labourlist--2020-02-21--Long-Bailey calls on leadership rivals to back council house “building boom”

Rebecca Long-Bailey has called on rival Labour leadership candidates Lisa Nandy and Keir Starmer to back a council house “ building boom ” .
Speaking at a rally in Peterborough this evening , Long-Bailey will say that council house building would lay the foundations for “ aspirational socialism ” – a key theme in her leadership campaign .
The Shadow Business Secretary will argue that “ aspiration is blocked for millions across the country ” because housing is too expensive , often insecure and of poor quality .
The MP for Salford and Eccles is set to explain that mass @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and lower the cost across the sector .
Long-Bailey is expected to say : “ Aspiration is blocked for millions across our country .
Nowhere is this more obvious than our broken housing system .
Rising homelessness is the terrible symptom of a much wider crisis .
“ Council waiting lists have soared while owning a home is but a distant dream for most young people .
More and more people are being forced to rent privately , which often means paying too much for too little security and quality .
“ And @ @ @ @ @ @ @ who are being ripped off by sky high rents , we all are .
Because there aren ’ t enough council homes , private landlords pocket around £10bn per year in housing benefit .
“ We could do so much more with that money , like support dignity in old age with free , universal personal care for the over 65s.
” Long-Bailey has signed a pledge from the Labour Campaign for Council Housing , which commits her to maintaining the 2019 manifesto commitment on council homes .
At the last election , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ 100,000 council homes and 50,000 housing association properties each year for the next five years .
Long-Bailey will tell the rally : “ If we want to lay the foundations of aspirational socialism by fixing the housing system from top to bottom , we ’ ve got to start with a council house building boom .
These new homes can and should be built to the best standards .
“ And I know it can be done .
Councils can build desirable , actually pretty swanky , homes ; I ’ ve seen @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
“ If you want millions of people to realise their dream of a secure , quality home in their community that doesn ’ t cost the earth and you want Labour to proudly argue for a council house building boom , then I ’ m your woman.
” In response to the challenge put forward by Long-Bailey , a spokesperson for Starmer ’ s campaign said : “ Keir is proud to have been nominated by the Labour Housing Group to be the next leader of the Labour Party .
“ During @ @ @ @ @ @ @ commitment to a new generation of council and social homes in every community.
” Labour Housing Group , an affiliated socialist society , balloted its members and nominated the Holborn and St Pancras MP to be the next leader of the Labour Party , along with Angela Rayner as deputy .
Nandy responded by commenting : “ This is an attempt to manufacture division where there is none .
A decent , affordable home is a human right .
As Labour leader I would maintain our commitment to a programme of mass council @ @ @ @ @ @ @ tenancies for renters .
“ We need to go further than the manifesto , with a plan to tackle the overheated housing market in London and big cities to balance the economy .
Too many people are forced to leave home to find decent work , and that ’ s fuelling some of the dysfunction in the housing market.
” The MP for Wigan added : “ From my work with homeless young people I know the value of having a place to call home .
I will fight tirelessly to ensure everyone @ @ @ @ @ @ @ housing.
” Voting in the final stage of the Labour leadership contest will take place from February 24th , online and by post , until April 2nd .
Long-Bailey reached the ballot after securing nominations from 163 local Labour parties as well as Unite , BFAWU , FBU , CWU , the Socialist Educational Association , Disability Labour and ASLEF .
Nandy and Starmer also made it through the nomination stages and have a place in the final vote , in which Labour members , affiliates and supporters will be eligible to take @ @

Rebecca Long-Bailey has called on rival Labour leadership candidates Lisa Nandy and Keir Starmer to back a council house “building boom”.
Speaking at a rally in Peterborough this evening, Long-Bailey will say that council house building would lay the foundations for “aspirational socialism” – a key theme in her leadership campaign.
The Shadow Business Secretary will argue that “aspiration is blocked for millions across the country” because housing is too expensive, often insecure and of poor quality.
The MP for Salford and Eccles is set to explain that mass building council homes would drive up standards and lower the cost across the sector.
Long-Bailey is expected to say: “Aspiration is blocked for millions across our country. Nowhere is this more obvious than our broken housing system. Rising homelessness is the terrible symptom of a much wider crisis.
“Council waiting lists have soared while owning a home is but a distant dream for most young people. More and more people are being forced to rent privately, which often means paying too much for too little security and quality.
“And it’s not just private tenants who are being ripped off by sky high rents, we all are. Because there aren’t enough council homes, private landlords pocket around £10bn per year in housing benefit.
“We could do so much more with that money, like support dignity in old age with free, universal personal care for the over 65s.”
Long-Bailey has signed a pledge from the Labour Campaign for Council Housing, which commits her to maintaining the 2019 manifesto commitment on council homes.
At the last election, Labour put forward a plan to build 100,000 council homes and 50,000 housing association properties each year for the next five years.
Long-Bailey will tell the rally: “If we want to lay the foundations of aspirational socialism by fixing the housing system from top to bottom, we’ve got to start with a council house building boom. These new homes can and should be built to the best standards.
“And I know it can be done. Councils can build desirable, actually pretty swanky, homes; I’ve seen it in my own backyard in Salford.
“If you want millions of people to realise their dream of a secure, quality home in their community that doesn’t cost the earth and you want Labour to proudly argue for a council house building boom, then I’m your woman.”
In response to the challenge put forward by Long-Bailey, a spokesperson for Starmer’s campaign said: “Keir is proud to have been nominated by the Labour Housing Group to be the next leader of the Labour Party.
“During this contest Keir has set out his commitment to a new generation of council and social homes in every community.”
Labour Housing Group, an affiliated socialist society, balloted its members and nominated the Holborn and St Pancras MP to be the next leader of the Labour Party, along with Angela Rayner as deputy.
Nandy responded by commenting: “This is an attempt to manufacture division where there is none. A decent, affordable home is a human right. As Labour leader I would maintain our commitment to a programme of mass council house building and ensuring secure, affordable tenancies for renters.
“We need to go further than the manifesto, with a plan to tackle the overheated housing market in London and big cities to balance the economy. Too many people are forced to leave home to find decent work, and that’s fuelling some of the dysfunction in the housing market.”
The MP for Wigan added: “From my work with homeless young people I know the value of having a place to call home. I will fight tirelessly to ensure everyone in this country has secure and affordable housing.”
Voting in the final stage of the Labour leadership contest will take place from February 24th, online and by post, until April 2nd.
Long-Bailey reached the ballot after securing nominations from 163 local Labour parties as well as Unite, BFAWU, FBU, CWU, the Socialist Educational Association, Disability Labour and ASLEF.
Nandy and Starmer also made it through the nomination stages and have a place in the final vote, in which Labour members, affiliates and supporters will be eligible to take part.


labourlist--2020-02-21--What the cabinet reshuffle tells us about Tory constitutional reform plans

In my last post , I promised to keep LabourList readers updated on the Tory plans for constitutional reform .
While not even the scope of the ‘ Constitution , Democracy and Rights Commission ’ has yet been established , in two recent announcements the mists have at least started to clear on the direction of travel .
As head of the cabinet office , Michael Gove has been tasked with establishing the commission and its terms of reference .
Nothing in Gove ’ s year as Lord Chancellor would suggest that he had any concerns at that time about @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to what his own agenda might be now .
That said , he is undeniably one of the big beasts of the cabinet and , for now , fiercely loyal to the Prime Minister .
According to Financial Times sources inside government , the rationale for his appointment is simple : “ Dom [ Cummings ] wants to get the judges sorted and he ’ s naturally asked Michael to sort it out .
He is trusted to do it.
” That suggests that , far from establishing this commission simply to kick @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grass , Cummings means business .
In the appointment of Suella Braverman as Attorney General , there are clear parallels with the replacement of Sajid Javid with Rushi Sunak as Chancellor .
Evidently , neither Boris Johnson nor Cummings is comfortable with independent thinkers in the cabinet , and in Braverman they would appear to have identified a suitably pliant vehicle for their assault on the judiciary .
In stark contrast with her predecessor , Geoffrey Cox , and indeed with the favourite to replace him – Lucy Frazer QC – Braverman practised @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the Bar before becoming an MP .
She reached only the lowest rung on the ladder of government work and would be an unlikely candidate , on the face of it , to offer informed and fearlessly independent legal advice to this administration as it seeks to reshape the constitution .
Neither would that appear to be her only virtue from Johnson ’ s perspective .
In an article for ConservativeHome published shortly before her appointment , Braverman revealed herself to be as enthusiastic as anyone to shackle the power and independence of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ former chair of the European Reform Group , she wrote the following : “ Restoring sovereignty to parliament after Brexit is one of the greatest prizes that awaits us .
But not just from the EU .
As we start this new chapter of our democratic story , our parliament must retrieve power ceded to another place – the courts… The political has been captured by the legal .
Decisions of an executive , legislative and democratic nature have been assumed by our courts .
“ Prorogation and the triggering of Article 50 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ chronic and steady encroachment by the judges… repatriated powers from the EU will mean precious little if our courts continue to act as political decision-maker , pronouncing on what the law ought to be and supplanting parliament .
To empower our people we need to stop this disenfranchisement of parliament.
” I would be surprised if there were a single reader of LabourList who could not spot the fundamental flaw in Braverman ’ s analysis .
The rulings of the Supreme Court in both the prorogation and Article 50 cases actually reiterated the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ successive attempts by Tory administrations to usurp and emasculate it .
It made Theresa May seek parliamentary approval to invoke Article 50 and it prevented Johnson from unlawfully proroguing , and thereby circumventing the authority of , parliament .
In other words , the judiciary has repeatedly stood up for parliament against the executive .
And that is why the executive now seeks to neuter the judiciary .
In conflating those two , entirely and crucially distinct , components of our constitution , either our new attorney general does not understand the legal @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in constitutional law in recent years or she knows what she is writing is wrong , as a matter of law , but does not care .
I genuinely do not know which I find more concerning .
Nor does Braverman stop there .
In the same article , she rails against judicial review and the Human Rights Act without pausing to offer any examples of where either has produced a result which is constitutionally objectionable .
While that is , of course , a vice common to many polemicists of the right @ @ @ @ @ @ @ shared by the chief law officer to the crown .
Of equal concern to those keen to defend the independence of the courts , and the sanctity of our constitution , is Braverman ’ s parting shot .
It might as well have been authored by Cummings himself , parroting as it does his favourite catch phrase : “ If a small number of unelected , unaccountable judges continue to determine wider public policy , putting them at odds with elected decision-makers , our democracy can not be said to be representative .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the reason why we must take back control , not just from the EU , but from the judiciary.
” This reveals how the process will be sold : as a re-run of Brexit .
Taking back control , but this time from the ‘ enemies of the people ’ in the courts .
The same casual disregard for the truth , disingenuously characterising the judiciary as subverting parliament rather than – as is the reality – its stoutest defender in the face of an overbearing and casually irresponsible executive .

In my last post, I promised to keep LabourList readers updated on the Tory plans for constitutional reform. While not even the scope of the ‘Constitution, Democracy and Rights Commission’ has yet been established, in two recent announcements the mists have at least started to clear on the direction of travel.
As head of the cabinet office, Michael Gove has been tasked with establishing the commission and its terms of reference. Nothing in Gove’s year as Lord Chancellor would suggest that he had any concerns at that time about judicial overreach nor give any clue as to what his own agenda might be now. That said, he is undeniably one of the big beasts of the cabinet and, for now, fiercely loyal to the Prime Minister.
According to Financial Times sources inside government, the rationale for his appointment is simple: “Dom [Cummings] wants to get the judges sorted and he’s naturally asked Michael to sort it out. He is trusted to do it.” That suggests that, far from establishing this commission simply to kick a difficult question into the political long grass, Cummings means business.
In the appointment of Suella Braverman as Attorney General, there are clear parallels with the replacement of Sajid Javid with Rushi Sunak as Chancellor. Evidently, neither Boris Johnson nor Cummings is comfortable with independent thinkers in the cabinet, and in Braverman they would appear to have identified a suitably pliant vehicle for their assault on the judiciary.
In stark contrast with her predecessor, Geoffrey Cox, and indeed with the favourite to replace him – Lucy Frazer QC – Braverman practised for only a few short years at the Bar before becoming an MP. She reached only the lowest rung on the ladder of government work and would be an unlikely candidate, on the face of it, to offer informed and fearlessly independent legal advice to this administration as it seeks to reshape the constitution.
Neither would that appear to be her only virtue from Johnson’s perspective. In an article for ConservativeHome published shortly before her appointment, Braverman revealed herself to be as enthusiastic as anyone to shackle the power and independence of the judiciary. A keen Brexiteer and former chair of the European Reform Group, she wrote the following:
“Restoring sovereignty to parliament after Brexit is one of the greatest prizes that awaits us. But not just from the EU. As we start this new chapter of our democratic story, our parliament must retrieve power ceded to another place – the courts… The political has been captured by the legal. Decisions of an executive, legislative and democratic nature have been assumed by our courts.
“Prorogation and the triggering of Article 50 were merely the latest examples of a chronic and steady encroachment by the judges… repatriated powers from the EU will mean precious little if our courts continue to act as political decision-maker, pronouncing on what the law ought to be and supplanting parliament. To empower our people we need to stop this disenfranchisement of parliament.”
I would be surprised if there were a single reader of LabourList who could not spot the fundamental flaw in Braverman’s analysis. The rulings of the Supreme Court in both the prorogation and Article 50 cases actually reiterated the sovereignty of parliament in the face of successive attempts by Tory administrations to usurp and emasculate it. It made Theresa May seek parliamentary approval to invoke Article 50 and it prevented Johnson from unlawfully proroguing, and thereby circumventing the authority of, parliament.
In other words, the judiciary has repeatedly stood up for parliament against the executive. And that is why the executive now seeks to neuter the judiciary. In conflating those two, entirely and crucially distinct, components of our constitution, either our new attorney general does not understand the legal analysis underpinning the two most important decisions in constitutional law in recent years or she knows what she is writing is wrong, as a matter of law, but does not care. I genuinely do not know which I find more concerning.
Nor does Braverman stop there. In the same article, she rails against judicial review and the Human Rights Act without pausing to offer any examples of where either has produced a result which is constitutionally objectionable. While that is, of course, a vice common to many polemicists of the right, it is alarming to find it shared by the chief law officer to the crown.
Of equal concern to those keen to defend the independence of the courts, and the sanctity of our constitution, is Braverman’s parting shot. It might as well have been authored by Cummings himself, parroting as it does his favourite catch phrase:
“If a small number of unelected, unaccountable judges continue to determine wider public policy, putting them at odds with elected decision-makers, our democracy cannot be said to be representative. Parliament’s legitimacy is unrivalled and the reason why we must take back control, not just from the EU, but from the judiciary.”
This reveals how the process will be sold: as a re-run of Brexit. Taking back control, but this time from the ‘enemies of the people’ in the courts. The same casual disregard for the truth, disingenuously characterising the judiciary as subverting parliament rather than – as is the reality – its stoutest defender in the face of an overbearing and casually irresponsible executive.


labourlist--2020-02-21--Jermain Jackman: Why I’m standing to be a member of Labour’s NEC

There is a reason for which Britain ’ s BAME communities feel such a strong connection to the Labour Party .
As the party of social justice and equality , it was a Labour Prime Minister that reached out with the invitation to the West Indies in 1945 to help rebuild our country after years of war .
I remember my grandmother ’ s stories of her arrival to this country from the Caribbean to fill the labour shortages as a nurse working in our NHS , and the support a Labour council in Hackney provided .
It ’ s @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the past century , when ethnic minority communities chose to build a life in Britain , whether they were seeking refuge or opportunity , they found a political home in our Labour Party .
We should be proud of our rich and welcoming history .
However , while we can be proud of our history , we must also accept our party ’ s role in Britain ’ s history of systemic and structural discrimination that continues to impact the lives of many communities of colour .
While we now see diversity as @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in the party was hard fought for .
Through collective action and grassroots mobilisation , we witnessed the creation of safe and empowering spaces where BAME members were able to galvanise and build black sections and the Black Socialist Society – the precursor to BAME Labour .
It was the bravery of the black grassroots members that fought and paved the way for the defining moment of 1987 , where we elected the first ever BAME politicians into parliament : Diane Abbott , Keith Vaz , Paul Boateng and my hero , Bernie @ @ @ @ @ @ @ backbone of multicultural Britain , in no small part thanks to our BAME grassroots .
Ethnic minority members of the Labour Party have achieved so much to get us to where we are today .
Yet , as we will hopefully agree , we still have a very long way to go .
Racism is not unique to our party , or to any party , but evident across the very structures of our politics and society .
Dismantling racism requires bold and relentless action .
While we as a party will always @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not believe that our BAME structure has been strong , honest or radical enough to make a difference both internally to the party or across society .
For example , it was disappointing not to see an official BAME Labour presence at national conference , or protesting outside 10 Downing Street against the chartered deportation flights to Jamaica two weeks ago .
This national executive committee BAME representative election is crucial .
It marks a potential turning point for BAME members .
The NEC BAME role has , for too long , been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a box-ticking exercise .
Instead , with the support of new guidance , I would transform the role into a megaphone for BAME concerns , ensuring no voice goes unheard in our party .
Now more than ever , we need a strong voice on the NEC to champion the concerns and campaign on the issues affecting our communities .
I want BAME Labour to be an outward facing movement , as well as improving internal structures and shaping Labour ’ s policy .
And that is why I am honoured with the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ many constituency Labour parties , to run for the NEC BAME representative post .
The lessons of grassroots mobilisation is an important one for me as it sets out the founding theme of our BAME movement and that ’ s the idea of coming together to tackle the issues we face .
It is only through the mobilisation of grassroots activists that the injustice of deporting British citizens was brought to the attention of mainstream media and to the forefront of political discussion .
If the lessons of the past are anything to @ @ @ @ @ @ @ divided on democratisation , representation and ensuring our voices are heard as it will only lead to failure .
I want to use the lessons of the last 17 years as an example of what not to do with an empowering seat like BAME rep on our NEC .
If elected , I promise to deliver on these five pledges : 1 .
Ensure a zero-tolerance approach to all forms of racism .
The issues in our party reflect those in our society and I believe , as a movement , we must @ @ @ @ @ @ @ albeit simple , will ensure that our BAME movement is relentless in its campaign to tackle all forms of racism and discrimination within our party and across wider society .
It will ensure that anti-racism is at the core of our party and policies .
If elected , I will set up and run political education workshops and training courses around the country , so our members are well informed and can identify incidents as they occur .
I will also work with governance and legal to ensure we maintain a fair disciplinary @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
2 .
Implement the changes detailed in chapter 14 of the rule book .
Labour ’ s true power is on the ground with our passionate grassroots activists , campaigning and canvassing in their local areas .
I believe that there should be a formal structure in place for every CLP to enable more grassroots activism .
This pledge will enact a formal structure for BAME branches in every CLP .
It will create a space on a local level , empowering BAME members to collectively participate in local policy and campaigns @ @ @ @ @ @ @ members to write and submit motions to CLP ’ s , national BAME and annual conferences .
While representation is not the only way to improve the lives of BAME communities , it is still vitally important .
Quite simply , we need more people of colour in politics .
I will use the voice given to the role to push for BAME representation through BAME-only shortlists .
I would also like to ensure BAME candidates receive the appropriate support when campaigning .
I will explore the opportunity of having a BAME campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ on the recommendations in the democracy review .
The democracy review gave the opportunity to shape and discuss ways to create a more democratic party that reaches the many .
I believe that by acting on the recommendations set out in the review for a strong voice for BAME members will unlock our BAME movement ’ s potential and shape it into a democratic force for good and a force for change .
This pledge will begin the process of democratising all existing national BAME structures by creating a national network reaching out @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Building on the recommendations and the changes to Chapter 14 , this regional consultation will ensure BAME members have the opportunity to create , feed into , scrutinise and comment on policy development all year round .
This would be complimentary to the BAME branch structure , working alongside the national BAME conference .
This pledge will provide a space for BAME voices to be heard and actively involved in equality-proofing all Labour campaigns , strategies and policies .
This is a turning point for our BAME movement and an opportunity to transform @ @ @ @ @ @ @ BAME members just to ensure we have a fair and transparent process – they are engaged and ready to utilise the BAME structures that have been defunct for so long !
I believe my five pledges will enable and facilitate this .
This is an exciting opportunity with great potential for change , so vote for me because your voice matters and I ’ ll ensure it is heard !

There is a reason for which Britain’s BAME communities feel such a strong connection to the Labour Party. As the party of social justice and equality, it was a Labour Prime Minister that reached out with the invitation to the West Indies in 1945 to help rebuild our country after years of war. I remember my grandmother’s stories of her arrival to this country from the Caribbean to fill the labour shortages as a nurse working in our NHS, and the support a Labour council in Hackney provided.
It’s no coincidence, then, that over the past century, when ethnic minority communities chose to build a life in Britain, whether they were seeking refuge or opportunity, they found a political home in our Labour Party. We should be proud of our rich and welcoming history. However, while we can be proud of our history, we must also accept our party’s role in Britain’s history of systemic and structural discrimination that continues to impact the lives of many communities of colour.
While we now see diversity as one of our greatest strengths, progress in the party was hard fought for. Through collective action and grassroots mobilisation, we witnessed the creation of safe and empowering spaces where BAME members were able to galvanise and build black sections and the Black Socialist Society – the precursor to BAME Labour.
It was the bravery of the black grassroots members that fought and paved the way for the defining moment of 1987, where we elected the first ever BAME politicians into parliament: Diane Abbott, Keith Vaz, Paul Boateng and my hero, Bernie Grant. Today we remain the political backbone of multicultural Britain, in no small part thanks to our BAME grassroots.
Ethnic minority members of the Labour Party have achieved so much to get us to where we are today. Yet, as we will hopefully agree, we still have a very long way to go. Racism is not unique to our party, or to any party, but evident across the very structures of our politics and society. Dismantling racism requires bold and relentless action.
While we as a party will always fight racism and hatred, I do not believe that our BAME structure has been strong, honest or radical enough to make a difference both internally to the party or across society. For example, it was disappointing not to see an official BAME Labour presence at national conference, or protesting outside 10 Downing Street against the chartered deportation flights to Jamaica two weeks ago.
This national executive committee BAME representative election is crucial. It marks a potential turning point for BAME members. The NEC BAME role has, for too long, been used as a political stepping stone or a box-ticking exercise. Instead, with the support of new guidance, I would transform the role into a megaphone for BAME concerns, ensuring no voice goes unheard in our party.
Now more than ever, we need a strong voice on the NEC to champion the concerns and campaign on the issues affecting our communities. I want BAME Labour to be an outward facing movement, as well as improving internal structures and shaping Labour’s policy. And that is why I am honoured with the opportunity, and the support from so many constituency Labour parties, to run for the NEC BAME representative post.
The lessons of grassroots mobilisation is an important one for me as it sets out the founding theme of our BAME movement and that’s the idea of coming together to tackle the issues we face. It is only through the mobilisation of grassroots activists that the injustice of deporting British citizens was brought to the attention of mainstream media and to the forefront of political discussion.
If the lessons of the past are anything to go by, we can not be divided on democratisation, representation and ensuring our voices are heard as it will only lead to failure. I want to use the lessons of the last 17 years as an example of what not to do with an empowering seat like BAME rep on our NEC. If elected, I promise to deliver on these five pledges:
1. Ensure a zero-tolerance approach to all forms of racism.
The issues in our party reflect those in our society and I believe, as a movement, we must lead by example. This pledge, albeit simple, will ensure that our BAME movement is relentless in its campaign to tackle all forms of racism and discrimination within our party and across wider society. It will ensure that anti-racism is at the core of our party and policies. If elected, I will set up and run political education workshops and training courses around the country, so our members are well informed and can identify incidents as they occur. I will also work with governance and legal to ensure we maintain a fair disciplinary and complaints process, fit for purpose.
2. Implement the changes detailed in chapter 14 of the rule book.
Labour’s true power is on the ground with our passionate grassroots activists, campaigning and canvassing in their local areas. I believe that there should be a formal structure in place for every CLP to enable more grassroots activism. This pledge will enact a formal structure for BAME branches in every CLP. It will create a space on a local level, empowering BAME members to collectively participate in local policy and campaigns. Additionally, these branches will allow members to write and submit motions to CLP’s, national BAME and annual conferences.
3. Increase BAME representation at all levels.
While representation is not the only way to improve the lives of BAME communities, it is still vitally important. Quite simply, we need more people of colour in politics. I will use the voice given to the role to push for BAME representation through BAME-only shortlists. I would also like to ensure BAME candidates receive the appropriate support when campaigning. I will explore the opportunity of having a BAME campaign and candidate fund.
4. Act on the recommendations in the democracy review.
The democracy review gave the opportunity to shape and discuss ways to create a more democratic party that reaches the many. I believe that by acting on the recommendations set out in the review for a strong voice for BAME members will unlock our BAME movement’s potential and shape it into a democratic force for good and a force for change. This pledge will begin the process of democratising all existing national BAME structures by creating a national network reaching out to every corner of the country.
5. Set up regional BAME policy hubs.
Building on the recommendations and the changes to Chapter 14, this regional consultation will ensure BAME members have the opportunity to create, feed into, scrutinise and comment on policy development all year round. This would be complimentary to the BAME branch structure, working alongside the national BAME conference. This pledge will provide a space for BAME voices to be heard and actively involved in equality-proofing all Labour campaigns, strategies and policies.
This is a turning point for our BAME movement and an opportunity to transform politics. There has been mobilisation of BAME members just to ensure we have a fair and transparent process – they are engaged and ready to utilise the BAME structures that have been defunct for so long! I believe my five pledges will enable and facilitate this. This is an exciting opportunity with great potential for change, so vote for me because your voice matters and I’ll ensure it is heard!


labourlist--2020-02-21--Jackie Baillie: Why I’m standing to be Scottish Labour’s deputy leader

Labour members across the UK are weighing up their options with voting about to start in our party ’ s leadership and deputy leadership elections .
All the candidates have rightly recognised that the route to a Labour government runs through Scotland , as it always has .
That recognition is due in no small part to the role of Scotland ’ s only Labour MP , Ian Murray , who is standing for UK deputy leader .
I wholeheartedly encourage members across the country to vote for him .
But recovery in Scotland is about more than understanding Scotland @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the Scottish Labour Party , too .
The next Scottish Parliament elections are barely a year away , and our party must pick itself up after a disastrous General Election result , or we risk another five years of SNP austerity – cuts to Scottish councils ; neglect of Scotland ’ s hospitals and schools ; and an obsession with constitutional division .
There is another Labour contest taking place in Scotland , with members being asked to choose our new deputy leader .
I am standing in this election as the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ humbled to have received the support from 60 % of CLPs , 60 % of nominating councillors from across Scotland , and 92 % of nominating parliamentarians .
And I have been supported by the majority of affiliated organisations , including the GMB , USDAW , the Jewish Labour Movement and the Scottish Co-op Party .
They all understand that Scotland desperately needs change .
A change of government ; a change from nationalism and constitutional uncertainty ; a change from the culture of cuts passed onto our councils .
But we can @ @ @ @ @ @ @ changes and does so now .
There is no point in sugar coating the challenge that lies ahead .
This isn ’ t a debate about what kind of future we are going to have .
This is about whether we have a future at all .
We are fighting for our survival , and if we don ’ t change , we won ’ t have a future .
Next year ’ s campaign can ’ t be driven by a small group advocating more of the same , focused on ideology @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and our hopes for the future .
Our members – the lifeblood of our party – deserve better , and Scotland deserves better .
We can ’ t hope to expose the SNP ’ s policy failings and arrogance in power unless we introduce the change within our party that will get us on the road to recovery .
As deputy leader , my focus will be on campaigning and organising , working with our members and trade unions to build networks and coalitions of voters in every community , which is how @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the SNP five times .
By bringing together the leadership team and the grassroots members who are crying out for change , Scottish Labour ’ s fightback can begin .
I ’ m a strong supporter of the notion that if you believe what you say then say what you believe .
I believe in socialism , not nationalism , and I believe in solidarity , not separation .
I don ’ t believe independence is in the best interests of Scotland and I don ’ t support another independence referendum .
We @ @ @ @ @ @ @ believe in it , not because we think it is a political tactic .
We should never forget that devolution isn ’ t an anaemic form of nationalism , it is the antithesis of nationalism .
Why would you want to end the redistribution of wealth from the richest parts of the United Kingdom to Scotland ?
That ’ s nationalism , and none of us in the Labour party , nobody in the trade union movement , no one truly committed to the funding of public services could support the vision of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ s economic prospectus .
The SNP has been all-powerful for too long – it is increasingly arrogant and intolerant , with public services in disarray .
But will the nationalists pay a price for it ?
Only if we make them pay , and only if we have leadership which is good enough and strong enough .
I am up for the fight .

Labour members across the UK are weighing up their options with voting about to start in our party’s leadership and deputy leadership elections. All the candidates have rightly recognised that the route to a Labour government runs through Scotland, as it always has. That recognition is due in no small part to the role of Scotland’s only Labour MP, Ian Murray, who is standing for UK deputy leader. I wholeheartedly encourage members across the country to vote for him.
But recovery in Scotland is about more than understanding Scotland. It’s about the recovery of the Scottish Labour Party, too. The next Scottish Parliament elections are barely a year away, and our party must pick itself up after a disastrous General Election result, or we risk another five years of SNP austerity – cuts to Scottish councils; neglect of Scotland’s hospitals and schools; and an obsession with constitutional division.
There is another Labour contest taking place in Scotland, with members being asked to choose our new deputy leader. I am standing in this election as the change candidate. I am honoured and humbled to have received the support from 60% of CLPs, 60% of nominating councillors from across Scotland, and 92% of nominating parliamentarians. And I have been supported by the majority of affiliated organisations, including the GMB, USDAW, the Jewish Labour Movement and the Scottish Co-op Party.
They all understand that Scotland desperately needs change. A change of government; a change from nationalism and constitutional uncertainty; a change from the culture of cuts passed onto our councils. But we can only make that change if Scottish Labour changes and does so now.
There is no point in sugar coating the challenge that lies ahead. This isn’t a debate about what kind of future we are going to have. This is about whether we have a future at all. We are fighting for our survival, and if we don’t change, we won’t have a future.
Next year’s campaign can’t be driven by a small group advocating more of the same, focused on ideology and the past, rather than electability and our hopes for the future. Our members – the lifeblood of our party – deserve better, and Scotland deserves better.
We can’t hope to expose the SNP’s policy failings and arrogance in power unless we introduce the change within our party that will get us on the road to recovery. As deputy leader, my focus will be on campaigning and organising, working with our members and trade unions to build networks and coalitions of voters in every community, which is how I have won in Dumbarton – defeating the SNP five times.
By bringing together the leadership team and the grassroots members who are crying out for change, Scottish Labour’s fightback can begin. I’m a strong supporter of the notion that if you believe what you say then say what you believe.
I believe in socialism, not nationalism, and I believe in solidarity, not separation. I don’t believe independence is in the best interests of Scotland and I don’t support another independence referendum. We should be arguing for devolution because we believe in it, not because we think it is a political tactic. We should never forget that devolution isn’t an anaemic form of nationalism, it is the antithesis of nationalism.
Why would you want to end the redistribution of wealth from the richest parts of the United Kingdom to Scotland? That’s nationalism, and none of us in the Labour party, nobody in the trade union movement, no one truly committed to the funding of public services could support the vision of austerity set out by the SNP’s economic prospectus.
The SNP has been all-powerful for too long – it is increasingly arrogant and intolerant, with public services in disarray. But will the nationalists pay a price for it? Only if we make them pay, and only if we have leadership which is good enough and strong enough. I am up for the fight.


labourlist--2020-02-22--Nandy vows to get tough on credit scoring agencies and ‘poverty premium’

Labour leadership candidate Lisa Nandy is expected to announce “ tough new regulations ” to target credit scoring agencies and the hidden “ poverty premium ” .
Speaking at the party hustings in Peterborough , she will say that credit scoring companies are “ increasing the costs of being poor ” .
Nandy will explain how as Prime Minister she would bring in penalties for credit scorers that make mistakes and a right of reply for consumers denied credit .
The MP for Wigan is expected to say : “ Credit scoring agencies can be the difference between getting a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ getting a job .
But the industry is dominated by three players – and the tools they use are secretive and prone to error .
These companies are increasing the cost of being poor with their ‘ poverty premium ’ and they must be reigned in.
” Responsible Finance estimated that the average annual cost per household of having a poor credit rating is £1,770 extra for basic goods and services .
The leadership candidate will say : “ My Labour government would bring forward tough new regulations , that demand the use @ @ @ @ @ @ @ financial penalties for errors , and , a “ your data ; your call ” right of reply that means banks must explain why you are refused credit – and give you a chance to appeal and correct , without penalty.
” A survey found that 57 % of consumers in the UK were at risk of being turned down for credit , including a third in full time employment and a third earning over £50,000 .
In April last year a report revealed that there were 1.2 million people in the country @ @ @ @ @ @ @ including many because of a poor credit history .
The analysis found that this alone would mean an individual could end up paying an additional £485 per year for bills and services .
Nandy will be joined by rival leadership contenders Keir Starmer and Rebecca Long-Bailey for the hustings organised by the Labour Party .
Voting in the final stage of the leadership contest will take place from February 24th , online and by post , until April 2nd .
Nandy reached the ballot after securing nominations from 72 local Labour parties , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Chinese for Labour and the Jewish Labour Movement .
Rebecca Long-Bailey and Keir Starmer also have a place in the final vote , in which Labour members , affiliates and supporters will be eligible to take part .

Labour leadership candidate Lisa Nandy is expected to announce “tough new regulations” to target credit scoring agencies and the hidden “poverty premium”.
Speaking at the party hustings in Peterborough, she will say that credit scoring companies are “increasing the costs of being poor”.
Nandy will explain how as Prime Minister she would bring in penalties for credit scorers that make mistakes and a right of reply for consumers denied credit.
The MP for Wigan is expected to say: “Credit scoring agencies can be the difference between getting a loan, renting a flat and even getting a job. But the industry is dominated by three players – and the tools they use are secretive and prone to error. These companies are increasing the cost of being poor with their ‘poverty premium’ and they must be reigned in.”
Responsible Finance estimated that the average annual cost per household of having a poor credit rating is £1,770 extra for basic goods and services.
The leadership candidate will say: “My Labour government would bring forward tough new regulations, that demand the use of fairer, inclusive assessment criteria; financial penalties for errors, and, a “your data; your call” right of reply that means banks must explain why you are refused credit – and give you a chance to appeal and correct, without penalty.”
A survey found that 57% of consumers in the UK were at risk of being turned down for credit, including a third in full time employment and a third earning over £50,000.
In April last year a report revealed that there were 1.2 million people in the country unable to open a bank account, including many because of a poor credit history.
The analysis found that this alone would mean an individual could end up paying an additional £485 per year for bills and services.
Nandy will be joined by rival leadership contenders Keir Starmer and Rebecca Long-Bailey for the hustings organised by the Labour Party.
Voting in the final stage of the leadership contest will take place from February 24th, online and by post, until April 2nd.
Nandy reached the ballot after securing nominations from 72 local Labour parties, as well as NUM, GMB, Chinese for Labour and the Jewish Labour Movement.
Rebecca Long-Bailey and Keir Starmer also have a place in the final vote, in which Labour members, affiliates and supporters will be eligible to take part.


labourlist--2020-02-22--To win back trust, Labour must put everyday work at the heart of our politics

In 2019 , voters across Yorkshire , the Midlands and the North East of England turned in their droves against Labour .
The result was devastating .
In order to recover our lost votes , Labour needs to develop a new coalition of low and middle income workers .
The best way to start is to listen to people ’ s views about their working lives .
In a joint project with the GMB , I interviewed 21 workers from across Yorkshire in the union ’ s regional office in Wakefield .
They worked across a range of sectors , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ manufacturing .
I asked them about the security of their work , the dignity it offers , what they valued in it and how their work has changed over time .
Today , we publish our report Everyday Work .
The stories I heard were powerful , and they can help Labour better understand what we have lost , and so begin our journey back to power .
In the 1970s and 1980s , industries and communities across the UK were devastated by deindustrialisation , technological change and the off-shoring of labour .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ a source of secure work , identity and common purpose .
We can not bring back the world of work that existed 50 years ago .
That means we need to talk about the kind of work that exists today , and be ambitious about developing and harnessing jobs in the new economies of green technologies , artificial intelligence and automation .
But perhaps most of all , it means focusing on what I call the ‘ everyday economy ’ .
This covers low pay sectors like care , retail , food processing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , which sustain daily life and provide large numbers of jobs in every part of the country .
Everyone participates in the everyday economy as workers , service users and consumers .
In many places , public services are the glue that binds people together .
But work is often undervalued and characterised by poor pay and insecurity .
Many workers are proud of the difference they can make to people ’ s lives .
For example , the care home worker on the minimum wage who told me she bought an elderly @ @ @ @ @ @ @ money because the care home wouldn ’ t provide it .
Society undervalues their work .
Several workers I spoke to were acutely conscious that , while already being overworked and underpaid , their good will is being abused .
Employment is at its highest level today since records began in 1971 .
Real pay growth has begun to make a tentative recovery .
This is welcome progress but it disguises the reality of work for many people .
All too often , workers suffer from low pay , high insecurity , poor @ @ @ @ @ @ @ balance .
Responsibility for the risks of employment such as variable demand , physical or mental ill health , or having children , has been transferred from employers to employees .
The transformation of work is central to the story of Labour ’ s decline and it must be central to how our party rebuilds a winning electoral coalition and creates a strong and fair economy .
To win back the trust of voters , Labour must put work and the voices of workers at the heart of our politics and our industrial @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of key priorities for improving the reward and recognition of work , providing greater security , giving power and autonomy to workers , and extending trade union membership through these sectors .
Some of these are ideas Labour has long championed , like universal childcare , lifelong learning , and getting workers on company boards .
But it also includes new policy ideas targeted specifically at the everyday economy .
For one , this could include the creation of national colleges for professions such as care work , to boost the prestige of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ give them a central role in the development of skills and best practice .
Why shouldn ’ t there be a Royal College of Care Work like the Royal College of Nursing ?
The industrial strategy Labour develops needs to put the everyday economy at its heart ; boosting pay , productivity and workers voice .
It is every bit as important as championing the high-tech industries of the future .
Andy Haldane , the Bank of England Chief Economist argues that a focus on relatively modest improvements in productivity within the ‘ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ can be every bit as important as huge leaps made by the small number of ‘ frontier ’ firms .
It can certainly help those who work in those sectors most .
And finally , local and central government should champion the idea of ‘ social licensing ’ , whereby companies coming into contact with the state – whether in the form of contracting , procurement , or seeking planning permission for a supermarket or distribution centre are expected to sign up to a set of standards in the form of environmental requirements @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and other relevant community objectives .
This can give communities a greater say in the shape of their local economy , drive up standards , and make companies more responsive to the needs of the local people their businesses rely upon .
In a divided country , the everyday economy is a unifying force .
It underpins the wider economy and it provides the bonds that bind people together in society .
By telling a story about improving work in the everyday economy , Labour can rebuild its coalition and bring together low @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and cities , and across the regions and the nations of the UK .

In 2019, voters across Yorkshire, the Midlands and the North East of England turned in their droves against Labour. The result was devastating. In order to recover our lost votes, Labour needs to develop a new coalition of low and middle income workers. The best way to start is to listen to people’s views about their working lives.
In a joint project with the GMB, I interviewed 21 workers from across Yorkshire in the union’s regional office in Wakefield. They worked across a range of sectors, from social care to retail to steel manufacturing. I asked them about the security of their work, the dignity it offers, what they valued in it and how their work has changed over time.
Today, we publish our report Everyday Work. The stories I heard were powerful, and they can help Labour better understand what we have lost, and so begin our journey back to power. In the 1970s and 1980s, industries and communities across the UK were devastated by deindustrialisation, technological change and the off-shoring of labour. These industries have never been replaced as a source of secure work, identity and common purpose.
We cannot bring back the world of work that existed 50 years ago. That means we need to talk about the kind of work that exists today, and be ambitious about developing and harnessing jobs in the new economies of green technologies, artificial intelligence and automation.
But perhaps most of all, it means focusing on what I call the ‘everyday economy’. This covers low pay sectors like care, retail, food processing, and many of our public services, which sustain daily life and provide large numbers of jobs in every part of the country. Everyone participates in the everyday economy as workers, service users and consumers.
In many places, public services are the glue that binds people together. But work is often undervalued and characterised by poor pay and insecurity. Many workers are proud of the difference they can make to people’s lives. For example, the care home worker on the minimum wage who told me she bought an elderly resident her favourite food with her own money because the care home wouldn’t provide it. Society undervalues their work. Several workers I spoke to were acutely conscious that, while already being overworked and underpaid, their good will is being abused.
Employment is at its highest level today since records began in 1971. Real pay growth has begun to make a tentative recovery. This is welcome progress but it disguises the reality of work for many people. All too often, workers suffer from low pay, high insecurity, poor training and progression, and poor work-life balance. Responsibility for the risks of employment such as variable demand, physical or mental ill health, or having children, has been transferred from employers to employees.
The transformation of work is central to the story of Labour’s decline and it must be central to how our party rebuilds a winning electoral coalition and creates a strong and fair economy. To win back the trust of voters, Labour must put work and the voices of workers at the heart of our politics and our industrial strategy.
The pamphlet outlines a range of key priorities for improving the reward and recognition of work, providing greater security, giving power and autonomy to workers, and extending trade union membership through these sectors. Some of these are ideas Labour has long championed, like universal childcare, lifelong learning, and getting workers on company boards. But it also includes new policy ideas targeted specifically at the everyday economy.
For one, this could include the creation of national colleges for professions such as care work, to boost the prestige of essential but undervalued workers, and to give them a central role in the development of skills and best practice. Why shouldn’t there be a Royal College of Care Work like the Royal College of Nursing?
The industrial strategy Labour develops needs to put the everyday economy at its heart; boosting pay, productivity and workers voice. It is every bit as important as championing the high-tech industries of the future. Andy Haldane, the Bank of England Chief Economist argues that a focus on relatively modest improvements in productivity within the ‘long tail’ of less productive firms can be every bit as important as huge leaps made by the small number of ‘frontier’ firms. It can certainly help those who work in those sectors most.
And finally, local and central government should champion the idea of ‘social licensing’, whereby companies coming into contact with the state – whether in the form of contracting, procurement, or seeking planning permission for a supermarket or distribution centre are expected to sign up to a set of standards in the form of environmental requirements, labour standards, progressive taxation, and other relevant community objectives. This can give communities a greater say in the shape of their local economy, drive up standards, and make companies more responsive to the needs of the local people their businesses rely upon.
In a divided country, the everyday economy is a unifying force. It underpins the wider economy and it provides the bonds that bind people together in society. By telling a story about improving work in the everyday economy, Labour can rebuild its coalition and bring together low and middle income workers in the towns and cities, and across the regions and the nations of the UK.


labourlist--2020-02-22--I will defend a free media. Here’s how the BBC should be reformed

A few days ago , BBC reporter Lauren Moss was attacked moments before she went on air .
A man screaming abuse hurled his hot chocolate on her saying he hated the BBC .
This anti-media and anti-BBC feeling is all over social media and goes all the way to No 10 , with its hints that not only will non-payment of the license fee be decriminalised but it could be scrapped altogether .
But instead of joining in the pile-on , we need to be advocating for and defending free media , and especially the BBC .
Because for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ based on a licence fee that provides it with the basis to speak truth to power .
The Tories are trying to create a culture war to avoid scrutiny , and right now they are winning it .
The end point would be a disaster , a hyper-partisan news landscape dominated by commercial and not the public interest .
It ’ s not just the BBC that we need to worry about .
The media is under attack like never before .
As ministers boycott news channels at their choosing , the Prime @ @ @ @ @ @ @ pre-screened questions from the public , and Downing Street excludes selected journalists from briefings .
All to sow the seeds of division and to undermine what should be the central job of our reporters : to get to the truth .
These Trumpian tactics show a need to stifle dissent and expose how little confidence the government has in its own arguments .
The threat to our news media is about more than the political climate .
The rise of online media and falling ad revenues is hitting our most trusted sources of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
The papers and programmes that broke stories that shape this nation , from Granada Television , which was part of the 20 year battle to get justice for the Hillsborough families to the Yorkshire Post exposing the crisis in our NHS at the last election .
Brave , persistent and challenging journalism is what we must fight for over the coming years .
It is what will keep our democracy alive .
That tells the truth about what is happening across the country .
It is what journalism should be , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to .
The BBC ’ s Victoria Derbyshire covers issues that are too often overlooked , like the impact of the family courts on children and parents across the country .
Channel 4 ’ s Simon Israel has exposed conditions in immigration detention centres and returns to this time and again ; journalists like Ros Wynne Jones are tireless in documenting the real impact of austerity and ensuring the most marginalised have a voice .
But to survive , news reporting needs an honest reckoning with the habits of the recent past .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ divide and polarise us , we need news media that does not play into these dividing lines .
Being impartial does not mean being neutral .
As CNN journalist Christiane Amanpour remarked on covering the genocide in Kosovo the job is to be truthful , not neutral .
Impartiality shouldn ’ t mean giving equal weight to climate change science and climate sceptics or repeating misleading claims and dubious figures about the NHS .
If we are going to defend our news from attack , it must do better to reflect the people @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of the cozy club created by Westminster journalists and politicians , engaging in a small conversation and pretending it is a national debate .
While efforts have been made – notably by the BBC and Channel 4 – to move out of London , the commissioning power that decides what is made and when it is shown still sits behind the same desk in central London .
As Labour Prime Minister , I would propose a new settlement with our news media .
To protect its voice , and ensure it represents the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ government would tax social media companies to create a fund to support local media and investigative journalism , building on the local democracy reporters scheme .
I would protect the license fee and my government would not hold the BBC to ransom over appointments and funding .
Alongside this I would support measures to make news media more accountable to the people it serves , including exploring mutualisation of parts of the corporation .
To maintain the BBC as an institution , it must be accountable to those who fund it – the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ with the people who pay for it , and backroom negotiations with the government , the BBC should move to a model of being owned and directed by licence fee holders – who can help decide the trade-offs that the BBC must make to secure its future .
This will mean a new structure for the BBC board that focuses on genuine public representation and participation – and greater commitments to transparency .
This will support greater independence from the government , and protection from the Trump-like assault on free and open media @ @ @ @ @ @ @ It is time for all of us to be more forceful in supporting a free and open media .
Because if we don ’ t fight for it , we will lose it and we will all be damaged as a result .
That is my commitment as a Labour leader who will face the same partisan attacks from sections of the media that have attacked every Labour leader in history .
To stand up for a media landscape that is plural , representative and accountable to people covering the issues that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ or the government I lead .
That is the mark of a good government , unafraid of challenge , confident enough to accept that nobody has the monopoly on wisdom , open and willing to change .

A few days ago, BBC reporter Lauren Moss was attacked moments before she went on air. A man screaming abuse hurled his hot chocolate on her saying he hated the BBC. This anti-media and anti-BBC feeling is all over social media and goes all the way to No 10, with its hints that not only will non-payment of the license fee be decriminalised but it could be scrapped altogether. But instead of joining in the pile-on, we need to be advocating for and defending free media, and especially the BBC. Because for all of its imperfections, it is based on a licence fee that provides it with the basis to speak truth to power.
The Tories are trying to create a culture war to avoid scrutiny, and right now they are winning it. The end point would be a disaster, a hyper-partisan news landscape dominated by commercial and not the public interest. It’s not just the BBC that we need to worry about. The media is under attack like never before. As ministers boycott news channels at their choosing, the Prime Minister avoids press conferences in favour of pre-screened questions from the public, and Downing Street excludes selected journalists from briefings. All to sow the seeds of division and to undermine what should be the central job of our reporters: to get to the truth. These Trumpian tactics show a need to stifle dissent and expose how little confidence the government has in its own arguments.
The threat to our news media is about more than the political climate. The rise of online media and falling ad revenues is hitting our most trusted sources of information hardest: local and regional news. The papers and programmes that broke stories that shape this nation, from Granada Television, which was part of the 20 year battle to get justice for the Hillsborough families to the Yorkshire Post exposing the crisis in our NHS at the last election.
Brave, persistent and challenging journalism is what we must fight for over the coming years. It is what will keep our democracy alive. That tells the truth about what is happening across the country. It is what journalism should be, and what many national and local journalists aspire to. The BBC’s Victoria Derbyshire covers issues that are too often overlooked, like the impact of the family courts on children and parents across the country. Channel 4’s Simon Israel has exposed conditions in immigration detention centres and returns to this time and again; journalists like Ros Wynne Jones are tireless in documenting the real impact of austerity and ensuring the most marginalised have a voice.
But to survive, news reporting needs an honest reckoning with the habits of the recent past. At a time when so many issues divide and polarise us, we need news media that does not play into these dividing lines. Being impartial does not mean being neutral. As CNN journalist Christiane Amanpour remarked on covering the genocide in Kosovo the job is to be truthful, not neutral. Impartiality shouldn’t mean giving equal weight to climate change science and climate sceptics or repeating misleading claims and dubious figures about the NHS.
If we are going to defend our news from attack, it must do better to reflect the people it serves. That means breaking out of the cozy club created by Westminster journalists and politicians, engaging in a small conversation and pretending it is a national debate. While efforts have been made – notably by the BBC and Channel 4 – to move out of London, the commissioning power that decides what is made and when it is shown still sits behind the same desk in central London.
As Labour Prime Minister, I would propose a new settlement with our news media. To protect its voice, and ensure it represents the whole of the UK. My Labour government would tax social media companies to create a fund to support local media and investigative journalism, building on the local democracy reporters scheme. I would protect the license fee and my government would not hold the BBC to ransom over appointments and funding. Alongside this I would support measures to make news media more accountable to the people it serves, including exploring mutualisation of parts of the corporation.
To maintain the BBC as an institution, it must be accountable to those who fund it – the British people. Instead of tokenistic consultation with the people who pay for it, and backroom negotiations with the government, the BBC should move to a model of being owned and directed by licence fee holders – who can help decide the trade-offs that the BBC must make to secure its future. This will mean a new structure for the BBC board that focuses on genuine public representation and participation – and greater commitments to transparency. This will support greater independence from the government, and protection from the Trump-like assault on free and open media that this government wants to pursue.
It is time for all of us to be more forceful in supporting a free and open media. Because if we don’t fight for it, we will lose it and we will all be damaged as a result. That is my commitment as a Labour leader who will face the same partisan attacks from sections of the media that have attacked every Labour leader in history. To stand up for a media landscape that is plural, representative and accountable to people covering the issues that they care about – however uncomfortable for me or the government I lead. That is the mark of a good government, unafraid of challenge, confident enough to accept that nobody has the monopoly on wisdom, open and willing to change.


labourlist--2020-02-22--Navendu Mishra: Why I’m standing to be a member of Labour’s NEC

While most eyes are set on the race to see who shall succeed Jeremy Corbyn as the next Labour leader , another equally historic and important contest is taking place .
With several internal by-elections to elect candidates onto our national executive committee ( NEC ) , we are seeing the first democratic vote for a black , asian and ethnic minority ( BAME ) seat .
If this strikes you as unusual , you ’ d be right .
Despite the many years that BAME Labour has existed to serve our BAME membership , there has never been a @ @ @ @ @ @ @ account , or for BAME members to determine who represents them on our governing body .
It ’ s obvious that those who have occupied this hard-won position – as well as its autonomous partner organisation , the BAME Labour socialist society – have abused its ranks .
From sham internal elections two summers ago in which only 731 ballots were cast ( despite there being at least 50,000 BAME Labour Party members ) , to the recent rogue endorsement of Sir Keir Starmer ’ s leadership bid , BAME ‘ representatives ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ committee have brazenly flouted all responsibility towards their beleaguered membership , leaving them both voiceless and directionless .
For too long , people have benefited from claiming institutional legitimacy from a party more frightened of being accused of racism than being accountable to its BAME members .
That is until now .
Meaningful representation can not exist without meaningful accountability , and it is clear that these abuses of democracy have to stop .
That ’ s why , after considerable encouragement , I am standing for the position of BAME rep on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ of Indian heritage , who got into movement politics through the shop floor and learnt my political education in the world of the trade unions .
I ’ m politically committed to developing a new generation of BAME workplace activists , community fighters , as well as BAME politicians who can passionately articulate the anger and the hope of our communities at every level .
I take my inspiration from figures such as Bernie Grant , movements like the asian youth movements , and all of those who struggled for the black sections @ @ @ @ @ @ @ leadership provided a golden opportunity for a Labour Party that welcomed BAME people into a sustained , deepened involvement with the labour movement – and the promise of a policy platform that would resonate with a desperately disillusioned public ravaged by a decade of austerity and abandoned by a political class in hoc to corporate power .
Under this leadership , and withstanding great opposition , we got the democracy review developed .
Although flawed , the review provided members with the chance to hold our representatives to account in a much more @ @ @ @ @ @ @ years , I have been a part of this fight on every level .
As a constituency Labour party ( CLP ) representative on the NEC , I fought for increased powers for BAME officers at a branch and CLP level .
I fought for the rights of BAME officers to be able to contact members and to vote on executive committees , in line with women ’ s officers ; for all BAME members to have free and equal votes in elections for our representatives at all levels of the party ; @ @ @ @ @ @ @ power and representation to BAME Labour as an outside organisation , unaccountable to our movement .
Some say that someone like me – who was elected as an MP in December , and who has previously sat on the NEC – should not be putting themselves forward for this position .
But that is precisely why I am standing .
I believe the struggle for the enfranchisement of BAME members that I fought – alongside great comrades like Yasmine Dar and Huda Elmi – coupled with my relationship with trade unions , mean @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to see the next crucial steps through .
I also promise to stand for one term only , on the pledge that I will fight with all my strength to deliver meaningful power and proper accountability for BAME members .
I will fight to deliver a democratic and representative BAME structure , alongside building a thriving BAME presence within our party that can become a real force for BAME people in our movement .
The gains we have made in the last few years have been historic .
And it ’ s been @ @ @ @ @ @ @ only the beginning .
At this crucial crossroads in Labour ’ s history , our party ’ s structures risks becoming as hollowed out and powerless as they always have been .
I ’ m standing to finish what we started – to create a meaningful democratic structure for BAME members to collectively organise in .
If you believe we should not be distracted from fighting for the urgent task of liberating and empowering our BAME members , I would be honoured to have your vote .

While most eyes are set on the race to see who shall succeed Jeremy Corbyn as the next Labour leader, another equally historic and important contest is taking place. With several internal by-elections to elect candidates onto our national executive committee (NEC), we are seeing the first democratic vote for a black, asian and ethnic minority (BAME) seat.
If this strikes you as unusual, you’d be right. Despite the many years that BAME Labour has existed to serve our BAME membership, there has never been a chance to hold that collective structure to account, or for BAME members to determine who represents them on our governing body.
It’s obvious that those who have occupied this hard-won position – as well as its autonomous partner organisation, the BAME Labour socialist society – have abused its ranks. From sham internal elections two summers ago in which only 731 ballots were cast (despite there being at least 50,000 BAME Labour Party members), to the recent rogue endorsement of Sir Keir Starmer’s leadership bid, BAME ‘representatives’ on the NEC and the BAME Labour committee have brazenly flouted all responsibility towards their beleaguered membership, leaving them both voiceless and directionless.
For too long, people have benefited from claiming institutional legitimacy from a party more frightened of being accused of racism than being accountable to its BAME members. That is until now. Meaningful representation cannot exist without meaningful accountability, and it is clear that these abuses of democracy have to stop. That’s why, after considerable encouragement, I am standing for the position of BAME rep on the NEC.
I am a person of Indian heritage, who got into movement politics through the shop floor and learnt my political education in the world of the trade unions. I’m politically committed to developing a new generation of BAME workplace activists, community fighters, as well as BAME politicians who can passionately articulate the anger and the hope of our communities at every level. I take my inspiration from figures such as Bernie Grant, movements like the asian youth movements, and all of those who struggled for the black sections in the eighties.
Corbyn’s leadership provided a golden opportunity for a Labour Party that welcomed BAME people into a sustained, deepened involvement with the labour movement – and the promise of a policy platform that would resonate with a desperately disillusioned public ravaged by a decade of austerity and abandoned by a political class in hoc to corporate power.
Under this leadership, and withstanding great opposition, we got the democracy review developed. Although flawed, the review provided members with the chance to hold our representatives to account in a much more meaningful manner. For the past five years, I have been a part of this fight on every level.
As a constituency Labour party (CLP) representative on the NEC, I fought for increased powers for BAME officers at a branch and CLP level. I fought for the rights of BAME officers to be able to contact members and to vote on executive committees, in line with women’s officers; for all BAME members to have free and equal votes in elections for our representatives at all levels of the party; and to combat the outsourcing of BAME power and representation to BAME Labour as an outside organisation, unaccountable to our movement.
Some say that someone like me – who was elected as an MP in December, and who has previously sat on the NEC – should not be putting themselves forward for this position. But that is precisely why I am standing. I believe the struggle for the enfranchisement of BAME members that I fought – alongside great comrades like Yasmine Dar and Huda Elmi – coupled with my relationship with trade unions, mean that I’m the best candidate to see the next crucial steps through.
I also promise to stand for one term only, on the pledge that I will fight with all my strength to deliver meaningful power and proper accountability for BAME members. I will fight to deliver a democratic and representative BAME structure, alongside building a thriving BAME presence within our party that can become a real force for BAME people in our movement.
The gains we have made in the last few years have been historic. And it’s been some battle. But these gains are only the beginning. At this crucial crossroads in Labour’s history, our party’s structures risks becoming as hollowed out and powerless as they always have been. I’m standing to finish what we started – to create a meaningful democratic structure for BAME members to collectively organise in. If you believe we should not be distracted from fighting for the urgent task of liberating and empowering our BAME members, I would be honoured to have your vote.


labourlist--2020-02-22--How each of the leadership candidates fared in the Peterborough party hustings

The MP for Wigan had a good performance overall – she came across well and managed to work in a few of her choice soundbites without sounding awkward or mechanical .
Her style felt a bit more assertive than the others but retained a calm exterior , best evidenced when she managed to throw shade at the others regarding the Andrew Neil interviews .
When asked how the candidates would deal with the media if they became the next Labour leader , Nandy highlighted the fact that she is the only of the contenders to have sat down in conversation @ @ @ @ @ @ @ host .
Nandy said : “ I did my first interview with Andrew Neil in this campaign .
Because unlike Boris Johnson I ’ m not scared of Andrew Neil and under my leadership Labour never will be.
” Both Rebecca Long-Bailey and Keir Starmer have yet to do their interviews on March 4th , after the ballots go out .
Starmer was relentlessly on message throughout the debate , showcasing a thoroughly competent performance .
He strongly emphasised the need for unity within the party , using some of his favourite catchphrases @ @ @ @ @ @ @ – several times and repeating the same maxim that “ divided parties don ’ t win ” .
He also continued to tread the line carefully in relation to the last leader .
He received a big round of applause for citing the vilification of Jeremy Corbyn ahead of the last general election and stating that “ the purpose was to stop an incoming radical Labour government actually changing things that elements in the press didn ’ t want changed ” .
He added that although all Labour leaders received rough treatment in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ worse than anybody else ” .
His contributions to the hustings reflected his campaign line of unity , and the careful efforts not to trash the outgoing leadership .
The Salford and Eccles MP gave detailed and direct answers throughout .
There were a couple of moments where she showed a bit more of a specific focus on the policies she would implement than the others – talking about introducing a “ rebuttal unit ” to better deal with smear campaigns by the media , for example .
Long-Bailey managed to squeeze in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ times throughout the hustings , even though there wasn ’ t a question on climate change specifically , showing a desire to frame discussion within that flagship policy .
In her closing statement , speaking about the need for a democratic revolution in the country and about empowering members and rebuilding the party , she said : “ We can knit all of these things together with the politics of big ideas – like the green industrial revolution .
”

Lisa Nandy
The MP for Wigan had a good performance overall – she came across well and managed to work in a few of her choice soundbites without sounding awkward or mechanical. Her style felt a bit more assertive than the others but retained a calm exterior, best evidenced when she managed to throw shade at the others regarding the Andrew Neil interviews. When asked how the candidates would deal with the media if they became the next Labour leader, Nandy highlighted the fact that she is the only of the contenders to have sat down in conversation with the BBC’s political show host. Nandy said: “I did my first interview with Andrew Neil in this campaign. Because unlike Boris Johnson I’m not scared of Andrew Neil and under my leadership Labour never will be.” Both Rebecca Long-Bailey and Keir Starmer have yet to do their interviews on March 4th, after the ballots go out.
Keir Starmer
Starmer was relentlessly on message throughout the debate, showcasing a thoroughly competent performance. He strongly emphasised the need for unity within the party, using some of his favourite catchphrases – such as “pull together” – several times and repeating the same maxim that “divided parties don’t win”. He also continued to tread the line carefully in relation to the last leader. He received a big round of applause for citing the vilification of Jeremy Corbyn ahead of the last general election and stating that “the purpose was to stop an incoming radical Labour government actually changing things that elements in the press didn’t want changed”. He added that although all Labour leaders received rough treatment in the press, “Jeremy got it worse than anybody else”. His contributions to the hustings reflected his campaign line of unity, and the careful efforts not to trash the outgoing leadership.
Rebecca Long-Bailey
The Salford and Eccles MP gave detailed and direct answers throughout. There were a couple of moments where she showed a bit more of a specific focus on the policies she would implement than the others – talking about introducing a “rebuttal unit” to better deal with smear campaigns by the media, for example. Long-Bailey managed to squeeze in the green industrial revolution a couple of times throughout the hustings, even though there wasn’t a question on climate change specifically, showing a desire to frame discussion within that flagship policy. In her closing statement, speaking about the need for a democratic revolution in the country and about empowering members and rebuilding the party, she said: “We can knit all of these things together with the politics of big ideas – like the green industrial revolution.”


labourlist--2020-02-23--Sunday shows: Abbott vows to step down from shadow cabinet, as Nandy discusses BBC’s future

Labour leadership candidate Lisa Nandy talked about “ Britney and buses ” , the future of the BBC and disagreeing with parts of the trans rights pledge that she signed .
• On her piece for LabourList about supporting a free media : “ We ’ ve got to get a media that is far more open , far more pluralistic , and invests , so that we ’ ve got investigative journalists coming through who are able to properly hold politicians to account.
” • On whether her leadership rivals are part of a “ pile on ” against @ @ @ @ @ @ @ language is the problem , not the recognition that there has been a series of individual attacks against Labour politicians , particularly all of the Labour leaders… they have been treated incredibly badly by sections of the media.
” • On the trans rights pledge and whether her signing it means members such as Ruth Serwotka should be excluded from Labour : “ No , I have to say that was the part of the pledge that gave me pause for thought about whether I ’ d sign it .
But I decided @ @ @ @ @ @ @ I think the sentiment of the pledge about protecting trans rights and accepting that trans men are men and trans women are women is really important… I don ’ t think that proscribing organisations is actually the right way to deal with disciplinary issues in the Labour Party.
” • On pledge cards : “ I think that pledge cards themselves have become a real problem in British politics .
I think with hindsight if we could have all signed a pledge card at the beginning to say that we wouldn ’ t @ @ @ @ @ @ @ probably be in a much better place.
” Shadow Home Secretary Diane Abbott discussed immigration policy , abuse on social media and the Labour leadership race .
• On the government ’ s new points-based immigration system : “ I think they ’ re completely misconceived , and it ’ s all about looking as if they ’ re tough on immigration but they are not actually considering the underlying needs of the economy.
” She warned against “ playing dog-whistle politics ” .
• On what Labour should advocate on immigration : @ @ @ @ @ @ @ embracing free movement of people , but I support free movement… ” She added : “ The problem with the debate is too many people use freedom of movement as a euphemism for immigration in general and that ’ s not helpful.
” • On whether she thinks Britain is a racist country : “ No… A lot of politicians talk and behave as if British people are anti-immigrant , but what the Windrush scandal showed us is actually the majority of British people value what generations of migrants have done and what @ @ @ @ @ @ @ not an anti-migrant system.
” • On whether the Home Office is institutionally racist : “ ‘ Institutional racism ’ is a difficult phrase – I ’ m not talking about any individuals…There ’ s no question , having worked there and having dealt with thousands of immigration cases down the years , that the Home Office runs a system which is detrimental to black and brown people.
” • On why she is supporting Rebecca Long-Bailey for the leadership : “ When Keir and Lisa stood down from the shadow cabinet in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , Becky stood by the members ’ choice.
” • On whether she would serve in the next shadow cabinet : “ I will be stepping down because I think that the new leader , whether it ’ s Becky , whether it ’ s Lisa , whether it ’ s Keir – they have to be able to construct their own shadow cabinet.
” • On online and social media platforms : “ When we try and follow up some of the really abusive things and threats of violence online , we @ @ @ @ @ @ @ has their name and address .
So I think there needs to be an end to anonymity online.
” There were no Labour representatives on the programme this week .
Current Tory MP and former minister David Davis raised concerns about the government ’ s plans to give Huawei a role in UK 5G networks , saying he hoped to change the mind of the Prime Minister .
He also described the idea of tax rises in the next budget as “ political madness ” , and said Dominic Cummings was “ here @ @ @ @ @ @ @ special adviser .
SNP leader Nicola Sturgeon said she had “ not ruled out ” the courts settling whether Scotland could hold a fresh independence referendum , though it would be “ not my preferred route ” .
She argued that support for independence “ continues to rise ” .
Asked whether she was planning to stay as First Minister , she replied : “ Yes , I hope so .
”

Ridge on Sunday
Labour leadership candidate Lisa Nandy talked about “Britney and buses”, the future of the BBC and disagreeing with parts of the trans rights pledge that she signed.
On her piece for LabourList about supporting a free media: “We’ve got to get a media that is far more open, far more pluralistic, and invests, so that we’ve got investigative journalists coming through who are able to properly hold politicians to account.”
On whether her leadership rivals are part of a “pile on” against the media: “I think the language is the problem, not the recognition that there has been a series of individual attacks against Labour politicians, particularly all of the Labour leaders… they have been treated incredibly badly by sections of the media.”
On the trans rights pledge and whether her signing it means members such as Ruth Serwotka should be excluded from Labour: “No, I have to say that was the part of the pledge that gave me pause for thought about whether I’d sign it. But I decided to sign it in the end because I think the sentiment of the pledge about protecting trans rights and accepting that trans men are men and trans women are women is really important… I don’t think that proscribing organisations is actually the right way to deal with disciplinary issues in the Labour Party.”
On pledge cards: “I think that pledge cards themselves have become a real problem in British politics. I think with hindsight if we could have all signed a pledge card at the beginning to say that we wouldn’t sign pledge cards, we’d probably be in a much better place.”
Shadow Home Secretary Diane Abbott discussed immigration policy, abuse on social media and the Labour leadership race.
On the government’s new points-based immigration system: “I think they’re completely misconceived, and it’s all about looking as if they’re tough on immigration but they are not actually considering the underlying needs of the economy.” She warned against “playing dog-whistle politics”.
On what Labour should advocate on immigration: “I don’t know about embracing free movement of people, but I support free movement…” She added: “The problem with the debate is too many people use freedom of movement as a euphemism for immigration in general and that’s not helpful.”
On whether she thinks Britain is a racist country: “No… A lot of politicians talk and behave as if British people are anti-immigrant, but what the Windrush scandal showed us is actually the majority of British people value what generations of migrants have done and what they want is a fair system, not an anti-migrant system.”
On whether the Home Office is institutionally racist: “‘Institutional racism’ is a difficult phrase – I’m not talking about any individuals… There’s no question, having worked there and having dealt with thousands of immigration cases down the years, that the Home Office runs a system which is detrimental to black and brown people.”
On why she is supporting Rebecca Long-Bailey for the leadership: “When Keir and Lisa stood down from the shadow cabinet in an attempt to force Jeremy Corbyn out, Becky stood by the members’ choice.”
On whether she would serve in the next shadow cabinet: “I will be stepping down because I think that the new leader, whether it’s Becky, whether it’s Lisa, whether it’s Keir – they have to be able to construct their own shadow cabinet.”
On online and social media platforms: “When we try and follow up some of the really abusive things and threats of violence online, we cannot trace the people because no-one has their name and address. So I think there needs to be an end to anonymity online.”
The Andrew Marr Show
There were no Labour representatives on the programme this week.
Current Tory MP and former minister David Davis raised concerns about the government’s plans to give Huawei a role in UK 5G networks, saying he hoped to change the mind of the Prime Minister. He also described the idea of tax rises in the next budget as “political madness”, and said Dominic Cummings was “here today, gone tomorrow” as a special adviser.
SNP leader Nicola Sturgeon said she had “not ruled out” the courts settling whether Scotland could hold a fresh independence referendum, though it would be “not my preferred route”. She argued that support for independence “continues to rise”. Asked whether she was planning to stay as First Minister, she replied: “Yes, I hope so.”