labourlist--2020-02-04--How will candidates fight to win the country, not just the conference hall?

For too long , our leaders and policies have not been forged in the white heat of a marginal seat .
Yet this is what frames the electoral coalition that we must assemble and the seats that we must win back .
The Marginal Seat Test has taken off for all candidates – and they should not expect to become Labour ’ s next leader without passing it .
All over the country , this frames the electoral system within which we compete for votes .
I want to re-inject the principle of power , of being in it to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to win the country , not just the conference hall ?
I have invited every leader and deputy leader candidate to Bury North to take a walkabout with me , do a public meeting and answer the concerns of everyday life in Bury and towns like mine .
It takes leadership hopefuls away from the protective , sound-proof Labour majorities that so many of those confident in Labour ’ s victory before now have returned to .
All leadership and most deputy candidates are confirmed to attend before the ballots drop .
Labour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ t just insufficient – they undermined the campaigning in seats across the country .
If you haven ’ t got enough to go around , you know all too well how much things out of your reach cost and you ’ re sceptical about the word “ free ” because there ’ s always a catch .
The next leader must offer an energetic , optimistic and believable vision of the future , with a shadow cabinet of must-haves – especially those with original , authentic ideas for these modern but often anxious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are not relieved by repeating them to others or each other .
Nor is the poverty trap escaped from by making it a spectacle for speeches at galas or in debates without most of all committing to do what is required to win an election .
This is a call on the party and our movement to understand the home-truths – truths we find on the doorstep of voters that break from the kids ’ bath-time , work calls or the telly to answer the door to us .
To win , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote for us .
Our systems are outdate : we were sending hundreds of activists to Tory seats that we had no hope of winning , at the expense of seats such as mine , and we spoke only to those we believed might be for us .
This is not a call to return to the centre ground but grounded in country , towns , city and a desire to re-capture our purpose .
To show we ’ ve not just listened , but that we are smart with our appeal to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ an issue .
To address the experiences of life as we find it .
Few people want revolution , they want an evolution .
For life to get better over time .
To climb , to succeed , for improvements in their living for themselves and their family .
Labour must awaken a spirit of straightforward improvements to everyday life .
And forfeit the brand of the aggressive , agitational , half-glass empty assessment of society that pursues the dismantling of life as we know it , instead of sure , steady , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It ’ s all very well having a manifesto we ordain as what the country needs but it doesn ’ t mean a thing if it ’ s a manifesto that nobody believes .
Elections are won partly on inspiration and partly on assurance – 80/20 , I think .
For those we don ’ t bring with us through inspiration , they may just need the permission to turn towards us or seek the assurance that we ’ ve got it covered .
We must not be without radicalism either .
A @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the new economy must be built , and it requires a radical shift .
The white heat of a marginal seat is a phrase deliberately coined .
This is a time akin to Harold Wilson ’ s , with the dawn of a new Industrial Age and the Fourth Industrial Revolution , and this is a time for an active , engaged state changing lives with the possibilities of government .
End the redundant cities-first-and-only economic instinct .
Breathe life into rural , urban and coastal communities , reach across generations , address @ @ @ @ @ @ @ housing .
A renewed national identity can come with new start-up national industries .
Our leader shouldn ’ t be obsessed with just what the Labour Party can take back in-house with nationalisation , but must instead be inspiring us as to what a Labour Party in government can start up .
The new creation of national industries ; social parameters for innovation , social capitalism , social enterprise , pro-worker and pro-social business , exciting skilled work , creative possibilities linked to a transformed further education plan and a vision for a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Northern Ireland , with space to express the patriotic identity of each .
The snap election interrupted my time in parliament .
But as we said in my campaign , we keep going .
We keep the faith .
I am remaining faithful .
Faithful to the cause and faithful that the Labour Party in government is the best force for good we have .
So , keep the faith !
Remain faithful .

For too long, our leaders and policies have not been forged in the white heat of a marginal seat. Yet this is what frames the electoral coalition that we must assemble and the seats that we must win back. The Marginal Seat Test has taken off for all candidates – and they should not expect to become Labour’s next leader without passing it. All over the country, this frames the electoral system within which we compete for votes. I want to re-inject the principle of power, of being in it to win it. How will candidates fight to win the country, not just the conference hall?
I have invited every leader and deputy leader candidate to Bury North to take a walkabout with me, do a public meeting and answer the concerns of everyday life in Bury and towns like mine. It takes leadership hopefuls away from the protective, sound-proof Labour majorities that so many of those confident in Labour’s victory before now have returned to. All leadership and most deputy candidates are confirmed to attend before the ballots drop.
Labour’s national election efforts weren’t just insufficient – they undermined the campaigning in seats across the country. If you haven’t got enough to go around, you know all too well how much things out of your reach cost and you’re sceptical about the word “free” because there’s always a catch.
The next leader must offer an energetic, optimistic and believable vision of the future, with a shadow cabinet of must-haves – especially those with original, authentic ideas for these modern but often anxious times. Anxieties felt by everyday people are not relieved by repeating them to others or each other. Nor is the poverty trap escaped from by making it a spectacle for speeches at galas or in debates without most of all committing to do what is required to win an election.
This is a call on the party and our movement to understand the home-truths – truths we find on the doorstep of voters that break from the kids’ bath-time, work calls or the telly to answer the door to us. To win, we need natural and unnatural Labour voters to vote for us. Our systems are outdate: we were sending hundreds of activists to Tory seats that we had no hope of winning, at the expense of seats such as mine, and we spoke only to those we believed might be for us.
This is not a call to return to the centre ground but grounded in country, towns, city and a desire to re-capture our purpose. To show we’ve not just listened, but that we are smart with our appeal to voters. Appealing to the emotions of an issue. To address the experiences of life as we find it. Few people want revolution, they want an evolution. For life to get better over time. To climb, to succeed, for improvements in their living for themselves and their family.
Labour must awaken a spirit of straightforward improvements to everyday life. And forfeit the brand of the aggressive, agitational, half-glass empty assessment of society that pursues the dismantling of life as we know it, instead of sure, steady, transformational and believable improvements to it.
It’s all very well having a manifesto we ordain as what the country needs but it doesn’t mean a thing if it’s a manifesto that nobody believes. Elections are won partly on inspiration and partly on assurance – 80/20, I think. For those we don’t bring with us through inspiration, they may just need the permission to turn towards us or seek the assurance that we’ve got it covered.
We must not be without radicalism either. A plan to tackle the climate emergency and the new economy must be built, and it requires a radical shift. The white heat of a marginal seat is a phrase deliberately coined. This is a time akin to Harold Wilson’s, with the dawn of a new Industrial Age and the Fourth Industrial Revolution, and this is a time for an active, engaged state changing lives with the possibilities of government. End the redundant cities-first-and-only economic instinct. Breathe life into rural, urban and coastal communities, reach across generations, address regional imbalances, tackle social care and housing.
A renewed national identity can come with new start-up national industries. Our leader shouldn’t be obsessed with just what the Labour Party can take back in-house with nationalisation, but must instead be inspiring us as to what a Labour Party in government can start up. The new creation of national industries; social parameters for innovation, social capitalism, social enterprise, pro-worker and pro-social business, exciting skilled work, creative possibilities linked to a transformed further education plan and a vision for a proud England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, with space to express the patriotic identity of each.
The snap election interrupted my time in parliament. But as we said in my campaign, we keep going. We keep the faith. I am remaining faithful. Faithful to the cause and faithful that the Labour Party in government is the best force for good we have. So, keep the faith! Remain faithful.


labourlist--2020-02-04--Starmer unveils eight key reforms to make Labour “open, respectful, creative and engaging”

Labour leadership candidate Keir Starmer has unveiled eight key reforms today that would aim to change party culture and ensure that the organisation is “ open , respectful , creative and engaging ” .
At a members ’ meeting in Brighton and Hove and in a conference call with supporters tonight , Starmer will kick off a discussion around how Labour can build a “ new , more inclusive , more democratic culture of dignity and respect ” .
Announcing his package of reforms , Starmer said : “ I am immensely proud of the size and energy of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands by Jeremy Corbyn to join Labour , and we must not lose that idealism and radicalism .
“ We can , however , channel it more effectively .
We owe it to our members and our country to be a professional , effective campaigning organisation that is geared to win.
” The measures currently being proposed by Starmer are the following : • Recruit a truly representative set of candidates for future elections .
• Become campaign innovators – by “ creating and maintaining a leading technology position ” .
• Make @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and end NEC impositions of candidates .
• Set up an assembly of members and trade unionists to look at how we can develop policy in a more democratic way .
• Launch a “ transparency revolution ” – making public the membership of key committees and allowing members to communicate with their representatives on the NEC .
• Scrap the NCC and create an independent body to deal with complaints .
• Establish a review to explore how we can encourage more party members to become active in their trade unions and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Starmer has indicated that as Labour leader he would want to champion diversity in the parliamentary selection process , pushing for all-BAME shortlists , and to establish a ‘ Labour Party College ’ offering political education and training .
The frontrunner also says he wants to ensure accessibility for disabled members by providing remote access to local party meetings wherever possible , and intends to “ explore a full inclusivity review of all of our structures ” .
He plans to initiate a review into Labour ’ s campaigning infrastructure and technological @ @ @ @ @ @ @ creating and maintaining a leading technology position ” ahead of the next general election .
Other suggested reforms focus on Labour ’ s ruling bodies , from ending impositions of candidates by the national executive committee ( NEC ) to scrapping the national constitutional committee ( NCC ) entirely and replacing it with an independent body .
In a message to Labour supporters , Starmer said : “ We must embed into our systems and actions this principle that all members are equal .
We need our party to function like friends round @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be confident that our ideas are valued while we work together to find a way forward.
” The eight-point plan comes after fellow leadership candidate Rebecca Long-Bailey criticised the “ mismanagement and bad organisational culture ” within the party and put forward her own suggestions for improving Labour ’ s culture and campaign tools .
Further details of Starmer ’ s plans for party reform can be found on his website and the candidate is set to outline them in an online video conference call from 7.30pm on Tuesday evening .

Labour leadership candidate Keir Starmer has unveiled eight key reforms today that would aim to change party culture and ensure that the organisation is “open, respectful, creative and engaging”.
At a members’ meeting in Brighton and Hove and in a conference call with supporters tonight, Starmer will kick off a discussion around how Labour can build a “new, more inclusive, more democratic culture of dignity and respect”.
Announcing his package of reforms, Starmer said: “I am immensely proud of the size and energy of the party. People were inspired in their thousands by Jeremy Corbyn to join Labour, and we must not lose that idealism and radicalism.
“We can, however, channel it more effectively. We owe it to our members and our country to be a professional, effective campaigning organisation that is geared to win.”
The measures currently being proposed by Starmer are the following:
Recruit a truly representative set of candidates for future elections. Provide better access for disabled members. Become campaign innovators – by “creating and maintaining a leading technology position”. Make the selections for Labour candidates more democratic and end NEC impositions of candidates. Set up an assembly of members and trade unionists to look at how we can develop policy in a more democratic way. Launch a “transparency revolution” – making public the membership of key committees and allowing members to communicate with their representatives on the NEC. Scrap the NCC and create an independent body to deal with complaints. Establish a review to explore how we can encourage more party members to become active in their trade unions and more trade unionists in the Labour Party.
Starmer has indicated that as Labour leader he would want to champion diversity in the parliamentary selection process, pushing for all-BAME shortlists, and to establish a ‘Labour Party College’ offering political education and training.
The frontrunner also says he wants to ensure accessibility for disabled members by providing remote access to local party meetings wherever possible, and intends to “explore a full inclusivity review of all of our structures”.
He plans to initiate a review into Labour’s campaigning infrastructure and technological innovation in order to “invest in creating and maintaining a leading technology position” ahead of the next general election.
Other suggested reforms focus on Labour’s ruling bodies, from ending impositions of candidates by the national executive committee (NEC) to scrapping the national constitutional committee (NCC) entirely and replacing it with an independent body.
In a message to Labour supporters, Starmer said: “We must embed into our systems and actions this principle that all members are equal. We need our party to function like friends round a table, where each of us can be confident that our ideas are valued while we work together to find a way forward.”
The eight-point plan comes after fellow leadership candidate Rebecca Long-Bailey criticised the “mismanagement and bad organisational culture” within the party and put forward her own suggestions for improving Labour’s culture and campaign tools.
Further details of Starmer’s plans for party reform can be found on his website and the candidate is set to outline them in an online video conference call from 7.30pm on Tuesday evening.


labourlist--2020-02-04--Italy’s Sardines show Labour how to beat Boris Johnson in 2024

Our country ’ s 47-year membership of the world ’ s most successful political and economic union has finally come to an end .
For many progressives , it ’ s a moment filled with great sadness .
It should be one of deep regret , too , as it symbolises our collective failure to have halted the obsessive pursuit by nationalists to tear us apart from our closest European friends and neighbours .
Progressives can not despair , however .
This is no time to wallow in grief and rue missed opportunities in preventing this dreaded outcome .
It @ @ @ @ @ @ @ : to understand how we got here ; examine why people lost faith in our place at the heart of Europe ; to map out a new role for the UK in a post Brexit landscape ; and most importantly , to develop a plan for electoral success .
Navigating our way forward won ’ t be easy .
But events in Italy last week show us the way .
In the northern region of Emilia-Romagna , Matteo Salvini ’ s far-right force lost their bid to take power .
He campaigned relentlessly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ would bring down the national coalition government , involving Italy ’ s unpopular centre-left Democratic Party .
With Salvini commanding a hefty lead in nationwide polls , he was already dreaming of becoming Prime Minister .
So , what went wrong for him ?
It was something called the Sardines .
This is a new , progressively-minded grassroots movement , unaligned to any political party .
It sees ordinary Italians , who are sick of the hateful rhetoric and policies of Salvini and the far right , cram into public squares to protest @ @ @ @ @ @ @ months ago , with its first public demonstration in Bologna attracting 15,000 people .
There have been dozens more since , with one in Rome last month involving a staggering 100,000 people .
The Sardines have now become the republic ’ s largest ever mobilisation of civil society .
The individuals attending these events come from all walks of life , young and old .
It is a wholly non-factional and open enterprise .
What unites them is their frustration with the political system and the parties that are meant to represent them @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and beyond that their country doesn ’ t belong to the fascists and their hateful anti-immigrant agenda .
One recent poll found that 40 % of Italians now see the Sardines as the greatest threat to Salvini .
And in the Emilia-Romagna ’ s regional election , turnout rocketed from 37.7 % in 2014 to 67.7 % in 2020 .
That is almost certainly down to the Sardines , and their effect in awakening public consciousness and actively stirring participation .
The genius of this project is not just its size and how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ its sheer simplicity .
It all started with four flatmates who were despairing at the state of the country , and who gathered for dinner one evening last November .
They asked themselves : what next for progressives ?
Boris Johnson has redrawn the political map in the UK .
It is time for progressives here , like the Sardines , to also address the question of where next .
We can start by recognising that in order to successfully take on Boris in 2024 , progressive parties must ditch the factionalism and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ coalition .
The skewed nature of our first-past-the-post electoral system makes this an absolute necessity .
At the last election , on average , it only took 38,000 votes to elect a Conservative MP , but 336,000 for each Lib Dem and 865,000 for the Green Party .
Then there is the public ’ s visceral dislike of the tribalism embedded in our overly adversarial political culture .
Just this week , an alarming report by Cambridge University ’ s Centre for the Future of Democracy found that over 60 % of voters @ @ @ @ @ @ @ system ’ .
This new progressive alliance can help create a fairer and more modern system by committing to electoral reform upon assuming power , involving a more proportional parliament using the Additional Member System for the House of Commons and a fully-elected upper chamber .
Until such a system comes to fruition , a pluralistic politics – the litmus test for any healthy democracy – will struggle to thrive .
The Labour Party and its next leader are the only ones who can make this progressive coalition happen .
They will need @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Lib Dems , and seek a more formalised approach to tactical voting in the next parliamentary election , ensuring the progressive vote is maximised in all places .
There can not be a repeat of Kensington , where the Labour and Lib Dem vote was split , allowing the Tories to slip through by 150 votes .
This progressive alliance should embody the political spirit of the Sardines – one that is open , collaborative and empowering .
Politics is meant to be an active process , but far too often , it @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
To create a popular ‘ people ’ s manifesto ’ , this new alliance could invite members of the public into the policy-making process for the first time ever ahead of the next election in 2024 , using citizens ’ assemblies and open policy forums .
Keir Starmer has talked about Labour ’ s failure to connect with those in the middle , while Lisa Nandy has rightly extolled the virtues of getting out of the social media hothouse and into the real world .
Both have shown their potential to lead @ @ @ @ @ @ @ This is the kind of vision that Labour ’ s next leader must have if our party is going to beat Boris Johnson in 2024 .

Our country’s 47-year membership of the world’s most successful political and economic union has finally come to an end. For many progressives, it’s a moment filled with great sadness. It should be one of deep regret, too, as it symbolises our collective failure to have halted the obsessive pursuit by nationalists to tear us apart from our closest European friends and neighbours.
Progressives cannot despair, however. This is no time to wallow in grief and rue missed opportunities in preventing this dreaded outcome. It’s the time to wise up: to understand how we got here; examine why people lost faith in our place at the heart of Europe; to map out a new role for the UK in a post Brexit landscape; and most importantly, to develop a plan for electoral success.
Navigating our way forward won’t be easy. But events in Italy last week show us the way. In the northern region of Emilia-Romagna, Matteo Salvini’s far-right force lost their bid to take power. He campaigned relentlessly for months, calculating that a victory would bring down the national coalition government, involving Italy’s unpopular centre-left Democratic Party.
With Salvini commanding a hefty lead in nationwide polls, he was already dreaming of becoming Prime Minister. So, what went wrong for him? It was something called the Sardines. This is a new, progressively-minded grassroots movement, unaligned to any political party. It sees ordinary Italians, who are sick of the hateful rhetoric and policies of Salvini and the far right, cram into public squares to protest. It began just a couple of months ago, with its first public demonstration in Bologna attracting 15,000 people.
There have been dozens more since, with one in Rome last month involving a staggering 100,000 people. The Sardines have now become the republic’s largest ever mobilisation of civil society. The individuals attending these events come from all walks of life, young and old. It is a wholly non-factional and open enterprise. What unites them is their frustration with the political system and the parties that are meant to represent them.
They also want to show Italy and beyond that their country doesn’t belong to the fascists and their hateful anti-immigrant agenda. One recent poll found that 40% of Italians now see the Sardines as the greatest threat to Salvini. And in the Emilia-Romagna’s regional election, turnout rocketed from 37.7% in 2014 to 67.7% in 2020. That is almost certainly down to the Sardines, and their effect in awakening public consciousness and actively stirring participation.
The genius of this project is not just its size and how quickly it has grown, but also its sheer simplicity. It all started with four flatmates who were despairing at the state of the country, and who gathered for dinner one evening last November. They asked themselves: what next for progressives?
Boris Johnson has redrawn the political map in the UK. It is time for progressives here, like the Sardines, to also address the question of where next. We can start by recognising that in order to successfully take on Boris in 2024, progressive parties must ditch the factionalism and work together as part of a broader coalition. The skewed nature of our first-past-the-post electoral system makes this an absolute necessity. At the last election, on average, it only took 38,000 votes to elect a Conservative MP, but 336,000 for each Lib Dem and 865,000 for the Green Party.
Then there is the public’s visceral dislike of the tribalism embedded in our overly adversarial political culture. Just this week, an alarming report by Cambridge University’s Centre for the Future of Democracy found that over 60% of voters were unhappy with the current ‘democratic system’.
This new progressive alliance can help create a fairer and more modern system by committing to electoral reform upon assuming power, involving a more proportional parliament using the Additional Member System for the House of Commons and a fully-elected upper chamber. Until such a system comes to fruition, a pluralistic politics – the litmus test for any healthy democracy – will struggle to thrive.
The Labour Party and its next leader are the only ones who can make this progressive coalition happen. They will need to reach out to the Greens and Lib Dems, and seek a more formalised approach to tactical voting in the next parliamentary election, ensuring the progressive vote is maximised in all places. There cannot be a repeat of Kensington, where the Labour and Lib Dem vote was split, allowing the Tories to slip through by 150 votes.
This progressive alliance should embody the political spirit of the Sardines – one that is open, collaborative and empowering. Politics is meant to be an active process, but far too often, it feels like something being done to you. To create a popular ‘people’s manifesto’, this new alliance could invite members of the public into the policy-making process for the first time ever ahead of the next election in 2024, using citizens’ assemblies and open policy forums.
Keir Starmer has talked about Labour’s failure to connect with those in the middle, while Lisa Nandy has rightly extolled the virtues of getting out of the social media hothouse and into the real world. Both have shown their potential to lead a progressive alliance across the country. This is the kind of vision that Labour’s next leader must have if our party is going to beat Boris Johnson in 2024.


labourlist--2020-02-04--Long-Bailey criticises “mismanagement and bad organisational culture” in Labour

Rebecca Long-Bailey , typically regarded as the most Corbynite candidate in Labour ’ s leadership race , has criticised “ mismanagement and bad organisational culture ” in her party and said that these factors “ let down ” staff in the 2019 election campaign .
Labour members were also “ held back ” during the campaign in December by “ outdated party machinery ” , Long-Bailey has pointed out .
“ Key digital tools were starved of funding and often broke down , hampering activists ’ ability to campaign.
” The leadership hopeful has said that the Labour Party – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ targeted the “ wrong seats ” in 2019 “ based on partial data ” , and this meant that party activists “ wasted efforts campaigning in places we couldn ’ t win ” .
There has been much criticism within the party since the election of huge numbers of activists being directed towards constituencies such as Uxbridge , Boris Johnson ’ s own seat , rather than marginal seats Labour was likely to lose such as Bury North .
“ Under my leadership , there will be a full and impartial review into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and the culture of HQ will be part of that , ” Long-Bailey has vowed , adding that Labour staff “ deserve the proper support and resourcing to do their jobs ” .
Implying that cronyism exists within the party currently , the MP for Salford and Eccles added : “ Under my leadership , staff will be fully supported , and promotions will be based on what you know , not who you know .
“ Labour will commit to open , transparent recruitment process that brings in the best talent and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ t care which wing of the party you ’ re from .
If you ’ re competent , professional and get the job done , I want you working for Labour.
” The leadership candidate , who secured her place on the ballot paper after gaining the nominations of Unite , BFAWU , CWU and FBU trade unions , is trailing behind Keir Starmer in terms of local party nominations .
She has 64 CLPs , while the Holborn MP is storming ahead with 144 .
Long-Bailey ’ s criticism of how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ widely being interpreted as a bid to distance herself from the ‘ continuity Corbyn ’ label that has been attached to her candidacy since before it was officially announced .
Setting out in further detail her plans to turn Labour into a “ professional , modern party that can go toe-to-toe with Dominic Cummings ” , Long-Bailey said she would hire a chief technology director to “ oversee a digital transformation in party HQ ” .
She said : “ The Bernie Sanders campaign in the USA uses digital organising to raise huge @ @ @ @ @ @ @ thousands of activists .
Momentum , a grassroots campaign with a fraction of the resources of the party , is still way ahead in terms of member mobilisation and social media .
“ There is no excuse that we ’ re lagging behind .
Under my leadership we ’ ll go toe to toe with Dominic Cummings , properly fund our digital operation and bring in as much external expertise as necessary .
“ It ’ s 2020 and we have to be the global best .
To win power we must build @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
”

Rebecca Long-Bailey, typically regarded as the most Corbynite candidate in Labour’s leadership race, has criticised “mismanagement and bad organisational culture” in her party and said that these factors “let down” staff in the 2019 election campaign.
Labour members were also “held back” during the campaign in December by “outdated party machinery”, Long-Bailey has pointed out. “Key digital tools were starved of funding and often broke down, hampering activists’ ability to campaign.”
The leadership hopeful has said that the Labour Party – under the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn – targeted the “wrong seats” in 2019 “based on partial data”, and this meant that party activists “wasted efforts campaigning in places we couldn’t win”.
There has been much criticism within the party since the election of huge numbers of activists being directed towards constituencies such as Uxbridge, Boris Johnson’s own seat, rather than marginal seats Labour was likely to lose such as Bury North.
“Under my leadership, there will be a full and impartial review into the failings of our 2019 campaign, and the culture of HQ will be part of that,” Long-Bailey has vowed, adding that Labour staff “deserve the proper support and resourcing to do their jobs”.
Implying that cronyism exists within the party currently, the MP for Salford and Eccles added: “Under my leadership, staff will be fully supported, and promotions will be based on what you know, not who you know.
“Labour will commit to open, transparent recruitment process that brings in the best talent and expertise money can buy. I don’t care which wing of the party you’re from. If you’re competent, professional and get the job done, I want you working for Labour.”
The leadership candidate, who secured her place on the ballot paper after gaining the nominations of Unite, BFAWU, CWU and FBU trade unions, is trailing behind Keir Starmer in terms of local party nominations. She has 64 CLPs, while the Holborn MP is storming ahead with 144.
Long-Bailey’s criticism of how the 2019 election campaign was run is widely being interpreted as a bid to distance herself from the ‘continuity Corbyn’ label that has been attached to her candidacy since before it was officially announced.
Setting out in further detail her plans to turn Labour into a “professional, modern party that can go toe-to-toe with Dominic Cummings”, Long-Bailey said she would hire a chief technology director to “oversee a digital transformation in party HQ”.
She said: “The Bernie Sanders campaign in the USA uses digital organising to raise huge amounts of money and mobilise hundreds of thousands of activists. Momentum, a grassroots campaign with a fraction of the resources of the party, is still way ahead in terms of member mobilisation and social media.
“There is no excuse that we’re lagging behind. Under my leadership we’ll go toe to toe with Dominic Cummings, properly fund our digital operation and bring in as much external expertise as necessary.
“It’s 2020 and we have to be the global best. To win power we must build Labour into a mighty election winning machine.”


labourlist--2020-02-04--Labour councils are not simply enabling Tory cuts – we’re making a difference

As recently as 2018 , Trafford was known as one of the jewels in the Conservative crown .
“ Tory Trafford ” was that rare beast : a Tory Met in the north of England .
The local elections in 2018 and 2019 brought this Tory hegemony to an end .
We bucked the national trend , with Labour becoming the largest party and the ruling group with four gains in 2018 , before taking six seats from the Tories in May 2019 to secure the first Labour majority in Trafford for 16 years .
As is always the way @ @ @ @ @ @ @ reasons for this triumph .
But it ’ s important to recognise the relentless campaigning that has taken place in Trafford and to thank all of our members who have been a part of that .
And nearly two years after forming a Labour administration , those members are entitled to ask “ so what ?
” .
How has a Labour council made a difference for residents ?
This is an especially difficult question to answer in the current political climate .
There are still some – including in our party – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ enabling Tory cuts and somehow sell out on our values just by setting legal budgets .
I know more than most how much harder it is to be in office than in opposition .
In Trafford , we have seen around £160m stripped from our budgets since 2010 , and this looks set to continue in the years ahead .
Of course , this restricts the extent to which we can put our values into practice , but we ’ re still making a difference every single day .
What has a Labour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ have we made ?
Protecting residents and services ?
Yes : we ’ re about to move our second budget as a Labour administration , and again this year through innovation and careful management we will protect all frontline services with no job losses .
There will be more challenging years ahead – indeed 2021/22 looks set to be incredibly difficult in Trafford – but after years of local Tories slashing key services , two consecutive ‘ no cuts ’ budgets is something of which we can be rightly proud .
Our changes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and show Labour values in practice .
We ’ re directly funding the delivery of social homes , with our first scheme given planning permission just a couple of weeks ago .
We ’ ve insourced the council ’ s youth service – previously stripped to the bone by the Tories – and recruited additional youth workers who have already engaged with thousands of our young people .
We ’ ve invested in funding for advice services for residents to help mitigate the worst effects of austerity , and we ’ re driving @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with local suppliers in our first year in charge .
There are many more examples I could give , but these measures show why it was so important that those members who supported us in Trafford helped us over the line and into power .
The next five years will be bleak .
The Tories have a mandate to wreak untold havoc on the very people we exist to protect .
Labour councillors are on the frontline , making a difference in some of the most difficult circumstances imaginable .
The party needs @ @ @ @ @ @ @ use the skills and expertise we have to help lead the fightback nationally .
Too often , the work of councillors is overlooked , and it feels like local elections are not prioritised by those at the top of the party .
Now more than ever , we need to see councillors given a stronger voice in the party , leveraging our practical experience of delivering services to help develop the policies that will lead us to victory in 2024 .
That ’ s why I hope our next leader will ensure that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ related to local government and the range of services with which we interact as councillors on a daily basis .
Nobody is suggesting we should have the final say but the party must recognise the role councillors will play in delivering policy in these areas , the skills and experience we have as elected member , and our unique insight into what will and will not work in local government .
Winning more councils for Labour is critical to building a strong base as we look to win back power nationally .
More @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chance to showcase the difference Labour values can make in practice .
It may be tough , and we may wish we could do so much more , but I ’ m proud of the difference we ’ re making in Trafford and grateful to everyone in our movement who has helped to make that happen .

As recently as 2018, Trafford was known as one of the jewels in the Conservative crown. “Tory Trafford” was that rare beast: a Tory Met in the north of England. The local elections in 2018 and 2019 brought this Tory hegemony to an end. We bucked the national trend, with Labour becoming the largest party and the ruling group with four gains in 2018, before taking six seats from the Tories in May 2019 to secure the first Labour majority in Trafford for 16 years.
As is always the way with successful campaigns, there were many reasons for this triumph. But it’s important to recognise the relentless campaigning that has taken place in Trafford and to thank all of our members who have been a part of that. And nearly two years after forming a Labour administration, those members are entitled to ask “so what?”. How has a Labour council made a difference for residents?
This is an especially difficult question to answer in the current political climate. There are still some – including in our party – who believe that Labour councillors are simply enabling Tory cuts and somehow sell out on our values just by setting legal budgets. I know more than most how much harder it is to be in office than in opposition. In Trafford, we have seen around £160m stripped from our budgets since 2010, and this looks set to continue in the years ahead. Of course, this restricts the extent to which we can put our values into practice, but we’re still making a difference every single day.
What has a Labour council meant in Trafford? What difference have we made? Protecting residents and services? Yes: we’re about to move our second budget as a Labour administration, and again this year through innovation and careful management we will protect all frontline services with no job losses. There will be more challenging years ahead – indeed 2021/22 looks set to be incredibly difficult in Trafford – but after years of local Tories slashing key services, two consecutive ‘no cuts’ budgets is something of which we can be rightly proud.
Our changes to policy speak to what we believe and show Labour values in practice. We’re directly funding the delivery of social homes, with our first scheme given planning permission just a couple of weeks ago. We’ve insourced the council’s youth service – previously stripped to the bone by the Tories – and recruited additional youth workers who have already engaged with thousands of our young people. We’ve invested in funding for advice services for residents to help mitigate the worst effects of austerity, and we’re driving a thriving local economy having trebled spend with local suppliers in our first year in charge. There are many more examples I could give, but these measures show why it was so important that those members who supported us in Trafford helped us over the line and into power.
The next five years will be bleak. The Tories have a mandate to wreak untold havoc on the very people we exist to protect. Labour councillors are on the frontline, making a difference in some of the most difficult circumstances imaginable. The party needs to learn from our experiences, and use the skills and expertise we have to help lead the fightback nationally. Too often, the work of councillors is overlooked, and it feels like local elections are not prioritised by those at the top of the party. Now more than ever, we need to see councillors given a stronger voice in the party, leveraging our practical experience of delivering services to help develop the policies that will lead us to victory in 2024.
That’s why I hope our next leader will ensure that Labour councillors are properly consulted on policy related to local government and the range of services with which we interact as councillors on a daily basis. Nobody is suggesting we should have the final say but the party must recognise the role councillors will play in delivering policy in these areas, the skills and experience we have as elected member, and our unique insight into what will and will not work in local government.
Winning more councils for Labour is critical to building a strong base as we look to win back power nationally. More than that, it’s a chance to showcase the difference Labour values can make in practice. It may be tough, and we may wish we could do so much more, but I’m proud of the difference we’re making in Trafford and grateful to everyone in our movement who has helped to make that happen.


labourlist--2020-02-04--Vanisha Solanki: Why I’m standing to be a Labour London Assembly candidate

I took the step to stand for the London Assembly to bridge the disconnect between Londoners and City Hall .
Not enough people know what City Hall does , and many feel like they have no say in how decisions taken there affect their own lives .
I ’ m standing because we need a younger voice that can truly understand what affects young people and how we need a real strategy that inspires , motivates and gives genuine hope to young people .
Too often , decisions about young people are made entirely by those who have little understanding @ @ @ @ @ @ @ radical socialist Labour values are desperately needed to force change – we need to hear the voice of workers more loudly , and Londoners must be heard in the policy-making process .
I ’ m standing because I am confident that I am uniquely placed to represent the whole community .
I am a product of the area ; my family are here , my friends too .
The decision for members in Havering and Redbridge is to pick a candidate who can part ways with tired old politics , who is inclusive @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than factions .
To pick someone who can and will unite the local membership .
I was appalled to see how poorly ethnic minorities are represented in both boroughs at regional and national level .
I want members to vote for me because they think I am the best , but I also believe that we need to have a more inclusive and diverse representative and show young people and minorities there is space for you too .
I ’ ve beaten Tories .
I stood to be a councillor in a Tory @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I have energy , ideas , experience and passion , and although I ’ ll support the mayor Sadiq Khan , I will also be someone who provides strong scrutiny .
I will demand services and investment for Havering and Redbridge .
My priorities have been built by having round table meetings with members and building a truly grass roots team , I haven ’ t been interested in chasing big name backers or machine politics .
The Labour Party is about its members , listening and working with them to build @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I ’ ve focused on .
I ’ ve loved every bit of the campaign so far , even when I ’ ve faced challenges such as having a call where I was essentially told I should be stepping aside .
That just made me more determined .
I ’ ve built my own website , written my leaflets and no production company was involved in my videos , just me and a phone !
My campaign is not carefully stage managed – what you see is what you get , genuine , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ desire to help people .
These are my priorities : • Fighting for better skills and better pay ; • Fight for accessibility across all our tube and train stations ; and I ’ ve seen my parents struggle to build a small catering business and put me and my sister through university .
I ’ ve seen inequality destroy hope with my residents .
I ’ m born in Redbridge , have family in Havering , I am truly local and for me it will mean more to represent my community in @ @ @

I took the step to stand for the London Assembly to bridge the disconnect between Londoners and City Hall. Not enough people know what City Hall does, and many feel like they have no say in how decisions taken there affect their own lives.
I’m standing because we need a younger voice that can truly understand what affects young people and how we need a real strategy that inspires, motivates and gives genuine hope to young people. Too often, decisions about young people are made entirely by those who have little understanding of the issues. I also believe radical socialist Labour values are desperately needed to force change – we need to hear the voice of workers more loudly, and Londoners must be heard in the policy-making process.
I’m standing because I am confident that I am uniquely placed to represent the whole community. I am a product of the area; my family are here, my friends too. The decision for members in Havering and Redbridge is to pick a candidate who can part ways with tired old politics, who is inclusive and represents Labour members and residents rather than factions. To pick someone who can and will unite the local membership.
I was appalled to see how poorly ethnic minorities are represented in both boroughs at regional and national level. I want members to vote for me because they think I am the best, but I also believe that we need to have a more inclusive and diverse representative and show young people and minorities there is space for you too.
I’ve beaten Tories. I stood to be a councillor in a Tory stronghold, and we took them apart. I have energy, ideas, experience and passion, and although I’ll support the mayor Sadiq Khan, I will also be someone who provides strong scrutiny. I will demand services and investment for Havering and Redbridge.
My priorities have been built by having round table meetings with members and building a truly grass roots team, I haven’t been interested in chasing big name backers or machine politics. The Labour Party is about its members, listening and working with them to build a movement – that’s what I’ve focused on.
I’ve loved every bit of the campaign so far, even when I’ve faced challenges such as having a call where I was essentially told I should be stepping aside. That just made me more determined. I’ve built my own website, written my leaflets and no production company was involved in my videos, just me and a phone! My campaign is not carefully stage managed – what you see is what you get, genuine, straight-talking and honest, with a burning desire to help people.
These are my priorities:
Fighting for better skills and better pay; Pushing for genuinely affordable homes; Tackle youth crime and burglaries; Fight for accessibility across all our tube and train stations; and Backing a green new deal.
I’ve seen my parents struggle to build a small catering business and put me and my sister through university. I’ve seen inequality destroy hope with my residents. I’m born in Redbridge, have family in Havering, I am truly local and for me it will mean more to represent my community in City Hall.


labourlist--2020-02-04--Starmer calls for investigation into Downing Street “media banning”

Keir Starmer has called for an urgent investigation into the decision of No 10 Downing Street to “ ban selected media ” from a briefing on Monday .
In a letter to the Cabinet Secretary today , the leadership candidate said that the move had “ undermined the civil service ’ s ability to comply with its core values of integrity , objectivity and impartiality ” .
Boris Johnson was accused of avoiding press scrutiny and employing tactics similar to those used by Donald Trump after selected journalists – from The Mirror , i , and other publications – were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Responding to the reports , Starmer wrote to Mark Sedwill : “ The media ’ s access to the Prime Minister ’ s chief negotiator should not be determined by political favouritism.
” Several reporters who were invited to the briefing – including the BBC ’ s Laura Kuenssberg and ITV ’ s Robert Peston – decided to walk out in protest .
The meeting was to be given by government officials – specifically , the Brexit adviser David Frost – who should be neutral and not political .
Although Starmer has incorrectly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ civil servant ” , it is understood that the Brexit adviser should follow a code that forbids him from “ briefing purely on party political matters ” .
Below is the full text of the letter sent by Keir Starmer .
I am writing following Number 10 ’ s decision to ban selected media from attending a briefing with a senior civil servant .
According to reports , Number 10 invited selected political journalists to a briefing with the Prime Minister ’ s lead Brexit negotiator David Frost .
When journalists from other @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Prime Minister ’ s Director of Communications is reported to have said : “ Those invited to the briefing can stay – everyone else , I ’ m afraid , will have to leave.
” When challenged about this decision , he added : “ We ’ re welcome to brief whoever we like , whenever we like.
” David Frost is a civil service appointee .
The Civil Service code states that staff must “ carry out [ their ] responsibilities in a way that is fair , just and equitable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ equality and diversity.
” It adds that civil servants must not “ act in a way that unjustifiably favours or discriminates against particular individuals or interests.
” The actions of the Prime Minister ’ s Director of Communications , who is a political appointee , are deeply disturbing .
I am concerned that they have undermined the civil service ’ s ability to comply with its core values of integrity , objectivity and impartiality .
Equally , banning sections of the media from attending important briefings about important matters of government is damaging @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Government ’ s post-Brexit trade plans are matters of national importance .
The media ’ s access to the Prime Minister ’ s chief negotiator should not be determined by political favouritism .
I would ask that you investigate urgently this matter and provide assurance that such an incident will not happen again .
Given the seriousness of this matter , I am putting this letter in the public domain .

Keir Starmer has called for an urgent investigation into the decision of No 10 Downing Street to “ban selected media” from a briefing on Monday.
In a letter to the Cabinet Secretary today, the leadership candidate said that the move had “undermined the civil service’s ability to comply with its core values of integrity, objectivity and impartiality”.
Boris Johnson was accused of avoiding press scrutiny and employing tactics similar to those used by Donald Trump after selected journalists – from The Mirror, i, and other publications – were excluded from a No 10 briefing.
Responding to the reports, Starmer wrote to Mark Sedwill: “The media’s access to the Prime Minister’s chief negotiator should not be determined by political favouritism.”
Several reporters who were invited to the briefing – including the BBC’s Laura Kuenssberg and ITV’s Robert Peston – decided to walk out in protest.
The meeting was to be given by government officials – specifically, the Brexit adviser David Frost – who should be neutral and not political.
Although Starmer has incorrectly referred to Frost as a “senior civil servant”, it is understood that the Brexit adviser should follow a code that forbids him from “briefing purely on party political matters”.
Below is the full text of the letter sent by Keir Starmer.
Dear Sir Mark,
Media access to civil service briefings.
I am writing following Number 10’s decision to ban selected media from attending a briefing with a senior civil servant.
According to reports, Number 10 invited selected political journalists to a briefing with the Prime Minister’s lead Brexit negotiator David Frost.
When journalists from other news outlets arrived at Number 10, the Prime Minister’s Director of Communications is reported to have said: “Those invited to the briefing can stay – everyone else, I’m afraid, will have to leave.” When challenged about this decision, he added: “We’re welcome to brief whoever we like, whenever we like.”
David Frost is a civil service appointee. The Civil Service code states that staff must “carry out [their] responsibilities in a way that is fair, just and equitable and reflects the Civil Service commitment to equality and diversity.” It adds that civil servants must not “act in a way that unjustifiably favours or discriminates against particular individuals or interests.”
The actions of the Prime Minister’s Director of Communications, who is a political appointee, are deeply disturbing. I am concerned that they have undermined the civil service’s ability to comply with its core values of integrity, objectivity and impartiality. Equally, banning sections of the media from attending important briefings about important matters of government is damaging to democracy.
For instance, the Government’s post-Brexit trade plans are matters of national importance. The media’s access to the Prime Minister’s chief negotiator should not be determined by political favouritism.
I would ask that you investigate urgently this matter and provide assurance that such an incident will not happen again. Given the seriousness of this matter, I am putting this letter in the public domain.
Yours sincerely,
Keir Starmer


labourlist--2020-02-04--What CLP nominations tell us about Labour’s leadership race so far

Four weeks into Labour ’ s leadership contest , and we have just over a third of Labour ’ s 648 Constituency Labour Party ( CLP ) nominations .
This opens a window into the minds of party members .
Lots can still change but we now have a good idea of what members are currently thinking and from where each candidate draws their support .
First , the headlines .
If the remaining two-thirds of CLPs behave like this first batch then , on April 4th , Keir Starmer will be elected leader , and Angela Rayner his deputy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of nominations in their respective contest , with their nearest competitor trailing some way behind .
But from where do the candidates draw their support ?
Comparison of 2015 and 2020 nominations paints a complex picture .
Rebecca Long-Bailey is sometimes described by the ‘ continuity ’ candidate and has the endorsement of Corbynite organisations like Momentum and the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy ( CLPD ) .
But in terms of CLPs , her support from those nominating Corbyn in 2015 is roughly the same as from those that nominated Andy Burnham @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 2020 is not the same as Corbyn ’ s in 2015 .
By contrast , despite vocal support from prominent critics of Corbyn ’ s leadership , Starmer has nonetheless won the majority of Corbyn ’ s 2015 nominations so far .
There is lots of churn in the party membership but the figures make it almost certain that Starmer is picking up lots of Corbyn supporters .
There is , perhaps , more overlap to the two politicians ’ appeal than first meets the eye .
Other trends are more predictable .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ criticism of the current leader , claiming in 2017 that Corbyn was “ destroying the party ” .
His nomination patterns reflect this : almost half of his CLPs nominated Liz Kendall in 2015 , compared to only a tenth that nominated Corbyn .
This suggests his support has a fairly low ceiling : Corbyn remains popular with the membership and the most successful candidates recognise this .
If each candidate ’ s position on Labour ’ s internal political spectrum only partially explains their support , what are the other factors ?
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
All candidates perform better in their home region or nation than they do overall .
Richard Burgon and Ian Murray enjoy over four times the support in their respective regions as they do nationally .
The exception is Emily Thornberry , who has won no London nominations .
That said , she shares a home region with the frontrunner – Starmer , who represents a neighbouring constituency in north London – and doesn ’ t have many nominations in general ( sorry Emily ! )
.
It should be noted that she @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Guildford , and has been targeting seats in the South East instead of London .
How do areas that voted Leave compare to those that voted Remain ?
Starmer ’ s critics say the Shadow Brexit Secretary will have no appeal in Leave-voting seats .
I won ’ t comment myself , but it ’ s clear that party members in these areas disagree : half of them have nominated him .
That said , this is nonetheless lower than in Remain areas .
Brexit plays a part in others ’ support @ @ @ @ @ @ @ almost exclusively from Remain areas , while Lisa Nandy draws the bulk of her support from areas that voted Leave .
Long-Bailey enjoys significant second-place support in both types of seat but performs slightly better in areas with a Leave vote .
She also scores a little higher in seats which we held at some point since 2010 , but again is second place to Starmer .
Seats which Labour have not held in this period provide all of Thornberry ’ s nominations .
Seats which have changed hands since 2010 make up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ does not have a majority .
The relationship between 2015 and 2020 nominations are muddied by membership turnover .
There is no such problem when we compare nominations for leader and deputy : the decisions are taken at the same meeting .
Starmer ’ s supporters seem to divide between the deputy leader campaigns at roughly the same rate as the total , albeit with Burgon under-represented .
Lisa Nandy ’ s nominations , by contrast , are almost always coupled with a nomination for Rayner .
There is only one joint ticket @ @ @ @ @ @ @ way you ’ d guess it from the nominations .
Despite their mutual endorsements , fewer than half of Long-Bailey ’ s CLPs have nominated Rayner , and fewer than a fifth Rayner ’ s have returned the favour .
In so far as the mutual endorsements have made a difference at all , it seems to have been more to Rayner ’ s benefit than Long-Bailey ’ s .
Reports of the Labour left ’ s death have been greatly exaggerated There is a section of the Labour membership who will consistently @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
This cohort is significant but a minority nonetheless .
Any illusion otherwise was created by Corbyn himself : an extraordinary candidate who could only transform the fortunes of the British left because he had appeal beyond it .
There is a layer of Labour members who are open to supporting the hard left but who will not do so automatically .
They voted for Corbyn but many have switched to Starmer or even Nandy .
Long-Bailey can still win if she finds a way to appeal to these members .
I hope @ @ @

Four weeks into Labour’s leadership contest, and we have just over a third of Labour’s 648 Constituency Labour Party (CLP) nominations. This opens a window into the minds of party members. Lots can still change but we now have a good idea of what members are currently thinking and from where each candidate draws their support.
First, the headlines. If the remaining two-thirds of CLPs behave like this first batch then, on April 4th, Keir Starmer will be elected leader, and Angela Rayner his deputy. Each currently has approximately 60% of nominations in their respective contest, with their nearest competitor trailing some way behind.
But from where do the candidates draw their support?
From 2015 to 2020
Comparison of 2015 and 2020 nominations paints a complex picture. Rebecca Long-Bailey is sometimes described by the ‘continuity’ candidate and has the endorsement of Corbynite organisations like Momentum and the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy (CLPD). But in terms of CLPs, her support from those nominating Corbyn in 2015 is roughly the same as from those that nominated Andy Burnham. Put simply, her reach in 2020 is not the same as Corbyn’s in 2015.
By contrast, despite vocal support from prominent critics of Corbyn’s leadership, Starmer has nonetheless won the majority of Corbyn’s 2015 nominations so far. There is lots of churn in the party membership but the figures make it almost certain that Starmer is picking up lots of Corbyn supporters. There is, perhaps, more overlap to the two politicians’ appeal than first meets the eye.
Other trends are more predictable. Ian Murray is unashamedly vocal in his criticism of the current leader, claiming in 2017 that Corbyn was “destroying the party”. His nomination patterns reflect this: almost half of his CLPs nominated Liz Kendall in 2015, compared to only a tenth that nominated Corbyn. This suggests his support has a fairly low ceiling: Corbyn remains popular with the membership and the most successful candidates recognise this.
Location, location, location
If each candidate’s position on Labour’s internal political spectrum only partially explains their support, what are the other factors?
Local reputation seems to trump factional loyalties. All candidates perform better in their home region or nation than they do overall. Richard Burgon and Ian Murray enjoy over four times the support in their respective regions as they do nationally. The exception is Emily Thornberry, who has won no London nominations. That said, she shares a home region with the frontrunner – Starmer, who represents a neighbouring constituency in north London – and doesn’t have many nominations in general (sorry Emily!). It should be noted that she launched her campaign in her home town, Guildford, and has been targeting seats in the South East instead of London.
How do areas that voted Leave compare to those that voted Remain? Starmer’s critics say the Shadow Brexit Secretary will have no appeal in Leave-voting seats. I won’t comment myself, but it’s clear that party members in these areas disagree: half of them have nominated him. That said, this is nonetheless lower than in Remain areas.
Brexit plays a part in others’ support too. Thornberry’s nominations are almost exclusively from Remain areas, while Lisa Nandy draws the bulk of her support from areas that voted Leave. Long-Bailey enjoys significant second-place support in both types of seat but performs slightly better in areas with a Leave vote. She also scores a little higher in seats which we held at some point since 2010, but again is second place to Starmer. Seats which Labour have not held in this period provide all of Thornberry’s nominations. Seats which have changed hands since 2010 make up one of the few categories where Starmer does not have a majority.
Leader and deputy
The relationship between 2015 and 2020 nominations are muddied by membership turnover. There is no such problem when we compare nominations for leader and deputy: the decisions are taken at the same meeting.
Starmer’s supporters seem to divide between the deputy leader campaigns at roughly the same rate as the total, albeit with Burgon under-represented. Lisa Nandy’s nominations, by contrast, are almost always coupled with a nomination for Rayner.
There is only one joint ticket in this election and there is no way you’d guess it from the nominations. Despite their mutual endorsements, fewer than half of Long-Bailey’s CLPs have nominated Rayner, and fewer than a fifth Rayner’s have returned the favour. In so far as the mutual endorsements have made a difference at all, it seems to have been more to Rayner’s benefit than Long-Bailey’s.
Reports of the Labour left’s death have been greatly exaggerated
There is a section of the Labour membership who will consistently support the ‘official’ left candidate. This cohort is significant but a minority nonetheless. Any illusion otherwise was created by Corbyn himself: an extraordinary candidate who could only transform the fortunes of the British left because he had appeal beyond it. There is a layer of Labour members who are open to supporting the hard left but who will not do so automatically. They voted for Corbyn but many have switched to Starmer or even Nandy. Long-Bailey can still win if she finds a way to appeal to these members. I hope she does.
Nomination results thanks to @CLPNominations.


labourlist--2020-02-04--My three-point plan to support councillors as Labour’s next leader

We are out of power in Westminster .
But that does not mean we are out of power full stop .
I know first-hand the difference that Labour councillors can make .
When my dad walked out on us when I was seven years old , we were left penniless and eventually homeless .
It was a Labour councillor who helped us find somewhere to stay , and then got us into a house on a local council estate .
That councillor , the wonderful Bill Bellerby , came back to my mum years later and said : “ Now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for the council , and help other people the way you were helped.
” So she served as a councillor for 20 years , including a year as the socialist Mayor of Guildford .
And I grew up knowing the power and importance of local government , and the huge difference it made to people ’ s lives , a lesson I ’ ve never forgotten .
In the next five years , as we face the long , hard slog back to power in Westminster , our councillors will be beacons of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is vital that we recognise their importance , and treat them with the respect they deserve .
Despite the huge cuts in central government grant – my council has suffered 70 % cuts – local councils are still responsible for spending £1 in every £4 of public expenditure .
They run services that support tens of millions of people , and are quite literally keeping people alive .
Under my leadership , there will be a fundamental shift in our relationship .
We must prioritise the issues and the work coming up @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a base from which we mount our national campaign and win back power in Westminster .
We can talk all we want about the greater devolution of powers to our local authorities , mayors and indeed devolved nations .
But I know that true power , and real change , goes hand-in-hand with community campaigning and community organising .
Let ’ s make no bones about this : these campaigns have been critically underfunded .
It is shameful that , despite contributing over £2m annually to the party via the councillor levy , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Labour councillors receive almost no support from the party centrally .
What we need is devolution of resources , proper support from the party , and crucially the devolution of the party ’ s policy-making to our local candidates , councillors , activists and members , rather than having our manifesto drawn up in some back room in Westminster .
Only this way will we give ourselves the best chance of winning council seats , and defending our communities , starting with elections this May .
Let me take this opportunity to outline @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my leadership : 1 ) A fair share of party support .
We must make sure that every local Labour group – especially where we in opposition or minority administration – has a full time Labour organiser , whose focus of activities is determined by the local councillors and the local party .
2 ) Getting the basics right .
As it stands , the only thing that the Tories have devolved is responsibility for their cuts .
Delivering local services well , despite cuts , is crucial to building the credibility with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ back power in 2024 .
That is why I will ensure there is more support for policy development and best practice sharing .
3 ) Being a campaigner-in-chief .
When I first became an MP in 2005 , there was not a single Labour councillor in Islington South and Finsbury .
Now we have nothing but Labour councillors .
One of the major reasons we have turned things around is the amazing job that our Labour council has done , but also the dedication and hard work of our united local party .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ every local election possible .
Coming from a once-marginal seat , where we first won with 484 votes , I am a campaigner to my marrow .
This is a three-point plan for opposition , but there is so much more we could do as a national government on the side of local authorities .
My priority would be to take a cold hard look at just how chronically under-resourced local government is , and to repair that damage .
From there , we must not be afraid to be the agents of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of ‘ use it or lose it ’ to tackle the issue of land banking and empty properties .
A greater integration of social care with the National Health Service .
Providing modern and relevant youth services and establishing a statutory duty to provide them .
I am confident in our ability to do this together .
In the last 15 years , we have completely turned around Labour ’ s fortunes in Islington .
We did this through the close co-operation of our MPs , our councillors , and the local party @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , hard work , and mutual respect .
This is the kind of leader I can and will be .
I have the strength , experience and passion to lead that fight and take us back into power .
We can take our party and our country forward .
But I need your help .
With your CLP ’ s nomination , I can continue to make the case passionately for local government in this race .
We need to give the membership the widest possible choice of leader , and as a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ debate about our future .
Join me , nominate me , and let ’ s start the fight back together .

We are out of power in Westminster. But that does not mean we are out of power full stop. I know first-hand the difference that Labour councillors can make. When my dad walked out on us when I was seven years old, we were left penniless and eventually homeless. It was a Labour councillor who helped us find somewhere to stay, and then got us into a house on a local council estate.
That councillor, the wonderful Bill Bellerby, came back to my mum years later and said: “Now it’s your turn. Stand for the council, and help other people the way you were helped.” So she served as a councillor for 20 years, including a year as the socialist Mayor of Guildford. And I grew up knowing the power and importance of local government, and the huge difference it made to people’s lives, a lesson I’ve never forgotten.
In the next five years, as we face the long, hard slog back to power in Westminster, our councillors will be beacons of the transformative power of Labour politics. It is vital that we recognise their importance, and treat them with the respect they deserve. Despite the huge cuts in central government grant – my council has suffered 70% cuts – local councils are still responsible for spending £1 in every £4 of public expenditure. They run services that support tens of millions of people, and are quite literally keeping people alive.
Under my leadership, there will be a fundamental shift in our relationship. We must prioritise the issues and the work coming up at local level, using that as a base from which we mount our national campaign and win back power in Westminster.
We can talk all we want about the greater devolution of powers to our local authorities, mayors and indeed devolved nations. But I know that true power, and real change, goes hand-in-hand with community campaigning and community organising. Let’s make no bones about this: these campaigns have been critically underfunded. It is shameful that, despite contributing over £2m annually to the party via the councillor levy, and much more through local donations, Labour councillors receive almost no support from the party centrally.
What we need is devolution of resources, proper support from the party, and crucially the devolution of the party’s policy-making to our local candidates, councillors, activists and members, rather than having our manifesto drawn up in some back room in Westminster. Only this way will we give ourselves the best chance of winning council seats, and defending our communities, starting with elections this May.
Let me take this opportunity to outline my three-point plan to support councillors under my leadership:
1) A fair share of party support. We must make sure that every local Labour group – especially where we in opposition or minority administration – has a full time Labour organiser, whose focus of activities is determined by the local councillors and the local party.
2) Getting the basics right. As it stands, the only thing that the Tories have devolved is responsibility for their cuts. Delivering local services well, despite cuts, is crucial to building the credibility with the public that we need to win back power in 2024. That is why I will ensure there is more support for policy development and best practice sharing.
3) Being a campaigner-in-chief. When I first became an MP in 2005, there was not a single Labour councillor in Islington South and Finsbury. Now we have nothing but Labour councillors. One of the major reasons we have turned things around is the amazing job that our Labour council has done, but also the dedication and hard work of our united local party. As leader, I will campaign in every local election possible. Coming from a once-marginal seat, where we first won with 484 votes, I am a campaigner to my marrow.
This is a three-point plan for opposition, but there is so much more we could do as a national government on the side of local authorities. My priority would be to take a cold hard look at just how chronically under-resourced local government is, and to repair that damage. From there, we must not be afraid to be the agents of radical change. Enforcing a tougher policy of ‘use it or lose it’ to tackle the issue of land banking and empty properties. A greater integration of social care with the National Health Service. Providing modern and relevant youth services and establishing a statutory duty to provide them.
I am confident in our ability to do this together. In the last 15 years, we have completely turned around Labour’s fortunes in Islington. We did this through the close co-operation of our MPs, our councillors, and the local party. Our success was built on unity, hard work, and mutual respect.
This is the kind of leader I can and will be. I have the strength, experience and passion to lead that fight and take us back into power. We can take our party and our country forward. But I need your help. With your CLP’s nomination, I can continue to make the case passionately for local government in this race. We need to give the membership the widest possible choice of leader, and as a party we need the most honest thorough debate about our future. Join me, nominate me, and let’s start the fight back together.


labourlist--2020-02-04--Long-Bailey says Labour must “be pragmatic” about free movement

Labour leadership candidate Rebecca Long-Bailey has said that there is a need for pragmatism in the debate about whether the UK should maintain EU freedom of movement .
In an interview with Novara Media on Tuesday evening , the Shadow Business Secretary was asked about the kind of immigration system she would argue for as an alternative to Boris Johnson ’ s points-based proposal .
She replied : “ I don ’ t think a points-based system is the way to do it .
I think we need a system that ’ s based on values , and not targets @ @ @ @ @ @ @ for a points-based immigration system has been heavily criticised .
Long-Bailey then added : “ We ’ ve got to be pragmatic about this .
I ’ m in favour of free movement , and I ’ ll be honest about that .
But where we are now is not leading us down that path .
“ I don ’ t think the government is going to want to join the EEA… so they ’ re going to try and negotiate a separate bilateral agreement that is going to have some element of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ EU is unlikely to agree to freedom of movement unless we agree to the other freedoms , which would involve either being a member of the EEA or a member of the EU .
And our government doesn ’ t want to accept those .
“ So , our job as the opposition now is to recognise that that ’ s probably the reality , but fight for as much fairness as we can get in that system that is developed going forward.
” Lisa Nandy and Keir Starmer , who are also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ both come out in favour of maintaining free movement beyond Brexit .
Long-Bailey also defended her decision to sign up to the Board of Deputies ’ pledges , to which all four leadership candidates have agreed to implement if elected to succeed Jeremy Corbyn .
On the specific pledge that says any Labour member should be suspended if they support another suspended member , Long-Bailey said : “ You ’ re suspended for a very serious reason .
Suspensions aren ’ t given lightly.
” The leadership hopeful was also asked about Heathrow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ against .
She explained that she didn ’ t actively abstain on the vote in 2018 but had a constituency meeting .
She also said she would not give any interviews to The Sun , either during her leadership campaign or in the event of being elected Labour ’ s next leader .
However , she would give an interview to Alastair Campbell , who she described as “ quite a good spin doctor ” .

Labour leadership candidate Rebecca Long-Bailey has said that there is a need for pragmatism in the debate about whether the UK should maintain EU freedom of movement.
In an interview with Novara Media on Tuesday evening, the Shadow Business Secretary was asked about the kind of immigration system she would argue for as an alternative to Boris Johnson’s points-based proposal.
She replied: “I don’t think a points-based system is the way to do it. I think we need a system that’s based on values, and not targets. Already the government’s plans for a points-based immigration system has been heavily criticised.
Long-Bailey then added: “We’ve got to be pragmatic about this. I’m in favour of free movement, and I’ll be honest about that. But where we are now is not leading us down that path.
“I don’t think the government is going to want to join the EEA… so they’re going to try and negotiate a separate bilateral agreement that is going to have some element of immigration-related terms within there.
“The EU is unlikely to agree to freedom of movement unless we agree to the other freedoms, which would involve either being a member of the EEA or a member of the EU. And our government doesn’t want to accept those.
“So, our job as the opposition now is to recognise that that’s probably the reality, but fight for as much fairness as we can get in that system that is developed going forward.”
Lisa Nandy and Keir Starmer, who are also standing for the Labour leadership, have both come out in favour of maintaining free movement beyond Brexit.
Long-Bailey also defended her decision to sign up to the Board of Deputies’ pledges, to which all four leadership candidates have agreed to implement if elected to succeed Jeremy Corbyn.
On the specific pledge that says any Labour member should be suspended if they support another suspended member, Long-Bailey said: “You’re suspended for a very serious reason. Suspensions aren’t given lightly.”
The leadership hopeful was also asked about Heathrow expansion, which she said she was against. She explained that she didn’t actively abstain on the vote in 2018 but had a constituency meeting.
She also said she would not give any interviews to The Sun, either during her leadership campaign or in the event of being elected Labour’s next leader. However, she would give an interview to Alastair Campbell, who she described as “quite a good spin doctor”.


labourlist--2020-02-04--Our experience of seizing power in true blue North Hertfordshire

As someone who has spent far too many years as a Labour councillor in deep blue Tory Hertfordshire , I don ’ t mind admitting I had become all too used to the routine of being in opposition .
I would diligently help local residents with their problems great and small , and spend countless evenings in dusty committee rooms cajoling and sometimes shouting at the ruling Tory councillors in an attempt to make their bad policies slightly better .
It is worthwhile , important work , and thousands of Labour councillors do it week in and week out in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ politicians .
But it isn ’ t the same as having the power to deliver real change .
Last year , though , something changed .
In May 2019 , my dull and smug Tory district council in North Hertfordshire became a Labour-led council after almost a lifetime of Conservative negligence .
And I have come to understand the impact that Labour has when we seize power rather than sit in opposition .
For the past nine months , I ’ ve been telling everyone the same story : it was our excellent @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Andrew Gwynne , wot won it !
With tongue slightly in cheek , I claim it was his decision to answer my call to come to leafy Hitchin to launch our campaign in early 2019 that swung it .
This certainly gave us a campaigning boost , and it shows what can happen when national Labour politicians take the time to look beyond the borders of the ‘ red wall ’ .
Winning for Labour in North Herts does not , sadly , mean a majority Labour council .
But it did offer @ @ @ @ @ @ @ from any more complacent Tory rule , and working with the local Lib Dems was a necessary trauma if we were serious about turning around neglected services , tackling the climate change emergency , and changing the culture of our council so that it serves rather than rules our local residents .
After gaining enough seats in the May election , and after gaining permission from Labour ’ s national executive committee , we entered a period of collaboration with a smaller Lib Dem group .
Labour councillor Martin Stears-Handscomb acts as leader @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of course , many challenges in such a commitment – not helped by some dreadfully divisive Lib Dem campaigning in the general election .
But the gains for residents are far outweighing the difficulties of working with councillors of a political different persuasion .
We have hit the ground running to deliver all we can from our excellent 2019 manifesto .
We very rapidly made a huge improvement in the bin collection service , and established a climate change panel with local groups and citizens .
We are rewilding grass verges and planting @ @ @ @ @ @ @ regular public meetings with police , councillors and citizens to establish local priorities , signed the Coop Party ’ s anti-slavery charter , and held the first North Herts Holocaust Memorial Day Commemoration for 20 years .
We have saved some children play areas which the Tories had designated for removal .
Most importantly , we have changed the culture of the council to one which serves its local community rather than rules it .
We have joined many other Labour administrations in taking full advantage of what the Local Government Association has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ clunkily calls ‘ sector-led improvement ’ .
This started with an extremely effective development day led by a Labour leader from a different council and an adviser from the LGA .
We hosted a corporate peer challenge , completed just weeks ago , to identify our strengths and areas of development as seen through the eyes of officer and councillor peers from similar authorities .
This helped us to understand how we can use Labour values to deliver the best possible outcomes for all our communities .
We ’ ve also taken advantage @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by the LGA Labour Group , which have helped us quickly adapt to our new positions of responsibility .
Other Labour groups who move from opposition to power may not need to access all this assistance , but I ’ d certainly urge everyone to see what is available and take full advantage of the best that the LGA Labour group is able to offer and arrange for you .
I hope other opposition Labour groups in ‘ true blue ’ areas are able to take some inspiration from our achievement .
After @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Herts , I ’ d like to think residents are now enjoying the benefits of having elected a Labour-led administration that is focused on their priorities , and is working hard to meet them .
I know I am .

As someone who has spent far too many years as a Labour councillor in deep blue Tory Hertfordshire, I don’t mind admitting I had become all too used to the routine of being in opposition. I would diligently help local residents with their problems great and small, and spend countless evenings in dusty committee rooms cajoling and sometimes shouting at the ruling Tory councillors in an attempt to make their bad policies slightly better. It is worthwhile, important work, and thousands of Labour councillors do it week in and week out in areas where there are no other Labour politicians. But it isn’t the same as having the power to deliver real change.
Last year, though, something changed. In May 2019, my dull and smug Tory district council in North Hertfordshire became a Labour-led council after almost a lifetime of Conservative negligence. And I have come to understand the impact that Labour has when we seize power rather than sit in opposition.
For the past nine months, I’ve been telling everyone the same story: it was our excellent Shadow Communities and Local Government Secretary, Andrew Gwynne, wot won it! With tongue slightly in cheek, I claim it was his decision to answer my call to come to leafy Hitchin to launch our campaign in early 2019 that swung it. This certainly gave us a campaigning boost, and it shows what can happen when national Labour politicians take the time to look beyond the borders of the ‘red wall’.
Winning for Labour in North Herts does not, sadly, mean a majority Labour council. But it did offer the chance to save our local residents from any more complacent Tory rule, and working with the local Lib Dems was a necessary trauma if we were serious about turning around neglected services, tackling the climate change emergency, and changing the culture of our council so that it serves rather than rules our local residents.
After gaining enough seats in the May election, and after gaining permission from Labour’s national executive committee, we entered a period of collaboration with a smaller Lib Dem group. Labour councillor Martin Stears-Handscomb acts as leader of the council. There are, of course, many challenges in such a commitment – not helped by some dreadfully divisive Lib Dem campaigning in the general election. But the gains for residents are far outweighing the difficulties of working with councillors of a political different persuasion.
We have hit the ground running to deliver all we can from our excellent 2019 manifesto. We very rapidly made a huge improvement in the bin collection service, and established a climate change panel with local groups and citizens. We are rewilding grass verges and planting hundreds of trees. We have re-established regular public meetings with police, councillors and citizens to establish local priorities, signed the Coop Party’s anti-slavery charter, and held the first North Herts Holocaust Memorial Day Commemoration for 20 years. We have saved some children play areas which the Tories had designated for removal. Most importantly, we have changed the culture of the council to one which serves its local community rather than rules it.
We have joined many other Labour administrations in taking full advantage of what the Local Government Association has to offer in terms of what it clunkily calls ‘sector-led improvement’. This started with an extremely effective development day led by a Labour leader from a different council and an adviser from the LGA. We hosted a corporate peer challenge, completed just weeks ago, to identify our strengths and areas of development as seen through the eyes of officer and councillor peers from similar authorities. This helped us to understand how we can use Labour values to deliver the best possible outcomes for all our communities.
We’ve also taken advantage of mentoring arrangements and leadership programmes organised by the LGA Labour Group, which have helped us quickly adapt to our new positions of responsibility. Other Labour groups who move from opposition to power may not need to access all this assistance, but I’d certainly urge everyone to see what is available and take full advantage of the best that the LGA Labour group is able to offer and arrange for you.
I hope other opposition Labour groups in ‘true blue’ areas are able to take some inspiration from our achievement. After a lifetime of Tory rule in North Herts, I’d like to think residents are now enjoying the benefits of having elected a Labour-led administration that is focused on their priorities, and is working hard to meet them. I know I am.


labourlist--2020-02-04--Judith Garfield: Why I’m standing to be a Labour London Assembly candidate

December ’ s election result was devastating .
Labour are now guaranteed to be out of government for a further five years , with some pundits arguing that we ’ re at least a decade more in opposition – given the huge task ahead to win back the fallen ‘ red wall ’ , plus the additional 50-odd seats we already needed to form a government .
Truth be told , real power for Labour now lies in regional and local government , where we can still impact change for our communities , even with Boris Johnson in Downing Street @ @ @ @ @ @ @ borough of Redbridge , we ’ ve had our sleeves rolled up for the best part of a decade to protect our residents from the worst of Tory austerity .
We couldn ’ t have built a new leisure centre , regenerated the town centre , kept our library facilities , strengthened our enforcement team , or built social housing for the first time in a generation if we hadn ’ t won back the council in 2014 .
It takes Labour councils to protect public services when the Tories are in power @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ ve been doing .
This is why I ’ m standing to be Labour ’ s candidate for the London Assembly in my part of East London – Havering and Redbridge .
I have spent the past thirty years campaigning for equality and fairness – for decent homes , accessible childcare , better schools , and improved life chances for the residents of East London .
I have led campaigns to open new health facilities , for investment in transport , and better services to help newcomers to the area integrate and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I have worked in the voluntary sector for over twenty years and I know how important civil society is to maintain the fabric of our communities ; increasingly , it is civil society that has to step in when austerity hits our families .
I was a single mother living in East London for many years – I know how hard it can be .
But today , it is even harder .
Securing a council home for myself and my son in the mid-nineties saved our lives – third time lucky after @ @ @ @ @ @ @ my advice surgery today , I know that their chances of landing a secure tenancy in a social home are lower than ever before , despite the fact that council house building is finally being undertaken by Labour authorities under the mayor ’ s building council homes for Londoners programme .
Housing is the most pressing issue for Londoners – often only ever second to crime and community safety .
Housing stresses us all out ; the lack of supply , its unaffordability , the precarious nature of private renting , and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ while luxury flats sit empty .
We need City Hall investment now , more than we ever did before ; without a Labour government it ’ s our only hope to plug the gap .
London is undoubtedly a Labour heartland – one we must celebrate and nourish .
While we try to win back seats in the Midlands , the North of England and Scotland , we must be sure to simultaneously prioritise the voters who saved us from electoral oblivion and will hopefully be returning our Labour mayor to power in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the world and we ’ ve much to celebrate – but we have one of the starkest levels of wealth inequality in Europe , violent crime ripping families apart , and nearly one hundred people becoming street homeless every week .
The louder the Labour voice in City Hall , the more power we have to deal with the issues that Londoners truly care about .
Through chairing Sure Start , being a councillor , and working in the voluntary sector , I know that the stories behind the successes – grassroots @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are what we must promote to win a seat like Havering and Redbridge , one that Labour has never before held .
That ’ s why I ’ m standing , because we deserve the best chance to beat Keith Prince , and I believe I can offer that to Labour members .

December’s election result was devastating. Labour are now guaranteed to be out of government for a further five years, with some pundits arguing that we’re at least a decade more in opposition – given the huge task ahead to win back the fallen ‘red wall’, plus the additional 50-odd seats we already needed to form a government. Truth be told, real power for Labour now lies in regional and local government, where we can still impact change for our communities, even with Boris Johnson in Downing Street.
For local councils like the London borough of Redbridge, we’ve had our sleeves rolled up for the best part of a decade to protect our residents from the worst of Tory austerity. We couldn’t have built a new leisure centre, regenerated the town centre, kept our library facilities, strengthened our enforcement team, or built social housing for the first time in a generation if we hadn’t won back the council in 2014. It takes Labour councils to protect public services when the Tories are in power, and that’s what we’ve been doing.
This is why I’m standing to be Labour’s candidate for the London Assembly in my part of East London – Havering and Redbridge. I have spent the past thirty years campaigning for equality and fairness – for decent homes, accessible childcare, better schools, and improved life chances for the residents of East London. I have led campaigns to open new health facilities, for investment in transport, and better services to help newcomers to the area integrate and become a part of our community. I have worked in the voluntary sector for over twenty years and I know how important civil society is to maintain the fabric of our communities; increasingly, it is civil society that has to step in when austerity hits our families.
I was a single mother living in East London for many years – I know how hard it can be. But today, it is even harder. Securing a council home for myself and my son in the mid-nineties saved our lives – third time lucky after flooding and infestations. When families visit my advice surgery today, I know that their chances of landing a secure tenancy in a social home are lower than ever before, despite the fact that council house building is finally being undertaken by Labour authorities under the mayor’s building council homes for Londoners programme.
Housing is the most pressing issue for Londoners – often only ever second to crime and community safety. Housing stresses us all out; the lack of supply, its unaffordability, the precarious nature of private renting, and the shameful rise of homelessness under Tory austerity while luxury flats sit empty. We need City Hall investment now, more than we ever did before; without a Labour government it’s our only hope to plug the gap.
London is undoubtedly a Labour heartland – one we must celebrate and nourish. While we try to win back seats in the Midlands, the North of England and Scotland, we must be sure to simultaneously prioritise the voters who saved us from electoral oblivion and will hopefully be returning our Labour mayor to power in May. London is the greatest city in the world and we’ve much to celebrate – but we have one of the starkest levels of wealth inequality in Europe, violent crime ripping families apart, and nearly one hundred people becoming street homeless every week. The louder the Labour voice in City Hall, the more power we have to deal with the issues that Londoners truly care about.
Through chairing Sure Start, being a councillor, and working in the voluntary sector, I know that the stories behind the successes – grassroots community groups and hardworking Labour representation – are what we must promote to win a seat like Havering and Redbridge, one that Labour has never before held. That’s why I’m standing, because we deserve the best chance to beat Keith Prince, and I believe I can offer that to Labour members.