labourlist--2020-06-10--Labour defeated as MPs vote to keep weakened legal protections for children in care

Labour has suffered a defeat in the House of Commons as MPs have voted to keep new government regulations that weaken legal protections for children in care in England amid the coronavirus crisis .
The opposition party forced a debate and division on the issue this afternoon , after the Children ’ s Commissioner for England said the regulations were “ not justified ” and could put children “ at greater risk ” .
The changes that removed key safeguards for children in care , including the requirement for six-weekly care visits and regular assessments of care plans , were @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They were put to a vote this afternoon , but Labour did not succeed in overturning the changes , as 260 MPs voted against the opposition party ’ s motion while 123 voted in favour of it .
Tulip Siddiq , Labour ’ s children and early years spokesperson , said : “ It has been over two months since ministers made sweeping reductions in children ’ s safeguards , and they have still not produced any reasonable justification for it.
” Implemented through a statutory instrument , which bypasses the need for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ at the time as “ deregulation on steroids ” by children ’ s rights charity Article 39 .
The government said they were needed to help councils prioritise efforts during the coronavirus crisis amid staffing shortages and increased pressure on services , but campaigners disagreed .
Article 39 director Carolyne Willow described the changes as “ systematically eroding the rights of children ” , and the charity pointed out that the Tory government had tried remove these duties before – and were forced to backtrack .
The key changes include adoption agencies no @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , and fostering panels become optional , and the care standard weakened in children ’ s homes .
Until the changes expire in September 2020 , the twice-yearly Ofsted inspections of children ’ s homes are no longer required and placement plans are no longer necessary for kinship care .
Siddiq commented : “ Labour understands the pressure that councils are under in this pandemic , but it is not an excuse to remove vital protections for children in care .
“ There is no evidence that this bonfire of children ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ so without any opportunity for parliamentary scrutiny or key safeguards was simply unacceptable.
” The shadow minister said the debate would be “ an opportunity for the government to admit that they got this wrong and work with us to help vulnerable children through this crisis ” .
But Tory MPs queued in the new socially-distanced way to defeat the motion today , despite commissioner Anne Longfield saying of the emergency changes , “ I think they should be revoked now – I don ’ t think they are necessary or justified ” @ @ @ @ @ @ @ High Court for a judicial review of the changes made to children ’ s social care law by the Department for Education , which they say “ significantly increase the level of risk to many children who are already exceptionally vulnerable ” .

Labour has suffered a defeat in the House of Commons as MPs have voted to keep new government regulations that weaken legal protections for children in care in England amid the coronavirus crisis.
The opposition party forced a debate and division on the issue this afternoon, after the Children’s Commissioner for England said the regulations were “not justified” and could put children “at greater risk”.
The changes that removed key safeguards for children in care, including the requirement for six-weekly care visits and regular assessments of care plans, were introduced in April without parliamentary scrutiny.
They were put to a vote this afternoon, but Labour did not succeed in overturning the changes, as 260 MPs voted against the opposition party’s motion while 123 voted in favour of it.
Tulip Siddiq, Labour’s children and early years spokesperson, said: “It has been over two months since ministers made sweeping reductions in children’s safeguards, and they have still not produced any reasonable justification for it.”
Implemented through a statutory instrument, which bypasses the need for parliamentary debate, the reforms were slammed at the time as “deregulation on steroids” by children’s rights charity Article 39.
The government said they were needed to help councils prioritise efforts during the coronavirus crisis amid staffing shortages and increased pressure on services, but campaigners disagreed.
Article 39 director Carolyne Willow described the changes as “systematically eroding the rights of children”, and the charity pointed out that the Tory government had tried remove these duties before – and were forced to backtrack.
The key changes include adoption agencies no longer being required to establish adoption panels, and fostering panels become optional, and the care standard weakened in children’s homes.
Until the changes expire in September 2020, the twice-yearly Ofsted inspections of children’s homes are no longer required and placement plans are no longer necessary for kinship care.
Siddiq commented: “Labour understands the pressure that councils are under in this pandemic, but it is not an excuse to remove vital protections for children in care.
“There is no evidence that this bonfire of children’s rights was necessary, and to do so without any opportunity for parliamentary scrutiny or key safeguards was simply unacceptable.”
The shadow minister said the debate would be “an opportunity for the government to admit that they got this wrong and work with us to help vulnerable children through this crisis”.
But Tory MPs queued in the new socially-distanced way to defeat the motion today, despite commissioner Anne Longfield saying of the emergency changes, “I think they should be revoked now – I don’t think they are necessary or justified”.
Article 39 has applied to the High Court for a judicial review of the changes made to children’s social care law by the Department for Education, which they say “significantly increase the level of risk to many children who are already exceptionally vulnerable”.


labourlist--2020-06-10--Can the Labour Party build itself back better?

The Labour Party has been painfully slow to embrace the political potential of online campaigning during lockdown .
The inequalities and injustices exposed daily have reignited local party members ’ motivations in my town of Woking .
They want to engage with each other right now and use their membership to voice their anger .
And where has the Labour Party been ?
Busy sending emails to its members informing us of all the things we weren ’ t allowed to do once formal CLP meetings had been suspended .
When Keir Starmer became leader , we were told that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tour .
However , apart from that top down gesture , there has been no drive to support interaction between members at a local level .
The party ’ s unofficial and brilliant secretaries forum on Facebook resorted to sending a petition to the leadership requesting that meetings continue virtually .
Meanwhile , Change.org and similar online petitions become the go-to place for any real-time responses to events happening here or globally and party responses operate in a time lag that members refer to as a ‘ vacuum ’ .
This month , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ views to the annual policy forum – to register for online ‘ policy roundtables ’ .
If they are anything like the online meeting I joined recently , during which members of the shadow cabinet rushed in and out of a Zoom call ‘ Meet the Shadow Cabinet ’ to tell 3,000 members listening on the other end why they got into politics , they will feel like another tick-box exercise in ‘ connecting with the grassroots ’ .
This is not the politics of participation in the 21st century .
It is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the House of Commons and shuffle through the corridors to vote .
Meanwhile , there is a plethora of Zoom discussions to sign up to , set up by pressure groups , social movements , think tanks all around the country .
And Labour members are setting up new ‘ informal ’ meetings of their own .
As Paul Mason , those at Compass and others predicted long before the pandemic , spaces for dialogue are being created in the overlapping institutional spaces ‘ at the meso level between the minor and the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ .
This crisis is laying bare systemic weaknesses of a centralised command and control government , the need for democratic reform and for participative models of decision-making .
It is laying bare the same weaknesses in the Labour Party organisational structure and culture .
Barry Knight , after conversations with groups up and down the country , concluded : “ We have not found anyone who would like to go back to the way the world was .
People want to ‘ build back better ’ .
” How could the energy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ instance , be captured within the party structure ?
How could technology be used to pitch us a re-imagined political culture – one that unites the party ?
For example , CLPs in the North could be twinned with those in the South to hold online meetings where they share experiences of local issues , identify differences and commonalities and campaigning strategies .
If the central party want us to campaign for a progressive build back better agenda , then it ’ s time for local parties to feel connected with it and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ put it , the party needs to look at ‘ how it does things ’ , to recruit the necessary expertise to improve how it engages with members and how they engage with each other through technology .
The party ’ s own policy forum 2020 consultation document states : “ The digital revolution is opening up data , information and people ’ s ability to connect with each other in ways that were unimaginable even a few years ago… Politics can not be immune to this change.
” Neither can the organisational @ @ @ @ @ @

The Labour Party has been painfully slow to embrace the political potential of online campaigning during lockdown. The inequalities and injustices exposed daily have reignited local party members’ motivations in my town of Woking. They want to engage with each other right now and use their membership to voice their anger. And where has the Labour Party been? Busy sending emails to its members informing us of all the things we weren’t allowed to do once formal CLP meetings had been suspended.
When Keir Starmer became leader, we were told that he was embarking on a nationwide virtual tour. However, apart from that top down gesture, there has been no drive to support interaction between members at a local level. The party’s unofficial and brilliant secretaries forum on Facebook resorted to sending a petition to the leadership requesting that meetings continue virtually. Meanwhile, Change.org and similar online petitions become the go-to place for any real-time responses to events happening here or globally and party responses operate in a time lag that members refer to as a ‘vacuum’.
This month, members have been asked to submit their views to the annual policy forum – to register for online ‘policy roundtables’. If they are anything like the online meeting I joined recently, during which members of the shadow cabinet rushed in and out of a Zoom call ‘Meet the Shadow Cabinet’ to tell 3,000 members listening on the other end why they got into politics, they will feel like another tick-box exercise in ‘connecting with the grassroots’. This is not the politics of participation in the 21st century. It is akin to making MPs come back to the House of Commons and shuffle through the corridors to vote.
Meanwhile, there is a plethora of Zoom discussions to sign up to, set up by pressure groups, social movements, think tanks all around the country. And Labour members are setting up new ‘informal’ meetings of their own. As Paul Mason, those at Compass and others predicted long before the pandemic, spaces for dialogue are being created in the overlapping institutional spaces ‘at the meso level between the minor and the macro, the big and the small’.
This crisis is laying bare systemic weaknesses of a centralised command and control government, the need for democratic reform and for participative models of decision-making. It is laying bare the same weaknesses in the Labour Party organisational structure and culture.
Barry Knight, after conversations with groups up and down the country, concluded: “We have not found anyone who would like to go back to the way the world was. People want to ‘build back better’.” How could the energy shown by the northern metro-mayors, for instance, be captured within the party structure? How could technology be used to pitch us a re-imagined political culture – one that unites the party? For example, CLPs in the North could be twinned with those in the South to hold online meetings where they share experiences of local issues, identify differences and commonalities and campaigning strategies.
If the central party want us to campaign for a progressive build back better agenda, then it’s time for local parties to feel connected with it and with each other. As Omar Salem put it, the party needs to look at ‘how it does things’, to recruit the necessary expertise to improve how it engages with members and how they engage with each other through technology. The party’s own policy forum 2020 consultation document states: “The digital revolution is opening up data, information and people’s ability to connect with each other in ways that were unimaginable even a few years ago… Politics cannot be immune to this change.” Neither can the organisational culture of the Labour Party.


labourlist--2020-06-10--PMQs: Johnson gets personal as Starmer urges him to take responsibility

Keir Starmer began the latest Prime Minister ’ s Questions with a focus on institutional racism , following a week of further Black Lives Matter protests both in the UK and in the US as the police killing of George Floyd continues to infuriate people who want justice .
As perhaps Labour ’ s most prominent black frontbencher , well-known for chairing an investigation – under a Tory government – into racial bias in the criminal justice system , David Lammy has been vocal on the need to “ make this a moment of lasting change ” .
The Labour @ @ @ @ @ @ @ when will the government implement the recommendations of both the Lammy Review and the Windrush report ?
Boris Johnson didn ’ t even try to address the matter of the lessons learned review by Wendy Williams .
On the Lammy recommendations , he claimed that they were being implemented – the number of BAME people in the prison service is being increased , as is the use of body-worn cameras .
But the Prime Minister just doesn ’ t seem very troubled by black people making up 3 % of the UK population @ @ @ @ @ @ @ prison population , nor the very immediate and ongoing concerns of people who say they are disproportionately targeted by police as evidenced by data .
These issues could have filled up the whole of the PMQs exchange , and indeed it would have been a good idea for Starmer to do just that in a week when these problems have come to the fore .
However , the Labour leader did not stick to one subject .
He moved on to grill Johnson on the Public Health England report on disparities ( in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Dido Harding ” , increasingly his codeword for ‘ I ’ m struggling ’ ) , the coronavirus death figures ( which Starmer rightly said “ haunt us ” , before the cutting “ there ’ s no pride in those figures , is there ?
” as a nod to the PM ’ s bold claim last week to be “ very proud ” of the UK response ) , and even the chaos around schools reopening ( tricky for Labour as the leadership has been torn between Starmer ’ s instinct @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strong concerns of teaching unions , which has become another factional divide ) .
What we learnt from PMQs about the Tory strategy is that , as Johnson increasingly fails under the detailed scrutiny of the deeply disappointed Starmer , the Prime Minister has decided to try personal attacks .
Like with Jeremy Corbyn , this is not Starmer ’ s style .
But Johnson employs a ‘ whatever works ’ ethos .
” One brief one day , another brief the next , ” he chuckled , suggesting that the QC is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ David Allen Green remarked , this accusation comes from a man known to have written one Telegraph column for Remain and another for Leave .
We also learnt something about Labour ’ s evolving PMQs style .
Starmer is using stronger language every week : no personal attacks , but stressing that “ it ’ s time he took responsibility for his own failures ” .
We knew of this development last week , though .
The truly novel feature of Labour ’ s PMQs approach is that Starmer proactively mentioned the Welsh @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hold up its actions as a good example ( on schools reopening and free school meals over the summer ) .
In the past , the record of Welsh Labour has been used by the Tory Prime Minister to attack the opposition leader .
If this reversed dynamic can be attributed to a better working relationship between UK Labour and Welsh Labour , that is very good news indeed .

Keir Starmer began the latest Prime Minister’s Questions with a focus on institutional racism, following a week of further Black Lives Matter protests both in the UK and in the US as the police killing of George Floyd continues to infuriate people who want justice. As perhaps Labour’s most prominent black frontbencher, well-known for chairing an investigation – under a Tory government – into racial bias in the criminal justice system, David Lammy has been vocal on the need to “make this a moment of lasting change”. The Labour leader’s question was inevitable: when will the government implement the recommendations of both the Lammy Review and the Windrush report?
Boris Johnson didn’t even try to address the matter of the lessons learned review by Wendy Williams. On the Lammy recommendations, he claimed that they were being implemented – the number of BAME people in the prison service is being increased, as is the use of body-worn cameras. But the Prime Minister just doesn’t seem very troubled by black people making up 3% of the UK population but more than 12% of the prison population, nor the very immediate and ongoing concerns of people who say they are disproportionately targeted by police as evidenced by data. These issues could have filled up the whole of the PMQs exchange, and indeed it would have been a good idea for Starmer to do just that in a week when these problems have come to the fore.
However, the Labour leader did not stick to one subject. He moved on to grill Johnson on the Public Health England report on disparities (in response to which the PM name-dropped “Dido Harding”, increasingly his codeword for ‘I’m struggling’), the coronavirus death figures (which Starmer rightly said “haunt us”, before the cutting “there’s no pride in those figures, is there?” as a nod to the PM’s bold claim last week to be “very proud” of the UK response), and even the chaos around schools reopening (tricky for Labour as the leadership has been torn between Starmer’s instinct for wanting a swift return and the strong concerns of teaching unions, which has become another factional divide).
What we learnt from PMQs about the Tory strategy is that, as Johnson increasingly fails under the detailed scrutiny of the deeply disappointed Starmer, the Prime Minister has decided to try personal attacks. Like with Jeremy Corbyn, this is not Starmer’s style. But Johnson employs a ‘whatever works’ ethos. ”One brief one day, another brief the next,” he chuckled, suggesting that the QC is happy to flip-flop on policy. As David Allen Green remarked, this accusation comes from a man known to have written one Telegraph column for Remain and another for Leave.
We also learnt something about Labour’s evolving PMQs style. Starmer is using stronger language every week: no personal attacks, but stressing that “it’s time he took responsibility for his own failures”. We knew of this development last week, though. The truly novel feature of Labour’s PMQs approach is that Starmer proactively mentioned the Welsh Labour government, and did so to hold up its actions as a good example (on schools reopening and free school meals over the summer). In the past, the record of Welsh Labour has been used by the Tory Prime Minister to attack the opposition leader. If this reversed dynamic can be attributed to a better working relationship between UK Labour and Welsh Labour, that is very good news indeed.


labourlist--2020-06-11--The success of Labour’s green recovery plan depends on local government

Ed Miliband and Anneliese Dodds have launched a green recovery consultation to develop Labour ’ s ambitious plans for the economy following the coronavirus crisis .
The party acknowledges that local government will play a key role in developing a reliable low-cost green energy system .
However , unlocking this potential will mean that community energy schemes must be more consistent , collaborative and innovative .
Council-owned energy companies have had a difficult time recently .
In 2015 , Bristol City Council set up Bristol Energy to compete with the dominant ‘ Big Six ’ energy companies by offering lower @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
But in June 2020 Bristol City Council decided to end its ownership of Bristol Energy due to the continued dominance of the traditional large energy suppliers and an enduringly volatile marketplace .
Robin Hood Energy , a similar business owned by Nottingham City Council , posted a loss of £23m for 2018/19 .
These developments follow a decade of severe Tory cuts and the growth of a multi-billion pound funding gap in council budgets following Covid-19 .
While it would be easy to suggest that local councils should therefore back away from @ @ @ @ @ @ @ critical role in supplying reliable low-cost green energy to consumers and financing green energy projects .
Local authorities enjoy a strong bargaining position in energy markets .
Local councils in England are estimated to have paid £863m to the Big Six energy suppliers in 2018 .
They also have close relationships with local businesses and residents , including ownership of around 1.6m dwellings in England .
They have important statutory powers , such as being able to adopt energy efficiency standards above the requirements contained in building regulations .
Many councils have used @ @ @ @ @ @ @ energy through partnerships , often by modernising their procurement processes and working together through Public Buying Organisations ( PBOs ) .
Other councils , such as Liverpool City Council , have created partnerships with existing energy suppliers to directly offer residents low-cost green energy .
Portsmouth City Council has teamed up with uSwitch to allow residents to research and switch to lower cost energy deals .
Local government has also played a key role in directly funding renewable energy projects .
Warrington Borough Council has developed a 34.7 megawatt solar farm and a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ energy to the National Grid and provide its own power .
The project is thought to save the council around £2m per year .
Local councils can also be leaders and organisers of community energy projects .
For example , Solar Together has shown that there can be significant cost savings if councils encourage potential buyers of rooftop solar panels to register on a central database to approach suppliers together .
However , a future Labour government will need to overcome three core challenges if local authorities are going to drive a green @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ensure that local authorities offer a consistent approach to energy markets as green energy schemes vary greatly by local authority .
IGOV , a university research group , called for the formation of an Energy Transformation Commission to co-ordinate government action on critical energy system issues and for local authorities to publish Local Transformation Plans to show how they will meet carbon targets .
Labour policy needs to acknowledge that local government energy schemes need central coordination , clear responsibilities and robust delivery plans .
Secondly , Labour must support collaboration by ensuring @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on green energy schemes .
National government should encourage open communication between councils , local businesses and residents so that they can clearly understand and work together on energy schemes .
Success stories in one local authority must then be communicated to other local authorities that may not have the resources to start from scratch .
Labour needs to encourage a culture of transparency , communication and resource-sharing between local authorities and local stakeholders .
Thirdly , national governments often have a privileged view of market innovations , so Labour must ensure that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ strategies .
For example , large companies such as Google , Facebook , Amazon , and Microsoft have developed renewable energy projects to benefit from reliable low-cost green energy .
Small businesses and residents will be able to benefit from similar schemes if councils encourage them to pool their resources together to invest in green energy projects .
National government should provide a framework for innovation , knowledge-sharing and best practices .
Local authorities have a unique position as powerful energy buyers and influential community organisers .
Local councils are therefore well-placed to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ financing a reliable low-cost green energy system .
The success of Labour ’ s green recovery will rest on aligning a national green energy programme with the capability of local authorities to deliver it .

Ed Miliband and Anneliese Dodds have launched a green recovery consultation to develop Labour’s ambitious plans for the economy following the coronavirus crisis. The party acknowledges that local government will play a key role in developing a reliable low-cost green energy system. However, unlocking this potential will mean that community energy schemes must be more consistent, collaborative and innovative.
Council-owned energy companies have had a difficult time recently. In 2015, Bristol City Council set up Bristol Energy to compete with the dominant ‘Big Six’ energy companies by offering lower electricity prices and investing in local communities. But in June 2020 Bristol City Council decided to end its ownership of Bristol Energy due to the continued dominance of the traditional large energy suppliers and an enduringly volatile marketplace. Robin Hood Energy, a similar business owned by Nottingham City Council, posted a loss of £23m for 2018/19.
These developments follow a decade of severe Tory cuts and the growth of a multi-billion pound funding gap in council budgets following Covid-19. While it would be easy to suggest that local councils should therefore back away from energy markets, local government has a critical role in supplying reliable low-cost green energy to consumers and financing green energy projects.
Local authorities enjoy a strong bargaining position in energy markets. Local councils in England are estimated to have paid £863m to the Big Six energy suppliers in 2018. They also have close relationships with local businesses and residents, including ownership of around 1.6m dwellings in England. They have important statutory powers, such as being able to adopt energy efficiency standards above the requirements contained in building regulations.
Many councils have used their bargaining position to procure lower cost energy through partnerships, often by modernising their procurement processes and working together through Public Buying Organisations (PBOs). Other councils, such as Liverpool City Council, have created partnerships with existing energy suppliers to directly offer residents low-cost green energy. Portsmouth City Council has teamed up with uSwitch to allow residents to research and switch to lower cost energy deals.
Local government has also played a key role in directly funding renewable energy projects. Warrington Borough Council has developed a 34.7 megawatt solar farm and a 27 megawatt energy storage facility to sell energy to the National Grid and provide its own power. The project is thought to save the council around £2m per year.
Local councils can also be leaders and organisers of community energy projects. For example, Solar Together has shown that there can be significant cost savings if councils encourage potential buyers of rooftop solar panels to register on a central database to approach suppliers together.
However, a future Labour government will need to overcome three core challenges if local authorities are going to drive a green recovery. Firstly, national government must ensure that local authorities offer a consistent approach to energy markets as green energy schemes vary greatly by local authority. IGOV, a university research group, called for the formation of an Energy Transformation Commission to co-ordinate government action on critical energy system issues and for local authorities to publish Local Transformation Plans to show how they will meet carbon targets. Labour policy needs to acknowledge that local government energy schemes need central coordination, clear responsibilities and robust delivery plans.
Secondly, Labour must support collaboration by ensuring that councils share their knowledge and resources on green energy schemes. National government should encourage open communication between councils, local businesses and residents so that they can clearly understand and work together on energy schemes. Success stories in one local authority must then be communicated to other local authorities that may not have the resources to start from scratch. Labour needs to encourage a culture of transparency, communication and resource-sharing between local authorities and local stakeholders.
Thirdly, national governments often have a privileged view of market innovations, so Labour must ensure that these ideas filter into local authority energy strategies. For example, large companies such as Google, Facebook, Amazon, and Microsoft have developed renewable energy projects to benefit from reliable low-cost green energy. Small businesses and residents will be able to benefit from similar schemes if councils encourage them to pool their resources together to invest in green energy projects. National government should provide a framework for innovation, knowledge-sharing and best practices.
Local authorities have a unique position as powerful energy buyers and influential community organisers. Local councils are therefore well-placed to take a leadership position on developing and financing a reliable low-cost green energy system. The success of Labour’s green recovery will rest on aligning a national green energy programme with the capability of local authorities to deliver it.


labourlist--2020-06-11--To mark Carers Week 2020, let’s give carers a minimum level of paid leave

One of the few positives arising from the coronavirus crisis has been the weekly ‘ Clap for Carers ’ .
Every Thursday , people up and down the country came together to show appreciation for the hard work and heroism of our carers .
The initiative led to calls for a new settlement for health and care workers so that we , as a country , can properly reward them once this crisis is over .
Alongside our heroic care workers , there are millions of unpaid carers in this country .
Some recent estimates suggest as many as 13.6 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ those with disabilities , or who have a long-term health condition .
Sometimes their carers are family but they can also be friends and volunteers .
A recent survey by Carers UK found that 70 % of carers are providing even more care due to the coronavirus outbreak , and over half felt overwhelmed and on the verge of burn out .
This week marks Carers Week 2020 , with the theme being ‘ make caring visible ’ .
Working as they do behind closed doors , unpaid carers can often be overlooked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government for almost a year to legislate for those unpaid carers also trying to hold down a job alongside their caring responsibilities .
Care charities and support groups have identified paid leave as crucial to improving the lot of working carers .
The latest figures from Carers UK suggest that seven million people are currently juggling paid work and caring – that ’ s one in four of all workers .
Between 2017 and 2019 , 2.6 million carers quit their jobs because they could no longer manage the competing demands .
The @ @ @ @ @ @ @ bring forward legislation to introduce a new right to five days unpaid leave for carers .
Frankly , that ’ s too little too late .
Failing to provide paid leave when carers save our country an estimated £132bn per year is just not good enough .
This week , I will be presenting a petition in the House of Commons , signed by hundreds of my constituents , asking the government to introduce a statutory entitlement to paid leave for carers of five to ten days per year .
With our ageing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ taking on a caring responsibility every day even before this pandemic , this is an issue that won ’ t go away .
As we emerge from this crisis , the government must do more to support our carers .
Providing a minimum level of paid leave would be a good first step .

One of the few positives arising from the coronavirus crisis has been the weekly ‘Clap for Carers’. Every Thursday, people up and down the country came together to show appreciation for the hard work and heroism of our carers. The initiative led to calls for a new settlement for health and care workers so that we, as a country, can properly reward them once this crisis is over.
Alongside our heroic care workers, there are millions of unpaid carers in this country. Some recent estimates suggest as many as 13.6 million – providing care to elderly people those with disabilities, or who have a long-term health condition. Sometimes their carers are family but they can also be friends and volunteers. A recent survey by Carers UK found that 70% of carers are providing even more care due to the coronavirus outbreak, and over half felt overwhelmed and on the verge of burn out. This week marks Carers Week 2020, with the theme being ‘make caring visible’. Working as they do behind closed doors, unpaid carers can often be overlooked.
I have been calling on the government for almost a year to legislate for those unpaid carers also trying to hold down a job alongside their caring responsibilities. Care charities and support groups have identified paid leave as crucial to improving the lot of working carers. The latest figures from Carers UK suggest that seven million people are currently juggling paid work and caring – that’s one in four of all workers. Between 2017 and 2019, 2.6 million carers quit their jobs because they could no longer manage the competing demands.
The government has announced that it intends to bring forward legislation to introduce a new right to five days unpaid leave for carers. Frankly, that’s too little too late. Failing to provide paid leave when carers save our country an estimated £132bn per year is just not good enough. This week, I will be presenting a petition in the House of Commons, signed by hundreds of my constituents, asking the government to introduce a statutory entitlement to paid leave for carers of five to ten days per year.
With our ageing population and an estimated 6,000 more people taking on a caring responsibility every day even before this pandemic, this is an issue that won’t go away. As we emerge from this crisis, the government must do more to support our carers. Providing a minimum level of paid leave would be a good first step.


labourlist--2020-06-11--Had the UK locked down one week earlier…

Had we introduced coronavirus lockdown measures one week earlier , we would have reduced the final death toll by at least a half .
That was the view expressed by Professor Neil Ferguson yesterday .
It means inaction caused tens of thousands of avoidable deaths .
“ The tragic reality is that Boris Johnson was too slow to take us into lockdown , ” Jon Ashworth commented .
Ministers say they were simply following their scientific advice , and will not accept fault .
But as Rory Stewart highlighted this morning on Radio 4 , and as Keir Starmer has @ @ @ @ @ @ @ also to challenge and test that advice .
It is not as if the slow response was uncontroversial at the time : the World Health Organisation was issuing warnings , Labour was questioning why the UK was not following other countries , and in fact the British public was already ‘ locking down ’ voluntarily .
The truth is that the advice coming from SAGE was convenient because it aligned with the Prime Minister ’ s libertarian instincts and the Tory priority of private wealth above public health .
The cost of those @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Although horrifying and upsetting , it is easy to understand the thinking behind the lockdown reluctance .
A government decision confirmed yesterday is just as distressing , but this one is more difficult to explain .
Tory MPs voted to keep weakened legal protections for children in care in England , against the advice of the Children ’ s Commissioner and of children ’ s charities .
Key safeguards were removed via a statutory instrument , without parliamentary debate , and the government is now insisting they remain in place .
Here is @ @ @ @ @ @ @ deeply disappointing outcome .
Racism within Labour is receiving increased attention thanks to Black Lives Matter protests , as well as the Equality and Human Rights Commission investigation of antisemitism that is expected to conclude imminently .
Keir Starmer is unveiling a set of measures today to tackle anti-Black racism within the party , from building on the Bernie Grant Leadership Programme to introducing an immediate audit into the diversity of party staff .
He is also promising to take action based on the findings of the leaked report inquiry , due to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of behind-the-scenes as well as public-facing representation has been eloquently explored by Shamik Das on LabourList .
The scale of the work that needs doing should not be underestimated .
Labour ’ s Southside headquarters is disproportionately white , but the same criticism applies to the newly appointed leader ’ s office .
The diversity of parliamentary staff ( hired by MPs themselves rather than the party ) may be trickier to confront yet also merits scrutiny .
As with eradicating Labour of antisemitism , talk is welcome but genuinely improved outcomes are @ @ @ @ @ @ @ that this is intrinsically political .
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Had we introduced coronavirus lockdown measures one week earlier, we would have reduced the final death toll by at least a half. That was the view expressed by Professor Neil Ferguson yesterday. It means inaction caused tens of thousands of avoidable deaths. “The tragic reality is that Boris Johnson was too slow to take us into lockdown,” Jon Ashworth commented. Ministers say they were simply following their scientific advice, and will not accept fault. But as Rory Stewart highlighted this morning on Radio 4, and as Keir Starmer has said, the role of government is also to challenge and test that advice.
It is not as if the slow response was uncontroversial at the time: the World Health Organisation was issuing warnings, Labour was questioning why the UK was not following other countries, and in fact the British public was already ‘locking down’ voluntarily. The truth is that the advice coming from SAGE was convenient because it aligned with the Prime Minister’s libertarian instincts and the Tory priority of private wealth above public health. The cost of those bad priorities must not be forgotten.
Although horrifying and upsetting, it is easy to understand the thinking behind the lockdown reluctance. A government decision confirmed yesterday is just as distressing, but this one is more difficult to explain. Tory MPs voted to keep weakened legal protections for children in care in England, against the advice of the Children’s Commissioner and of children’s charities. Key safeguards were removed via a statutory instrument, without parliamentary debate, and the government is now insisting they remain in place. Here is our write-up of the troubling story and deeply disappointing outcome.
Racism within Labour is receiving increased attention thanks to Black Lives Matter protests, as well as the Equality and Human Rights Commission investigation of antisemitism that is expected to conclude imminently. Keir Starmer is unveiling a set of measures today to tackle anti-Black racism within the party, from building on the Bernie Grant Leadership Programme to introducing an immediate audit into the diversity of party staff. He is also promising to take action based on the findings of the leaked report inquiry, due to wrap up by mid-July.
The importance of behind-the-scenes as well as public-facing representation has been eloquently explored by Shamik Das on LabourList. The scale of the work that needs doing should not be underestimated. Labour’s Southside headquarters is disproportionately white, but the same criticism applies to the newly appointed leader’s office. The diversity of parliamentary staff (hired by MPs themselves rather than the party) may be trickier to confront yet also merits scrutiny. As with eradicating Labour of antisemitism, talk is welcome but genuinely improved outcomes are desperately needed – and we must recognise that this is intrinsically political. Sign up to LabourList’s morning email for everything Labour, every weekday morning.


labourlist--2020-06-11--Starmer unveils race equality strategy to boost diversity within Labour

Keir Starmer has marked the anniversary of the UK parliament electing its first ever Black MPs by unveiling a new race equality strategy designed to boost diversity within the Labour Party .
Recognising that Labour ’ s Diane Abbott , Paul Boateng and Bernie Grant were elected for the first time 33 years ago today , the leader has announced a set of measures to tackle anti-Black racism in the party .
In a video to be released on social media , Starmer will reveal his intention to do the following : • build on Labour ’ s Bernie Grant @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ s elected representatives ; • introduce an immediate audit into the diversity of Labour staff , including the representation of Black , Asian and minority ethnic staff ; • an action plan and targets to follow the diversity audit ; and • a training module that works at all levels of the party on racism and unconscious bias .
The message will call for celebration of the “ great pioneers ” who took their places in the Commons in 1987 , while also declaring that “ racism , discrimination and social injustice @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ The reality of anti-Black racism , the impact of covid-19 particularly on Black and Asian communities , and society ’ s inbuilt racial inequalities have shown that we ’ ve still got a long way to go , ” Starmer says .
“ When I became leader of our party I said my first job was to rebuild trust and confidence in the Labour Party .
I want Black members to be able to put their trust in me… Now is the time for action.
” The move follows reporting by @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black party members and voters amid concerns that it had not acted robustly enough in response to allegations of anti-Black racism .
An internal report on Labour ’ s handling of antisemitism complaints , which was leaked and distributed online in April , alleged that staffers seeking to undermine Jeremy Corbyn targeted Black Labour MPs .
The subsequent investigation now underway – chaired by Martin Forde QC and supported by three Labour peers – is looking into the commissioning and content of the document as well as the party ’ s structure , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ work being undertaken by deputy leader Angela Rayner and Marsha de Cordova , the Shadow Equalities Secretary who is also leading on equality and inclusion in the party , on setting up a BAME structure .
“ As Labour leader , I will work with both Angela Rayner and Marsha de Cordova to tackle anti-black racism , ” Starmer promises in his video .
After setting out the new measures , he refers to the leaked report and vows to “ take action based on its findings ” .
“ These are initial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ will continue to develop meaningful and substantial change .
I am under no illusion about the scale of the challenge .
“ We need overall systematic change within society and our party .
As leader , I am dedicated to doing whatever it takes , ” the opposition leader concludes .

Keir Starmer has marked the anniversary of the UK parliament electing its first ever Black MPs by announcing a new race equality strategy and measures designed to boost diversity within the Labour Party.
Recognising that Labour’s Diane Abbott, Paul Boateng and Bernie Grant were elected for the first time 33 years ago today, the leader has unveiled a set of policies to tackle anti-Black racism in the party.
In a video to be released on social media, Starmer will reveal his intention to do the following:
build on Labour’s Bernie Grant Leadership Programme to increase representation across Labour’s elected representatives;
introduce an immediate audit into the diversity of Labour staff, including the representation of Black, Asian and minority ethnic staff;
an action plan and targets to follow the diversity audit; and
a training module that works at all levels of the party on racism and unconscious bias.
Starmer also plans to create a “fully integrated race equality strategy that spans across all government departments”, which will be developed alongside Labour’s race relations adviser Doreen Lawrence.
The message will call for celebration of the “great pioneers” who took their places in the Commons in 1987, while also declaring that “racism, discrimination and social injustice are all rife in our society”.
“The reality of anti-Black racism, the impact of Covid-19 particularly on Black and Asian communities, and society’s inbuilt racial inequalities have shown that we’ve still got a long way to go,” Starmer says.
“When I became leader of our party I said my first job was to rebuild trust and confidence in the Labour Party. I want Black members to be able to put their trust in me… Now is the time for action.”
The move follows reporting by HuffPost UK that said Labour was losing Black party members and voters amid concerns that it had not acted robustly enough in response to allegations of anti-Black racism.
An internal report on Labour’s handling of antisemitism complaints, which was leaked and distributed online in April, alleged that staffers seeking to undermine Jeremy Corbyn targeted Black Labour MPs.
The subsequent investigation now underway – chaired by Martin Forde QC and supported by three Labour peers – is looking into the commissioning and content of the document as well as the party’s structure, culture and practices.
There is also work being undertaken by deputy leader Angela Rayner and Marsha de Cordova, the Shadow Equalities Secretary who is also leading on equality and inclusion in the party, on setting up a BAME structure.
“As Labour leader, I will work with both Angela Rayner and Marsha de Cordova to tackle anti-black racism,” Starmer promises in his video. After setting out the new measures, he refers to the leaked report and vows to “take action based on its findings”.
“These are initial steps and over the coming months we will continue to develop meaningful and substantial change. I am under no illusion about the scale of the challenge.
“We need overall systematic change within society and our party. As leader, I am dedicated to doing whatever it takes,” the opposition leader concludes.


labourlist--2020-06-10--The need for more BAME representation in Labour is more clear than ever

Which press releases to send out ?
Who to put up for broadcast ?
Which stories to brief out ?
What to lead on for the week ?
Which outlets to appear in ?
What tone to adopt ?
What to lead on for PMQs ?
How these decisions come about and who is sat around the table when they are made inform the outcomes – if you ’ re not in the room , you ’ re not being heard , your experiences aren ’ t considered , your perspective goes unheeded .
Which brings us on to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not that one .
I ’ m talking about the Representation rating , or the ‘ R² ’ rating , the level of Race Representation in the Labour Party , at all levels , public-facing and behind the scenes .
The fact that this level is low , and has never not been , under all leaders and general secretaries , is a secret shame of the Labour Party ( are we the baddies ? )
.
Seldom has it been more important that this issue is addressed and changes made than now @ @ @ @ @ @ @ world following the police murder of George Floyd , including tens of thousands taking to the streets in the UK .
There has been criticism in recent days that the Labour leadership has been too slow and too cautious in its response to events – just a few words on George Floyd ( and no questions ) at last week ’ s PMQs ; only caveated support for the protests ; condemnation of the toppling of Edward Colston ’ s statue as “ completely wrong ” .
And it ’ s that initial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ last week ; the absence of instinctive backing for the Black Lives Matter protests ; the lack of an emotional response to the Bristoric scenes on Sunday that show how important it is to have diversity of outlook in the decision-making process .
If you nor anyone in your circle of influence has walked a mile in the shoes of a black person who has had to see that statue every day , go to a school bearing that slave owner ’ s name , pass streets named in his honour , if @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the everyday lived experiences of BAME Britons , the response will inevitably be one that is slow , flat and underwhelming .
But such has been the fast pace of the story that a new approach does seem to be developing in real-time .
Just in the time it has taken me to write this piece , the Shadow Communities Secretary has backed the decision by Labour councils to review all statues and commemorations in their areas , and Labour ’ s leader and deputy leader took a knee in solidarity with @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
In terms of the deeper problems , though , change is needed to ensure Labour responds better and faster in future .
To increase representation from the present low levels , the issue of BAME-only shortlists for parliamentary selections must be looked at ( and not just in ‘ ethnic ’ areas – the Tories seem to have no qualms fielding the likes of Rishi Sunak in Richmond ( Yorks ) , Priti Patel in Witham , Suella Braverman in Fareham and Kemi Badenoch in Saffron Walden ) , and for senior @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ethnic-minority candidates have to be shortlisted for interview , should be considered .
And speaking of staff , when allegations of anti-black racism and Islamophobia are made , these must be investigated .
The failure to deal with complaints about antisemitism over the last few years are a stain on Labour ’ s reputation and the same lax approach must not recur .
Greater representation of BAME opinion and experiences will also affect policy prioritisation and development – on stop and search , drug policy , the criminal justice system , education outcomes @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and minority ethnic Britons overall are disproportionately disadvantaged .
This is something we have seen most tragically in terms of the impact of coronavirus , with some groups up to four times more likely to die from Covid-19 .
In terms of futurist policy areas , there is a BAME dimension : artificial intelligence will have racial justice implications , with the advent of facial recognition and predictive policing .
Preventing discrimination against minorities through AI should be part of Labour ’ s agenda .
And we know that globally , climate change @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is not dealt with – this must be an absolute priority as we move forward .
Representation matters .
Without equality , there can be no justice .

Which press releases to send out? Who to put up for broadcast? Which stories to brief out? What to lead on for the week? Which outlets to appear in? What tone to adopt? What to lead on for PMQs? How these decisions come about and who is sat around the table when they are made inform the outcomes – if you’re not in the room, you’re not being heard, your experiences aren’t considered, your perspective goes unheeded.
Which brings us on to the ‘R’ rating – no, not that one. I’m talking about the Representation rating, or the ‘R²’ rating, the level of Race Representation in the Labour Party, at all levels, public-facing and behind the scenes. The fact that this level is low, and has never not been, under all leaders and general secretaries, is a secret shame of the Labour Party (are we the baddies?). Seldom has it been more important that this issue is addressed and changes made than now, with racial justice protests sweeping the world following the police murder of George Floyd, including tens of thousands taking to the streets in the UK.
There has been criticism in recent days that the Labour leadership has been too slow and too cautious in its response to events – just a few words on George Floyd (and no questions) at last week’s PMQs; only caveated support for the protests; condemnation of the toppling of Edward Colston’s statue as “completely wrong”. And it’s that initial inability to see this as a priority last week; the absence of instinctive backing for the Black Lives Matter protests; the lack of an emotional response to the Bristoric scenes on Sunday that show how important it is to have diversity of outlook in the decision-making process.
If you nor anyone in your circle of influence has walked a mile in the shoes of a black person who has had to see that statue every day, go to a school bearing that slave owner’s name, pass streets named in his honour, if nobody round that table has an understanding of the everyday lived experiences of BAME Britons, the response will inevitably be one that is slow, flat and underwhelming.
But such has been the fast pace of the story that a new approach does seem to be developing in real-time. Just in the time it has taken me to write this piece, the Shadow Communities Secretary has backed the decision by Labour councils to review all statues and commemorations in their areas, and Labour’s leader and deputy leader took a knee in solidarity with “all those opposing anti-black racism”.
In terms of the deeper problems, though, change is needed to ensure Labour responds better and faster in future. To increase representation from the present low levels, the issue of BAME-only shortlists for parliamentary selections must be looked at (and not just in ‘ethnic’ areas – the Tories seem to have no qualms fielding the likes of Rishi Sunak in Richmond (Yorks), Priti Patel in Witham, Suella Braverman in Fareham and Kemi Badenoch in Saffron Walden), and for senior staff appointments a Rooney Rule, whereby ethnic-minority candidates have to be shortlisted for interview, should be considered.
And speaking of staff, when allegations of anti-black racism and Islamophobia are made, these must be investigated. The failure to deal with complaints about antisemitism over the last few years are a stain on Labour’s reputation and the same lax approach must not recur.
Greater representation of BAME opinion and experiences will also affect policy prioritisation and development – on stop and search, drug policy, the criminal justice system, education outcomes, job opportunities – black, Asian and minority ethnic Britons overall are disproportionately disadvantaged. This is something we have seen most tragically in terms of the impact of coronavirus, with some groups up to four times more likely to die from Covid-19.
In terms of futurist policy areas, there is a BAME dimension: artificial intelligence will have racial justice implications, with the advent of facial recognition and predictive policing. Preventing discrimination against minorities through AI should be part of Labour’s agenda. And we know that globally, climate change will impact developing countries the most if it is not dealt with – this must be an absolute priority as we move forward.
Representation matters. Without equality, there can be no justice.


labourlist--2020-06-11--The race equalities strategy is a good start – but Labour can go further

We come into politics to change the world , and right now we see so much that requires urgent and fundamental change .
I want to be speaking about why people from minority communities are poorer and therefore more vulnerable to coronavirus .
I want to debate why we are more likely to live in over-crowded accommodation .
I want to propose solutions to tackle the ethnicity pay gap .
I want to understand why so many black men have died in police custody .
I want to debate entrenched inequality and structural racism .
I want Labour to be @ @ @ @ @ @ @ implements the solutions .
Yet we only have permission to be heard by the public on these issues if we are prepared to examine ourselves , and show we are fit for purpose .
In the same way as antisemitism has been a stain on our party , we must commit to purging any form of racism .
There wasn ’ t much to celebrate in the December election , but I welcome the fact that 13 of the 26-strong new intake identify as BAME .
They carry our hopes and dreams into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ gains , their election was hard-won , and didn ’ t come without a struggle .
We had to be a critical friend and share hard truths , but we developed our own answers too .
Despite recent progress , I can point to clear recent examples as to why the struggle continues to endure .
An aspiring woman councillor who was told that “ a white candidate will be selected this time ” .
Or the constituency nomination meeting for Labour ’ s national executive committee BAME rep , where the majority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ without consulting the BAME members in the room .
Or the friend who said we must ensure that more BAME candidates stand in majority BAME seats ( because we ’ re obviously not good enough to represent Rother Valley , Redcar or Midlothian ) .
When you have a problem in an organisation , you start by accepting the problem , and you commit to taking action .
That ’ s why I applaud Keir Starmer ’ s announcement today that unveiled a new race equality strategy .
It ’ s a really @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of announcements , re-announcements and launches , I was pleased to see the first cohort of Bernie Grant Leadership Programme finally graduate .
There is so much talent among our BAME members , these programmes must be sustained .
Developing future staffers , council leaders , CLP officers and MPs requires training , coaching , peer support and mentoring .
But this can ’ t be run from the centre – our regional teams , our affinity groups , our friends groups must be empowered to take this important work forward .
And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ we need tailored programmes for LGBT BAME members and BAME women , too .
An action plan to follow the staffing audit is crucial .
It ’ s tough criticising your own party , but Black Lives Matter has given us an opportunity to call out situations where organisations get things fundamentally wrong , and to make us uncomfortable about the reality of our privilege .
We have hired a number of political advisers , yet no equalities monitoring took place .
Even these simple measures will help us understand and tackle under-representation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Our staff must be as diverse as the people who vote for us .
This ambition is long overdue .
Upon his election , Keir Starmer ’ s first act as leader was to apologise to the Jewish community for the antisemitism in our party .
Angela Rayner has appointed a diverse team to ensure inclusion , diversity and representation across all our equalities sits at the heart of her role as deputy leader .
It couldn ’ t be any clearer that we have a leadership team with the energy and ambition @ @ @ @ @ @ @ racism .
But we must always go further and deeper .
The answer to systemic problems is never sticking plasters and initiatives .
It needs a clearly understood strategy that gets to the heart of the problem ; it needs buy-in from the top ; it needs ambitious implementation that is well resourced ; it needs measurement .
Most of all , it needs accountability and transparency .
We can go so much further .
We must set out clear expectations of zero tolerance to racist conduct and language .
We must include @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a programme so more BAME councillors move into leadership roles .
We must accelerate implementation of the BAME structures and a stand-alone BAME conference .
We face elections in Scotland and Wales so need to urgently ensure BAME candidates are selected in winnable seats .
The Trade Union and Labour Party Liaison Organisation ( TULO ) must agree race equality and inclusion plans with affiliated trade unions .
We need to take CLPs with a high BAME membership out of special measures .
And making lasting change will be the measure of success @ @ @ @ @ @ @ determination , and commitment .
I know we can do it .
33 years ago , our party elected its first BAME MPs .
We have such a proud commitment to demonstrable action on race equality .
As we enter a bleak period we must ensure that the disparities impacting BAME people don ’ t get worse .
Years of austerity , a broken labour market , coronavirus and Black Lives Matter have exposed why we have never needed a Labour government more .
This is our opportunity to ensure we move past @ @ @ @ @ @ @

We come into politics to change the world, and right now we see so much that requires urgent and fundamental change. I want to be speaking about why people from minority communities are poorer and therefore more vulnerable to coronavirus. I want to debate why we are more likely to live in over-crowded accommodation. I want to propose solutions to tackle the ethnicity pay gap. I want to understand why so many black men have died in police custody. I want to debate entrenched inequality and structural racism. I want Labour to be the party that develops the answers and implements the solutions.
Yet we only have permission to be heard by the public on these issues if we are prepared to examine ourselves, and show we are fit for purpose. In the same way as antisemitism has been a stain on our party, we must commit to purging any form of racism.
There wasn’t much to celebrate in the December election, but I welcome the fact that 13 of the 26-strong new intake identify as BAME. They carry our hopes and dreams into public office. However, like all gains, their election was hard-won, and didn’t come without a struggle. We had to be a critical friend and share hard truths, but we developed our own answers too.
Despite recent progress, I can point to clear recent examples as to why the struggle continues to endure. An aspiring woman councillor who was told that “a white candidate will be selected this time”. Or the constituency nomination meeting for Labour’s national executive committee BAME rep, where the majority of white members decided who to nominate without consulting the BAME members in the room. Or the friend who said we must ensure that more BAME candidates stand in majority BAME seats (because we’re obviously not good enough to represent Rother Valley, Redcar or Midlothian).
When you have a problem in an organisation, you start by accepting the problem, and you commit to taking action. That’s why I applaud Keir Starmer’s announcement today that unveiled a new race equality strategy. It’s a really good start.
After over two years of announcements, re-announcements and launches, I was pleased to see the first cohort of Bernie Grant Leadership Programme finally graduate. There is so much talent among our BAME members, these programmes must be sustained. Developing future staffers, council leaders, CLP officers and MPs requires training, coaching, peer support and mentoring. But this can’t be run from the centre – our regional teams, our affinity groups, our friends groups must be empowered to take this important work forward. And given the intersectionality some members face, we need tailored programmes for LGBT BAME members and BAME women, too.
An action plan to follow the staffing audit is crucial. It’s tough criticising your own party, but Black Lives Matter has given us an opportunity to call out situations where organisations get things fundamentally wrong, and to make us uncomfortable about the reality of our privilege. We have hired a number of political advisers, yet no equalities monitoring took place. Even these simple measures will help us understand and tackle under-representation among the party’s workforce. Our staff must be as diverse as the people who vote for us. This ambition is long overdue.
Upon his election, Keir Starmer’s first act as leader was to apologise to the Jewish community for the antisemitism in our party. Angela Rayner has appointed a diverse team to ensure inclusion, diversity and representation across all our equalities sits at the heart of her role as deputy leader. It couldn’t be any clearer that we have a leadership team with the energy and ambition to do whatever it takes to eliminate racism. But we must always go further and deeper. The answer to systemic problems is never sticking plasters and initiatives. It needs a clearly understood strategy that gets to the heart of the problem; it needs buy-in from the top; it needs ambitious implementation that is well resourced; it needs measurement. Most of all, it needs accountability and transparency.
We can go so much further. We must set out clear expectations of zero tolerance to racist conduct and language. We must include councillor representation in the audit and develop a programme so more BAME councillors move into leadership roles. We must accelerate implementation of the BAME structures and a stand-alone BAME conference. We face elections in Scotland and Wales so need to urgently ensure BAME candidates are selected in winnable seats.
The Trade Union and Labour Party Liaison Organisation (TULO) must agree race equality and inclusion plans with affiliated trade unions. We need to take CLPs with a high BAME membership out of special measures. And making lasting change will be the measure of success for our leadership’s ambition, determination, and commitment. I know we can do it.
33 years ago, our party elected its first BAME MPs. We have such a proud commitment to demonstrable action on race equality. As we enter a bleak period we must ensure that the disparities impacting BAME people don’t get worse. Years of austerity, a broken labour market, coronavirus and Black Lives Matter have exposed why we have never needed a Labour government more. This is our opportunity to ensure we move past slogans and make a lasting difference.


labourlist--2020-06-11--Let’s dispel the myths around the Scottish government’s handling of coronavirus

To watch Nicola Sturgeon ’ s daily press conferences , you would be forgiven for thinking that Scotland had chosen a dramatically different route through the coronavirus crisis .
The Scottish First Minister is a better communicator from her podium than the array of inept ministers who appear in Downing Street at 5pm each day .
Effective communication matters .
And Boris Johnson ’ s failings – not least the way he mishandled the Dominic Cummings saga – ensures that an accomplished communicator like Nicola Sturgeon can give the impression of competency north of the border .
But the Scottish @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s foremost elections expert Professor Sir John Curtice has called a ‘ halo effect ’ – receiving credit for what goes right , and avoiding the blame when things go wrong .
The SNP behaves as if it ’ s in opposition when it has been in power in Scotland for 13 years .
The unvarnished truth is that Nicola Sturgeon ’ s government has an abysmal record in office , including how it has handled the coronavirus crisis .
First things first : the Scottish government did not choose a different route @ @ @ @ @ @ @ contradiction .
The First Minister can ’ t claim to be in total charge of the response to this pandemic while at the same time taking no responsibility for it .
The Scottish government followed the rest of the UK in delaying lockdown and ignored the World Health Organisation to ‘ test , test , test ’ .
It struggled to get protective equipment to the frontline ( some of it was even stranded at an airport because of failure in documentation ) , and it failed to anticipate the impact on the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ failings go right back to a ‘ Silver Swan ’ dossier on health pandemics produced for the Scottish government four years ago which flagged up gaps in social care , PPE and storage for ‘ mass fatalities ’ .
The warnings were largely ignored .
The next mistake came when Scotland ’ s first coronavirus outbreak occurred in Edinburgh city centre in late February this year .
One delegate to a Nike international conference brought the virus to our capital , and 25 people became infected .
If you don ’ t remember @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , that ’ s because it was covered up by the SNP government .
The public only found out in May when it was uncovered by BBC Scotland with expert academic analysis that said 2,000 lives could have saved if we had locked down earlier .
What we have learned since is that workers who fitted kilts for delegates fell ill with flu-like symptoms , Glasgow workers who shared an office with Nike also fell ill , and the delegates had personal walking tours of Edinburgh .
None of those who came into @ @ @ @ @ @ @ They had no idea about the outbreak , which it has since transpired even led to the first case in north-east England .
Those attending the Scotland v France Six Nations match at Murrayfield , football games in Glasgow or events all over Scotland , were kept in the dark – even though we now know that going ahead with sporting events in England at the same time led to a higher number of deaths .
That meant the public could not be used to help trace those in contact with Nike delegates @ @ @ @ @ @ @ their own choices to attend large gatherings .
Nicola Sturgeon doesn ’ t like being asked questions about this and has still failed to apologise .
It is a national scandal .
As coronavirus spread through Scotland , the Scottish government started to take elderly people out of hospital and moved them into care homes – without testing them for Covid-19 .
Since that decision was taken , around one-in-every-six care home residents in Scotland has contracted coronavirus , and more people have died in care homes than in the country ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ higher than the rest of the UK , according to official figures .
The Scottish government initially denied the discharge of hospital patients , then had to admit it was considerably higher than first claimed .
In my own Edinburgh constituency , at least 13 residents at the Guthrie House Care Home died following a suspected Covid-19 outbreak .
So many tragic family stories are emailed to me every day .
So many tragic care homes deaths were not inevitable .
Our excess mortality rate did not have to be one of the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ offers no comfort to those in mourning that England is also at the top of the league table .
If Boris Johnson ’ s England is our only yardstick , then it ’ s a very low bar indeed .
While vulnerable Scots were being moved into care homes , untested , the WHO advice to ‘ test , test , test ’ was being ignored .
As a result , Scotland now has one of the worst testing rates in Europe .
While SNP ministers use the Tory spin of ‘ testing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ people being tested remains pitifully low .
I could spend hours posing questions for the Scottish government about its mishandling of the crisis .
Why won ’ t it publish files detailing meetings between Chief Medical Officers at the start of the coronavirus pandemic ?
Did it initially accept the discredited ‘ herd immunity ’ strategy ?
Why are Scotland ’ s councils not getting the money they were promised ?
Why is it taking so long for adequate data been published on the impact of coronavirus on Scotland ’ s ethnic minority @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Labour Party – north and south of the border – has made constructive suggestions .
And we will continue to do so .
The job of opposition politicians is to hold government to account , so I make no apology for shining the spotlight on the Scottish government .
We have said since the start that we are rooting for both governments to get us through this crisis as quickly as possible .
However , that doesn ’ t absolve them of scrutiny .
The Scottish government is responsible for the decisions that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ this government ’ s woeful record needs to be exposed because it impacts on what happens next .
Arrogant governments that refuse to accept they got things wrong will continue to make mistakes .
As we emerge from lockdown , Labour is demanding a fully functioning and effective test , track and trace system .
We are standing up for care workers and our key workers so they get the recognition they deserve both during and beyond this crisis .
And we have the desire and the ideas to rebuild our economy so @ @ @ @ @ @ @ is up for the Tory politics of austerity and the SNP politics of division .
It ’ s time for a fairer future that works for everyone in Scotland and across the UK .

To watch Nicola Sturgeon’s daily press conferences, you would be forgiven for thinking that Scotland had chosen a dramatically different route through the coronavirus crisis. The Scottish First Minister is a better communicator from her podium than the array of inept ministers who appear in Downing Street at 5pm each day.
Effective communication matters. And Boris Johnson’s failings – not least the way he mishandled the Dominic Cummings saga – ensures that an accomplished communicator like Nicola Sturgeon can give the impression of competency north of the border.
But the Scottish government also enjoys what the country’s foremost elections expert Professor Sir John Curtice has called a ‘halo effect’ – receiving credit for what goes right, and avoiding the blame when things go wrong. The SNP behaves as if it’s in opposition when it has been in power in Scotland for 13 years. The unvarnished truth is that Nicola Sturgeon’s government has an abysmal record in office, including how it has handled the coronavirus crisis.
First things first: the Scottish government did not choose a different route through this pandemic. Therein lies the contradiction. The First Minister can’t claim to be in total charge of the response to this pandemic while at the same time taking no responsibility for it.
The Scottish government followed the rest of the UK in delaying lockdown and ignored the World Health Organisation to ‘test, test, test’. It struggled to get protective equipment to the frontline (some of it was even stranded at an airport because of failure in documentation), and it failed to anticipate the impact on the elderly in our care homes.
The failings go right back to a ‘Silver Swan’ dossier on health pandemics produced for the Scottish government four years ago which flagged up gaps in social care, PPE and storage for ‘mass fatalities’. The warnings were largely ignored.
The next mistake came when Scotland’s first coronavirus outbreak occurred in Edinburgh city centre in late February this year. One delegate to a Nike international conference brought the virus to our capital, and 25 people became infected. If you don’t remember hearing about the outbreak on the news, that’s because it was covered up by the SNP government. The public only found out in May when it was uncovered by BBC Scotland with expert academic analysis that said 2,000 lives could have saved if we had locked down earlier.
What we have learned since is that workers who fitted kilts for delegates fell ill with flu-like symptoms, Glasgow workers who shared an office with Nike also fell ill, and the delegates had personal walking tours of Edinburgh. None of those who came into close contact with delegates were contact-traced. They had no idea about the outbreak, which it has since transpired even led to the first case in north-east England.
Those attending the Scotland v France Six Nations match at Murrayfield, football games in Glasgow or events all over Scotland, were kept in the dark – even though we now know that going ahead with sporting events in England at the same time led to a higher number of deaths. That meant the public could not be used to help trace those in contact with Nike delegates, nor were they able to make their own choices to attend large gatherings. Nicola Sturgeon doesn’t like being asked questions about this and has still failed to apologise. It is a national scandal.
As coronavirus spread through Scotland, the Scottish government started to take elderly people out of hospital and moved them into care homes – without testing them for Covid-19. Since that decision was taken, around one-in-every-six care home residents in Scotland has contracted coronavirus, and more people have died in care homes than in the country’s hospitals. The death rate is considerably higher than the rest of the UK, according to official figures.
The Scottish government initially denied the discharge of hospital patients, then had to admit it was considerably higher than first claimed. In my own Edinburgh constituency, at least 13 residents at the Guthrie House Care Home died following a suspected Covid-19 outbreak.
So many tragic family stories are emailed to me every day. So many tragic care homes deaths were not inevitable. Our excess mortality rate did not have to be one of the highest in the world, and it offers no comfort to those in mourning that England is also at the top of the league table. If Boris Johnson’s England is our only yardstick, then it’s a very low bar indeed.
While vulnerable Scots were being moved into care homes, untested, the WHO advice to ‘test, test, test’ was being ignored. As a result, Scotland now has one of the worst testing rates in Europe. While SNP ministers use the Tory spin of ‘testing capacity’, the actual number of people being tested remains pitifully low.
I could spend hours posing questions for the Scottish government about its mishandling of the crisis. Why won’t it publish files detailing meetings between Chief Medical Officers at the start of the coronavirus pandemic? Did it initially accept the discredited ‘herd immunity’ strategy? Why are Scotland’s councils not getting the money they were promised? Why is it taking so long for adequate data been published on the impact of coronavirus on Scotland’s ethnic minority communities?
Throughout this crisis, the Labour Party – north and south of the border – has made constructive suggestions. And we will continue to do so. The job of opposition politicians is to hold government to account, so I make no apology for shining the spotlight on the Scottish government.
We have said since the start that we are rooting for both governments to get us through this crisis as quickly as possible. However, that doesn’t absolve them of scrutiny. The Scottish government is responsible for the decisions that affect the people I represent. And this government’s woeful record needs to be exposed because it impacts on what happens next. Arrogant governments that refuse to accept they got things wrong will continue to make mistakes.
As we emerge from lockdown, Labour is demanding a fully functioning and effective test, track and trace system. We are standing up for care workers and our key workers so they get the recognition they deserve both during and beyond this crisis. And we have the desire and the ideas to rebuild our economy so that it works for everyone.
Time is up for the Tory politics of austerity and the SNP politics of division. It’s time for a fairer future that works for everyone in Scotland and across the UK.


labourlist--2020-06-11--WATCH: Labour celebrates 33rd anniversary of first Black MPs elected

Labour is marking the 33rd anniversary of the first Black MPs – Diane Abbott , Paul Boateng and Bernie Grant – being elected to the UK parliament .
On June 11th 1987 , the MPs for Hackney North , Tottenham and Brent South , as well as Keith Vaz for Leicester East , made history as voters returned them to the House of Commons .
In a statement today , Keir Starmer said : “ It was a historic moment and we must recognise the achievement of these great pioneers .
In 33 years progress has been made .
“ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worldwide events have exposed the fact that racism discrimination and social injustice are all rife in our society .
“ The reality of anti-Black racism , the impact of Covid-19 particularly on Black and Asian communities , and society ’ s inbuilt racial inequalities have shown that we ’ ve still got a long way to go.
” The Labour leader has promised to tackle anti-Black racism in society and within the party , and announced a range of measures that will form part of a new race equality strategy .
Bell Ribeiro-Addy @ @ @ @ @ @ @ being elected herself as a Labour MP in 2019 , posted a video specifically celebrating the Hackney representative .

Labour is marking the 33rd anniversary of the first Black MPs – Diane Abbott, Paul Boateng and Bernie Grant – being elected to the UK parliament.
On June 11th 1987, the MPs for Hackney North, Tottenham and Brent South, as well as Keith Vaz for Leicester East, made history as voters returned them to the House of Commons.
In a statement today, Keir Starmer said: “It was a historic moment and we must recognise the achievement of these great pioneers. In 33 years progress has been made.
“But this year the anniversary comes as worldwide events have exposed the fact that racism discrimination and social injustice are all rife in our society.
“The reality of anti-Black racism, the impact of Covid-19 particularly on Black and Asian communities, and society’s inbuilt racial inequalities have shown that we’ve still got a long way to go.”
The Labour leader has promised to tackle anti-Black racism in society and within the party, and announced a range of measures that will form part of a new race equality strategy.
On this day in 1987 the UK elected its first Black MPs. To celebrate, we’re sharing their stories and the stories of others.
First up, Paul Boateng, who in 1987 became MP for Brent South and became the UK’s first mixed-race Cabinet Minister in 2002. Watch this ✊🏾. pic.twitter.com/BYMC9DBzEQ — The Labour Party (@UKLabour) June 11, 2020
Since her election 33 years ago to this day, @HackneyAbbott has inspired so many people, from across politics. Diane was the UK’s first Black female MP and the UK’s first Black woman to ever represent her party at PMQs. Her story is one of determination, courage and pride.👇🏾 pic.twitter.com/zIcOsznSni — The Labour Party (@UKLabour) June 11, 2020
Bell Ribeiro-Addy, who worked for Diane Abbott before being elected herself as a Labour MP in 2019, posted a video specifically celebrating the Hackney representative.
33 years ago @HackneyAbbott made history as the first Black woman elected to Parliament. A socialist hero, she has never faltered on her principles, no matter the cost, and has always been on the right side of history. My inspiration❤ Queen Diane long may you reign👸🏾 pic.twitter.com/9WflVg9Ov6 — Bell Ribeiro-Addy MP (@BellRibeiroAddy) June 11, 2020
Today marks 33 years since the first black MPs were elected to Parliament. Diane Abbott, Bernie Grant and Paul Boateng broke barriers to represent Hackney, Tottenham and Brent respectively. pic.twitter.com/bvmjLcnpEi — Labour Vault (@LabourVault) June 11, 2020


labourlist--2020-06-11--Labour welcomes U-turn on Tory privatisation of probation system

Labour has welcomed the government announcement today that the part-privatisation of the probation sector in England and Wales , implemented by Chris Grayling as Justice Secretary in 2014 , will be reversed .
Offender management will be once again undertaken by the state from June 2021 , after years of heavy criticism from MPs , inspectorates , charities and other experts who said the privatised system was “ irredeemably flawed ” .
Last year , the the chief inspector of probation Dame Glenys Stacey said it would be “ safer ” if supervision of offenders were brought back into public @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was “ not working ” .
Critics highlighted that private providers were supervising offenders only by telephone , housing needs were not met , and there was inadequate protection for victims when domestic abusers returned to the community .
The private sector will no longer play such a role and the current system is set to be replaced by a “ new unified model ” , Justice Secretary Robert Buckland told MPs in the House of Commons this afternoon .
In response to the statement , Shadow Justice Secretary David Lammy welcomed the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s a U-turn that we have been calling for for many , many years in this House… This is an important announcement.
” Lammy added : “ Just as our NHS must be publicly-run , so must probation services .
But the Conservative government ’ s part-privatisation of the probation service was the deepest privatisation that the criminal justice ever experienced .
“ The reforms led by [ Chris Grayling ] transferred 70 % of the work done by the public probation service to private and voluntary sector providers .
Coming in 2015 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of austerity , these were in essence cost-cutting measures.
” The Shadow Justice Secretary concluded : “ We are open-minded to the government as it tries to atone for its past sins… The government should not just try to put the clock back .
“ It should work with the opposition , work with our unions , work with NGOs and other experts to build a better probation service than we did before .
This is how it can make up for its past mistakes .
”

Labour has welcomed the government announcement today that the part-privatisation of the probation sector in England and Wales, implemented by Chris Grayling as Justice Secretary in 2014, will be reversed.
Offender management will be once again undertaken by the state from June 2021, after years of heavy criticism from MPs, inspectorates, charities and other experts who said the privatised system was “irredeemably flawed”.
Last year, the the chief inspector of probation Dame Glenys Stacey said it would be “safer” if supervision of offenders were brought back into public ownership and minister Rory Stewart accepted it was “not working”.
Critics highlighted that private providers were supervising offenders only by telephone, housing needs were not met, and there was inadequate protection for victims when domestic abusers returned to the community.
The private sector will no longer play such a role and the current system is set to be replaced by a “new unified model”, Justice Secretary Robert Buckland told MPs in the House of Commons this afternoon.
In response to the statement, Shadow Justice Secretary David Lammy welcomed the move, saying: “It’s a U-turn that we have been calling for for many, many years in this House… This is an important announcement.”
Lammy added: “Just as our NHS must be publicly-run, so must probation services. But the Conservative government’s part-privatisation of the probation service was the deepest privatisation that the criminal justice ever experienced.
“The reforms led by [Chris Grayling] transferred 70% of the work done by the public probation service to private and voluntary sector providers. Coming in 2015, in the middle of a decade of austerity, these were in essence cost-cutting measures.”
The Shadow Justice Secretary concluded: “We are open-minded to the government as it tries to atone for its past sins… The government should not just try to put the clock back.
“It should work with the opposition, work with our unions, work with NGOs and other experts to build a better probation service than we did before. This is how it can make up for its past mistakes.”


labourlist--2020-06-12--Starmer achieves best opposition leader net satisfaction scores since Blair

The latest net satisfaction score achieved by Keir Starmer – now at +31 according to Ipsos MORI – is the highest score attained by any leader of the opposition since Tony Blair in the mid-1990s .
The new Labour leader , who took up his post at the start of April , has been given a boost by the fresh polling data that shows 51 % of Britons are satisfied with him and 20 % dissatisfied , with 29 % saying they don ’ t know .
The net satisfaction score reached by Starmer in the new poll is better @ @ @ @ @ @ @ apart from Blair , who scored the same in December 1994 before Labour won a landslide in 1997 .
The Conservative Party is still ahead on the headline indicator of voting intentions , though the gap has narrowed to five points as 43 % say they would vote Tory and 38 % opt for Starmer ’ s Labour .
Asked who would make the “ most capable ” Prime Minister , Johnson is also still leading with 43 % compared to Starmer on 38 % – aligning exactly with voting intentions for their @ @ @ @ @ @ @ currently to have more cross-party appeal , as 9 % of Labour voters say Johnson would be “ most capable ” of the two while only 2 % of Conservative voters say the same about Starmer .
Net satisfaction ratings for Boris Johnson and the government are both negative , at -1 and -11 respectively , while Starmer is on +31 compared to predecessor Jeremy Corbyn who scored -49 in March .
Commenting on the findings , Ipsos MORI ’ s Gideon Skinner said : “ Labour will of course be encouraged that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ratings to Tony Blair and David Cameron when they led the opposition , as both went on to become general election winners .
“ However this is still very early days – it ’ s not unusual to see a honeymoon period for a new leader .
And there is an important difference – Boris Johnson is still more popular than John Major and Gordon Brown were when Blair and Cameron achieved their best scores.
” The research indicates that the British public is starkly divided over the government ’ s response to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ it is handling the pandemic well , while 44 % says it is doing badly .
It also touches on another reason for concern within Labour and optimism for Conservatives : a net total of +46 say Chancellor Rishi Sunak , tipped as a potential future Tory leader , has handled the crisis well .
The positive response to Sunak is despite poor economic forecasts , an overwhelming majority predicting that the economy will get worse over the next 12 months and many falling through the gaps in government coronavirus support schemes .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ 1,059 adults aged 18+ across Great Britain .
Interviews were conducted by telephone between June 5th and 10th .
Research was undertaken for the Evening Standard .

The latest net satisfaction score achieved by Keir Starmer – now at +31 according to Ipsos MORI – is the highest score attained by any leader of the opposition since Tony Blair in the mid-1990s.
The new Labour leader, who took up his post at the start of April, has been given a boost by the fresh polling data that shows 51% of Britons are satisfied with him and 20% dissatisfied, with 29% saying they don’t know.
The net satisfaction score reached by Starmer in the new poll is better than any opposition leader for four decades apart from Blair, who scored the same in December 1994 before Labour won a landslide in 1997.
NEW: Keir Starmer scores the highest satisfaction ratings *ever* of an opposition leader on record, equalling Blair’s record of +31 in Dec 1994. Labour goes from the opposition leader with the worst ever ratings to one with tied best ratings! pic.twitter.com/xQmO1RHGkw — Dylan Spielman (@DylanSpielman) June 12, 2020
BUT: Starmer has a lower lead over Johnson’s ratings than Blair did over Major or Cameron did over Brown at their peak ratings, and it is these relative ratings that matter most in elections. pic.twitter.com/02WBFKqaeJ — Dylan Spielman (@DylanSpielman) June 12, 2020
The Conservative Party is still ahead on the headline indicator of voting intentions, though the gap has narrowed to five points as 43% say they would vote Tory and 38% opt for Starmer’s Labour.
Asked who would make the “most capable” Prime Minister, Johnson is also still leading with 43% compared to Starmer on 38% – aligning exactly with voting intentions for their political parties.
The Prime Minister appears currently to have more cross-party appeal, as 9% of Labour voters say Johnson would be “most capable” of the two while only 2% of Conservative voters say the same about Starmer.
Net satisfaction ratings for Boris Johnson and the government are both negative, at -1 and -11 respectively, while Starmer is on +31 compared to predecessor Jeremy Corbyn who scored -49 in March.
Commenting on the findings, Ipsos MORI’s Gideon Skinner said: “Labour will of course be encouraged that Keir Starmer is achieving comparable leader satisfaction ratings to Tony Blair and David Cameron when they led the opposition, as both went on to become general election winners.
“However this is still very early days – it’s not unusual to see a honeymoon period for a new leader. And there is an important difference – Boris Johnson is still more popular than John Major and Gordon Brown were when Blair and Cameron achieved their best scores.”
The research indicates that the British public is starkly divided over the government’s response to the coronavirus crisis. 40% says it is handling the pandemic well, while 44% says it is doing badly.
It also touches on another reason for concern within Labour and optimism for Conservatives: a net total of +46 say Chancellor Rishi Sunak, tipped as a potential future Tory leader, has handled the crisis well.
The positive response to Sunak is despite poor economic forecasts, an overwhelming majority predicting that the economy will get worse over the next 12 months and many falling through the gaps in government coronavirus support schemes.
Ipsos MORI interviewed a representative sample of 1,059 adults aged 18+ across Great Britain. Interviews were conducted by telephone between June 5th and 10th. Research was undertaken for the Evening Standard.