labourlist--2020-01-28--Why is Keir Starmer ahead in Labour’s leadership election?

Labour ’ s leadership election is flagging a little .
There are no big policy announcements that are detailed enough for members to really consider in depth , which is frustrating .
Beyond open selections , backed only by Rebecca Long-Bailey so far , clear political differences between the candidates are not being made evident .
( The deputy race has this issue and also the matter of how to approach tackling antisemitism in Labour , as Richard Burgon and Dawn Butler have not signed the Board of Deputies pledges . )
This fairly lifeless contest – so dissimilar to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ undoubtedly benefits frontrunner Keir Starmer , whose early lead has not been reversed , and Lisa Nandy , whose reputation as ‘ the thoughtful one ’ goes unchallenged .
This is not to say that candidates aren ’ t busy .
Last night , Emily Thornberry spoke at a hustings in Bromley .
( Grace Blakeley was speaking on behalf of both Rebecca Long-Bailey and Richard Burgon there , which members present found a bit odd .
The inconsequential nature of the Long-Bailey/Rayner ‘ ticket ’ probably didn ’ t need highlighting .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ North Wales .
Keir Starmer addressed supporters in Stratford , where he called for the party to give “ full access ” to the Equality and Human Rights Commission .
He also answered the Labour for Free Movement questionnaire – not committing to free movement or going beyond Labour ’ s manifesto in any way , but the campaign group appreciated his respect for the deadline .
Long-Bailey held an event in Oxford , where she attracted a very decent crowd at short notice .
It followed a campaign day that saw a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leadership challenge gain traction on social media .
At an event for ex-MP Ronnie Campbell , she told a story of how the shadow Treasury team was sabotaged when shared files about the Finance Bill were deleted .
Rob Marris , the coup participant in question , has commented that the work “ belonged to me ” and it is wrong “ to imply I stole Labour Party information ” .
The story is helpful to Long-Bailey in that it shows off her loyal and hard-working attitude , and prompts people to point @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those frontbenchers who resigned .
But Momentum then sent a campaign email based on the story , which tried to formalise an advantage that had been growing organically .
Critics of this move suggested it gave the impression that her campaign team was trying and failing to recreate the conditions of Labour ’ s 2016 leadership election .
The truth is that loyalty to the leader is still valued as a quality , but Labour members want to back winners in this contest .
It is worth noting that affiliated trade union Community @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jess Phillips before she pulled out of the race , picked Keir Starmer and Angela Rayner yesterday .
Not Ian Murray for deputy , despite him being the more Corbynsceptic option .
There is a feeling among Labour members that they desperately want to win something : they may have lost the 2019 general election , but they can still win the 2020 leadership selection .
Starmer ’ s operation is slick , whereas Long-Bailey ’ s website looks like it should feature in an exhibition about the early years of the Internet @ @ @ @ @ @ @ are trying to second-guess how the British electorate will feel about the leadership candidates in 2024 , which is a futile endeavour but one that has caught imaginations nonetheless .
If local party nominations are anything to go by – and remember , there is a freeze date for those votes that doesn ’ t apply to the final ballot , which means the influx of new members is not being reflected – Starmer ’ s rivals have a lot of catching up to do .
Everything could change , but time is @ @ @

Labour’s leadership election is flagging a little. There are no big policy announcements that are detailed enough for members to really consider in depth, which is frustrating. Beyond open selections, backed only by Rebecca Long-Bailey so far, clear political differences between the candidates are not being made evident. (The deputy race has this issue and also the matter of how to approach tackling antisemitism in Labour, as Richard Burgon and Dawn Butler have not signed the Board of Deputies pledges.) This fairly lifeless contest – so dissimilar to the one we saw in 2015 – undoubtedly benefits frontrunner Keir Starmer, whose early lead has not been reversed, and Lisa Nandy, whose reputation as ‘the thoughtful one’ goes unchallenged.
This is not to say that candidates aren’t busy. Last night, Emily Thornberry spoke at a hustings in Bromley. (Grace Blakeley was speaking on behalf of both Rebecca Long-Bailey and Richard Burgon there, which members present found a bit odd. The inconsequential nature of the Long-Bailey/Rayner ‘ticket’ probably didn’t need highlighting.) Lisa Nandy spoke in Delyn, North Wales. Keir Starmer addressed supporters in Stratford, where he called for the party to give “full access” to the Equality and Human Rights Commission. He also answered the Labour for Free Movement questionnaire – not committing to free movement or going beyond Labour’s manifesto in any way, but the campaign group appreciated his respect for the deadline.
Long-Bailey held an event in Oxford, where she attracted a very decent crowd at short notice. It followed a campaign day that saw a video of her talking about the 2016 leadership challenge gain traction on social media. At an event for ex-MP Ronnie Campbell, she told a story of how the shadow Treasury team was sabotaged when shared files about the Finance Bill were deleted. Rob Marris, the coup participant in question, has commented that the work “belonged to me” and it is wrong “to imply I stole Labour Party information”.
The story is helpful to Long-Bailey in that it shows off her loyal and hard-working attitude, and prompts people to point out that Starmer and Nandy were among those frontbenchers who resigned. But Momentum then sent a campaign email based on the story, which tried to formalise an advantage that had been growing organically. Critics of this move suggested it gave the impression that her campaign team was trying and failing to recreate the conditions of Labour’s 2016 leadership election.
The truth is that loyalty to the leader is still valued as a quality, but Labour members want to back winners in this contest. It is worth noting that affiliated trade union Community, which had been expected to nominate Jess Phillips before she pulled out of the race, picked Keir Starmer and Angela Rayner yesterday. Not Ian Murray for deputy, despite him being the more Corbynsceptic option.
There is a feeling among Labour members that they desperately want to win something: they may have lost the 2019 general election, but they can still win the 2020 leadership selection. Starmer’s operation is slick, whereas Long-Bailey’s website looks like it should feature in an exhibition about the early years of the Internet. It also helps Starmer that members are trying to second-guess how the British electorate will feel about the leadership candidates in 2024, which is a futile endeavour but one that has caught imaginations nonetheless.
If local party nominations are anything to go by – and remember, there is a freeze date for those votes that doesn’t apply to the final ballot, which means the influx of new members is not being reflected – Starmer’s rivals have a lot of catching up to do. Everything could change, but time is running out.


labourlist--2020-01-28--10 challenges for the next leader of the Labour Party

The first challenge for Labour ’ s new leader is to move the party on from Brexit .
Accept it is going to happen and it was voted for in a referendum .
Continue to refight the 2016 referendum will only further alienate many Labour voters .
Brexit is going to be done – we need to move on and certainly not appear to be trying to stop it .
The second is to hold on to the new voters : Labour polled 29 % in 2010 , 30.4 % in 2015 , 40 % in 2017 and 32.2 % @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those new voters on board and to hold seats such as Canterbury and Cambridge – these can no more be taken for granted than the Labour voters in northern seats .
The third is to win back those traditional Labour voters in the Midlands , North and Wales who voted Conservative for the first time , or did not vote at the 2019 election .
They need to feel that Labour is their party , that it is standing up for them and their communities .
Many do not believe this to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their language .
They must know that their concerns are our concerns .
The fourth challenge is discipline .
People who attack colleagues or the party need instant expulsion .
Disagreeing over policy is good , and we all have different views on policies and priorities – this is acceptable and necessary in a democratic party .
But engaging in attacks upon other party members is not acceptable and should lead to expulsion .
That goes for MPs as well as ordinary members .
To engage in continual criticism of other party members @ @ @ @ @ @ @ fifth challenge is Scotland .
After the catastrophic decision to campaign alongside the Conservatives in the independence referendum , our vote has collapsed .
We need a second independence referendum in Scotland , where we need to challenge the SNP on the currency to be used in an independent Scotland , the central bank or lender of last resort , redistribution of civil service and armed forces , pensions , debt share and a trade agreement .
We should campaign for devo max : maximum devolution for Scotland but with the benefits of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sixth challenge is dealing with the environment and climate change , which is an issue that we need to make a Labour issue .
Climate change is happening and whilst some on the far right deny climate change , they can not deny its repercussions and the change in weather .
Between 1900 and 1920 , Britain had no major floods , but we have had 12 between 2000 and 2020 .
We need to enthusiastically support measures such as zero-carbon housing , electrical vehicles and large-scale tree planting as part of our @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the environment .
The seventh challenge is poverty and poor housing .
Far too many people live in poor housing conditions and rely on friends , family and food banks .
We need a policy of large-scale council house building to deal with the problem of both homelessness and people living in expensive substandard accommodation .
We need to be the party standing up for the poor and underpaid .
We need to challenge head on exploitative contracts and support the payment of the real living wage .
We need to return to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ they solely work for not being treated as sub contractors .
The eighth challenge is to deal with personal attacks on the leader .
No more turning the other cheek : if someone slanders or libels you , take court action .
Learn from the way Lord McAlpine defended himself against both the mass media and also against people repeating untrue allegations on social media .
The ninth is to have candidates who know the area .
No more sending preferred candidates to an area they do not know to seek selection .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ constituents and know the area that they seek to represent .
Constituents need to see them as part of their area and standing up for them not as strangers visiting from London .
Finally , we need a coherent manifesto with a vision for the future that resonates with our voters and potential voters .
We stand for a fairer society and an end to the exploitation of people and the destruction of the planet .
We need to say this rather than produce a long shopping list .

The first challenge for Labour’s new leader is to move the party on from Brexit. Accept it is going to happen and it was voted for in a referendum. Continue to refight the 2016 referendum will only further alienate many Labour voters. Brexit is going to be done – we need to move on and certainly not appear to be trying to stop it.
The second is to hold on to the new voters: Labour polled 29% in 2010, 30.4% in 2015, 40% in 2017 and 32.2% in 2019. We need to keep those new voters on board and to hold seats such as Canterbury and Cambridge – these can no more be taken for granted than the Labour voters in northern seats.
The third is to win back those traditional Labour voters in the Midlands, North and Wales who voted Conservative for the first time, or did not vote at the 2019 election. They need to feel that Labour is their party, that it is standing up for them and their communities. Many do not believe this to be true, and we need to talk their language. They must know that their concerns are our concerns.
The fourth challenge is discipline. People who attack colleagues or the party need instant expulsion. Disagreeing over policy is good, and we all have different views on policies and priorities – this is acceptable and necessary in a democratic party. But engaging in attacks upon other party members is not acceptable and should lead to expulsion. That goes for MPs as well as ordinary members. To engage in continual criticism of other party members only aids the Conservative Party.
The fifth challenge is Scotland. After the catastrophic decision to campaign alongside the Conservatives in the independence referendum, our vote has collapsed. We need a second independence referendum in Scotland, where we need to challenge the SNP on the currency to be used in an independent Scotland, the central bank or lender of last resort, redistribution of civil service and armed forces, pensions, debt share and a trade agreement. We should campaign for devo max: maximum devolution for Scotland but with the benefits of belonging to a larger country.
The sixth challenge is dealing with the environment and climate change, which is an issue that we need to make a Labour issue. Climate change is happening and whilst some on the far right deny climate change, they cannot deny its repercussions and the change in weather. Between 1900 and 1920, Britain had no major floods, but we have had 12 between 2000 and 2020. We need to enthusiastically support measures such as zero-carbon housing, electrical vehicles and large-scale tree planting as part of our campaign to stop climate change and improve the environment.
The seventh challenge is poverty and poor housing. Far too many people live in poor housing conditions and rely on friends, family and food banks. We need a policy of large-scale council house building to deal with the problem of both homelessness and people living in expensive substandard accommodation. We need to be the party standing up for the poor and underpaid. We need to challenge head on exploitative contracts and support the payment of the real living wage. We need to return to people being directly employed by the companies they solely work for not being treated as sub contractors.
The eighth challenge is to deal with personal attacks on the leader. No more turning the other cheek: if someone slanders or libels you, take court action. Learn from the way Lord McAlpine defended himself against both the mass media and also against people repeating untrue allegations on social media.
The ninth is to have candidates who know the area. No more sending preferred candidates to an area they do not know to seek selection. We need candidates who sound like their constituents and know the area that they seek to represent. Constituents need to see them as part of their area and standing up for them not as strangers visiting from London.
Finally, we need a coherent manifesto with a vision for the future that resonates with our voters and potential voters. We stand for a fairer society and an end to the exploitation of people and the destruction of the planet. We need to say this rather than produce a long shopping list.


labourlist--2020-01-28--Labour must recognise that a London-centred leadership got it wrong on Brexit

“ If you break it , you own it.
” So says the sign in every Pottery Barn store in the USA .
It is a penalty Labour ’ s second-referendum lobby would do well to recall .
As a number of party members from left to right – including MPs and ex-MPs – have pointed out , Labour ’ s defeat in the general election was largely conditioned by our abandonment of our 2017 pledge to respect the referendum result mandating departure from the European Union .
The facts support that analysis .
The seats we lost were nearly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of our 2017 votes went to the Tories ( with another few percent to the Brexit party ) .
Far more Leave voters than Remain voters amongst our 2017 electorate left us in 2019 .
That is why we retained Canterbury , one of our landmark gains of 2017 , but couldn ’ t hang on to Crewe .
We were at best the party of “ kick Brexit down the road ” and at worst of “ stop Brexit at any price ” .
Yes , other factors were in play , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s personal standing since 2017 .
But that , too , appears to be largely linked with a year of equivocation on Brexit .
All of this was not only predictable , it was in fact predicted – by Unite and backbench Labour MPs , amongst others .
The careful balance of the 2017 manifesto was discarded in favour of a re-run referendum , a policy that many could only see as disrespecting their vote .
The view took hold that if it was the underlying causes of the discontent in many parts @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vote “ Leave ” , then the vote itself could be ignored .
Alas , that left Labour looking very much like part of the establishment , which most working-class voters had decided needed a political kicking .
Labour ’ s comeback – which clearly will not happen overnight – needs to start from the recognition that a London-centred political leadership and left commentariat got it wrong .
They pushed the party down a blind alley , ignoring any number of warning signs .
No amount of rewriting history or playing “ what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The road to a Labour government runs through Rother Valley and similar communities , so we must listen to the message they gave us .
It was not ‘ fight for Remain at all costs or we ’ ll vote Liberal Democrat ’ as some wish to believe .
It was ‘ obstruct the implementation of our democratic decision and we will be off to the Tories or to Nigel Farage ’ .
The refusal to recognise this message , still maintained in some quarters , has an obvious political purpose .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a return to the policies of the past , which contributed so much to leaving behind the former industrial communities in the coalfields , the textile towns , the Black Country and the Potteries .
It never ceases to amaze me , the brass neck of these individuals who were the very architects of the Brexit policy that destroyed Labour – from Tony Blair and Jack Straw to the Wes Streetings and Neil Coyles of the PLP who now seek to lay the blame on Corbyn ’ s radical policies .
Not to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ newspapers that now , conveniently , sidestep their role or worse still , try to justify it .
That is most obvious in the grandees ’ efforts to spin the result .
The sad fact is that in most of the seats we lost , the electoral rot began when the Labour Party in government focussed on finance and London and the south-east , taking its northern and midland voters for granted .
The New Labour government may not have created the problem – deindustrialisation did that .
But the Blair years offered @ @ @ @ @ @ @ celebrate the globalisation that wrought so much damage .
One thing we can be sure of – nobody in Bolsover or Blyth Valley is voting for more deregulation of industry or private finance in public services .
Unite is proud to have supported the move , headed for four years by Jeremy Corbyn , to develop an alternative agenda to the failures of the previous Labour government who never challenged power and privilege .
2017 proved the potential popularity of a more progressive programme and that is what we need to build on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offering themselves to be Labour leader today seem to recognise that fact to some extent or other .
Unlike some Labour grandees , our focus must be on Darlington , not Davos .
Rebuilding a common sense of purpose and identity among working-class people in big cities and small towns alike around a positive Labour vision for the future – a vision that will burn the brighter as Johnson ’ s Tories betray the promises of the election campaign – is the only route back .
Unite will play its part in that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ago when we launched our community membership section precisely to reach out to those sections of the working-class unavoidably detached , sometimes for many years , from the world of work and its institutions .
But more must be done .
Labour itself must renew its roots in many constituencies .
Our mass membership is a lot more mass in London and the south-east than it is further north .
Sometimes the record of Labour councils is deeply unappealing – yes , they have a hard job , but taking it out on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ communities , doesn ’ t help .
There is no magic wand .
We do know , however , that part of the solution must be respect for the democratic voice of those we seek to represent .
Let us never again get the wrong side of that principle .

“If you break it, you own it.” So says the sign in every Pottery Barn store in the USA. It is a penalty Labour’s second-referendum lobby would do well to recall. As a number of party members from left to right – including MPs and ex-MPs – have pointed out, Labour’s defeat in the general election was largely conditioned by our abandonment of our 2017 pledge to respect the referendum result mandating departure from the European Union.
The facts support that analysis. The seats we lost were nearly all in Leave-voting areas. 11% of our 2017 votes went to the Tories (with another few percent to the Brexit party). Far more Leave voters than Remain voters amongst our 2017 electorate left us in 2019. That is why we retained Canterbury, one of our landmark gains of 2017, but couldn’t hang on to Crewe. We were at best the party of “kick Brexit down the road” and at worst of “stop Brexit at any price”.
Yes, other factors were in play, including the decline in Jeremy Corbyn’s personal standing since 2017. But that, too, appears to be largely linked with a year of equivocation on Brexit. All of this was not only predictable, it was in fact predicted – by Unite and backbench Labour MPs, amongst others. The careful balance of the 2017 manifesto was discarded in favour of a re-run referendum, a policy that many could only see as disrespecting their vote.
The view took hold that if it was the underlying causes of the discontent in many parts of the country that led people to vote “Leave”, then the vote itself could be ignored. Alas, that left Labour looking very much like part of the establishment, which most working-class voters had decided needed a political kicking.
Labour’s comeback – which clearly will not happen overnight – needs to start from the recognition that a London-centred political leadership and left commentariat got it wrong. They pushed the party down a blind alley, ignoring any number of warning signs. No amount of rewriting history or playing “what if” games can overcome that fact.
The road to a Labour government runs through Rother Valley and similar communities, so we must listen to the message they gave us. It was not ‘fight for Remain at all costs or we’ll vote Liberal Democrat’ as some wish to believe. It was ‘obstruct the implementation of our democratic decision and we will be off to the Tories or to Nigel Farage’.
The refusal to recognise this message, still maintained in some quarters, has an obvious political purpose. It is to pave the way for a return to the policies of the past, which contributed so much to leaving behind the former industrial communities in the coalfields, the textile towns, the Black Country and the Potteries.
It never ceases to amaze me, the brass neck of these individuals who were the very architects of the Brexit policy that destroyed Labour – from Tony Blair and Jack Straw to the Wes Streetings and Neil Coyles of the PLP who now seek to lay the blame on Corbyn’s radical policies. Not to forget the left journalists and pro-Remain liberal newspapers that now, conveniently, sidestep their role or worse still, try to justify it.
That is most obvious in the grandees’ efforts to spin the result. The sad fact is that in most of the seats we lost, the electoral rot began when the Labour Party in government focussed on finance and London and the south-east, taking its northern and midland voters for granted.
The New Labour government may not have created the problem – deindustrialisation did that. But the Blair years offered no solution, and instead tended to celebrate the globalisation that wrought so much damage. One thing we can be sure of – nobody in Bolsover or Blyth Valley is voting for more deregulation of industry or private finance in public services.
Unite is proud to have supported the move, headed for four years by Jeremy Corbyn, to develop an alternative agenda to the failures of the previous Labour government who never challenged power and privilege. 2017 proved the potential popularity of a more progressive programme and that is what we need to build on. I am glad that all candidates offering themselves to be Labour leader today seem to recognise that fact to some extent or other.
Unlike some Labour grandees, our focus must be on Darlington, not Davos. Rebuilding a common sense of purpose and identity among working-class people in big cities and small towns alike around a positive Labour vision for the future – a vision that will burn the brighter as Johnson’s Tories betray the promises of the election campaign – is the only route back.
Unite will play its part in that – indeed, we started some years ago when we launched our community membership section precisely to reach out to those sections of the working-class unavoidably detached, sometimes for many years, from the world of work and its institutions.
But more must be done. Labour itself must renew its roots in many constituencies. Our mass membership is a lot more mass in London and the south-east than it is further north. Sometimes the record of Labour councils is deeply unappealing – yes, they have a hard job, but taking it out on their own workforce, and ignoring their communities, doesn’t help.
There is no magic wand. We do know, however, that part of the solution must be respect for the democratic voice of those we seek to represent. Let us never again get the wrong side of that principle.


labourlist--2020-01-28--New antisemitism data shows Labour is taking “decisive action”, says party

Labour has released fresh statistics on its handling of disciplinary cases linked to antisemitism – and declared that the newly published data shows the party is “ taking more decisive action than ever before ” .
The report offers a detailed breakdown of how Labour members facing accusations related to antisemitism have been dealt with by the party – suspended , issued with a notice of investigation , auto-excluded or otherwise .
It reveals that 45 members were expelled from the party last year , compared to just ten in 2018 and one in 2017 , which Labour has attributed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jennie Formby .
The party says Formby replaced “ slow , outdated procedures ” – whereby “ few cases were reviewed by committees and fewer at NCC hearings ” – with a speedier process , including new expulsion powers awarded to the ruling body .
Labour ’ s national constitutional committee ( NCC ) used to be the only body able to expel members , until Jeremy Corbyn put forward a new rule in July 2019 that empower the national executive committee ( NEC ) .
The process favoured by the Labour leader @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of antisemitism to special panels consisting of Formby and NEC officers , rather than the usual panels made up of ordinary NEC members .
Labour has vowed to continue its publication of detailed reports in an effort to boost transparency and make it easier for outsider to track progress , allowing further scrutiny .
According to the Labour report , its data provides evidence of the following : Commenting on the report , a Labour spokesperson said : “ Antisemitism has no place in the Labour Party and this report demonstrates that we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ before , and more than any other political party , to root out this bigotry and racism .
“ The reforms made by Jennie Formby as general secretary have led to a significant increase in suspensions and expulsions .
And under the new rapid expulsion powers proposed by Jeremy Corbyn , we have expelled twice the number of people for antisemitism in just two months than the whole of 2018 .
“ We know there is much more work to do and we will continue to publish regular updates on our progress .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ publishes statistics on disciplinary cases and we challenge other political parties to match our commitment to transparency.
” Responding to the report , the party-affiliated Jewish Labour Movement remarked that Labour “ should not be allowed to judge its own processes ” .
Labour has been urged by groups including JLM to create an independent complaints system that would see a separate body process all disciplinary cases related to antisemitism .
While party insiders have questioned whether “ outsourcing ” the system would be practical , all four main leadership candidates have signed @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ten pledges , which include the commitment .

Labour has released fresh statistics on its handling of disciplinary cases linked to antisemitism – and declared that the newly published data shows the party is “taking more decisive action than ever before”.
The report offers a detailed breakdown of how Labour members facing accusations related to antisemitism have been dealt with by the party – suspended, issued with a notice of investigation, auto-excluded or otherwise.
It reveals that 45 members were expelled from the party last year, compared to just ten in 2018 and one in 2017, which Labour has attributed to the reforms introduced by general secretary Jennie Formby.
The party says Formby replaced “slow, outdated procedures” – whereby “few cases were reviewed by committees and fewer at NCC hearings” – with a speedier process, including new expulsion powers awarded to the ruling body.
Labour’s national constitutional committee (NCC) used to be the only body able to expel members, until Jeremy Corbyn put forward a new rule in July 2019 that empowered the national executive committee (NEC).
The process favoured by the Labour leader referred the “most serious” cases of antisemitism to special panels consisting of Formby and NEC officers, rather than the usual panels made up of ordinary NEC members.
Labour has vowed to continue its publication of detailed reports in an effort to boost transparency and make it easier for outsider to track progress, allowing further scrutiny.
According to the Labour report, its data provides evidence of the following:
“The Labour Party expelled 45 members in relation to antisemitism in 2019, compared to ten in 2018 and one in 2017.
“After rule changes passed at conference in September 2019 gave NEC panels the power to expel, twice the number of people were expelled in two months than had been expelled during the whole of 2018.
“NEC disciplinary panels heard 274 cases relating to antisemitism in 2019, a tenfold increase on the 28 cases heard in 2017.
“In 2019, 149 members were removed from the party as a result of disciplinary processes relating to antisemitism, either being expelled or quitting the party as proceedings progressed.
“The Labour Party suspended 296 members in relation to antisemitism in 2019, compared to 98 in 2018 – itself a big increase on the previous year.”
Commenting on the report, a Labour spokesperson said: “Antisemitism has no place in the Labour Party and this report demonstrates that we are taking more decisive action than ever before, and more than any other political party, to root out this bigotry and racism.
“The reforms made by Jennie Formby as general secretary have led to a significant increase in suspensions and expulsions. And under the new rapid expulsion powers proposed by Jeremy Corbyn, we have expelled twice the number of people for antisemitism in just two months than the whole of 2018.
“We know there is much more work to do and we will continue to publish regular updates on our progress. Labour is the only political party that publishes statistics on disciplinary cases and we challenge other political parties to match our commitment to transparency.”
Responding to the report, the party-affiliated Jewish Labour Movement remarked that Labour “should not be allowed to judge its own processes”.
Labour has been urged by groups including JLM to create an independent complaints system that would see a separate body process all disciplinary cases related to antisemitism.
While party insiders have questioned whether “outsourcing” the system would be practical, all four main leadership candidates have signed up to the Board of Deputies’ ten pledges, which include the commitment.


labourlist--2020-01-28--New trade union reps appointed to Labour’s ruling body

Two trade union representatives have been newly appointed to Labour ’ s national executive committee in a shake-up following the departures of GMB ’ s Sarah Owen and Unite the Union ’ s Jim Kennedy .
LabourList can exclusively reveal that Tom Warnett has taken up one of the NEC ’ s trade union places .
He will be replacing Owen , who was a GMB rep before being elected as MP for Luton North in the 2019 general election .
Warnett is a GMB political officer .
He was Unite ’ s political co-ordinator before joining GMB and is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ recently helped to run the successful selection campaign of Sam Tarry , who is now Labour MP for Ilford South .
The new NEC member was also appointed to the previously vacant position of NEC co-convenor of the joint policy committee ( JPC ) today , which makes him an NEC officer .
Howard Beckett , Unite ’ s assistant general secretary for politics and legal , has also been appointed to the NEC .
He is known as a strong backer of Jeremy Corbyn and an activist who is firmly on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ urged delegates at Labour ’ s annual conference to support the NEC statement on Brexit rather than the ‘ full Remain ’ position , saying : “ Do not let these Tory bastards divide us.
” After the appointment was revealed by PoliticsHome , a Unite spokesperson confirmed the move , adding : “ The decision to appoint him as one of the Unite members on the NEC was authorised by Unite ’ s executive when it met last week.
” Labour ’ s NEC will soon have three additional new members – @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mishra and Claudia Webbe who are both now MPs , and one replacing Keith Vaz as the representative of BAME Labour .

Two trade union representatives have been newly appointed to Labour’s national executive committee in a shake-up following the departures of GMB’s Sarah Owen and Unite the Union’s Jim Kennedy.
LabourList can exclusively reveal that Tom Warnett has taken up one of the NEC’s trade union places. He will be replacing Owen, who was a GMB rep before being elected as MP for Luton North in the 2019 general election.
Warnett is a GMB political officer. He was Unite’s political co-ordinator before joining GMB and is known as an effective operator. He recently helped to run the successful selection campaign of Sam Tarry, who is now Labour MP for Ilford South.
The new NEC member was also appointed to the previously vacant position of NEC co-convenor of the joint policy committee (JPC) today, which makes him an NEC officer.
Howard Beckett, Unite’s assistant general secretary for politics and legal, has also been appointed to the NEC. He is known as a strong backer of Jeremy Corbyn and an activist who is firmly on the Labour left.
In September, he urged delegates at Labour’s annual conference to support the NEC statement on Brexit rather than the ‘full Remain’ position, saying: “Do not let these Tory bastards divide us.”
After the appointment was revealed by PoliticsHome, a Unite spokesperson confirmed the move, adding: “The decision to appoint him as one of the Unite members on the NEC was authorised by Unite’s executive when it met last week.”
Labour’s NEC will soon have three additional new members – two representing local parties, replacing Nav Mishra and Claudia Webbe who are both now MPs, and one replacing Keith Vaz as the representative of BAME Labour.


labourlist--2020-01-28--Richard Burgon calls for Labour to “modernise” by adopting “new Clause IV”

Corbynite Labour deputy leadership candidate Richard Burgon has called for the Labour Party to “ modernise ” by adopting a ‘ new Clause IV ’ in its constitution .
Describing parts of the constitution as “ now 25 years out of date ” , Burgon said : “ Public ownership is popular , and we need to stay in tune with voters who are sick of being ripped off by private companies which treat public services as nothing more than cash cows.
” Tony Blair famously scrapped Labour ’ s original Clause IV as party leader in 1995 at a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to signal a shift away from policies of nationalisation and towards the rebranded New Labour .
The version adopted in 1918 vowed to champion equality on the “ basis of the common ownership of the means of production , distribution and exchange ” .
Blair ’ s new clause instead talked about “ the means to realise our true potential ” .
Announcing the policy , Burgon said : “ I welcome that candidates in the leadership and deputy leadership elections say they ’ ll defend the manifesto commitments on renationalising rail , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to go further and ensure this is permanently enshrined in our party ’ s constitution .
“ Before Jeremy ’ s leadership , the constant timidity to back what the public knew to be the obvious common sense solution of public ownership was driven by years of internal kowtowing to neoliberalism .
There must never be a return to this dead end .
“ If I win , I ’ ll fight to ensure that the leadership of our party never again refuses to argue for public ownership .
I will always publicly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to bring water , energy , rail and mail back into public hands whether it be from within the shadow cabinet or in a Labour government.
” Before Labour conference in 2019 , Jeremy Corbyn and the national executive committee set up a working group tasked with looking at amending the document again with the aim of reflecting the party ’ s renewed support for public ownership .
In a LabourList interview in 2015 , a month before the leadership election result was announced , Corbyn said : “ I supported the old @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ 94 , so if you ask me which one I prefer it ’ s fairly obvious.
” On how it could be adapted , reporter Conor Pope wrote : “ However , if it were to be changed again , he would like something that does not just include “ common ownership ” , but also “ recognises issues of equality , social justice , gender equality , diversity in Britain ” .
” Richard Burgon ’ s bid for the deputy leadership post has been endorsed by former MP Dennis Skinner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chair of his campaign .
Both lost their seats in the 2019 general election .

Corbynite Labour deputy leadership candidate Richard Burgon has called for the Labour Party to “modernise” by adopting a ‘new Clause IV’ in its constitution.
Describing parts of the constitution as “now 25 years out of date”, Burgon said: “Public ownership is popular, and we need to stay in tune with voters who are sick of being ripped off by private companies which treat public services as nothing more than cash cows.”
Tony Blair famously scrapped Labour’s original Clause IV as party leader in 1995 at a special conference, in a move designed to signal a shift away from policies of nationalisation and towards the rebranded New Labour.
The version adopted in 1918 vowed to champion equality on the “basis of the common ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange”. Blair’s new clause instead talked about “the means to realise our true potential”.
Announcing the policy, Burgon said: “I welcome that candidates in the leadership and deputy leadership elections say they’ll defend the manifesto commitments on renationalising rail, mail and water. But we need to go further and ensure this is permanently enshrined in our party’s constitution.
“Before Jeremy’s leadership, the constant timidity to back what the public knew to be the obvious common sense solution of public ownership was driven by years of internal kowtowing to neoliberalism. There must never be a return to this dead end.
“If I win, I’ll fight to ensure that the leadership of our party never again refuses to argue for public ownership. I will always publicly advocate and promote internal policies that seek to bring water, energy, rail and mail back into public hands whether it be from within the shadow cabinet or in a Labour government.”
Before Labour conference in 2019, Jeremy Corbyn and the national executive committee set up a working group tasked with looking at amending the document again with the aim of reflecting the party’s renewed support for public ownership.
In a LabourList interview in 2015, a month before the leadership election result was announced, Corbyn said: “I supported the old Clause IV against the Blair reforms in ’94, so if you ask me which one I prefer it’s fairly obvious.”
On how it could be adapted, reporter Conor Pope wrote: “However, if it were to be changed again, he would like something that does not just include “common ownership”, but also “recognises issues of equality, social justice, gender equality, diversity in Britain”.”
Richard Burgon’s bid for the deputy leadership post has been endorsed by former MP Dennis Skinner, and Laura Pidcock is serving as chair of his campaign. Both lost their seats in the 2019 general election.


labourlist--2020-01-28--Labour Movement for Europe nominates Keir Starmer and Ian Murray

Labour Movement for Europe – one of the Labour Party ’ s 20 affiliated socialist societies – has decided to nominate Keir Starmer and Ian Murray for the leadership roles currently being contested .
The endorsement was made by the executive body on the basis that members trust the two candidates to “ take our pro-European and internationalist values forward ” .
Each leadership and deputy leadership contender must gain the nominations of either 33 local parties or three affiliated organisations , including two unions , amounting to 5 % of Labour ’ s affiliated membership .
Along with Lisa @ @ @ @ @ @ @ affiliate threshold to enter the final stage of the leadership contest .
He was particularly helped by the backing of large union UNISON .
Although Murray ’ s campaign will be boosted by the endorsement of LME , the Corbynsceptic MP is unlikely to win enough union backing for the affiliate path and will have to rely on support from local parties instead .
Commenting on the nomination , chair of the organisation and former Labour MP for Redcar Anna Turley said : “ Our executive has decided to nominate Keir Starmer and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ values and the fact that we think they are in the best place to take Labour to victory at the next election .
“ Keir led Labour ’ s Brexit position with skill and diligence , guiding the party to the position we adopted at conference , in support of a confirmatory referendum .
His personal position as stated in the general election was for Labour to clearly campaign to Remain should there have been a referendum .
“ He worked hard to keep all sides of the debate within our movement together @ @ @ @ @ @ @ As we leave the European Union , Keir understands the importance of keeping as close as possible relationship with the EU to protect people ’ s jobs , their rights and the NHS and environment .
“ Ian Murray has twice been the only Labour MP elected in Scotland , which voted decisively to Remain .
He has not only survived because of his ability to communicate and campaign but because he has spoken up for pro European values .
“ Ian was part of the successful court challenge against Boris Johnson ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ co-chair of the Labour Campaign for the Single Market and a strong supporter of a people ’ s vote .
He understands that even after Brexit our ties with Europe must remain strong.
” Deputy leadership candidate Ian Murray welcomed the nomination , saying : “ I ’ m honoured to have the support of the Labour Movement for Europe and would like to thank the organisation for standing up for our values as a pro-European party .
“ I fought tirelessly against Brexit , and I will continue to campaign for internationalism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is that our crushing election defeat means we are up against a powerful Tory government that can do what it wants .
That ’ s why we have to change to win .
“ Never again can we abandon our values , and never again can we face two ways on the biggest issues of our time .
If elected deputy leader , my campaign will aim to enhance Britain ’ s place in the world and ensure that jobs and livelihoods are protected , and the UK ’ s economy can grow @ @ @ @ @ @ @ European neighbours is vital for Britain ’ s future and we should never rule out campaigning to be part of the EU in the future if it ’ s in the national interest .
”

Labour Movement for Europe – one of the Labour Party’s 20 affiliated socialist societies – has decided to nominate Keir Starmer and Ian Murray for the leadership roles currently being contested.
The endorsement was made by the executive body on the basis that members trust the two candidates to “take our pro-European and internationalist values forward”.
Each leadership and deputy leadership contender must gain the nominations of either 33 local parties or three affiliated organisations, including two unions, amounting to 5% of Labour’s affiliated membership.
Along with Lisa Nandy, Starmer has already passed the affiliate threshold to enter the final stage of the leadership contest. He was particularly helped by the backing of large union UNISON.
Although Murray’s campaign will be boosted by the endorsement of LME, the Corbynsceptic MP is unlikely to win enough union backing for the affiliate path and will have to rely on support from local parties instead.
Commenting on the nomination, chair of the organisation and former Labour MP for Redcar Anna Turley said: “Our executive has decided to nominate Keir Starmer and Ian Murray because of their strong pro-EU values and the fact that we think they are in the best place to take Labour to victory at the next election.
“Keir led Labour’s Brexit position with skill and diligence, guiding the party to the position we adopted at conference, in support of a confirmatory referendum. His personal position as stated in the general election was for Labour to clearly campaign to Remain should there have been a referendum.
“He worked hard to keep all sides of the debate within our movement together in a difficult and fractious period. As we leave the European Union, Keir understands the importance of keeping as close as possible relationship with the EU to protect people’s jobs, their rights and the NHS and environment.
“Ian Murray has twice been the only Labour MP elected in Scotland, which voted decisively to Remain. He has not only survived because of his ability to communicate and campaign but because he has spoken up for pro European values.
“Ian was part of the successful court challenge against Boris Johnson’s unlawful prorogation of Parliament, the co-chair of the Labour Campaign for the Single Market and a strong supporter of a people’s vote. He understands that even after Brexit our ties with Europe must remain strong.”
Deputy leadership candidate Ian Murray welcomed the nomination, saying: “I’m honoured to have the support of the Labour Movement for Europe and would like to thank the organisation for standing up for our values as a pro-European party.
“I fought tirelessly against Brexit, and I will continue to campaign for internationalism and solidarity. But the sad reality is that our crushing election defeat means we are up against a powerful Tory government that can do what it wants. That’s why we have to change to win.
“Never again can we abandon our values, and never again can we face two ways on the biggest issues of our time. If elected deputy leader, my campaign will aim to enhance Britain’s place in the world and ensure that jobs and livelihoods are protected, and the UK’s economy can grow.
“A close relationship with our European neighbours is vital for Britain’s future and we should never rule out campaigning to be part of the EU in the future if it’s in the national interest.”


labourlist--2020-01-28--Labour’s shortlisted London Assembly candidates kick off selection campaigns

Contenders hoping to become Labour candidates for the London Assembly elections in May have been told that they can now start campaigning to be elected .
The London Labour regional office has contacted the hopefuls to inform them of the process and to distribute membership lists for their prospective seats .
In the correspondence , the Labour Party has stated that members will vote in a one-member-one-vote ( OMOV ) ballot between February 5th and 19th .
Which voting system is to be used is still unclear as the information issued only specified OMOV , but the party has previously @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
A freeze date will applied of September 26th , 2018 .
Labour said that this is in accordance with national executive committee rules that the “ freeze date is six months before the formal start ” of the process .
The selection to decide who would contest each constituency and London-wide seat began last year , but was postponed due to the snap general election and subsequent leadership contests .
Shortlists had been drawn up in October 2019 , but the election of two of the candidates to parliament last month meant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ The election of Claudia Webbe as the Leicester East MP and Florence Eshalomi as the new MP for Vauxhall meant that the lists for the North East and Lambeth and Southwark constituencies were reopened .
The mayoral election will take place alongside votes for the London Assembly .
Sadiq Khan is standing against Tory Shaun Bailey , Lib Dem Siobhan Benita , and ex-Conservative MP Rory Stewart who is standing as an independent .
Below is the full list of shortlisted candidates for each constituency and London-wide seat .

Contenders hoping to become Labour candidates for the London Assembly elections in May have been told that they can now start campaigning to be elected.
The London Labour regional office has contacted the hopefuls to inform them of the process and to distribute membership lists for their prospective seats.
In the correspondence, the Labour Party has stated that members will vote in a one-member-one-vote (OMOV) ballot between February 5th and 19th.
The situation is still unclear as to which voting system will be used for the selection race. Labour has previously used single transferable vote (STV) but only OMOV has been specified so far.
Update: It has now been confirmed that the party will use STV. Under this system, if no candidate received 50% of first preference votes, preferences are redistributed until a candidate gets over 50% of the vote.
A freeze date of September 26th, 2018, will be applied. Labour told shortlisted candidates that this is in accordance with national executive committee rules, which state that the “freeze date is six months before the formal start” of the process.
The selection to decide who would contest each constituency and London-wide seat began last year, but was postponed due to the snap general election and subsequent leadership contests.
Shortlists had been drawn up in October 2019, but the election of two of the candidates to parliament last month meant that they had to be reopened.
The election of Claudia Webbe as the Leicester East MP and Florence Eshalomi as the new MP for Vauxhall meant that the lists for the North East and Lambeth and Southwark constituencies were reopened.
The mayoral election will take place alongside votes for the London Assembly. Sadiq Khan is standing against Tory Shaun Bailey, Lib Dem Siobhan Benita, and ex-Conservative MP Rory Stewart who is standing as an independent.
Below is the full list of shortlisted candidates for each constituency and London-wide seat.
Barnet and Camden
Sagal Abdi-Wali
Anne Clarke
Faduma Hassan
Miriam Mirwitch
Bexley and Bromley
Stefano Borella
Sunny Lambe
Brent and Harrow
Aghileh Djafari Marbini
Krupesh Hirani
Croydon and Sutton
Patsy Cummings
Rowenna Davis
Havering and Redbridge
Andrew Achilleos
Judith Garfield
Angelina Leatherbarrow
Bob Littlewood
Vanisha Solanki
Lambeth and Southwark
Marina Ahmad
Taranjit Chana
Shahina Jaffer
Maurice McLeod
North East (Hackney, Islington and Waltham Forest)
Sara Hyde
Emine Ibrahim
Sem Moema
South West (Hounslow, Kingston and Richmond)
Candice Atterton
Sandra Keen
West Central (Hammersmith & Fulham, Kensington & Chelsea and Westminster)
Rita Begum
Sophie Charman-Blower
London-wide list


labourlist--2020-01-28--Auld acquaintances forgotten? UK Labour’s struggles with Scottish democracy

The Labour leadership contest was already taking shape by the time of Hogmanay celebrations , an occasion when it ’ s traditional for parties across Britain to struggle their way through the lyrics to Auld Lang Syne .
By the time of the Bard ’ s own day , January 25th , it was in full swing .
In the meantime , anglicised accents have had more practice than usual in enunciating their way through Scottish scripts .
This hasn ’ t been confined to a single candidate and nor , following four years of pronounced left-wing leadership , can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ characteristic of late-stage Blairism .
The biggest problem seems to be pinning down a position at all , not just on a second independence referendum , but also a distinctive Labour position on Scottish and UK constitutional reform .
The most coherent and consistent position is the hardline unionist stance of simply refusing a second referendum and writing off any and all discussion of democratic reform as a ‘ distraction ’ from the ‘ real ’ concerns of workers and communities .
This was the position that Jess Phillips maintained in a car-crash @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the campaign .
Phillips disrespectfully brushed aside democratic and economic concerns over Brexit by doubling down on the view that favouring membership of the EU but not the UK was a contradiction in terms .
Lisa Nandy later took to Medium to explain that she did not in fact support the repressive actions of the Spanish state in Catalonia following a garbled interview .
Nandy had unhelpfully juxtaposed ‘ divisive nationalism ’ and ‘ social justice ’ without a clear definition of either .
Given she has also been an exponent of ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , this feels like having a red , white and blue cake and eating it too .
There is no doubt a strong element of playing to the gallery at work .
The UK ’ s only political faction with much track record of loudly articulating support for the Spanish state in Catalonia is former Better Together activists in Scotland .
A not inconsiderable number of these ardent opponents of ‘ separatism ’ are to be found within the Scottish Labour Party .
Ian Murray is the chief representative of this tendency and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ through the deputy leadership contest .
The MP for Edinburgh South is attempting to consolidate the hardline unionist position through the logic of Scottish particularity .
Murray ’ s place in the contest rests on his claim to be the sole candidate able to clearly articulate the tricky Scottish political lexicon that his opponents stumble and mumble through .
He can speak for Scotland with unrivalled authenticity .
Murray will likely achieve a high level of support as a Scottish voice within the UK party .
This ‘ unionist-nationalist ’ logic is a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , but historically it largely entailed using the British levers of the state to deliver for Scottish interests .
Murray ’ s campaign materials emphasise the importance of ‘ having a Scot at the top of the party ’ .
While victory seems unlikely , his major success may lie in convincing Labour that he speaks for Scotland .
This will consolidate opposition to a second independence referendum and the strategy that has lost Labour every election since 2010 .
Scotland increasingly seems to have the status of a forgotten acquaintance in the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ‘ heartland ’ .
Although Rebecca Long-Bailey made a fleeting reference to lost Scottish heartlands in her launch piece for Tribune , the narrative has been dominated by divides within England .
Frances Perraudin recently persuasively argued that if the party ’ s pivot towards ‘ left-behind areas ’ means abandoning large English cities , it will undermine the remaining heartlands .
Scottish voters once figured centrally in the Labour coalition that Perraudin describes .
Labour ’ s electoral support straddled socially conservative and liberal divides across towns and cities and incorporated both @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was a strong dosage of quotidian politics , including support for the public sector , that held this grouping together .
Yet it was also able to sustain commitments to social and democratic reforms .
The Labour Party would benefit more from responding to the changes in political economy that have encouraged the growth of SNP and Conservative support over a long period of time , than to succumb to either fatalism or recriminations that blame the party ’ s remaining supporters .
A serious response to the major defeat suffered in 2019 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a broken political system and decentralisation .
In Scotland , that requires a sincere and democratic debate over the question of a second referendum , even if it makes party members uncomfortable .
Scottish Labour isn ’ t uniformly behind Murray , despite appearances in the leadership contest .
In the aftermath of the election defeat , around 200 Scottish members signed a letter calling on the party to support a second independence referendum .
They have since gone on to establish Scottish Labour for Radical Democracy to campaign for this position in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also articulated by two prominent MSPs , Neil Findlay and Monica Lennon , who abstained when their colleagues voted against a second referendum at Holyrood before Christmas .
Either option was legitimate from a democratic perspective , but now that this legislation has passed , Labour faces the choice of either being on the side of a second referendum or standing with Boris Johnson .
The discussion of the UK constitution in the leadership contest has been short on substance , commitments and principles .
All of the candidates have largely been content @ @ @ @ @ @ @ House of Lords from the last three election manifestos .
Suspicion of political reform reinforces an unwillingness to contest the political terrain of democracy , which now seems to comfortably be in the hands of the SNP and Brexit-backing Tories respectively .
The stance of leadership candidates on indyref2 is effectively a litmus test for their seriousness about renewing the Labour Party and commitment to democracy more broadly .
Regardless of Labour ’ s stance , it ’ s clear that these tensions won ’ t go away and that if – as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will only stimulate opposition .
Despite many in Labour having sincere hopes for a sabbatical from the national question , it ’ s coming soon fir aw that .

The Labour leadership contest was already taking shape by the time of Hogmanay celebrations, an occasion when it’s traditional for parties across Britain to struggle their way through the lyrics to Auld Lang Syne. By the time of the Bard’s own day, January 25th, it was in full swing. In the meantime, anglicised accents have had more practice than usual in enunciating their way through Scottish scripts. This hasn’t been confined to a single candidate and nor, following four years of pronounced left-wing leadership, can it be written off as an unfortunate characteristic of late-stage Blairism. The biggest problem seems to be pinning down a position at all, not just on a second independence referendum, but also a distinctive Labour position on Scottish and UK constitutional reform.
The most coherent and consistent position is the hardline unionist stance of simply refusing a second referendum and writing off any and all discussion of democratic reform as a ‘distraction’ from the ‘real’ concerns of workers and communities. This was the position that Jess Phillips maintained in a car-crash interview on BBC Radio Scotland early in the campaign. Phillips disrespectfully brushed aside democratic and economic concerns over Brexit by doubling down on the view that favouring membership of the EU but not the UK was a contradiction in terms. Lisa Nandy later took to Medium to explain that she did not in fact support the repressive actions of the Spanish state in Catalonia following a garbled interview. Nandy had unhelpfully juxtaposed ‘divisive nationalism’ and ‘social justice’ without a clear definition of either. Given she has also been an exponent of ‘patriotism’ and ‘social conservatism’, this feels like having a red, white and blue cake and eating it too.
There is no doubt a strong element of playing to the gallery at work. The UK’s only political faction with much track record of loudly articulating support for the Spanish state in Catalonia is former Better Together activists in Scotland. A not inconsiderable number of these ardent opponents of ‘separatism’ are to be found within the Scottish Labour Party. Ian Murray is the chief representative of this tendency and has been given a UK-wide party platform through the deputy leadership contest. The MP for Edinburgh South is attempting to consolidate the hardline unionist position through the logic of Scottish particularity. Murray’s place in the contest rests on his claim to be the sole candidate able to clearly articulate the tricky Scottish political lexicon that his opponents stumble and mumble through. He can speak for Scotland with unrivalled authenticity.
Murray will likely achieve a high level of support as a Scottish voice within the UK party. This ‘unionist-nationalist’ logic is a well-established feature of Scottish labour movement politics, but historically it largely entailed using the British levers of the state to deliver for Scottish interests. Murray’s campaign materials emphasise the importance of ‘having a Scot at the top of the party’. While victory seems unlikely, his major success may lie in convincing Labour that he speaks for Scotland. This will consolidate opposition to a second independence referendum and the strategy that has lost Labour every election since 2010.
Scotland increasingly seems to have the status of a forgotten acquaintance in the ongoing debate over what constitutes a Labour ‘heartland’. Although Rebecca Long-Bailey made a fleeting reference to lost Scottish heartlands in her launch piece for Tribune, the narrative has been dominated by divides within England. Frances Perraudin recently persuasively argued that if the party’s pivot towards ‘left-behind areas’ means abandoning large English cities, it will undermine the remaining heartlands. Scottish voters once figured centrally in the Labour coalition that Perraudin describes. Labour’s electoral support straddled socially conservative and liberal divides across towns and cities and incorporated both manual workers and white-collar professionals. There was a strong dosage of quotidian politics, including support for the public sector, that held this grouping together. Yet it was also able to sustain commitments to social and democratic reforms.
The Labour Party would benefit more from responding to the changes in political economy that have encouraged the growth of SNP and Conservative support over a long period of time, than to succumb to either fatalism or recriminations that blame the party’s remaining supporters. A serious response to the major defeat suffered in 2019 has to include serious proposals for confronting a broken political system and decentralisation. In Scotland, that requires a sincere and democratic debate over the question of a second referendum, even if it makes party members uncomfortable.
Scottish Labour isn’t uniformly behind Murray, despite appearances in the leadership contest. In the aftermath of the election defeat, around 200 Scottish members signed a letter calling on the party to support a second independence referendum. They have since gone on to establish Scottish Labour for Radical Democracy to campaign for this position in the party. A similar stance was also articulated by two prominent MSPs, Neil Findlay and Monica Lennon, who abstained when their colleagues voted against a second referendum at Holyrood before Christmas. Either option was legitimate from a democratic perspective, but now that this legislation has passed, Labour faces the choice of either being on the side of a second referendum or standing with Boris Johnson.
The discussion of the UK constitution in the leadership contest has been short on substance, commitments and principles. All of the candidates have largely been content to paraphrase the commitment to abolishing the House of Lords from the last three election manifestos. Suspicion of political reform reinforces an unwillingness to contest the political terrain of democracy, which now seems to comfortably be in the hands of the SNP and Brexit-backing Tories respectively. The stance of leadership candidates on indyref2 is effectively a litmus test for their seriousness about renewing the Labour Party and commitment to democracy more broadly. Regardless of Labour’s stance, it’s clear that these tensions won’t go away and that if – as seems likely – Johnson’s intransigence will only stimulate opposition. Despite many in Labour having sincere hopes for a sabbatical from the national question, it’s coming soon fir aw that.


labourlist--2020-01-29--Labour leadership candidates slam Trump’s Middle East “peace” plan

Labour leadership candidates have swiftly criticised the so-called “ peace ” plan for the Middle East that was put forward by Donald Trump on Tuesday .
The contenders to replace Jeremy Corbyn took to social media last night to voice their criticisms after the US President unveiled a 181-page document detailing his proposal for the region .
The White House said the plans would establish Jerusalem as Israel ’ s “ undivided ” capital .
Under the “ deal of the century ” proposals , Israel would be given full control of settlements currently considered illegal under international law .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Rebecca Long-Bailey was first to tweet criticism of the plan , saying : “ Trump ’ s deal is nothing like a peace plan.
” It would “ only perpetuate conflict ” and “ undermine rights of the Palestinian people ” , she said .
Leadership frontrunner Keir Starmer also took to social media , calling the Trump proposal a “ farce ” that is “ inconsistent with international law and human rights protections ” .
He added that it should be condemned by the UK government .
Lisa Nandy , who is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ next leader , slammed Dominic Raab during an LBC phone-in after the Foreign Secretary welcomed the agreement .
The Wigan MP and chair of Labour Friends of Palestine tweeted : “ A peace plan that tramples on Palestine ’ s self-determination will never succeed.
” She added : “ We must stand with those who believe in a real nation state for Palestinians.
” Emily Thornberry , the fourth leadership candidate who currently serves as Shadow Foreign Secretary , has not yet issued a statement reacting to news of the Israeli-Palestine plan .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ plan online and called on the government to do the same .
He tweeted describing it as a “ plan to lock in illegal Israeli colonisation and deny Palestinian rights ” .
The US President launched his vision for the region with the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu , with Palestinian leaders absent from the event .
Trump claimed that the proposal would lead to one million new jobs for Palestinians over the next ten years and provide a total of $ 50bn investment in the country .
Reacting to the suggestions put @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Mahmoud Abbas called the proposals a “ conspiracy ” and noted that “ Jerusalem is not for sale ” .
Thousands of protesters took the streets in the Gaza Strip on Tuesday , while the Israeli government deployed troops in the occupied West Bank .

Labour leadership candidates have swiftly criticised the so-called “peace” plan for the Middle East that was put forward by Donald Trump on Tuesday.
The contenders to replace Jeremy Corbyn took to social media last night to voice their criticisms after the US President unveiled a 181-page document detailing his proposal for the region.
The White House said the plans would establish Jerusalem as Israel’s “undivided” capital. Under the “deal of the century” proposals, Israel would be given full control of settlements currently considered illegal under international law.
Following the announcement, Labour leadership candidate Rebecca Long-Bailey was first to tweet criticism of the plan, saying: “Trump’s deal is nothing like a peace plan.” It would “only perpetuate conflict” and “undermine rights of the Palestinian people”, she said.
Leadership frontrunner Keir Starmer also took to social media, calling the Trump proposal a “farce” that is “inconsistent with international law and human rights protections”. He added that it should be condemned by the UK government.
Lisa Nandy, who is also standing to be Labour’s next leader, slammed Dominic Raab during an LBC phone-in after the Foreign Secretary welcomed the agreement.
The Wigan MP and chair of Labour Friends of Palestine tweeted: “A peace plan that tramples on Palestine’s self-determination will never succeed.” She added: “We must stand with those who believe in a real nation state for Palestinians.”
Emily Thornberry, the fourth leadership candidate who currently serves as Shadow Foreign Secretary, has not yet issued a statement reacting to news of the Israeli-Palestine plan.
Outgoing Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn condemned the plan online and called on the government to do the same. He tweeted describing it as a “plan to lock in illegal Israeli colonisation and deny Palestinian rights”.
The US President launched his vision for the region with the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, with Palestinian leaders absent from the event.
Trump claimed that the proposal would lead to one million new jobs for Palestinians over the next ten years and provide a total of $50bn investment in the country.
Reacting to the suggestions put forward by the US, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas called the proposals a “conspiracy” and noted that “Jerusalem is not for sale”.
Thousands of protesters took the streets in the Gaza Strip on Tuesday, while the Israeli government deployed troops in the occupied West Bank.


labourlist--2020-01-29--What happened at Labour’s NEC post-election ‘away day’

Labour ’ s national executive committee held its delayed ‘ away day ’ – the first full post-conference meeting – yesterday , which saw NEC members presented with analysis of the general election campaign and result .
There was a report by Andrew Gwynne and Ian Lavery that put the blame mainly on Brexit .
There was another report on the work of community organisers , who were given full credit for victories in Sheffield Hallam and Putney .
The leaked document didn ’ t seem to acknowledge the crucial contributions of other hard-working campaigners .
With several easily identifiable @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not Labour-held ) and a defensive tone , it prompted much criticism from NEC members .
This situation puts community organisers in a tricky position – as always happens with party staff – because they can not defend themselves in public .
But critics say COs were used as a factional tool , and as a result there were often poor relations between them and regional offices .
There is no use shutting down that discussion if Labour ’ s top campaign priority is effectiveness .
The ruling body was also given a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ over 580,000 members – an all-time record , NEC members were told .
It will be interesting to see how this surge affects the leadership contests .
Anecdotal reports from local parties suggest that these new members are mostly Corbynsceptics , including many rejoiners , seeking to reshape the party with a vote for Keir Starmer .
It ’ s not just new ordinary members either : Labour has two new NEC members .
GMB has appointed a new rep , as exclusively revealed by LabourList , and he had a remarkably swift @ @ @ @ @ @ @ meeting .
Unite has also replaced influential Jim Kennedy with Howard Beckett , known as a strong Jeremy Corbyn backer firmly on the Labour left .
Of course , there are also three NEC by-elections coming up , which we will be updating you on very soon .
Fresh local party nominations last night saw Starmer go up nine , despite being way ahead of his rivals and already on the ballot paper .
He was also nominated by Labour Movement for Europe , along with Ian Murray .
Lisa Nandy had a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s # MarginalSeatTest with nominations from both Bury CLPs .
It was a close result in Bury South : Rebecca Long-Bailey won the first round , but she received 49 votes in the final round compared to 53 for Nandy .
It helped that Nandy grew up in Bury .
Worth noting also that members backed Nandy and Rayner , but also two Labour lefties – Mo Azam and Mehmood Mirza – for the NEC .
Will the NEC by-election results align factionally with the picks for leadership posts ?
While Angela Rayner @ @ @ @ @ @ @ up nominations far beyond the required threshold , others in the deputy race need a look-in .
Richard Burgon has announced that he would fight for Labour to adopt a new ‘ Clause IV ’ that once again reflects a commitment to public ownership .
Dawn Butler appeared on Novara Media ’ s Tysky Sour , where she talked about writing notes to Corbyn during PMQs ( “ say it Jeremy !
” ) and said Labour MPs should “ get with the programme or hit the curb ” ( i.e .
be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ) .
Asked for advice that Corbyn could have taken from Tony Blair , she replied : “ Have some really good advisors.
” The deputy hopeful , who needs 19 more local party nominations , didn ’ t hold back in the chat show and showed off her wit .
More news is expected from Long-Bailey ’ s campaign tonight , as she is doing an event in Leeds .
As always , keep a close eye on LabourList for essential updates .

Labour’s national executive committee held its delayed ‘away day’ – the first full post-conference meeting – yesterday, which saw NEC members presented with analysis of the general election campaign and result. There was a report by Andrew Gwynne and Ian Lavery that put the blame mainly on Brexit. There was another report on the work of community organisers, who were given full credit for victories in Sheffield Hallam and Putney. The leaked document didn’t seem to acknowledge the crucial contributions of other hard-working campaigners.
With several easily identifiable inaccuracies (e.g. Glasgow South is not Labour-held) and a defensive tone, it prompted much criticism from NEC members. This situation puts community organisers in a tricky position – as always happens with party staff – because they cannot defend themselves in public. But critics say COs were used as a factional tool, and as a result there were often poor relations between them and regional offices. There is no use shutting down that discussion if Labour’s top campaign priority is effectiveness.
The ruling body was also given a membership update: the party now has over 580,000 members – an all-time record, NEC members were told. It will be interesting to see how this surge affects the leadership contests. Anecdotal reports from local parties suggest that these new members are mostly Corbynsceptics, including many rejoiners, seeking to reshape the party with a vote for Keir Starmer.
It’s not just new ordinary members either: Labour has two new NEC members. GMB has appointed a new rep, as exclusively revealed by LabourList, and he had a remarkably swift rise to NEC officer in his first meeting. Unite has also replaced influential Jim Kennedy with Howard Beckett, known as a strong Jeremy Corbyn backer firmly on the Labour left. Of course, there are also three NEC by-elections coming up, which we will be updating you on very soon.
Fresh local party nominations last night saw Starmer go up nine, despite being way ahead of his rivals and already on the ballot paper. He was also nominated by Labour Movement for Europe, along with Ian Murray. Lisa Nandy had a good evening, smashing James Frith’s #MarginalSeatTest with nominations from both Bury CLPs. It was a close result in Bury South: Rebecca Long-Bailey won the first round, but she received 49 votes in the final round compared to 53 for Nandy. It helped that Nandy grew up in Bury. Worth noting also that members backed Nandy and Rayner, but also two Labour lefties – Mo Azam and Mehmood Mirza – for the NEC. Will the NEC by-election results align factionally with the picks for leadership posts?
While Angela Rayner, like Starmer, continues to rack up nominations far beyond the required threshold, others in the deputy race need a look-in. Richard Burgon has announced that he would fight for Labour to adopt a new ‘Clause IV’ that once again reflects a commitment to public ownership. Dawn Butler appeared on Novara Media’s Tysky Sour, where she talked about writing notes to Corbyn during PMQs (“say it Jeremy!”) and said Labour MPs should “get with the programme or hit the curb” (i.e. be suspended if they publicly criticise the leadership). Asked for advice that Corbyn could have taken from Tony Blair, she replied: “Have some really good advisors.” The deputy hopeful, who needs 19 more local party nominations, didn’t hold back in the chat show and showed off her wit.
More news is expected from Long-Bailey’s campaign tonight, as she is doing an event in Leeds. As always, keep a close eye on LabourList for essential updates.


labourlist--2020-01-29--Long-Bailey calls on rivals to back public ownership of energy, water, rail and mail

Labour leadership candidate Rebecca Long-Bailey is set to challenge her rivals tonight – by calling on them to support bringing back energy , water , rail and mail into public ownership .
At a campaign rally in Leeds , Long-Bailey is expected to demand that the other three leadership hopefuls – Keir Starmer , Lisa Nandy and Emily Thornberry – make “ specific , concrete commitments ” on the nationalisation of key industries .
“ Members have a right to know exactly where candidates stand , ” the Shadow Business Secretary will say .
“ I want to be clear @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pledges in our manifesto last year for public ownership of energy , water , rail and mail.
” Setting out the argument that taking each of these utilities into public ownership would be “ the foundation for a more fair and equal society ” , Long-Bailey will declare that “ any candidate for Labour leader should endorse them without hesitation ” .
During the leadership campaign period so far , Starmer has explicitly approved only of rail nationalisation because he has said “ the case for rail makes itself ” .
He also @ @ @ @ @ @ @ service had been a “ disaster ” .
Appearing on The Andrew Neil Show last week , Thornberry confirmed that she would back nationalisation of rail and mail , but suggested she would not support nationalising water , energy or broadband – all of which were in Labour ’ s 2019 manifesto .
Nandy has also spoken out in favour of rail nationalisation following the election .
But she told the Guardian that “ nationalising the energy companies is a waste of money ” , instead preferring municipal companies and co-operatives .
At @ @ @ @ @ @ @ say : “ Over the past five years we have reclaimed public ownership as a key principle of the Labour Party and under my leadership we will never give that up .
“ Our party ’ s long overdue return to policies calling for public ownership of essential services are not only consistently popular in opinion polls , they are the core of what Labour stands for .
“ New models of democratic public ownership are essential to delivering modern , world leading and efficient services to everyone in our country.
” The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s plans for public ownership are “ not a ‘ nice to have ’ ” but “ fundamental to our transformation of the economy and people ’ s lives ” .
Long-Bailey will assert : “ Nobody voted Conservative because we pledged to bring the railways back into public hands , take on rip-off energy companies and fix our broken water systems .
Under my leadership , Labour will stand up to the rip off privatisers , and bring wealth and power back into public hands.
” Starmer , Nandy and Long-Bailey have @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ballot paper .
Thornberry needs to be nominated by a further 29 local parties before February 14th if she wants to reach the final phase of the contest .

Labour leadership candidate Rebecca Long-Bailey is set to challenge her rivals tonight – by calling on them to support bringing back energy, water, rail and mail into public ownership.
At a campaign rally in Leeds, Long-Bailey is expected to demand that the other three leadership hopefuls – Keir Starmer, Lisa Nandy and Emily Thornberry – make “specific, concrete commitments” on the nationalisation of key industries.
“Members have a right to know exactly where candidates stand,” the Shadow Business Secretary will say. “I want to be clear that I am fully committed to the pledges in our manifesto last year for public ownership of energy, water, rail and mail.”
Setting out the argument that taking each of these utilities into public ownership would be “the foundation for a more fair and equal society”, Long-Bailey will declare that “any candidate for Labour leader should endorse them without hesitation”.
During the leadership campaign period so far, Starmer has explicitly approved only of rail nationalisation because he has said “the case for rail makes itself”. He also told LabourList that privatisation in the probation service had been a “disaster”.
Appearing on The Andrew Neil Show last week, Thornberry confirmed that she would back nationalisation of rail and mail, but suggested she would not support nationalising water, energy or broadband – all of which were in Labour’s 2019 manifesto.
Nandy has also spoken out in favour of rail nationalisation following the election. But she told the Guardian that “nationalising the energy companies is a waste of money”, instead preferring municipal companies and co-operatives.
At the campaign event tonight, Long-Bailey will say: “Over the past five years we have reclaimed public ownership as a key principle of the Labour Party and under my leadership we will never give that up.
“Our party’s long overdue return to policies calling for public ownership of essential services are not only consistently popular in opinion polls, they are the core of what Labour stands for.
“New models of democratic public ownership are essential to delivering modern, world leading and efficient services to everyone in our country.”
The frontbencher will contend that the party’s plans for public ownership are “not a ‘nice to have’” but “fundamental to our transformation of the economy and people’s lives”.
Long-Bailey will assert: “Nobody voted Conservative because we pledged to bring the railways back into public hands, take on rip-off energy companies and fix our broken water systems. Under my leadership, Labour will stand up to the rip off privatisers, and bring wealth and power back into public hands.”
Starmer, Nandy and Long-Bailey have all now secured their places on the ballot paper. Thornberry needs to be nominated by a further 29 local parties before February 14th if she wants to reach the final phase of the contest.


labourlist--2020-01-29--Northern Ireland must not be ignored in Labour’s leadership contest

For the last two years , Northern Ireland has played an unusually prominent role in UK politics .
The importance of the Irish border in light of Brexit , and role of the DUP as effective members of Theresa May ’ s government , coupled with the high-profile culmination in parliament of historic campaigns for equal marriage and abortion rights in the North , resulted in more debate on Northern Ireland than at any time in recent memory .
Yet , so far in the Labour leadership election , you ’ d be hard pressed to find much discussion of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Brexit .
Why ?
It is important to recognise that , from a practical point of view , there is sadly very little to be gained from a potential Labour leader ( or deputy ) talking about , let alone campaigning in , Northern Ireland .
The party stands no official candidates in the six counties and has a single CLP that notionally covers all Labour members living in the North .
Meanwhile , Labour members outside of Northern Ireland have little interest in what candidates thinks of issues such as welfare @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , safe staffing in Northern Irish hospitals or post-conflict intergenerational trauma .
This isn ’ t to demean Labour members .
They simply reflect a broader British public disinterest in Northern Ireland , to which the last few years of debate around Brexit have been an exception .
Still , the prospective candidates are not just running for the position of Labour leader – they are also staking their claim to be the country ’ s next Prime Minister .
Equally , a Labour leader will always be the most prominent representative of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Both roles require an understanding of the issues facing all parts of the United Kingdom – not just those on one side of the Irish Sea .
The frontrunners , Keir Starmer and Rebecca Long-Bailey , have both pitched themselves as candidates to bring the Labour message back to places where it is no longer heeded , and to help the places left behind by post-Thatcher economics and further crippled by austerity .
Yet in Starmer ’ s promise to ‘ tour the regions ’ he did not mention N.I .
and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to see only Wales and Scotland as the ‘ other nations ’ of the UK .
Outside of the frontrunners , Lisa Nandy ’ s focus on towns might be making good memes , but her platform for regeneration and investment is as relevant to Northern Ireland as it is to Northern England .
Although the issue of devolution and the potential for a federal UK has been discussed several times in the contest so far , there has been no indication that any of the candidates have much knowledge of the state @ @ @ @ @ @ @ existing devolved government in the North might integrate into a future , constitutionally reformed UK .
Of course , all leadership elections involve a degree of insular debate and they are by no means guaranteed to cover the same issues that are prominent in national politics .
Ultimately , none of the candidates will win or lose the contest based on their views on power-sharing or how the block grant is calculated .
But failure to engage with the issues that Northern Ireland shares with other areas of the United Kingdom – let @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that the North continues to face – is still a missed opportunity for all involved .
Not only would it be a chance for candidates to articulate their ideas in a different way , it would also show a level of political maturity so lacking in our current Prime Minister .
A lack of Labour MPs in Northern Ireland does not mean that the North should not feature in our internal debates .
After all , the majority of the UK is represented by non-Labour MPs .
For as long as Northern Ireland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it can not be ignored by any political leader who is serious about representing the nation as a whole .

For the last two years, Northern Ireland has played an unusually prominent role in UK politics. The importance of the Irish border in light of Brexit, and role of the DUP as effective members of Theresa May’s government, coupled with the high-profile culmination in parliament of historic campaigns for equal marriage and abortion rights in the North, resulted in more debate on Northern Ireland than at any time in recent memory. Yet, so far in the Labour leadership election, you’d be hard pressed to find much discussion of Northern Ireland, even in the context of Brexit. Why?
It is important to recognise that, from a practical point of view, there is sadly very little to be gained from a potential Labour leader (or deputy) talking about, let alone campaigning in, Northern Ireland. The party stands no official candidates in the six counties and has a single CLP that notionally covers all Labour members living in the North. Meanwhile, Labour members outside of Northern Ireland have little interest in what candidates thinks of issues such as welfare mitigation, the Historical Institutional Abuse Inquiry, safe staffing in Northern Irish hospitals or post-conflict intergenerational trauma. This isn’t to demean Labour members. They simply reflect a broader British public disinterest in Northern Ireland, to which the last few years of debate around Brexit have been an exception.
Still, the prospective candidates are not just running for the position of Labour leader – they are also staking their claim to be the country’s next Prime Minister. Equally, a Labour leader will always be the most prominent representative of the UK’s trade union movement. Both roles require an understanding of the issues facing all parts of the United Kingdom – not just those on one side of the Irish Sea.
The frontrunners, Keir Starmer and Rebecca Long-Bailey, have both pitched themselves as candidates to bring the Labour message back to places where it is no longer heeded, and to help the places left behind by post-Thatcher economics and further crippled by austerity. Yet in Starmer’s promise to ‘tour the regions’ he did not mention N.I. and Long-Bailey’s campaign has sometimes appeared to see only Wales and Scotland as the ‘other nations’ of the UK.
Outside of the frontrunners, Lisa Nandy’s focus on towns might be making good memes, but her platform for regeneration and investment is as relevant to Northern Ireland as it is to Northern England. Although the issue of devolution and the potential for a federal UK has been discussed several times in the contest so far, there has been no indication that any of the candidates have much knowledge of the state of the Stormont executive or how the existing devolved government in the North might integrate into a future, constitutionally reformed UK.
Of course, all leadership elections involve a degree of insular debate and they are by no means guaranteed to cover the same issues that are prominent in national politics. Ultimately, none of the candidates will win or lose the contest based on their views on power-sharing or how the block grant is calculated. But failure to engage with the issues that Northern Ireland shares with other areas of the United Kingdom – let alone a recognition of the unique challenges that the North continues to face – is still a missed opportunity for all involved. Not only would it be a chance for candidates to articulate their ideas in a different way, it would also show a level of political maturity so lacking in our current Prime Minister.
A lack of Labour MPs in Northern Ireland does not mean that the North should not feature in our internal debates. After all, the majority of the UK is represented by non-Labour MPs. For as long as Northern Ireland is part of the United Kingdom, it cannot be ignored by any political leader who is serious about representing the nation as a whole.


labourlist--2020-01-29--Momentum reveal slate of candidates for London Assembly selection race

Labour left activist network Momentum has revealed its endorsements for the London Assembly selection race , which has seen campaigns properly begin now that shortlisted candidates have been given access to membership data .
Selection ballots are dropping on February 5th .
For the London-wide list , the group is backing the following four candidates : • Lewisham councillor and environmental activist Sakina Sheikh .
She has put out a campaign video and received the backing of Owen Jones and John McDonnell .
• Young left-wing activist and author Liam Young , who also has a whole of trade unions @ @ @ @ @ @ @ BFAWU , FBU , TSSA and ASLEF .
He has set out his pitch on LabourList .
• National Education Union organiser Elly Baker from Barking .
She is a London representative on Labour ’ s national policy forum .
Four others have been shortlisted for London but are not being backed by Momentum : Bromley councillor Marina Ahmad ; soft left housing-focussed Assembly Member Tom Copley ; Sem Moema from Hackney ; Murad Qureshi , who is a former Assembly Member and the current chair of Stop the War Coalition .
There @ @ @ @ @ @ @ there is either no Labour incumbent or the current representative is standing down .
Momentum has no recommendations for West Central , South West or Bexley and Bromley .
For Barnet and Camden , Momentum is backing Brent councillor and former teacher Faduma Hassan .
She is an activist in Hampstead and Kilburn , which is a mostly Camden seat , and has worked in the leader ’ s office .
Hassan has also released a campaign video .
She will be up against Young Labour chair and GMB activist Miriam Mirwitch ( @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Pancras local party chair Sagal Abdi-Wali ( LabourList piece here ) , and Barnet councillor Anne Clarke ( video here ) .
For Brent and Harrow , they ’ re endorsing NHS worker and Momentum activist Aghileh Djafri Marbini .
She has previously stood for Labour ’ s London regional board and for a safe Tory council seat .
She will face Brent councillor and council cabinet member Krupesh Hirani , who is also hoping to replace retiring incumbent Navin Shah .
For Croydon and Sutton , Croydon councillor Patsy Cummings is being @ @ @ @ @ @ @ she worked in Jeremy Corbyn ’ s office during the 2017 general election .
She is running for selection against well-known journalist and English teacher Rowenna Davis , who authored a book on Blue Labour and has previously stoof as a parliamentary candidate .
For Havering and Redbridge , Momentum is backing Redbridge councillor and council cabinet member Bob Littlewood , who worked on Corbyn ’ s 2015 and 2016 leadership campaigns .
He will be up against four other candidates seeking selection : Barking and Dagenham councillor and cabinet member Andrew Achilleos @ @ @ @ @ @ @ video here ) , Romford local party chair Angelina Leatherbarrow and 24-year-old Redbridge councillor Vanisha Solanki .
For Lambeth and Southwark , Momentum has endorsed Maurice Mcleod .
The former director of online platform Media Diversified is a journalist , social commentator and trustee at Race on the Agenda .
He will face Bromley councillor Marina Ahmad , GMB activist Taranjit Chana and Bermondsey and Southwark activist Shahina Jaffer .
For North East London , which comprises Waltham Forest , Islington and Hackney , Momentum is supporting Haringey councillor and cabinet member Emina @ @ @ @ @ @ @ vice-chair .
In this seat , two others are seeking selection : Islington councillor and Fabian Women chair Sara Hyde ; and Sem Moema who is a mayoral adviser to Hackney ’ s Philip Glanville .

Labour left activist network Momentum has revealed its endorsements for the London Assembly selection race, which has seen campaigns properly begin now that shortlisted candidates have been given access to membership data. Selection ballots are dropping on February 5th.
For the London-wide list, the group is backing the following four candidates:
Lewisham councillor and environmental activist Sakina Sheikh . She has put out a campaign video and received the backing of Owen Jones and John McDonnell.
. She has put out a campaign video and received the backing of Owen Jones and John McDonnell. Young left-wing activist and author Liam Young , who also has a whole of trade unions backing him – Unite, CWU, BFAWU, FBU, TSSA and ASLEF. He has set out his pitch on LabourList.
, who also has a whole of trade unions backing him – Unite, CWU, BFAWU, FBU, TSSA and ASLEF. He has set out his pitch on LabourList. Haringey councillor, Unite activist and bus driver Preston Tabois .
. National Education Union organiser Elly Baker from Barking. She is a London representative on Labour’s national policy forum, and has strong union backing from GMB London, CWU, Unite, TSSA, Aslef, BFAWU and FBU.
Four others have been shortlisted for London but are not being backed by Momentum: Bromley councillor Marina Ahmad; soft left housing-focussed Assembly Member Tom Copley; Sem Moema from Hackney; Murad Qureshi, who is a former Assembly Member and the current chair of Stop the War Coalition.
There are also contested constituency seats, where there is either no Labour incumbent or the current representative is standing down. Momentum has no recommendations for West Central, South West or Bexley and Bromley.
For Barnet and Camden, Momentum is backing Brent councillor and former teacher Faduma Hassan. She is an activist in Hampstead and Kilburn, which is a mostly Camden seat, and has worked in the leader’s office. Hassan has also released a campaign video. She will be up against Young Labour chair and GMB activist Miriam Mirwitch (video here), Holborn and St Pancras local party chair Sagal Abdi-Wali (LabourList piece here), and Barnet councillor Anne Clarke (video here).
For Brent and Harrow, they’re endorsing NHS worker and Momentum activist Aghileh Djafri Marbini. She has previously stood for Labour’s London regional board and for a safe Tory council seat. She will face Brent councillor and council cabinet member Krupesh Hirani, who is also hoping to replace retiring incumbent Navin Shah.
For Croydon and Sutton, Croydon councillor Patsy Cummings is being recommended. According to her leaflet, she worked in Jeremy Corbyn’s office during the 2017 general election. She is running for selection against well-known journalist and English teacher Rowenna Davis, who authored a book on Blue Labour and has previously stoof as a parliamentary candidate.
For Havering and Redbridge, Momentum is backing Redbridge councillor and council cabinet member Bob Littlewood, who worked on Corbyn’s 2015 and 2016 leadership campaigns. He will be up against four other candidates seeking selection: Barking and Dagenham councillor and cabinet member Andrew Achilleos, fellow Redbridge councillor Judith Garfield (video here), Romford local party chair Angelina Leatherbarrow and 24-year-old Redbridge councillor Vanisha Solanki.
For Lambeth and Southwark, Momentum has endorsed Maurice Mcleod. The former director of online platform Media Diversified is a journalist, social commentator and trustee at Race on the Agenda. He will face Bromley councillor Marina Ahmad, GMB activist Taranjit Chana and Bermondsey and Southwark activist Shahina Jaffer.
For North East London, which comprises Waltham Forest, Islington and Hackney, Momentum is supporting Haringey councillor and cabinet member Emina Ibrahim, who is also a Momentum vice-chair. In this seat, two others are seeking selection: Islington councillor and Fabian Women chair Sara Hyde; and Sem Moema who is a mayoral adviser to Hackney’s Philip Glanville.