped out in last year’s general election, Labour finds itself once again with a single MP in Scotland.
After ten years in opposition at UK level, however it is explained, Labour has had no credible political strategy for reversing its woes in Scotland. That cannot continue if Labour is to be a party of government once again, with modelling showing that Labour must occupy at least 15 seats in Scotland if it is to hold a majority in the UK parliament. This is not the test next year, but Labour needs to change in the eyes of voters in Scotland – just as it does in Wales and England, if it is to have a chance of being in power again.
England
In England, there are local authority elections at district, metropolitan and county level. Police and crime commissioners are up for election – as they are in Wales as well. Voters will also go to the polls for the London Assembly. But there are three parts of the picture in England that are going to become the political focus.
First, Sadiq Khan should comfortably return as mayor of London. Second, there are two particularly promising ‘metro mayor’ battlegrounds for Labour: Tees Valley and the West Midlands. Both are currently held by Tory incumbents, but both should be high in Labour’s sights – not least in the West Midlands, where the party was defeated by a margin of just 1% in 2017.
Third, the ‘national equivalent’ share of the vote. Local elections provide performance measures in the form of votes, seats and councils won. But as local elections are not held everywhere, these numbers are a simplistic interpretation of the nation’s political mood.
Academic experts Michael Thrasher and Colin Rallings model the votes cast at ward level – an uneven picture, with some wards having elections and some not. They use this to project the outcome for a general election, in which every voter in every ward would have cast a ballot. This figure, which will be published the day after polling day, will inform an important part of the narrative framework heading into the second phase of this parliament. For the leader of the opposition, it will inform the answer to the question: ‘Is this person a winner?’