labourlist--2020-02-14--A “worked-out path to power” – Rebecca Long-Bailey’s full speech

Below is the full text of Rebecca Long-Bailey ’ s speech on Labour ’ s path to power delivered at a campaign event in Salford this morning .
Welcome to the people ’ s republic of Salford and the fabulous Lowry theatre .
I ’ m so pleased you ’ ve joined me here on my home turf .
This building we ’ re in , here in the redeveloped Salford docks , is named after one of this region ’ s great artists , L.S .
Lowry .
He was born down the road in Stretford and later lived @ @ @ @ @ @ @ great change 130 years ago .
Lowry dedicated himself to painting Salford ’ s industrial life .
He was absorbed by it ; proud of our city and what we produced .
And we should be proud of our history too .
Working people – those born here and those , like my parents , who came here – built this country .
We struggled , worked hard often in difficult circumstances to make better lives for ourselves , our families , and our communities .
This struggle to realise our hopes and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were setbacks .
Obstacles were placed in the way .
Take Peterloo , the massacre that took place in what ’ s now St Peter ’ s Square just down the road in central Manchester .
There , in 1819 , we stood in our tens of thousands , working people from all around Lancashire , demanding the vote – a peaceful , democratic revolution – and were met by violence and death .
Later here in Salford in 1931 , amidst the great depression , almost one third of the adult population @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grim .
People marched to the town Hall in Bexley Square , protesting against the removal of the winter coal allowance and cuts to unemployment benefits .
They demanded a better life and they were met with fierce violence .
Despite the brutality and the oppression , we didn ’ t stop aspiring for a better life for ourselves and our communities .
We knew then , and it remains true now , that those who exercise power cede nothing without a fight .
In December the march to advance working people suffered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the results come in across the Red Wall .
I was angry .
But at that most terrible moment , I knew we would come back .
We ’ ve mourned .
We got angry .
We ’ ve bargained .
We ’ ve gone through all the stages of grief these past two months .
And now it ’ s time to look to the future .
I ’ ve learned so much from Jeremy , John and Diane .
They helped our party and our movement rediscover its heart and soul @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I thank them for their huge efforts .
History will be much kinder to them than today ’ s media consensus and we mustn ’ t retreat from that politics .
But they have done their bit and it is time for a new generation to take us forward .
And I , for one , am ready to take up the mantle of socialist leadership .
It ’ s time to set our sights on a new horizon and plot our path to power .
To do that , we must learn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ know our enemy and understand the challenges ahead .
I ’ ve already spoken about why we lost the election : an incoherent message , a breakdown in trust with voters in our heartlands because we were more interested in winning games in parliament than listening to them , and not being robust enough when we were attacked .
We should have been better .
But we must know our enemy too .
We ’ ll lose again if we fight yesterday ’ s battles on today ’ s terrain .
The next @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But Boris Johnson and his advisors still want to convince voters that they are not traditional Tories , with Johnson acting the part of anti-politician .
And they will claim Labour is part of a failed establishment .
The very idea might seem like a bad joke .
Boris Johnson , a millionaire Prime Minister , whose persona was crafted on the playing fields of Eton and in the debauchery of the Bullingdon Club , and whose party is literally funded by billionaires , pretending to be on the side of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it impossible for our party , forged one hundred years ago in our industrial communities through struggle against a vicious ruling class , to be seen as just another part of the establishment .
But that is how politics was represented in the last election .
In this leadership election , our party needs to exercise the greatest care in who we choose to lead us .
Because the British Establishment wants to put us into a box .
A box that separates us from the people our party was built to represent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in that box and won ’ t allow our party to be either .
Yes , we have to be credible to regain trust with voters but I ’ m not interested in the definition of credibility used by the media and chattering classes .
The only credibility I ’ m interested in winning is that of the people .
I want to show you that I am the person best able to lead our party .
I know who I am and no one can represent me as a product of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years round here .
It ’ s a wonderful place with incredible working class institutions that we built for ourselves .
We had pride and a strong sense of community – but you didn ’ t dream of becoming an MP , let alone prime minister .
But it ’ s precisely that background which I believe qualifies me to lead our party .
When I grew up , the future looked bleak .
Job losses .
Shops closing .
High streets run down .
So people like me tried to escape the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tried to educate ourselves , to give ourselves choices .
But I ’ ve felt what it ’ s like to have obstacles placed in the way of your hopes and aspirations – and those of your community .
I know what it ’ s like to be told you will never get there , that you don ’ t have the right background or the right CV .
We all think that if we work hard and play by the rules we should expect to have a comfortable life .
But that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people : anxiety about the future is growing faster than the hope that each generation will do better than the last .
We ’ re blocked off from aspiration , all the while we ’ ve been told that we live in a meritocracy .
We ’ ve all heard the mantras .
Work hard and you ’ ll get on .
But it ’ s just not true .
I worked hard and I ’ ve done well .
But it was sheer luck .
People no less clever and no less @ @ @ @ @ @ @ lives .
If we lived in a world where how hard you worked or how clever you are translated into success , we wouldn ’ t be on our 20th prime minister who went to the same school .
No child from my schools ever went on to become Prime Minister .
But I am going to change that .
And when I get to Downing Street , I will never forget who I am , what made me , and that I am there to help deliver the hopes , dreams , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grew up like me .
Because I know that for too many people , pay is too low , work is too insecure , bills are too high , housing is too expensive , too few jobs are rewarding and many feel they won ’ t get the ones that are if they don ’ t go to university and take on massive debts .
Living standards aren ’ t going up year on year and the next generation isn ’ t set to have a better life than the last .
Our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ children is being stifled .
And it ’ s being stifled at exactly the time when we need to think and act big to face down the crises that confront our people .
Big polluters are heating our planet to dangerous levels ; a very small group of the very wealthiest people , helped by the politicians in their pockets , have hijacked our democracy for their own ends , and the result is a slow and unproductive economy which can ’ t be rescued by new technology alone .
This is no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ climate strikers out today are not being timid .
But though people have a deep desire for serious political and economic change , they don ’ t see how it can be achieved .
That ’ s part of why we lost the election : we couldn ’ t marry our ambitious programme with voters ’ fundamental lack of trust .
But retreating from popular policies that provide answers to the crises facing our country is no route to victory .
Shrinking from our ambitions to better our children ’ s lives won @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Triangulation hasn ’ t worked for social democratic parties across Europe and it won ’ t work here .
To give people hope that change is possible , we have to forge a path to power .
Not just for the Labour Party , but for the people of this country .
In his introduction to the 1997 manifesto , Tony Blair wrote that our party was the “ political arm of the British people ” .
That is what we must become .
I believe I can chart the course to get @ @ @ @ @ @ @ great respect and admiration for the other candidates .
I know we ’ ll all play a massive role in the next chapter of our party ’ s history .
Emily is experienced and assured but I haven ’ t heard her plan to win the next election .
Lisa has laid out a solid analysis of why we lost – and I agree with much of it – but I ’ ve not heard from her yet what the answer is .
Keir is rigorous and detailed at the dispatch box .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ votes in parliament last year .
But we didn ’ t win the election – and that was partly to do with Brexit and partly because too many voters thought we looked like just another bunch of politicians in Westminster .
It ’ s not my style to blow my own trumpet , but after six weeks of this campaign , I think I ’ m the only candidate that has a worked-out path to power .
It has four key elements .
The first step is to empower our movement .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of politicians in Westminster , alternating power with the Tories .
Our party was born out of a movement in communities like mine and many of those we lost in the election .
To win again , we need to look and sound like it .
And it ’ s our members and our trade unions , on the front line in workplaces and communities , who will make that a reality .
That ’ s why under my leadership , Labour will back workers in every dispute and strike against unfair and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ launch a mass trade union membership drive , supporting hundreds of thousands of young activists who have been inspired by our party to become active trade unionists in their workplaces .
We will fight any Conservative threats to further restrict our trade unions and continue to fight for trade union freedoms and stronger employment rights that end insecurity and improve pay .
Labour ’ s members don ’ t just pay to keep it going ; they are our greatest organising asset .
But let ’ s face it : the pace of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ slow .
We need to trust and support them .
That means helping them organise : to raise up popular demands , in their workplaces and in their communities .
But if we ask our members to do more , then we need to give something back .
And you know what ’ s the least we can give ?
Open selections .
The chance for members to choose who represents their party , their efforts , on behalf of their community .
I ’ ve heard the line about wanting to deselect @ @ @ @ @ @ @ But this isn ’ t about that .
It ’ s about creating a party full of motivated , engaged members who can then sweep those Tory MPs away .
So I say this to my colleagues in parliament who might be worried about a more democratic party .
Let ’ s not be timid .
Let ’ s nurture our talent and bring people into every role in the party .
Let ’ s find our AOCs .
We have leaders in every community .
Let ’ s help them find their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , be that as an activist , an organiser , or even a candidate .
Imagine we could have a member right now , who ’ s part of an anti-fracking campaign , in a town like Blackpool , which now has two Tory MPs .
We could provide her with political education and encourage her to join a union .
At work , she ’ ll help get her co-workers involved in the union and build up trust with them by standing up to a bullying manager .
She ’ ll also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ revolution in her union branch and about the labour movement to her fellow climate activists .
Come the next election , she ’ ll have helped win her co-workers and anti-fracking communities over to Labour – strengthening both movements to help us force through decisive change once in government .
Remember , power cedes nothing without a fight .
But it ’ s not enough just to empower our movement , we also have to challenge the Tories ’ power bases too .
So we ’ ll support our members to organise to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bad bosses , the dodgy landlords and the tax dodgers , who all support Tory rule , giving them the organising tools to make a difference in their communities right now .
And my leadership will be far more robust with the media .
Journalists have a vital role to play in our society .
We should respect their work – and look to ways to free them from government or corporate influence .
But let ’ s be honest : large sections of the media represent vested interests .
Much of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it ’ s no surprise they support the Tories and monster Labour .
I ’ ll not only call that out , I have a plan to deal with it .
I will ridicule the most absurd smears and lies .
We won ’ t just rebut factual errors in stories , but provide a counter-narrative about deliberate media efforts to hold back aspirational socialism .
But a credible and effective communications strategy extends beyond just being more combative and self-confident .
It must also be more creative .
So I ’ ll @ @ @ @ @ @ @ unit in the party , producing viral content that can both get around media hostility and speak directly to voters .
If we can empower our movement and effectively communicate , then we can stir up a democratic revolution in our country .
And we need no less than a democratic revolution ; serious , lasting change won ’ t happen without it .
To win again , Labour must become a force capable of uniting the majority in our country to bring one about .
The people ’ s path to power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will always champion the idea that democracy takes power away from the offshore bank account and places it on the ballot paper .
But Westminster feels as distant to many people as Brussels .
We need a democratic revolution to break the hold of Westminster and the City over our politics , and show people that they can and will have the power to achieve what they want to achieve .
Six of the ten poorest regions in northern Europe are in the UK because for too long the fate of our regions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who only visit them for a photo op in a high vis jacket .
So power needs to be closer to people geographically , with meaningful new powers and funding devolved to local level to grow local economies , invest in communities and build council homes .
We spoke about the economy in the general election , but we didn ’ t have anything to say to people who ’ d lost trust with democracy .
And after the Iraq war , the expenses scandal and the austerity lie that we ’ re @ @ @ @ @ @ @ blame them ?
So to follow our path to power , we will champion a democratic revolution .
And just the first step would be scrapping the House of Lords and creating an elected Senate representing our regions and nations , to scrutinise how every law impacts inequality , the environment and our people ’ s wellbeing .
A democratic revolution can deliver a seismic shock to British politics , to prise it open at all levels to the people – their knowledge , their skills , and their demands .
That way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can happen , with power closer and more open to them , with big money and other corrupting interests forced out of politics .
But we also have to tell a credible story of how we will help people improve their lives .
And we have to recognise after a defeat like we ’ ve just suffered , we haven ’ t communicated effectively .
People are right to dream of a better life for themselves , their family , their community and their class .
That doesn ’ t mean that we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ladder alone .
It means we help everyone realise their hopes and dreams .
My socialism isn ’ t just a moral socialism – an outrage at the injustice done to others .
It ’ s the socialism of the majority , where everyone can live better lives together .
I believe building that majority for change is a socialism that wins .
So our path to power requires us to speak an everyday language to people simply going about their normal lives .
We have to understand that people want a better @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s aspiration – but we can only secure that together – that ’ s socialism .
As a party , we should be proud of people ’ s successes and hard work and speak to their hopes and dreams .
The language of aspirational socialism gives us something powerful to say to all of our heartlands , in all their diversity , from Blyth to Brixton , and beyond .
We can build that majority for change through common sense , collective solutions to mainstream Britain ’ s problems .
We can all @ @ @ @ @ @ @ down by bills , rent and debts , to the dad struggling to afford Christmas presents for the kids , to the small businesswoman fighting for funding for her firm , to the doctor or teacher worried about their patients and students suffering a decade of cuts .
So let ’ s stand together against this Conservative government and argue for the credible solutions that help us advance together : rent controls and more council homes , public ownership to lower bills , better wages and job security , investment for all our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ expanding public services , fully returned to the people ’ s hands where they belong .
So far , I ’ ve told you about different elements of our path to power : empowering our movement to strengthen our party , stirring up a democratic revolution to show how change is possible , and aspirational socialism to build a majority to demand and benefit from that change .
But we ’ re still missing an element that both concretely improves lives in our communities and offers a national project of renewal .
I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our noses .
Many of the challenges facing our country can be met together , turning crisis into opportunity through a green industrial revolution that tackles the climate crisis , delivers social justice and repowers our economy at the same time .
The green industrial revolution could have been for us what the NHS was to the 1945 Labour government , our huge , era defining project .
And it still can be .
In fact , it must .
Because our green industrial revolution can bring people together .
It unites young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ our planet ’ s survival , with workers in every community , from the largest cities , to our nations , towns and villages , who will see new green jobs and lower bills , and the whole country proud to be world leaders in combating the climate crisis .
I ’ m proud to say that I led the development of our green industrial revolution policies , working with energy experts , businesses , engineers , activists , trade unions and members of the community in town hall after town hall .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the green industrial revolution can unite and mobilise people .
But we have to tell a concrete , detailed story in every constituency of what this change could mean and how it ’ s the people in that community who will be driving and delivering that change .
The green industrial revolution will never take off if it ’ s something done to people rather than done with them .
Let ’ s take the example of Falmouth .
If you don ’ t know it , Falmouth is a lovely town on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s part of the Truro and Falmouth constituency that used to be a Tory-Lib Dem marginal but now we ’ re in a strong second place .
We targeted the seat in the general election , looking to take it off the Tories .
We were right to .
It ’ s not just towns in the Red Wall that have been held back and need aspirational socialism .
We need to win right across the country .
Our green industrial revolution would have transformed Falmouth ’ s fortunes – but we didn @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Alongside local businesses , the community and energy experts , we developed plans to expand Falmouth ’ s historic docks , which are a big part of the town ’ s identity .
We worked out how we ’ d use public investment to crowd in private capital to create marine technology jobs and floating offshore wind .
We should have given our activists in the town a detailed vision to sell on the doorstep .
The new , high skill , high tech jobs wouldn ’ t just benefit those working in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ be spent supporting local businesses , helping revive the high street .
The whole town could be renewed , and through the docks that help define its identity and give it pride and purpose .
That way , we could show in every community how our green industrial revolution will be the cornerstone of a new economy that sees your living standards rise each year again , powered by clean energy , high tech , private and public enterprise , a strong , democratic state and expanding , high quality and universal services @ @ @ @ @ @ @ credible , aspirational socialist project that we can build a majority for change around in constituencies all across the country .
To deliver our path to power , we need both details and big vision .
I do both .
I ’ m a details person .
I work hard .
I don ’ t slack off .
I suppose that ’ s the benefit of being a working class woman , always having to work twice as hard to show you ’ re just as good , in fact better , than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , I do think it ’ s time our party had a woman leader .
It also means I know our people .
I know what drives us forward .
Vision isn ’ t just about big picture thinking and intellect , it ’ s also about a feeling , having a sense for the hopes and dreams of our people .
That ’ s why I know I can win back areas we lost and new ones we failed to win .
But to develop a compelling vision , you also need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have that .
I ’ ve always known what my politics are .
I ’ m a socialist who ’ s aspirational for my family and my community .
I suppose that ’ s really why I ’ m standing to be leader .
Yes , I ’ ve got a path to power and I want Labour to follow it to win .
But I also want to give our movement confidence in our aspirational socialist values .
That they are not only relevant to the challenges facing our country but central @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was worried after the election defeat that we might suffer a loss of confidence and step back from our principles and our ambitions .
We don ’ t have to take that road .
In fact , that way leads to further defeat .
I remember going to my first CLP meeting after the 2010 election defeat .
I went with my mum to keep her company , not really thinking I ’ d throw myself into politics .
But at that meeting I heard the loss of confidence in some of our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I remember being horrified when one member spoke about how we should means-test meals in hospitals .
I wasn ’ t just shocked because it ’ s a bad policy , but because it was a losing strategy .
We won ’ t defeat the Tories without offering a self-confident alternative , that builds a majority for change , rooted in our aspirational socialist values .
So , I know if you desperately wanted a Labour government , the general election was devastating .
I wouldn ’ t blame you for looking for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Give up on something here , be less forthright there and we can win , you might hope .
But believe me , the path of despair is also the path to defeat .
My plan – based on aspirational socialism , a green industrial revolution , empowering our movement and a democratic revolution – is our path back to power .
When we win the next general election , I want you to be able to say that you stared defeat in the face last time .
You felt the pain @ @ @ @ @ @ @ were part of a new path to power than runs through social justice , delivering a new , green economy , uniting our people , and empowering them to realise their hopes , dreams and aspirations .
Because not only can we do that , it ’ s the best way to win .
So , let ’ s empower our movement to show that big change is possible through a democratic revolution that delivers aspirational socialism and a green industrial revolution .
That ’ s our path to power .
Let ’ @ @ @ @ @

Below is the full text of Rebecca Long-Bailey’s speech on Labour’s path to power delivered at a campaign event in Salford this morning.
Welcome to the people’s republic of Salford and the fabulous Lowry theatre. I’m so pleased you’ve joined me here on my home turf. This building we’re in, here in the redeveloped Salford docks, is named after one of this region’s great artists, L.S. Lowry. He was born down the road in Stretford and later lived here in Salford at a time of great change 130 years ago. Lowry dedicated himself to painting Salford’s industrial life. He was absorbed by it; proud of our city and what we produced.
And we should be proud of our history too. Working people – those born here and those, like my parents, who came here – built this country. We struggled, worked hard often in difficult circumstances to make better lives for ourselves, our families, and our communities.
This struggle to realise our hopes and aspirations was never easy. Occasionally there were setbacks. Obstacles were placed in the way. Take Peterloo, the massacre that took place in what’s now St Peter’s Square just down the road in central Manchester. There, in 1819, we stood in our tens of thousands, working people from all around Lancashire, demanding the vote – a peaceful, democratic revolution – and were met by violence and death.
Later here in Salford in 1931, amidst the great depression, almost one third of the adult population in Salford were unemployed and conditions were grim. People marched to the town Hall in Bexley Square, protesting against the removal of the winter coal allowance and cuts to unemployment benefits. They demanded a better life and they were met with fierce violence.
Despite the brutality and the oppression, we didn’t stop aspiring for a better life for ourselves and our communities. We knew then, and it remains true now, that those who exercise power cede nothing without a fight. In December the march to advance working people suffered another setback. I was devastated watching the results come in across the Red Wall. I was angry. But at that most terrible moment, I knew we would come back.
We’ve mourned. We got angry. We’ve bargained. We’ve gone through all the stages of grief these past two months. And now it’s time to look to the future. I’ve learned so much from Jeremy, John and Diane. They helped our party and our movement rediscover its heart and soul. We owe them so much and I thank them for their huge efforts. History will be much kinder to them than today’s media consensus and we mustn’t retreat from that politics.
But they have done their bit and it is time for a new generation to take us forward. And I, for one, am ready to take up the mantle of socialist leadership.
It’s time to set our sights on a new horizon and plot our path to power. To do that, we must learn the important lessons of the defeat, know our enemy and understand the challenges ahead. I’ve already spoken about why we lost the election: an incoherent message, a breakdown in trust with voters in our heartlands because we were more interested in winning games in parliament than listening to them, and not being robust enough when we were attacked.
We should have been better. But we must know our enemy too. We’ll lose again if we fight yesterday’s battles on today’s terrain. The next election will not be defined by Brexit. But Boris Johnson and his advisors still want to convince voters that they are not traditional Tories, with Johnson acting the part of anti-politician. And they will claim Labour is part of a failed establishment.
The very idea might seem like a bad joke. Boris Johnson, a millionaire Prime Minister, whose persona was crafted on the playing fields of Eton and in the debauchery of the Bullingdon Club, and whose party is literally funded by billionaires, pretending to be on the side of the people.
Equally, you might think it impossible for our party, forged one hundred years ago in our industrial communities through struggle against a vicious ruling class, to be seen as just another part of the establishment. But that is how politics was represented in the last election.
In this leadership election, our party needs to exercise the greatest care in who we choose to lead us. Because the British Establishment wants to put us into a box. A box that separates us from the people our party was built to represent. Well I will not be put in that box and won’t allow our party to be either.
Yes, we have to be credible to regain trust with voters but I’m not interested in the definition of credibility used by the media and chattering classes. The only credibility I’m interested in winning is that of the people.
I want to show you that I am the person best able to lead our party. I know who I am and no one can represent me as a product of the elite.
I spent my formative childhood years round here. It’s a wonderful place with incredible working class institutions that we built for ourselves. We had pride and a strong sense of community – but you didn’t dream of becoming an MP, let alone prime minister. But it’s precisely that background which I believe qualifies me to lead our party.
When I grew up, the future looked bleak. Job losses. Shops closing. High streets run down. So people like me tried to escape the insecure lives our parents had. We tried to educate ourselves, to give ourselves choices. But I’ve felt what it’s like to have obstacles placed in the way of your hopes and aspirations – and those of your community.
I know what it’s like to be told you will never get there, that you don’t have the right background or the right CV. We all think that if we work hard and play by the rules we should expect to have a comfortable life. But that isn’t true for millions of people: anxiety about the future is growing faster than the hope that each generation will do better than the last.
We’re blocked off from aspiration, all the while we’ve been told that we live in a meritocracy. We’ve all heard the mantras. Work hard and you’ll get on. But it’s just not true.
I worked hard and I’ve done well. But it was sheer luck. People no less clever and no less hard working don’t enjoy good lives. If we lived in a world where how hard you worked or how clever you are translated into success, we wouldn’t be on our 20th prime minister who went to the same school.
No child from my schools ever went on to become Prime Minister. But I am going to change that. And when I get to Downing Street, I will never forget who I am, what made me, and that I am there to help deliver the hopes, dreams, and expectations of millions of others who grew up like me.
Because I know that for too many people, pay is too low, work is too insecure, bills are too high, housing is too expensive, too few jobs are rewarding and many feel they won’t get the ones that are if they don’t go to university and take on massive debts. Living standards aren’t going up year on year and the next generation isn’t set to have a better life than the last.
Our hope for a better future for our children is being stifled. And it’s being stifled at exactly the time when we need to think and act big to face down the crises that confront our people. Big polluters are heating our planet to dangerous levels; a very small group of the very wealthiest people, helped by the politicians in their pockets, have hijacked our democracy for their own ends, and the result is a slow and unproductive economy which can’t be rescued by new technology alone. This is no time to be timid. And our climate strikers out today are not being timid.
But though people have a deep desire for serious political and economic change, they don’t see how it can be achieved. That’s part of why we lost the election: we couldn’t marry our ambitious programme with voters’ fundamental lack of trust.
But retreating from popular policies that provide answers to the crises facing our country is no route to victory. Shrinking from our ambitions to better our children’s lives won’t make us more credible. Triangulation hasn’t worked for social democratic parties across Europe and it won’t work here.
To give people hope that change is possible, we have to forge a path to power. Not just for the Labour Party, but for the people of this country. In his introduction to the 1997 manifesto, Tony Blair wrote that our party was the “political arm of the British people”. That is what we must become. I believe I can chart the course to get us there.
Now, I have great respect and admiration for the other candidates. I know we’ll all play a massive role in the next chapter of our party’s history. Emily is experienced and assured but I haven’t heard her plan to win the next election. Lisa has laid out a solid analysis of why we lost – and I agree with much of it – but I’ve not heard from her yet what the answer is.
Keir is rigorous and detailed at the dispatch box. He helped us win a lot of votes in parliament last year. But we didn’t win the election – and that was partly to do with Brexit and partly because too many voters thought we looked like just another bunch of politicians in Westminster.
It’s not my style to blow my own trumpet, but after six weeks of this campaign, I think I’m the only candidate that has a worked-out path to power. It has four key elements.
The first step is to empower our movement. We aren’t just a different team of politicians in Westminster, alternating power with the Tories. Our party was born out of a movement in communities like mine and many of those we lost in the election.
To win again, we need to look and sound like it. And it’s our members and our trade unions, on the front line in workplaces and communities, who will make that a reality.
That’s why under my leadership, Labour will back workers in every dispute and strike against unfair and exploitative employers. And we’ll launch a mass trade union membership drive, supporting hundreds of thousands of young activists who have been inspired by our party to become active trade unionists in their workplaces. We will fight any Conservative threats to further restrict our trade unions and continue to fight for trade union freedoms and stronger employment rights that end insecurity and improve pay.
Labour’s members don’t just pay to keep it going; they are our greatest organising asset. But let’s face it: the pace of change to empower members has been too slow. We need to trust and support them. That means helping them organise: to raise up popular demands, in their workplaces and in their communities.
But if we ask our members to do more, then we need to give something back. And you know what’s the least we can give? Open selections. The chance for members to choose who represents their party, their efforts, on behalf of their community. I’ve heard the line about wanting to deselect Tory MPs, not Labour ones. But this isn’t about that. It’s about creating a party full of motivated, engaged members who can then sweep those Tory MPs away.
So I say this to my colleagues in parliament who might be worried about a more democratic party. Let’s not be timid. Let’s nurture our talent and bring people into every role in the party. Let’s find our AOCs.
We have leaders in every community. Let’s help them find their voice and their place in our movement, be that as an activist, an organiser, or even a candidate. Imagine we could have a member right now, who’s part of an anti-fracking campaign, in a town like Blackpool, which now has two Tory MPs. We could provide her with political education and encourage her to join a union.
At work, she’ll help get her co-workers involved in the union and build up trust with them by standing up to a bullying manager. She’ll also talk about fracking and our green industrial revolution in her union branch and about the labour movement to her fellow climate activists. Come the next election, she’ll have helped win her co-workers and anti-fracking communities over to Labour – strengthening both movements to help us force through decisive change once in government. Remember, power cedes nothing without a fight.
But it’s not enough just to empower our movement, we also have to challenge the Tories’ power bases too. So we’ll support our members to organise to take on the big polluters, the bad bosses, the dodgy landlords and the tax dodgers, who all support Tory rule, giving them the organising tools to make a difference in their communities right now.
And my leadership will be far more robust with the media. Journalists have a vital role to play in our society. We should respect their work – and look to ways to free them from government or corporate influence. But let’s be honest: large sections of the media represent vested interests. Much of the press is owned by billionaires, so it’s no surprise they support the Tories and monster Labour.
I’ll not only call that out, I have a plan to deal with it. I will ridicule the most absurd smears and lies. We won’t just rebut factual errors in stories, but provide a counter-narrative about deliberate media efforts to hold back aspirational socialism.
But a credible and effective communications strategy extends beyond just being more combative and self-confident. It must also be more creative. So I’ll set up a dedicated creative digital communications unit in the party, producing viral content that can both get around media hostility and speak directly to voters.
If we can empower our movement and effectively communicate, then we can stir up a democratic revolution in our country.
And we need no less than a democratic revolution; serious, lasting change won’t happen without it. To win again, Labour must become a force capable of uniting the majority in our country to bring one about. The people’s path to power is our path to power.
I will always champion the idea that democracy takes power away from the offshore bank account and places it on the ballot paper. But Westminster feels as distant to many people as Brussels. We need a democratic revolution to break the hold of Westminster and the City over our politics, and show people that they can and will have the power to achieve what they want to achieve.
Six of the ten poorest regions in northern Europe are in the UK because for too long the fate of our regions has been in the hands of people who only visit them for a photo op in a high vis jacket. So power needs to be closer to people geographically, with meaningful new powers and funding devolved to local level to grow local economies, invest in communities and build council homes.
We spoke about the economy in the general election, but we didn’t have anything to say to people who’d lost trust with democracy. And after the Iraq war, the expenses scandal and the austerity lie that we’re all in it together, who can blame them? So to follow our path to power, we will champion a democratic revolution. And just the first step would be scrapping the House of Lords and creating an elected Senate representing our regions and nations, to scrutinise how every law impacts inequality, the environment and our people’s wellbeing.
A democratic revolution can deliver a seismic shock to British politics, to prise it open at all levels to the people – their knowledge, their skills, and their demands. That way, we can show people how change can happen, with power closer and more open to them, with big money and other corrupting interests forced out of politics.
But we also have to tell a credible story of how we will help people improve their lives. And we have to recognise after a defeat like we’ve just suffered, we haven’t communicated effectively. People are right to dream of a better life for themselves, their family, their community and their class. That doesn’t mean that we support the lucky few to climb the ladder alone. It means we help everyone realise their hopes and dreams.
My socialism isn’t just a moral socialism – an outrage at the injustice done to others. It’s the socialism of the majority, where everyone can live better lives together. I believe building that majority for change is a socialism that wins.
So our path to power requires us to speak an everyday language to people simply going about their normal lives. We have to understand that people want a better life for their children – that’s aspiration – but we can only secure that together – that’s socialism. As a party, we should be proud of people’s successes and hard work and speak to their hopes and dreams.
The language of aspirational socialism gives us something powerful to say to all of our heartlands, in all their diversity, from Blyth to Brixton, and beyond.
We can build that majority for change through common sense, collective solutions to mainstream Britain’s problems. We can all advance together – from the tenant weighed down by bills, rent and debts, to the dad struggling to afford Christmas presents for the kids, to the small businesswoman fighting for funding for her firm, to the doctor or teacher worried about their patients and students suffering a decade of cuts.
So let’s stand together against this Conservative government and argue for the credible solutions that help us advance together: rent controls and more council homes, public ownership to lower bills, better wages and job security, investment for all our cities, towns and villages, and expanding public services, fully returned to the people’s hands where they belong.
So far, I’ve told you about different elements of our path to power: empowering our movement to strengthen our party, stirring up a democratic revolution to show how change is possible, and aspirational socialism to build a majority to demand and benefit from that change. But we’re still missing an element that both concretely improves lives in our communities and offers a national project of renewal.
I believe that mission is sitting right under our noses. Many of the challenges facing our country can be met together, turning crisis into opportunity through a green industrial revolution that tackles the climate crisis, delivers social justice and repowers our economy at the same time.
The green industrial revolution could have been for us what the NHS was to the 1945 Labour government, our huge, era defining project. And it still can be. In fact, it must.
Because our green industrial revolution can bring people together. It unites young people, who want to fight for our planet’s survival, with workers in every community, from the largest cities, to our nations, towns and villages, who will see new green jobs and lower bills, and the whole country proud to be world leaders in combating the climate crisis.
I’m proud to say that I led the development of our green industrial revolution policies, working with energy experts, businesses, engineers, activists, trade unions and members of the community in town hall after town hall. I’ve seen first hand how the green industrial revolution can unite and mobilise people.
But we have to tell a concrete, detailed story in every constituency of what this change could mean and how it’s the people in that community who will be driving and delivering that change. The green industrial revolution will never take off if it’s something done to people rather than done with them.
Let’s take the example of Falmouth. If you don’t know it, Falmouth is a lovely town on the south Cornish coast. It’s part of the Truro and Falmouth constituency that used to be a Tory-Lib Dem marginal but now we’re in a strong second place. We targeted the seat in the general election, looking to take it off the Tories. We were right to. It’s not just towns in the Red Wall that have been held back and need aspirational socialism. We need to win right across the country.
Our green industrial revolution would have transformed Falmouth’s fortunes – but we didn’t get that message out. Alongside local businesses, the community and energy experts, we developed plans to expand Falmouth’s historic docks, which are a big part of the town’s identity. We worked out how we’d use public investment to crowd in private capital to create marine technology jobs and floating offshore wind.
We should have given our activists in the town a detailed vision to sell on the doorstep. The new, high skill, high tech jobs wouldn’t just benefit those working in the docks. Those extra salaries would be spent supporting local businesses, helping revive the high street. The whole town could be renewed, and through the docks that help define its identity and give it pride and purpose.
That way, we could show in every community how our green industrial revolution will be the cornerstone of a new economy that sees your living standards rise each year again, powered by clean energy, high tech, private and public enterprise, a strong, democratic state and expanding, high quality and universal services. That’s an exciting, credible, aspirational socialist project that we can build a majority for change around in constituencies all across the country.
To deliver our path to power, we need both details and big vision. I do both. I’m a details person. I work hard. I don’t slack off. I suppose that’s the benefit of being a working class woman, always having to work twice as hard to show you’re just as good, in fact better, than an upper-middle class man. So yes, I do think it’s time our party had a woman leader.
It also means I know our people. I know what drives us forward. Vision isn’t just about big picture thinking and intellect, it’s also about a feeling, having a sense for the hopes and dreams of our people. That’s why I know I can win back areas we lost and new ones we failed to win.
But to develop a compelling vision, you also need a solid sense of direction. I have that. I’ve always known what my politics are. I’m a socialist who’s aspirational for my family and my community.
I suppose that’s really why I’m standing to be leader. Yes, I’ve got a path to power and I want Labour to follow it to win. But I also want to give our movement confidence in our aspirational socialist values. That they are not only relevant to the challenges facing our country but central to the solutions to them.
I was worried after the election defeat that we might suffer a loss of confidence and step back from our principles and our ambitions. We don’t have to take that road. In fact, that way leads to further defeat.
I remember going to my first CLP meeting after the 2010 election defeat. I went with my mum to keep her company, not really thinking I’d throw myself into politics. But at that meeting I heard the loss of confidence in some of our members. I heard the retreat. I remember being horrified when one member spoke about how we should means-test meals in hospitals. I wasn’t just shocked because it’s a bad policy, but because it was a losing strategy.
We won’t defeat the Tories without offering a self-confident alternative, that builds a majority for change, rooted in our aspirational socialist values.
So, I know if you desperately wanted a Labour government, the general election was devastating. I wouldn’t blame you for looking for an easy option to win next time. Give up on something here, be less forthright there and we can win, you might hope.
But believe me, the path of despair is also the path to defeat. My plan – based on aspirational socialism, a green industrial revolution, empowering our movement and a democratic revolution – is our path back to power.
When we win the next general election, I want you to be able to say that you stared defeat in the face last time. You felt the pain. But you picked yourself up and were part of a new path to power than runs through social justice, delivering a new, green economy, uniting our people, and empowering them to realise their hopes, dreams and aspirations.
Because not only can we do that, it’s the best way to win. So, let’s empower our movement to show that big change is possible through a democratic revolution that delivers aspirational socialism and a green industrial revolution. That’s our path to power. Let’s take it together.


labourlist--2020-02-14--We’re asking Labour leadership hopefuls to sign 10 local government pledges

The Labour Party is in crisis .
Our defeat in December – after almost ten years in opposition – is the worst in living memory , and the national party is on its knees .
As the leadership contest rolls on , the question of how we get back into government is rightly at the top of the agenda .
But let ’ s be clear : the next elections aren ’ t in five years , but three months .
On May 7th , voters will go to the polls in 118 English councils , eight directly-elected mayoralties , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ across the country .
The party can ’ t afford to spend any more of that time navel-gazing .
We ’ ve got to do everything we can to win those races for Labour and secure the opportunity to put our values into action .
The cost of failure will be high – the most vulnerable people in society are relying on us to shield them from the worst of Tory austerity .
At the Labour Local Government conference hustings in Nottingham last weekend , it was encouraging to hear all of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ councillors and the work they do in leading our local authorities , working in their communities and campaigning for our party .
Given the historic scale of our defeat at the general election , there is an understandable acceptance that things have got to change , and that improving the way the national party interacts with Labour ’ s representatives in local government is an essential part of that change .
Every single leadership and deputy leadership candidate has made it absolutely clear that they want to mend that relationship – to give @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the running of the national party , and to finally harness the knowledge and expertise of those councillors on the frontline .
That ’ s great to see , but the hundreds of councillors I spoke to this weekend want us to go further – to get it in writing .
At LGA Labour , alongside hard-working Labour councillors across the country , we ’ ve drawn up a list of Local Government Pledges that we asking the leader and deputy candidates to sign up to .
Taken together they are about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power to build a better , fairer country .
We want candidates to commit to giving councillors a real voice .
After all , they are the experts in their communities and they know what works and what doesn ’ t – the national party should learn from their experience .
That means a real say on policy , and arguing for more representation on party bodies like the national executive committee ( NEC ) .
We need to move forward in an atmosphere of mutual respect .
At £2m a year , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ donors to the national party – yet we have little idea where that money goes .
So we are asking for a commitment for full transparency over how the councillor levy is used , with a higher proportion returned to local government through training , policy development , and campaign support We ’ d like to see meaningful commitment to devolution to help put local communities in charge of their own destiny , and we ’ re delighted that all candidates told our hustings they would respect the role of councillors – including @ @ @ @ @ @ @ choose their own group leader .
What ’ s more , after some turbulent years in which Labour councillors have done everything they can to protect our communities from Tory cuts , we ’ d like to see the next leadership team direct a real effort to build understanding of local government throughout the party , so members get a full picture of the hard work Labour ’ s representatives in local government are doing to put our values into action every single day .
We ’ d like to see the new @ @ @ @ @ @ @ diversity .
Successful Labour groups reflect the communities they represent .
More action is required to assist the election of more women , BAME , and disabled members , and group rules should support modern working patterns , including parental and carers leave policies .
Finally , and most urgently , we want the next leader to put proper resource and effort into the coming local elections , and crucially to build on the progress made in recent years of genuinely involving local leaders in planning the national campaign .
Doing well in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ local people – it ’ s a vital first step on the long road back to Downing Street , and we would be fools not to involve the very people that have won these kinds of elections before .
Labour councillors are Labour members .
We want nothing more than to see our party back in power , and helping the millions who need a radical , reforming government to rebuild our communities after a decade of Tory attacks .
These pledges are all designed to help the party do exactly that .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Labour Party – I hope in signing up to these pledges the next leader of the Labour Party takes a first step in putting that right .
Labour councillors and mayors are experts in connecting with voters and delivering Labour values from power .
Labour should learn from their experience through regular meetings between the party leadership and local government leaders .
Labour in local government has practical experience of running public services and delivering for our communities .
They should have the right to be consulted on party policy relating @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Local communities should have more control over the decisions that affect them .
Labour must commit to devolving more powers and resources from Whitehall to the local and regional level wherever practical .
Councillors are elected representatives and their role must be respected .
They should retain the right to elect their own group leader and have the final decision on the manifesto they will be implementing .
Argue for improved representation for councillors in decision making at all levels in our party , including more places on the national executive committee @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should be devoted to organising for and winning local elections , putting Labour in power in town halls across the country as an important step towards winning power in Westminster .
Further develop the positive work to involve leading local councillors in preparing the national campaign for local elections .
Help more members understand the role and importance of local government , and the constraints imposed by law .
Encourage more members and trade unionists to put themselves forward as council candidates .
Successful Labour groups reflect their community they represent .
More @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of more women , BAME , LGBT+ , and disabled members , and group rules should support modern working patterns , including parental and carer ’ s leave policies .
There should be full transparency and a greater say for councillors over how the £2m councillor levy is used by the Labour Party , with a higher proportion returned to local government through training , policy development , and campaign support .

The Labour Party is in crisis. Our defeat in December – after almost ten years in opposition – is the worst in living memory, and the national party is on its knees. As the leadership contest rolls on, the question of how we get back into government is rightly at the top of the agenda. But let’s be clear: the next elections aren’t in five years, but three months. On May 7th, voters will go to the polls in 118 English councils, eight directly-elected mayoralties, and in police and crime commissioner elections across the country.
The party can’t afford to spend any more of that time navel-gazing. We’ve got to do everything we can to win those races for Labour and secure the opportunity to put our values into action. The cost of failure will be high – the most vulnerable people in society are relying on us to shield them from the worst of Tory austerity.
At the Labour Local Government conference hustings in Nottingham last weekend, it was encouraging to hear all of the leadership candidates recognise the importance of Labour councillors and the work they do in leading our local authorities, working in their communities and campaigning for our party. Given the historic scale of our defeat at the general election, there is an understandable acceptance that things have got to change, and that improving the way the national party interacts with Labour’s representatives in local government is an essential part of that change.
Every single leadership and deputy leadership candidate has made it absolutely clear that they want to mend that relationship – to give Labour in local government a bigger say in the running of the national party, and to finally harness the knowledge and expertise of those councillors on the frontline. That’s great to see, but the hundreds of councillors I spoke to this weekend want us to go further – to get it in writing.
At LGA Labour, alongside hard-working Labour councillors across the country, we’ve drawn up a list of Local Government Pledges that we asking the leader and deputy candidates to sign up to. Taken together they are about one thing: helping our party win power to build a better, fairer country.
We want candidates to commit to giving councillors a real voice. After all, they are the experts in their communities and they know what works and what doesn’t – the national party should learn from their experience. That means a real say on policy, and arguing for more representation on party bodies like the national executive committee (NEC).
We need to move forward in an atmosphere of mutual respect. At £2m a year, councillors are collectively one of the biggest donors to the national party – yet we have little idea where that money goes. So we are asking for a commitment for full transparency over how the councillor levy is used, with a higher proportion returned to local government through training, policy development, and campaign support
We’d like to see meaningful commitment to devolution to help put local communities in charge of their own destiny, and we’re delighted that all candidates told our hustings they would respect the role of councillors – including protecting the legal right for councillors to choose their own group leader. What’s more, after some turbulent years in which Labour councillors have done everything they can to protect our communities from Tory cuts, we’d like to see the next leadership team direct a real effort to build understanding of local government throughout the party, so members get a full picture of the hard work Labour’s representatives in local government are doing to put our values into action every single day.
We’d like to see the new leader commit to supporting our work on diversity. Successful Labour groups reflect the communities they represent. More action is required to assist the election of more women, BAME, and disabled members, and group rules should support modern working patterns, including parental and carers leave policies.
Finally, and most urgently, we want the next leader to put proper resource and effort into the coming local elections, and crucially to build on the progress made in recent years of genuinely involving local leaders in planning the national campaign. Doing well in May isn’t just important for local people – it’s a vital first step on the long road back to Downing Street, and we would be fools not to involve the very people that have won these kinds of elections before.
Labour councillors are Labour members. We want nothing more than to see our party back in power, and helping the millions who need a radical, reforming government to rebuild our communities after a decade of Tory attacks. These pledges are all designed to help the party do exactly that. Our councillors are the great underused resource of the Labour Party – I hope in signing up to these pledges the next leader of the Labour Party takes a first step in putting that right.
LGA Labour’s Local Government Pledges
Listen to local voices
Labour councillors and mayors are experts in connecting with voters and delivering Labour values from power. Labour should learn from their experience through regular meetings between the party leadership and local government leaders.
A real say on policy
Labour in local government has practical experience of running public services and delivering for our communities. They should have the right to be consulted on party policy relating to the services they have responsibility for.
Commitment to devolution
Local communities should have more control over the decisions that affect them. Labour must commit to devolving more powers and resources from Whitehall to the local and regional level wherever practical.
Respect the role of councillors
Councillors are elected representatives and their role must be respected. They should retain the right to elect their own group leader and have the final decision on the manifesto they will be implementing.
Improve representation in our party
Argue for improved representation for councillors in decision making at all levels in our party, including more places on the national executive committee.
Prioritise local elections
A greater share of party resources should be devoted to organising for and winning local elections, putting Labour in power in town halls across the country as an important step towards winning power in Westminster.
Involve councillors in election planning
Further develop the positive work to involve leading local councillors in preparing the national campaign for local elections.
Build understanding of local government
Help more members understand the role and importance of local government, and the constraints imposed by law. Encourage more members and trade unionists to put themselves forward as council candidates.
Support action on diversity
Successful Labour groups reflect their community they represent. More action is required to assist the election of more women, BAME, LGBT+, and disabled members, and group rules should support modern working patterns, including parental and carer’s leave policies.
Full transparency of the councillor levy
There should be full transparency and a greater say for councillors over how the £2m councillor levy is used by the Labour Party, with a higher proportion returned to local government through training, policy development, and campaign support.


labourlist--2020-02-14--Nandy impresses JLM before close of nominations in Labour leadership race

Boris Johnson ’ s cabinet reshuffle was not the quiet affair that had been expected .
In fact , it was about as dramatic as it could have been : confronted with the ultimatum of sacking his advisers or being shown the door , Sajid Javid chose to leave .
He has been replaced as Chancellor by Rishi Sunak , who is regarded to be more pliable .
You might remember him from the BBC election debate that saw he and Rebecca Long-Bailey go head-to-head on their economic plans .
Reacting to Javid ’ s surprise departure , John McDonnell @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : “ Dominic Cummings has clearly won the battle to take absolute control of the Treasury and install his stooge as Chancellor.
” That is not the only appointment worth our attention .
The new Environment Secretary is George Eustice , a former UKIP candidate .
The Business Secretary is now Alok Sharma , also taking on the role of COP 26 president despite having mostly voted against climate change legislation and been on a journey from Heathrow expansion opposition to vocal support .
Anne-Marie Trevelyan , who basically hates foreign aid according @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of just that as the new International Development Secretary .
Then there is Suella Braverman , now Attorney General , who was criticised last year for using the term “ cultural Marxism ” , which is associated with the alt-right .
Oh , and she also thinks “ our parliament must retrieve power ceded to the courts ” .
The Labour leadership contest has not been quiet either .
The candidates for the top job have been thoroughly tested since the Newsnight debate , which was followed by Victoria Derbyshire and Jewish Labour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was critical of the outgoing leadership on antisemitism , saying : “ There was a bunker that formed .
That bunker remained for many years and created a further escalation of the crisis.
” But she disappointed audience members with vague answers on the IHRA definition row .
At the same time , she frustrated some of her base by telling the event : “ I also agree with a secure Israel alongside a viable Palestinian state… I suppose that makes me a Zionist because I agree with Israel ’ s right to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Keir Starmer was the only candidate not to self-describe as a Zionist , which surprised JLM members .
There were ‘ ooh ’ s in the room when the frontrunner gave that response .
Emily Thornberry was typically straight-forward and witty .
Lisa Nandy undoubtedly won the most rapturous applause and praise for her thoughtful answers on antisemitism , which showed a thorough understanding of the concerns raised , according to JLM members in attendance .
My full write-up can be read here .
This is a crucial day for the leadership race @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who needs three more local parties to nominate her , will secure a place on the ballot .
Whether she misses out or gets through , it will be very narrow .
The last trade union to declare , TSSA , will announce its nomination , as will JLM .
Long-Bailey is delivering a speech this morning in Salford , previewed here , and another tonight in Glasgow .
We ’ ll hear more from all of the contenders throughout the weekend .
Reminder : we ’ re not even halfway through this @ @ @ @ @ @ @ JLM nominations announced ; Rosena Allin-Khan rally in Putney ( 7pm ) ; Rebecca Long-Bailey event in Glasgow ( 8pm ) ; Deadline for declaring as a BAME member to vote in NEC election ( 11.59pm ) ; CLP/affiliate nomination window closes ( 11.59pm ) • Sunday : Keir Starmer and Richard Burgon on Sky ’ s Ridge ( 8.30am ) ; Long-Bailey on Andrew Marr ( 9am ) ; Party hustings in London ( 11.30am & 2pm ) ; Lisa Nandy event in Wembley ( 3pm ) ; Starmer event at the @ @ @ @

Boris Johnson’s cabinet reshuffle was not the quiet affair that had been expected. In fact, it was about as dramatic as it could have been: confronted with the ultimatum of sacking his advisers or being shown the door, Sajid Javid chose to leave. He has been replaced as Chancellor by Rishi Sunak, who is regarded to be more pliable. You might remember him from the BBC election debate that saw he and Rebecca Long-Bailey go head-to-head on their economic plans. Reacting to Javid’s surprise departure, John McDonnell agreed with most pundits when he concluded: “Dominic Cummings has clearly won the battle to take absolute control of the Treasury and install his stooge as Chancellor.”
That is not the only appointment worth our attention. The new Environment Secretary is George Eustice, a former UKIP candidate. The Business Secretary is now Alok Sharma, also taking on the role of COP 26 president despite having mostly voted against climate change legislation and been on a journey from Heathrow expansion opposition to vocal support. Anne-Marie Trevelyan, who basically hates foreign aid according to past tweets, is in charge of just that as the new International Development Secretary. Then there is Suella Braverman, now Attorney General, who was criticised last year for using the term “cultural Marxism”, which is associated with the alt-right. Oh, and she also thinks “our parliament must retrieve power ceded to the courts”.
The Labour leadership contest has not been quiet either. The candidates for the top job have been thoroughly tested since the Newsnight debate, which was followed by Victoria Derbyshire and Jewish Labour Movement hustings. Last night, Long-Bailey was critical of the outgoing leadership on antisemitism, saying: “There was a bunker that formed. That bunker remained for many years and created a further escalation of the crisis.” But she disappointed audience members with vague answers on the IHRA definition row. At the same time, she frustrated some of her base by telling the event: “I also agree with a secure Israel alongside a viable Palestinian state… I suppose that makes me a Zionist because I agree with Israel’s right to exist and right to self determine.”
Keir Starmer was the only candidate not to self-describe as a Zionist, which surprised JLM members. There were ‘ooh’s in the room when the frontrunner gave that response. Emily Thornberry was typically straight-forward and witty. Lisa Nandy undoubtedly won the most rapturous applause and praise for her thoughtful answers on antisemitism, which showed a thorough understanding of the concerns raised, according to JLM members in attendance. My full write-up can be read here.
This is a crucial day for the leadership race. It will decide whether Thornberry, who needs three more local parties to nominate her, will secure a place on the ballot. Whether she misses out or gets through, it will be very narrow. The last trade union to declare, TSSA, will announce its nomination, as will JLM. Long-Bailey is delivering a speech this morning in Salford, previewed here, and another tonight in Glasgow. We’ll hear more from all of the contenders throughout the weekend. Reminder: we’re not even halfway through this election.


labourlist--2020-02-14--Emily Thornberry knocked out of Labour leadership race

Emily Thornberry has been knocked out of Labour ’ s leadership race after failing to secure the number of nominations required to get through to the final stage of the process .
The Shadow Foreign Secretary gained 31 nominations from local parties – two fewer than needed to reach the threshold of 5 % that is now called for by the party rules .
Thornberry won the support of the following Constituency Labour Parties : Arfon ; Bishop Auckland ; Brentwood and Ongar ; Broadland ; Canterbury ; Cardiff North ; Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire ; Cowdenbeath ; Eastleigh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Roxburgh and Berwickshire ; Falkirk East ; Forest of Dean ; Gateshead ; Guildford ; Horsham ; Islington South and Finsbury ; Labour Party of Northern Ireland ; Midlothian North and Musselburgh ; Newbury ; North Cornwall ; Reigate ; Rugby ; Rushcliffe ; St Ives ; South Ribble ; Southport ; Surrey Heath ; Totnes ; Vale of Glamorgan ; West Lancashire .
Keir Starmer is the frontrunner in the main leadership race , having amassed the support of 374 local parties , as well as affiliated trade unions UNISON , Usdaw @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Union and TSSA .
Rebecca Long-Bailey was nominated by 164 local parties across the country , plus Unite the Union , BFAWU , FBU , CWU , ASLEF , Socialist Educational Association and Disability Labour .
Lisa Nandy gained 71 local party nominations , as well as passing through the affiliates route thanks to GMB , Chinese for Labour and the NUM .
A total of 641 out of 648 local parties chose to cast nominations in Labour ’ s leadership contest , which for the first time gave the constituency organisations an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ had to get nominations from either 5 % of local parties or three affiliated organisations , including two trade unions , comprising 5 % of Labour ’ s affiliate membership .

Emily Thornberry has been knocked out of Labour’s leadership race after failing to secure the number of nominations required to get through to the final stage of the process.
The Shadow Foreign Secretary gained 31 nominations from local parties – two fewer than needed to reach the threshold of 5% that is now called for by the party rules.
Thornberry won the support of the following Constituency Labour Parties:
Arfon; Bishop Auckland; Brentwood and Ongar; Broadland; Canterbury; Cardiff North; Carmarthen West and South Pembrokeshire; Cowdenbeath; Eastleigh; Esher and Walton; Ettrick, Roxburgh and Berwickshire; Falkirk East; Forest of Dean; Gateshead; Guildford; Horsham; Islington South and Finsbury; Labour Party of Northern Ireland; Midlothian North and Musselburgh; Newbury; North Cornwall; Reigate; Rugby; Rushcliffe; St Ives; South Ribble; Southport; Surrey Heath; Totnes; Vale of Glamorgan; West Lancashire.
Keir Starmer is the frontrunner in the main leadership race, having amassed the support of 374 local parties, as well as affiliated trade unions UNISON, Usdaw, SERA, Community, Musicians’ Union and TSSA.
Rebecca Long-Bailey was nominated by 164 local parties across the country, plus Unite the Union, BFAWU, FBU, CWU, ASLEF, Socialist Educational Association and Disability Labour.
Lisa Nandy gained 71 local party nominations, as well as passing through the affiliates route thanks to GMB, Chinese for Labour and the NUM.
A total of 641 out of 648 local parties chose to cast nominations in Labour’s leadership contest, which for the first time gave the constituency organisations an official role this year.
Each candidate had to get nominations from either 5% of local parties or three affiliated organisations, including two trade unions, comprising 5% of Labour’s affiliate membership.


labourlist--2020-02-14--Labour must elect Lisa Nandy to regain the trust of the Jewish community

At the end of last night ’ s Jewish Labour Movement hustings , chair Robert Peston invited the audience to raise their hands if they considered themselves a Labour supporter .
As you would expect , almost the whole room put their hands up .
He then asked the room if they had voted Labour in 2019 .
From where I was sitting , about half the room put their hands down .
Peston finally asked whether , after the hustings , they would be more likely to vote Labour at the next election .
Some hands went back up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I suspect the reason is that whether Jewish people feel comfortable voting for Labour again depends on which candidates becomes the next leader of the Labour Party .
I left the party in March last year , having joined as a teenager in 2014 .
I left on the day that Luciana Berger announced that she would no longer representing Liverpool Wavertree as a Labour MP .
She was subjected to abhorrent antisemitism and misogyny , and ignored by an at-best ambivalent party leadership .
Those who stayed did so for good reason @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t look my Jewish friends in the eye , nor call myself an anti-racist with a straight face , if I continued to be a member of a party where Jewish women did not feel welcome and that had lost the trust of the wider Jewish community .
I have since re-joined and last night was in some ways a positive step .
All the candidates surpassed the admittedly low bar of being better than Jeremy Corbyn on the issue .
There were a couple of telling moments throughout the night , however @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who had served in Corbyn ’ s post-2016 shadow cabinet – Rebecca Long-Bailey , Keir Starmer and Emily Thornberry – grouped together to defend each other against the charge that they did not speak out publicly , only behind closed doors .
Another was when Long-Bailey claimed that she did stand up against antisemitism , and the audience shouted back at her : “ When ?
!
” Long-Bailey rightly bore the brunt of much of the crowd ’ s criticism for not taking a stand on antisemitism , being seen as more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ but Starmer and Thornberry also stayed as members of the leadership team .
They claim that they stood against antisemitism , but they very rarely did so in public , preferring to submit criticisms behind the closed doors of shadow cabinet meetings .
It is only Lisa Nandy who has been consistent in publicly standing up against the party ’ s problem with antisemitism , including in 2016 when she broke collective responsibility to do so .
This , amongst other reasons , is why the Labour Party must elect Nandy as its @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the trust of the Jewish community .
Last night , while all spoke well on the issue , Nandy was the stand-out performer – admitting that the party ’ s failure on the issue had led her to question her membership and attacking the current leadership for failing to disclose Labour ’ s submission to the EHRC .
Receiving the biggest applause of the night , Nandy outlined the unique nature of antisemitism , calling it a poison , and recounted how she had “ stood up and spoken up over and over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Each candidate clearly understands and wants to act on antisemitism , and I believe that they are sincere in doing so .
But when push came to shove , all but one candidate were largely silent on the issue , arguing behind closed doors yet letting down the Jewish community in public .
It is for this reason that I will be voting for Nandy for leader – so that the Labour Party can begin to regain the trust of the Jewish community .

At the end of last night’s Jewish Labour Movement hustings, chair Robert Peston invited the audience to raise their hands if they considered themselves a Labour supporter. As you would expect, almost the whole room put their hands up. He then asked the room if they had voted Labour in 2019. From where I was sitting, about half the room put their hands down. Peston finally asked whether, after the hustings, they would be more likely to vote Labour at the next election. Some hands went back up, but many stayed firmly down. I suspect the reason is that whether Jewish people feel comfortable voting for Labour again depends on which candidates becomes the next leader of the Labour Party.
I left the party in March last year, having joined as a teenager in 2014. I left on the day that Luciana Berger announced that she would no longer representing Liverpool Wavertree as a Labour MP. She was subjected to abhorrent antisemitism and misogyny, and ignored by an at-best ambivalent party leadership. Those who stayed did so for good reason. But I felt I couldn’t look my Jewish friends in the eye, nor call myself an anti-racist with a straight face, if I continued to be a member of a party where Jewish women did not feel welcome and that had lost the trust of the wider Jewish community.
I have since re-joined and last night was in some ways a positive step. All the candidates surpassed the admittedly low bar of being better than Jeremy Corbyn on the issue. There were a couple of telling moments throughout the night, however. One was when the three candidates who had served in Corbyn’s post-2016 shadow cabinet – Rebecca Long-Bailey, Keir Starmer and Emily Thornberry – grouped together to defend each other against the charge that they did not speak out publicly, only behind closed doors. Another was when Long-Bailey claimed that she did stand up against antisemitism, and the audience shouted back at her: “When?!”
Long-Bailey rightly bore the brunt of much of the crowd’s criticism for not taking a stand on antisemitism, being seen as more closely linked to the party leadership, but Starmer and Thornberry also stayed as members of the leadership team. They claim that they stood against antisemitism, but they very rarely did so in public, preferring to submit criticisms behind the closed doors of shadow cabinet meetings. It is only Lisa Nandy who has been consistent in publicly standing up against the party’s problem with antisemitism, including in 2016 when she broke collective responsibility to do so.
This, amongst other reasons, is why the Labour Party must elect Nandy as its new leader if it wants to regain the trust of the Jewish community. Last night, while all spoke well on the issue, Nandy was the stand-out performer – admitting that the party’s failure on the issue had led her to question her membership and attacking the current leadership for failing to disclose Labour’s submission to the EHRC. Receiving the biggest applause of the night, Nandy outlined the unique nature of antisemitism, calling it a poison, and recounted how she had “stood up and spoken up over and over again”.
This is the point. Each candidate clearly understands and wants to act on antisemitism, and I believe that they are sincere in doing so. But when push came to shove, all but one candidate were largely silent on the issue, arguing behind closed doors yet letting down the Jewish community in public. It is for this reason that I will be voting for Nandy for leader – so that the Labour Party can begin to regain the trust of the Jewish community.


labourlist--2020-02-14--Labour slammed over “unfair” data membership fees and delays

Complaints are mounting from Labour candidates who are frustrated about the party charging fees to access membership data that will now be delayed .
Dr Rosena Allin-Khan , who is running for the deputy leadership , called on Thursday for the party to stop any ballots dropping before all candidates had received full data of every eligible voter in the contests .
LabourList understands that the leadership and deputy leadership hopefuls have been told that they will be sent membership data on Saturday , after the close of nominations , but will not receive affiliate data at the same time @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the fee for accessing this partly delayed data – which will allow them to campaign for votes on an equal footing with each other – also consists of a VAT charge of £1,000 .
Update , 6.15pm : Campaigns interpreted the communication to mean that the fee had been increased from £5,000 to a total of £6,000 for each candidate .
But LabourList understands that the VAT charge will be included in the £5,000 charge .
However , at least one of the campaigns has already paid £6,000 to the party .
According @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a breakdown of how the data money will be spent , but this has not yet been provided , though the party said there were costs associated with GDPR .
Allin-Khan told LabourList : “ It ’ s unfair for the Labour Party to charge for member lists – candidates should be entitled to them without financial barriers .
However , for that data to be effectively sold to candidates and VAT added is deeply worrying .
“ Selling member data for exorbitant fees disadvantages campaigns with less financial resources .
This @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have discouraged someone like me , from a poor background , from getting involved in politics .
“ Members don ’ t want their data sold to candidates – they want a truly fair contest .
Instead of hiking up administrative and handling fees like this , the Labour Party must provide all membership and supporter data immediately , to all candidates , so that we can present ourselves and our ideas to our members and supporters.
” Another candidate in the deputy race , Ian Murray , said : “ This unfair @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by another £1,000 at the 11th hour when we are supposed to get the data .
It ’ s an absolute scandal .
“ The Labour Party should be ashamed of putting financial barriers like this in the way of people who want the opportunity to stand for party posts .
“ It discriminates against grassroots member-backed campaigns like my campaign , and does not live up to our promise to be a party for the many , not the few .
“ We haven ’ t budgeted for this and right now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
My campaign will be raising this directly with the party.
” Murray has written to Labour general secretary Jennie Formby asking for the fee to be dropped , or “ at the very least ” for the VAT to be “ absorbed by the Labour Party ” , and for a payment plan to be available to campaigns “ or the invoice terms should be changed to 30 days ” .
Responding to the apparent fee hike , another deputy hopeful Dawn Butler tweeted : “ I have just been told that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
£6k !
@ DrRosena they ’ ve added £1k VAT !
feel free to add this latest atrocity to your letter.
” When campaign teams met with the party on Thursday afternoon , LabourList sources say they were not given a specific time for receipt of the data on Saturday – expected to be in the afternoon – nor the later arrival of affiliates data .
Another concern that has been raised is the extent to which the order that candidates will be able to email members and affiliates could affect the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a member of the digital team drew ballots in front of campaign staffers .
But there are worries that the first candidate to put out an email will have their message seen by more voters , as the party must provide an option to unsubscribe from the mailing list according to GDPR rules .
As the number of unsubscribers is likely to increase with every email , and the open rate will probably go down , the candidates who are allowed to email members later than their rivals are thought to be disadvantaged @ @ @ @ @ @ @ been told email ballots will drop between February 24th and 26th , and every eligible voter should have received their ballot by the close of this window .
However , there is some scepticism that this will happen .

Complaints are mounting from Labour candidates who are frustrated about the party charging fees to access membership data that will now be delayed.
Dr Rosena Allin-Khan, who is running for the deputy leadership, called on Thursday for the party to stop any ballots dropping before all candidates had received full data of every eligible voter in the contests.
LabourList understands that the leadership and deputy leadership hopefuls have been told that they will be sent membership data on Saturday, after the close of nominations, but will not receive affiliate data at the same time.
Candidates have today been informed that the fee for accessing this partly delayed data – which will allow them to campaign for votes on an equal footing with each other – also consists of a VAT charge of £1,000.
Update, 6.15pm: Campaigns interpreted the communication to mean that the fee had been increased from £5,000 to a total of £6,000 for each candidate. But LabourList understands that the VAT charge will be included in the £5,000 charge. However, at least one of the campaigns has already paid £6,000 to the party.
According to LabourList sources, campaigns have asked for a breakdown of how the data money will be spent, but this has not yet been provided, though the party said there were costs associated with GDPR.
Allin-Khan told LabourList: “It’s unfair for the Labour Party to charge for member lists – candidates should be entitled to them without financial barriers. However, for that data to be effectively sold to candidates and VAT added is deeply worrying.
“Selling member data for exorbitant fees disadvantages campaigns with less financial resources. This is the kind of behaviour that would have discouraged someone like me, from a poor background, from getting involved in politics.
“Members don’t want their data sold to candidates – they want a truly fair contest. Instead of hiking up administrative and handling fees like this, the Labour Party must provide all membership and supporter data immediately, to all candidates, so that we can present ourselves and our ideas to our members and supporters.”
Another candidate in the deputy race, Ian Murray, said: “This unfair charge should be abolished – not increased by another £1,000 at the 11th hour when we are supposed to get the data. It’s an absolute scandal.
“The Labour Party should be ashamed of putting financial barriers like this in the way of people who want the opportunity to stand for party posts.
“It discriminates against grassroots member-backed campaigns like my campaign, and does not live up to our promise to be a party for the many, not the few.
“We haven’t budgeted for this and right now we don’t have the money. My campaign will be raising this directly with the party.”
Murray has written to Labour general secretary Jennie Formby asking for the fee to be dropped, or “at the very least” for the VAT to be “absorbed by the Labour Party”, and for a payment plan to be available to campaigns “or the invoice terms should be changed to 30 days”.
Responding to the apparent fee hike, another deputy hopeful Dawn Butler tweeted: “I have just been told that the party wants £6,000 for incomplete data. £6k! @DrRosena they’ve added £1k VAT! feel free to add this latest atrocity to your letter.”
When campaign teams met with the party on Thursday afternoon, LabourList sources say they were not given a specific time for receipt of the data on Saturday – expected to be in the afternoon – nor the later arrival of affiliates data.
Another concern that has been raised is the extent to which the order that candidates will be able to email members and affiliates could affect the contest. To decide the order, a member of the digital team drew ballots in front of campaign staffers.
But there are worries that the first candidate to put out an email will have their message seen by more voters, as the party must provide an option to unsubscribe from the mailing list according to GDPR rules.
As the number of unsubscribers is likely to increase with every email, and the open rate will probably go down, the candidates who are allowed to email members later than their rivals are thought to be disadvantaged.
LabourList understands that campaign teams have been told email ballots will drop between February 24th and 26th, and every eligible voter should have received their ballot by the close of this window. However, there is some scepticism that this will happen.


labourlist--2020-02-14--5 things we’ve learnt from a report about ‘Blue Wall’ seats

Labour suffered its worst election defeat since the 1930s last year .
The party lost a number of seats from its so-called ‘ Red Wall ’ , ceding places never before held by the Tories , which has now created a ‘ Blue Wall ’ stretching across the Midlands , North of England and Wales .
Discussion of these constituencies and the change in voting behaviour of their residents has led to a picture being painted of poorer , older , ‘ left-behind ’ areas , which young people leave en-masse .
But is this an accurate characterisation ?
To @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former ‘ Red Wall ’ seats , we took a closer look at a report published by the Resolution Foundation on the subject earlier this week .
Below are five things we learnt .
Employment is generally higher than in other Labour seats .
These seats have lower levels of employment than the national average , and in recent years employment has grown less quickly than in the rest of the country – 4 % compared to 5.3 % since 2010 .
But while employment is lower than the country generally – it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ very slightly higher than the average for Labour-held constituencies at 72.1 % .
More concerning is the fact that these areas have lots of people working in shrinking sectors , including retail and manufacturing .
The working population is shifting towards higher-value sectors at a slower rate than in other places .
Considered against the country as a whole , these ex- ‘ Red Wall ’ seats have lower than average weekly pay – with people earning £20 less than in the rest of Britain , and £44 lower than in other Tory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fallen faster than in other areas in real terms , with a reduction of 2.1 % since 2010 compared to a national average decrease of 1.5 % .
But the report points out that this is largely symptomatic of the large regional inequality between London and the South East and the rest of the country .
The districts are closer to the national average than in other Labour held places in the North , Midlands and Wales , with average earnings that are £9 lower per week .
These seats are categorically not @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only very slightly older than the national average for the UK .
The average in the red wall seats stands at 41 , while the average across the country of 40.3 years .
Labour seats have an average age of 37.5 while their Tory counterparts are on average aged 42.3 .
The constituencies are pretty normal in terms of the rate at which the population is ageing , too .
Between 2002-18 , mean age increased by 4 % , compared to 5 % across England and Wales .
People are not in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not seem to be leaving in their droves – and that includes young people .
Instead , there is high retention .
Residents are far less likely to leave the local authorities they live in to find work , compared with people in other areas of the country .
But while there are not large numbers of people leaving these areas , there also aren ’ t many going to these constituencies .
The report showed that people in these seats are far less likely to have moved from another area in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in other regions .
Home ownership is higher than the national average .
Home ownership in the former ‘ Red Wall ’ seats stands at 54 % , slightly above the national average of 54 % .
This is markedly higher than the average for Labour seats , which is 43 % .
This is perhaps not surprising , as house prices tend to be much lower than the national average .
A typical home in these constituencies costs £142,000 compared to an average of £263,000 for England and Wales .
Gross property @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the main residence for a family – is higher in the constituencies at around £77,000 than in Labour seats across the North , Midlands and Wales ( £69,000 ) .
The report also found that there is less housing pressure in these seats across a range of indicators including access to housing and services , rent and house prices .

Labour suffered its worst election defeat since the 1930s last year. The party lost a number of seats from its so-called ‘Red Wall’, ceding places never before held by the Tories, which has now created a ‘Blue Wall’ stretching across the Midlands, North of England and Wales.
Discussion of these constituencies and the change in voting behaviour of their residents has led to a picture being painted of poorer, older, ‘left-behind’ areas, which young people leave en-masse. But is this an accurate characterisation?
To find out a little more about these former ‘Red Wall’ seats, we took a closer look at a report published by the Resolution Foundation on the subject earlier this week. Below are five things we learnt.
Employment is generally higher than in other Labour seats.
These seats have lower levels of employment than the national average, and in recent years employment has grown less quickly than in the rest of the country – 4% compared to 5.3% since 2010.
But while employment is lower than the country generally – it sits at 72.9% – it is very slightly higher than the average for Labour-held constituencies at 72.1%.
More concerning is the fact that these areas have lots of people working in shrinking sectors, including retail and manufacturing. The working population is shifting towards higher-value sectors at a slower rate than in other places.
Pay is higher.
Considered against the country as a whole, these ex-‘Red Wall’ seats have lower than average weekly pay – with people earning £20 less than in the rest of Britain, and £44 lower than in other Tory areas.
Pay across these constituencies has fallen faster than in other areas in real terms, with a reduction of 2.1% since 2010 compared to a national average decrease of 1.5%.
But the report points out that this is largely symptomatic of the large regional inequality between London and the South East and the rest of the country.
The districts are closer to the national average than in other Labour held places in the North, Midlands and Wales, with average earnings that are £9 lower per week.
Their residents are middle aged.
These seats are categorically not old. The residents are in fact only very slightly older than the national average for the UK.
The average in the red wall seats stands at 41, while the average across the country of 40.3 years. Labour seats have an average age of 37.5 while their Tory counterparts are on average aged 42.3.
The constituencies are pretty normal in terms of the rate at which the population is ageing, too. Between 2002-18, mean age increased by 4%, compared to 5% across England and Wales.
People are not in a rush to leave.
People do not seem to be leaving in their droves – and that includes young people. Instead, there is high retention. Residents are far less likely to leave the local authorities they live in to find work, compared with people in other areas of the country.
But while there are not large numbers of people leaving these areas, there also aren’t many going to these constituencies. The report showed that people in these seats are far less likely to have moved from another area in the UK, or from abroad, than in other regions.
Home ownership is higher than the national average.
Home ownership in the former ‘Red Wall’ seats stands at 54%, slightly above the national average of 54%. This is markedly higher than the average for Labour seats, which is 43%.
This is perhaps not surprising, as house prices tend to be much lower than the national average. A typical home in these constituencies costs £142,000 compared to an average of £263,000 for England and Wales.
Gross property wealth per family – the value of the main residence for a family – is higher in the constituencies at around £77,000 than in Labour seats across the North, Midlands and Wales (£69,000).
The report also found that there is less housing pressure in these seats across a range of indicators including access to housing and services, rent and house prices.