vdare--2020-10-13--Sen. Hirono To ACB: Since You Became A Legal Adult, Have You Ever Made Unwanted Requests For Sexual

Sen. Hirono To ACB: Since You Became A Legal Adult, Have You Ever Made Unwanted Requests For Sexual Favors?

Act only according to that maxim whereby you can , at the same time , will that it should become a universal law .
[ 1 ] Sen. Mazie Hirono ’ s definition of sexual harassment is not , yet , a universal law , but if it were … Sen. Mazie Hirono asks ACB `` since you became a legal adult , have you ever made unwanted requests for sexual favors or committed any verbal or physical harassment or assault of a sexual nature ? ''
pic.twitter.com/6JgLkoIXIF — Daily Caller ( @ DailyCaller ) October 13 , 2020 If @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kant ’ s categorical imperative , Senator Mazie Hirono ’ s definition of sexual harassment – “ since you became a legal adult , have you ever made unwanted requests for sexual favors ?
” — would lead to the eventual extinction of the human race .
Granted , Ms. Barrett ’ s requests for sexual favors have probably not very often turned out to be unwanted , but for the rest of us , there ’ s a certain stochastic element in carrying on the human race .
Here ’ s something @ @ @ @ @ @ @ wake of the Anita Hill brouhaha : WASHINGTON , D.C. — “ Practically every evening for a month in 1978 , the Senator would come into my office and close the door , ” tearfully recounts a former campaign worker .
“ He ’ d look me over slyly , then ask , ‘ What ’ s green and skates ?
’ I ’ d answer , ‘ I don ’ t know , Senator.
’ And he ’ d chortle , ‘ Peggy Phlegm ! '
” “ I was sitting on @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” recalls another one-time staffer .
“ Finding me trapped there , Senator Noland stood outside my stall for 20 minutes telling me jokes like , ‘ What did the snail say when it climbed on the back of the tortoise ?
“ YA-HOO !
” ‘ ” Washington has been rocked by accusations by two dozen former employees and acquaintances that Senator Edmund Noland , ( D-Alaska ) , who was reelected in 1998 under the slogan “ Serious Times Require a Serious Senator , ” made unwanted humor attempts .
Although @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Act of 1997 , the revelations have already led to demands for public hearings on the scandal involving the man previously admired as the dean of the New Earnestness .
“ It ’ s not about humor , it ’ s about power , ” explains humor harassment expert Dr. Malachi Bismarck , “ The power to inflict your personality on your helpless , cringing underlings.
” One victim of the Senator ’ s unwanted humor attempts admits , “ Sure , sometimes he told good jokes .
But , who can remember @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the painfully embarrassing stinkers that haunt you to the grave.
” A former aide reveals how his hero-worship had turned to horror .
“ I went to work for him because of his thought-provoking speeches against racism , the deficit , nuclear winter , global warming , and the coming ice age.
” But a shrouded side of his idol emerged during a routine 1994 hearing on an Air Force training program for pilots from Spain , when Senator Noland leaned over and whispered to his aide , “ I hear the handbook @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Spanish Fly.
’ .
.
.
Get it ?
Spanish fly !
Hnnh ?
Hnnh ?
Get it ?
” and heartily elbowed his aghast assistant .
When asked about the incident , the Senator would only comment , “ Some people , they just don ’ t get it.
” “ The Senator would tell me how Jesus and St. Peter are playing golf and Jesus keeps trying to hit just a 5-wedge like Arnold Palmer does on this long 240 foot par 7 over a lake , but he can ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ he walks on the water to get his ball out of the lake , and so this golfer behind asks , ‘ Who does he think he is , Jesus Christ ? '
” recalls one time aide Nick Hill .
“ Sure , I laughed then , but Dr. Bismarck ’ s Humor Victims Support Group has helped me see how degrading it was , ” reflects Hill .
“ Why is it supposed to be funny when St. Peter says , ‘ No , He is Jesus Christ , He just @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ’ I mean , who is this Arnold Palmer person ?
” “ The Senator relished fake dog-doo and squirting boutonnieres , ” recollects a Greenpeace lobbyist , a longtime political ally .
“ We Beltway oldtimers had to warn the younger ones not to meet with him alone on April 1st .
Then , there were his dialect jokes : he ’ d start off with the appropriate Scottish or French accent or whatever , but would inevitably slide back to his all purpose Irish brogue , complete with ‘ Faith and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ That is , when he could remember the punchline .
I don ’ t know how many times he told me about the dyslexic agnostic who lies awake at night wondering , ‘ Is there a God ? '
” The Senator ’ s friend , Washington lawyer Jack Kravits , contends , “ It ’ s not like he ’ s the only closet cornball in Washington : there ’ s a Supreme Court Justice , for instance , who annually tells his clerks : Knock knock .
Who ’ s there @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Wade who ?
Roe v. Wade ?
Who cares ?
As long as we cross this river somehow !
“ Which is , now that I think about it , probably the most cogent defense possible of the logic of the Court ’ s compromise abortion decision in Reproductive Services v. Casey.
” Senator Noland ’ s chief of staff , Mardi Ames , defends her boss : “ He ’ s only being singled out because he outreached to the humor-resistant community years before the humorless won recognition as a legally protected @ @ @ @ @ @ @ humorful people , they ’ d have just razzed him back instead of brooding upon it for decades.
” Ms. Ames asks , “ Is it fair to depict a man ’ s life as if all his jokes were duds ?
” When asked for an example of the Senator ’ s wanted humor attempts , she offers , “ Well , let ’ s see .
.
.
oh , yes , there was the one about the three strings who walk into a bar and the first string says .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ not that one .
.
.
Look , can I get back to you on this ?
” A sense of betrayal is growing among Noland ’ s longtime supporters .
Pulitzer Prize winning columnist Nina Lindblad laments , “ Repeatedly , my friends and I have celebrated some seemingly serious politician , only to be cruelly disillusioned .
Are we utter fools ?
Do we know nothing of human nature ?
Well , of course not , so it must be society ’ s fault , or maybe the media ’ s. @ @ @ @ @ @ @ “ We are not against humor .
Everybody wants wanted humor , but nobody wants unwanted humor .
It ’ s that simple.
” Just before presstime , Senator Noland issued a statement that he had been diagnosed as a victim of Humor Addiction Malady ( HAM ) , and was checking himself into a clinic in order “ To learn if my alleged behavior ( which I deny completely but personally apologize for if it offended anyone ) stems from my history of childhood sports abuse .
After 50 years of repression @ @ @ @ @ @ @ buried memory of how my father made me play Little League .
The experts are finally realizing the terrible toll taken by ‘ Right Field Syndrome.
’ I hope my accusers can somehow find it in their hearts to forgive my Dad .
”

Kant’s categorical imperative is:
Act only according to that maxim whereby you can, at the same time, will that it should become a universal law.[1]
Sen. Mazie Hirono’s definition of sexual harassment is not, yet, a universal law, but if it were …
Sen. Mazie Hirono asks ACB "since you became a legal adult, have you ever made unwanted requests for sexual favors or committed any verbal or physical harassment or assault of a sexual nature?" pic.twitter.com/6JgLkoIXIF — Daily Caller (@DailyCaller) October 13, 2020
If acted upon universally in the manner of Kant’s categorical imperative, Senator Mazie Hirono’s definition of sexual harassment –“since you became a legal adult, have you ever made unwanted requests for sexual favors?” — would lead to the eventual extinction of the human race.
Granted, Ms. Barrett’s requests for sexual favors have probably not very often turned out to be unwanted, but for the rest of us, there’s a certain stochastic element in carrying on the human race.
Here’s something I wrote 27 years ago in the wake of the Anita Hill brouhaha:
WASHINGTON, D.C. — “Practically every evening for a month in 1978, the Senator would come into my office and close the door,” tearfully recounts a former campaign worker. “He’d look me over slyly, then ask, ‘What’s green and skates?’ I’d answer, ‘I don’t know, Senator.’ And he’d chortle, ‘Peggy Phlegm!'”
“I was sitting on the men’s room toilet,” recalls another one-time staffer. “Finding me trapped there, Senator Noland stood outside my stall for 20 minutes telling me jokes like, ‘What did the snail say when it climbed on the back of the tortoise? “YA-HOO!”‘”
Washington has been rocked by accusations by two dozen former employees and acquaintances that Senator Edmund Noland, (D-Alaska), who was reelected in 1998 under the slogan “Serious Times Require a Serious Senator,” made unwanted humor attempts. Although Congress exempted itself from the Humor Harassment Act of 1997, the revelations have already led to demands for public hearings on the scandal involving the man previously admired as the dean of the New Earnestness.
“It’s not about humor, it’s about power,” explains humor harassment expert Dr. Malachi Bismarck, “The power to inflict your personality on your helpless, cringing underlings.”
One victim of the Senator’s unwanted humor attempts admits, “Sure, sometimes he told good jokes. But, who can remember the funny ones? It’s the painfully embarrassing stinkers that haunt you to the grave.”
A former aide reveals how his hero-worship had turned to horror. “I went to work for him because of his thought-provoking speeches against racism, the deficit, nuclear winter, global warming, and the coming ice age.” But a shrouded side of his idol emerged during a routine 1994 hearing on an Air Force training program for pilots from Spain, when Senator Noland leaned over and whispered to his aide, “I hear the handbook is called ‘How to Make the Spanish Fly.’ . . . Get it? Spanish fly! Hnnh? Hnnh? Get it?” and heartily elbowed his aghast assistant.
When asked about the incident, the Senator would only comment, “Some people, they just don’t get it.”
“The Senator would tell me how Jesus and St. Peter are playing golf and Jesus keeps trying to hit just a 5-wedge like Arnold Palmer does on this long 240 foot par 7 over a lake, but he can’t hit it far enough, so he walks on the water to get his ball out of the lake, and so this golfer behind asks, ‘Who does he think he is, Jesus Christ?'” recalls one time aide Nick Hill.
“Sure, I laughed then, but Dr. Bismarck’s Humor Victims Support Group has helped me see how degrading it was,” reflects Hill. “Why is it supposed to be funny when St. Peter says, ‘No, He is Jesus Christ, He just thinks He’s Arnold Palmer?’ I mean, who is this Arnold Palmer person?”
“The Senator relished fake dog-doo and squirting boutonnieres,” recollects a Greenpeace lobbyist, a longtime political ally. “We Beltway oldtimers had to warn the younger ones not to meet with him alone on April 1st. Then, there were his dialect jokes: he’d start off with the appropriate Scottish or French accent or whatever, but would inevitably slide back to his all purpose Irish brogue, complete with ‘Faith and begorrah,’ by the punchline. That is, when he could remember the punchline. I don’t know how many times he told me about the dyslexic agnostic who lies awake at night wondering, ‘Is there a God?'”
The Senator’s friend, Washington lawyer Jack Kravits, contends, “It’s not like he’s the only closet cornball in Washington: there’s a Supreme Court Justice, for instance, who annually tells his clerks:
Knock knock.
Who’s there?
Roe v. Wade.
Roe v. Wade who?
Roe v. Wade? Who cares? As long as we cross this river somehow!
“Which is, now that I think about it, probably the most cogent defense possible of the logic of the Court’s compromise abortion decision in Reproductive Services v. Casey.”
Senator Noland’s chief of staff, Mardi Ames, defends her boss: “He’s only being singled out because he outreached to the humor-resistant community years before the humorless won recognition as a legally protected minority. If he had hired only humorful people, they’d have just razzed him back instead of brooding upon it for decades.” Ms. Ames asks, “Is it fair to depict a man’s life as if all his jokes were duds?” When asked for an example of the Senator’s wanted humor attempts, she offers, “Well, let’s see . . . oh, yes, there was the one about the three strings who walk into a bar and the first string says . . . Uh, well, maybe not that one . . . Look, can I get back to you on this?”
A sense of betrayal is growing among Noland’s longtime supporters. Pulitzer Prize winning columnist Nina Lindblad laments, “Repeatedly, my friends and I have celebrated some seemingly serious politician, only to be cruelly disillusioned. Are we utter fools? Do we know nothing of human nature? Well, of course not, so it must be society’s fault, or maybe the media’s.”
Humorism activist Bismarck sums up, “We are not against humor. Everybody wants wanted humor, but nobody wants unwanted humor. It’s that simple.”
Just before presstime, Senator Noland issued a statement that he had been diagnosed as a victim of Humor Addiction Malady (HAM), and was checking himself into a clinic in order “To learn if my alleged behavior (which I deny completely but personally apologize for if it offended anyone) stems from my history of childhood sports abuse. After 50 years of repression, I have only now recovered my buried memory of how my father made me play Little League. The experts are finally realizing the terrible toll taken by ‘Right Field Syndrome.’ I hope my accusers can somehow find it in their hearts to forgive my Dad.”
By Steve Sailer
Enter Stage Right, February 1993
Reprinted in National Review, 2/23/98


vdare--2020-10-13--Michelle Malkin: A Media-Political Assassination in Denver

On a sunny Saturday afternoon , after gathering with Benghazi Marine hero John `` Tig '' Tiegen at Civic Center Plaza in Denver to show pride in America , hundreds of citizens departed a peaceful `` Patriot Muster '' feeling inspired .
They filed out of the park bedecked in Old Glory , Thin Blue Line flags and MAGA hats .
Some came in wheelchairs and walkers .
Students , parents and grandparents all rallied .
Military veterans turned out in force .
Tiegen 's men came trained and prepared to defend their supporters .
Denver police and Arapahoe County @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Remember : Three months ago , the `` Back the Blue '' rally that I attended with hundreds of others at the very same Civic Center Plaza was shut down by violent antifa and Black Lives Matter vigilantes .
Remember : The Denver police union president , Nick Rogers , blew the whistle on how top brass ( led by a police chief who marched arm-in-arm with BLM protestors this summer ) issued a retreat order while the mob trampled our constitutional rights to free speech and peaceable assembly .
In July , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and megaphones to threaten and assault law-abiding citizens .
Organizer Ron MacLachlan was beaten bloody just feet from me on stage .
Republican statehouse candidate Laurel Imer was shoved down the stage steps by Black Lives Matter rioters .
Conservative activist Lori Woods was allegedly assaulted by a crazed antifa agitator and repeat arrestee Caryn Sodaro—the only violent mob operative charged with a crime .
This time , Tiegen 's event went more smoothly .
Barriers kept rioters from invading the plaza .
Casper Stockham , a Black Republican congressional candidate who had @ @ @ @ @ @ @ '' fiasco , told me one prominent Black militant agitator called him a `` house n -- -a '' and challenged him to a fight .
The provocateur wore a `` Black Guns Matter '' T-shirt to deceive the conservative , pro-Second Amendment crowd .
The same cretin later threatened to rape female attendees .
`` It was disgusting , but those types of things do n't stop me , '' Stockham told me .
The `` Patriot Muster '' almost went off with a single hitch .
Almost .
One man who @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and show up '' did n't make it home .
From my close analysis of footage and interviews with witnesses , it appears the tragedy was engineered .
As the last group of `` Patriot Muster '' attendees walked to their cars , the same agitator who accosted Stockham and others also initiated a verbal altercation with 49-year-old Lee Keltner .
A cheerful cowboy hat maker , veteran , and father of two from Brighton , Colorado , his mission was `` keeping the West alive , one hat at a time .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ Black militant agitator , a Trump-hating Occupy Denver radical named Matthew Dolloff and a local NBC affiliate investigative producer for Denver 's 9News named Zack Newman conferred with each other nearby .
At some point , Dolloff handed his cellphone to Newman .
Minutes later , photographers and videographers filmed the agitator aggressively daring Keltner to deploy a can of bear spray he was holding to protect himself as Dolloff and Newman stood by .
Keltner resisted engaging in any physical brawl as the agitator escalated .
Mere seconds later , he walked @ @ @ @ @ @ @ right into what appears to be a deadly ambush with Dolloff .
In an instant , Dolloff appeared to grab for something on Keltner 's chest ( his holstered weapon ? )
while Keltner slapped at his face .
Dolloff then whipped out a gun and blew off Keltner 's face as the veteran backed away , spraying his repellant in self-defense .
Newman gawked at the entire melee with two phones in his hand .
But photos showed him , bizarrely , not filming the shooting despite being there on assignment for @ @ @ @ @ @ @ investigation for first-degree murder .
Newman was held , and then released .
Here 's where it gets weirder and darker .
9News initially identified Dolloff as an armed private security guard contracted through Pinkerton security services .
Turns out that he was unlicensed and operating as a security guard illegally in Denver .
Pinkerton denied Dolloff was an employee and refuses to name the company , if one exists , that subcontracted Dolloff out .
Newman did not respond to my questions about the exact nature of his relationship with Dolloff or @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his `` security guard '' at left-wing protests and riots over the past year .
• What did Newman and Dolloff discuss as they shadowed Keltner and the agitator ?
• Did they have beef with Keltner ?
• Did Newman or Dolloff know the agitator ?
• Was Newman , who works for a station that has demonized conservatives all year long while whitewashing the left-wing trashing of downtown Denver , aware of Dolloff 's extensive social media footprint calling Donald Trump supporters racist fascists and posting `` Rise Up '' Communist @ @ @ @ @ @ @ patriot Lee Keltner should be a national outrage .
It was , in my view , a brazen and cold-blooded media-political assassination .
Casper Stockham agrees .
`` Imagine if this shooting had been the other way around , '' Stockham said .
`` There would be nonstop , 24-hour coverage of it . ''
But because Keltner was part of the `` Patriot Muster , '' and not part of the `` Mob Muster '' or `` Liberal Media Muster , '' you 'll hear nothing but crickets from American Pravda .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ [ Email her ] is the author of Invasion : How America Still Welcomes Terrorists , Criminals , and Other Foreign Menaces to Our Shores .
Click here for Peter Brimelow ’ s review .
Click here for Michelle Malkin 's website .
Michelle Malkin is also the author of Unhinged : Exposing Liberals Gone Wild , Culture of Corruption : Obama and his Team of Tax Cheats , Crooks & Cronies , , Who Built That : Awe-Inspiring Stories of American Tinkerpreneurs , and Sold Out : How High-Tech Billionaires & Bipartisan @ @ @ @ @ @ @ & Brightest Workers .
Malkin is author of the book , `` Open Borders , Inc. : Who 's Funding America 's Destruction , '' available directly from VDARE.com in hardcover .
To find out more about Michelle Malkin and read features by other Creators Syndicate writers and cartoonists , visit the Creators Syndicate website at www.creators.com .
COPYRIGHT 2019 CREATORS.COM

Do Colorado patriots' lives matter?
On a sunny Saturday afternoon, after gathering with Benghazi Marine hero John "Tig" Tiegen at Civic Center Plaza in Denver to show pride in America, hundreds of citizens departed a peaceful "Patriot Muster" feeling inspired. They filed out of the park bedecked in Old Glory, Thin Blue Line flags and MAGA hats. Some came in wheelchairs and walkers. Students, parents and grandparents all rallied. Military veterans turned out in force.
Tiegen's men came trained and prepared to defend their supporters. Denver police and Arapahoe County sheriff's deputies kept better order.
Remember: three months ago, the "Back the Blue" rally that I attended with hundreds of others at the very same Civic Center Plaza was shut down by violent antifa and Black Lives Matter vigilantes.
Remember: the Denver police union president, Nick Rogers, blew the whistle on how top brass (led by a police chief who marched arm-in-arm with BLM protestors this summer) issued a retreat order while the mob trampled our constitutional rights to free speech and peaceable assembly.
In July, the thugs wielded metal rods, skateboards and megaphones to threaten and assault law-abiding citizens. Organizer Ron MacLachlan was beaten bloody just feet from me on stage. Republican statehouse candidate Laurel Imer was shoved down the stage steps by Black Lives Matter rioters. Conservative activist Lori Woods was allegedly assaulted by a crazed antifa agitator and repeat arrestee Caryn Sodaro—the only violent mob operative charged with a crime.
This time, Tiegen's event went more smoothly. Barriers kept rioters from invading the plaza. Casper Stockham, a Black Republican congressional candidate who had also attended the "Back the Blue" fiasco, told me one prominent Black militant agitator called him a "house n---a" and challenged him to a fight. The provocateur wore a "Black Guns Matter" T-shirt to deceive the conservative, pro-Second Amendment crowd. The same cretin later threatened to rape female attendees.
"It was disgusting, but those types of things don't stop me," Stockham told me. The "Patriot Muster" almost went off with a single hitch. Almost.
One man who answered the call to "stand up and show up" didn't make it home. From my close analysis of footage and interviews with witnesses, it appears the tragedy was engineered.
As the last group of "Patriot Muster" attendees walked to their cars, the same agitator who accosted Stockham and others also initiated a verbal altercation with 49-year-old Lee Keltner. A cheerful cowboy hat maker, veteran, and father of two from Brighton, Colorado, his mission was "keeping the West alive, one hat at a time." While Keltner was trailed by the Black militant agitator, a Trump-hating Occupy Denver radical named Matthew Dolloff and a local NBC affiliate investigative producer for Denver's 9News named Zack Newman conferred with each other nearby. At some point, Dolloff handed his cellphone to Newman.
Minutes later, photographers and videographers filmed the agitator aggressively daring Keltner to deploy a can of bear spray he was holding to protect himself as Dolloff and Newman stood by. Keltner resisted engaging in any physical brawl as the agitator escalated. Mere seconds later, he walked away from the agitator only to walk right into what appears to be a deadly ambush with Dolloff. In an instant, Dolloff appeared to grab for something on Keltner's chest (his holstered weapon?) while Keltner slapped at his face. Dolloff then whipped out a gun and blew off Keltner's face as the veteran backed away, spraying his repellant in self-defense.
Newman gawked at the entire melee with two phones in his hand. But photos showed him, bizarrely, not filming the shooting despite being there on assignment for 9News.
Dolloff has been detained under investigation for first-degree murder. Newman was held, and then released. Here's where it gets weirder and darker. 9News initially identified Dolloff as an armed private security guard contracted through Pinkerton security services. Turns out that he was unlicensed and operating as a security guard illegally in Denver. Pinkerton denied Dolloff was an employee and refuses to name the company, if one exists, that subcontracted Dolloff out. Newman did not respond to my questions about the exact nature of his relationship with Dolloff or how many previous times Dolloff had been his "security guard" at left-wing protests and riots over the past year.
Unanswered questions are piling up:
What did Newman and Dolloff discuss as they shadowed Keltner and the agitator?
Did they have beef with Keltner?
Did Newman or Dolloff know the agitator?
Was Newman, who works for a station that has demonized conservatives all year long while whitewashing the left-wing trashing of downtown Denver, aware of Dolloff's extensive social media footprint calling Donald Trump supporters racist fascists and posting "Rise Up" Communist revolutionary propaganda?
What happened to Colorado patriot Lee Keltner should be a national outrage. It was, in my view, a brazen and cold-blooded media-political assassination. Casper Stockham agrees. "Imagine if this shooting had been the other way around," Stockham said. "There would be nonstop, 24-hour coverage of it." But because Keltner was part of the "Patriot Muster," and not part of the "Mob Muster" or "Liberal Media Muster," you'll hear nothing but crickets from American Pravda. Their silence is violence.
COPYRIGHT 2020 CREATORS.COM
Michelle Malkin [Email her] is the author of Invasion: How America Still Welcomes Terrorists, Criminals, and Other Foreign Menaces to Our Shores. Click here for Peter Brimelow’s review. Click here for Michelle Malkin's website. Michelle Malkin is also the author of Unhinged: Exposing Liberals Gone Wild, Culture of Corruption: Obama and his Team of Tax Cheats, Crooks & Cronies, ,Who Built That: Awe-Inspiring Stories of American Tinkerpreneurs, and Sold Out: How High-Tech Billionaires & Bipartisan Beltway Crapweasels Are Screwing America's Best & Brightest Workers.
Malkin is author of the book, "Open Borders, Inc.: Who's Funding America's Destruction," available directly from VDARE.com in hardcover. To find out more about Michelle Malkin and read features by other Creators Syndicate writers and cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate website at www.creators.com. COPYRIGHT 2019 CREATORS.COM


vdare--2020-10-09--Participate In VDARE’s First Podcast With Steve Sailer! Who Is The Real Obama?

Between now and October 15th , send in your questions to assistant @ vdare.com to be featured in our book club podcast with Steve Sailer hosted by James Kirkpatrick !
In October , the VDARE.com Book Club is reading America ’ s Half-Blood Prince : Barack Obama ’ s ‘ Story of Race and Inheritance.
” For inspiration , members can check out the discussion questions available for download here .
But we hope everyone will enjoy reading F. Roger Devlin ’ s review below .
Reprinted with permission from American Renaissance .
Original article here .
Who is Barack @ @ @ @ @ @ @ about him , Internet journalist Steve Sailer finds that virtually no one has bothered to read a key document about our next president that has been hiding in plain view since 1995 : his own autobiography , Dreams from My Father .
In America ’ s Half-Blood Prince — his first book — Mr. Sailer analyzes some of the remarkable things Mr. Obama reveals about himself .
First , Mr. Sailer finds much to admire in Mr. Obama ’ s writing , even calling him “ a creative literary artist by nature , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ describes his prose as subtle , mellifluous and carefully-wrought .
“ His characters are vivid and he has an accurate ear for how different kinds of people speak , ” writes Mr. Sailer .
None of this necessarily makes Dreams from My Father a pleasure to read .
Mr. Sailer reports that the sentences are long and elaborate without always being clear , and the book ’ s “ acres of self-pitying prose ” can be eye-glazingly tedious .
This , Mr. Sailer thinks , is the best refutation of rumors that the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ hack would have insisted on punching it up with more funny stories and celebrity anecdotes.
” Mr. Obama ’ s fanatical commitment to the theme announced in his subtitle — race and inheritance — also dulls the book .
Nothing is allowed to distract us from what he himself calls his “ racial obsessions.
” The man we meet in Dreams is no “ race transcender ” working to “ bring people together , ” as his campaign palaver would have us believe .
He wallows in race , wholly absorbed in his @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a mixed-race classmate who declined to identify exclusively with his African side , and is preoccupied with proving himself “ black enough.
” The source of this fixation , Mr. Sailer contends , was indoctrination by his white mother between his sixth and tenth years , the period during which they lived together in Indonesia with her second husband .
Stanley Ann Dunham ( her father named her Stanley because he had wanted a boy ) was a high school atheist , leftist and feminist smart enough to be offered admission to the @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
However , she ended up attending the University of Hawaii where , shortly before her eighteenth birthday , she became pregnant by Barack Obama , Sr. , a Kenyan student then 24 .
He was already married to a Kenyan woman , but she followed tribal custom and agreed that he should take a second wife .
Stanley Ann was three months pregnant when she married her Kenyan lover .
Two years later , he was offered two scholarships .
One , to the New School for Social Research in New York @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and child .
The other , to Harvard , would pay only for him .
Viewing Harvard as more prestigious , he simply abandoned his family .
He never paid a cent of child support , although he did visit his son for one month in 1971 .
He eventually fathered children by four women and died in an automobile accident in Kenya in 1982 .
He was drunk .
Obama ’ s mother soon took up with Lolo Soetoro , a “ heroic-sounding anticolonialist Third Worlder with whom she imagined she could @ @ @ @ @ @ @ a better place.
” His brothers had joined the Indonesian revolutionary army and been killed , he told her ; the Dutch had burned down his family home .
But now the Dutch were gone , a progressive , anti-American government was in power , and he would return to help build the new Indonesia .
Before Stanley Ann Obama could join her new husband in Jakarta , however , a coup d ’ état brought a pro-American right-wing government to power .
Soon Lolo was contentedly working for Mobil Oil , and @ @ @ @ @ @ @ sellout to capitalism .
She began teaching her young son how much finer a man his own father had been .
Mr. Obama describes her telling him how his father “ had grown up poor , in a poor country ; his life had been hard , as hard as anything Lolo might have known .
He hadn ’ t cut corners , though .
He had led his life according to principles .
I would follow his example , my mother decided.
” “ Your brains , your character , you got @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
Over time , writes Mr. Obama , “ her message came to embrace black people generally .
She would come home with books on the civil rights movement , the recordings of Mahalia Jackson , the speeches of Dr. King .
She told me stories of schoolchildren in the South who were forced to read books handed down from wealthier white schools but who went on to become doctors and lawyers and scientists .
To be black was to be the beneficiary of a great inheritance , a special destiny , glorious @ @ @ @ @ @ @ to bear.
” Mr. Sailer comments wryly that Mr. Obama ’ s mother sounds “ like Obi-Wan Kenobi instructing Luke Skywalker in the glories of his Jedi Knight Heritage.
” He summarizes her message to her impressionable son as “ 1 ) Being a politician , especially a politician who stands up for his race , is the highest calling in life , far superior to being some soulless corporate mercenary like her second husband ; and 2 ) What blacks need is not more virtue , but better political leadership.
” Young @ @ @ @ @ @ @ by until he decided to use the more alien Barack — fully believed his mother ’ s ludicrously inaccurate portrayal of his father : “ The brilliant scholar , the generous friend , the upstanding leader — my father had been all those things.
” He imagined Obama , Sr. standing over him , saying “ you do not work hard enough , Barry .
You must help in your people ’ s struggle.
” A reporter managed to track down some of Barry Obama ’ s Indonesian schoolmates , and learned that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ his race : “ He was teased more than any other kid in the neighborhood—primarily because he was so different in appearance.
” He was sometimes attacked by three Indonesian kids at once , and on one occasion they threw him into a swamp .
None of this is mentioned in Dreams from My Father ; discrimination by Malays does not fit into Mr. Obama ’ s literally “ black and white ” worldview .
When he was ten , his mother sent young Barry back to Honolulu to live with his grandparents @ @ @ @ @ @ @ left Lolo and took the daughter she had had with him back to Hawaii .
Some time thereafter , she and the daughter returned to Indonesia — though not to Lolo — and again left Barry with his grandparents .
She worked in various development-related jobs in Indonesia and died in 1995 of ovarian cancer .
We are particularly well informed about Mr. Obama ’ s years in Hawaii , Mr. Sailer writes , thanks to the many journalists who selflessly volunteered to spend the winter of 2007-8 on expense account in Hawaii @ @ @ @ @ @ @ In Dreams , Obama ’ s Hawaiian years are portrayed as a long nightmare of racism .
His ordeals included a curious fellow student asking to touch his kinky hair , a woman asking him if he played basketball ( a racial stereotype , you see ) , and his grandmother ’ s fear of an aggressive black beggar .
The beggar provided the basis for Mr. Obama ’ s notorious “ throw grandma under the bus ” speech of March 18 , 2008 , in which the candidate equated his grandmother ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Jeremiah Wright ’ s anti-white screeds .
Shortly after his grandmother told him about the beggar , a black friend explained to him that whites were right to fear black strangers : “ that ’ s just how it is , so you might as well get used to it.
” Mr. Obama ’ s reaction to this common-sense observation ?
“ The earth shook under my feet , ready to crack open at any moment .
I stopped , trying to steady myself , and knew for the first time that I @ @ @ @ @ @ @ appeal of Mr. Obama ’ s depiction of himself as a victim of racism , notes Mr. Sailer , depends on readers ’ ignorance about Hawaii .
It is the most racially diverse state , and has the highest degree of racial mixing .
Many residents are the product of several generations of mixed marriages .
Such racial discrimination as occurs is often against whites .
Mr. Sailer reports a “ charming local custom of calling the last day of school ‘ kill Haole day , ’ on which white students are traditionally @ @ @ @ @ @ @ in Dreams from My Father , since they do not fit the story Mr. Obama wishes to fashion from his experiences .
Friends from Mr. Obama ’ s Hawaiian years have disputed the accuracy of Dreams .
A black militant Mr. Obama called “ Ray ” turns out to be one Keith Kakugawa , half black and half Japanese .
“ [ The book ] makes me a very bitter person , ” he complains ; “ I wasn ’ t that bitter.
” Mr. Kakugawa also questions Obama ’ s portrayal of @ @ @ @ @ @ @ struggles then were missing his parents , his feelings of abandonment .
The idea that his biggest struggle was race is bull.
” Barack Obama went on to attend Occidental College in California , trying to prove himself as a militant .
“ To avoid being mistaken for a sellout , I chose my friends carefully .
The foreign students .
The Chicanos .
The Marxist professors and feminists and punk-rock performance poets .
At night in the dorms we discussed neocolonialism , Franz Fanon , Eurocentrism and patriarchy.
” After two years @ @ @ @ @ @ @ find enough “ racism ” with which to do heroic battle , he transferred to Columbia , on the edge of Harlem .
A recurrent theme in Mr. Obama ’ s career , notes Mr. Sailer , is Power-to-the-People gestures with Ivy League outcomes .
During his senior year , Mr. Obama decided he would become a community organizer in the tradition of Saul Alinsky , but after graduating in 1983 , he worked for a year to save money .
In Dreams he describes himself as “ a spy behind enemy lines @ @ @ @ @ @ @ multinational corporations ” where he hobnobbed with “ Japanese financiers ” and “ German bond traders.
” “ I had my own office , my own secretary , money in the bank .
As the months passed , I felt the idea of becoming an organizer slipping away from me.
” A former colleague from those days has perceptively noted that Mr. Obama is retelling the story of the temptation of Christ : the world ’ s riches are offered to him , he wavers for a moment , and then “ an @ @ @ @ @ @ @ and helps him chose instead to fight for the people.
” The reality , we learn , is that Obama was “ a copy editor at a scruffy , low-paying newsletter shop.
” Mr. Obama says he had a white girlfriend while he was living in New York .
Readers are free to make what they will of his account of how things ended , which Mr. Sailer quotes at length : The Obama presidential campaign told us that Mr. Obama moved to Chicago to help unemployed steelworkers , conjuring up an image @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Kowalski , but once again , his motives were racial .
In Dreams , his Chicago job interviewer asks him “ What do you know about Chicago , anyway ?
” He answers : “ America ’ s most segregated city .
A black man , Harold Washington , was just elected mayor , and white people don ’ t like it.
” As Mr. Sailer explains , “ after six years of looking , Obama had finally found a home where at least some whites reciprocated his antagonism.
” Chicago was then @ @ @ @ @ @ @ ” between Harold Washington and the white majority of city aldermen , the most blatant white vs. black conflict in the nation at the time .
As a community organizer , Obama ’ s job was to wring more tax money and government services from the city government for the black underclass .
He never betrays the slightest suspicion that unearned money demoralized the blacks he was supposedly trying to help .
His proudest achievement during these years was inducing the lazy Chicago Housing Authority bureaucrats to remove some asbestos from a housing @ @ @ @ @ @ @ , “ asbestos would fall comically low on any ranking of problems plaguing inner city African-Americans.
” Mr. Sailer does full justice to what he calls “ that rip-snortin ’ American comic character , ” Rev .
Jeremiah “ God-damn-America ” Wright .
Mr. Wright is from the light-skinned black upper-middle class of Philadelphia ’ s Germantown neighborhood , which used to be notorious for snobbish standoffishness toward their darker brethren .
To be invited to social events , girls had to pass the “ paper bag test ” — be at least @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
When black was proclaimed beautiful during the “ Civil Rights ” movement , Mr. Wright ’ s social set suffered an identity crisis .
“ The most obvious thing about Wright has gone largely unnoticed , ” writes Mr. Sailer , “ like Obama , Wright has always had to deal with the question of whether he is black enough.
” One way of resolving it was to take the lead in denouncing whites .
Mr. Wright therefore became a disciple of James Cone , a “ theologian ” who advocates worship @ @ @ @ @ @ @ God does not want his followers to turn the other cheek , commanding them instead “ to destroy their oppressors by any means at their disposal.
” Mr. Cone even presents the Almighty with an ultimatum : “ Unless God is participating in this holy activity , we must reject God ’ s love.
” Mr. Wright outcompeted every other minister on the South Side of Chicago , building a black megachurch with 8,000 members .
With his sermons denouncing white greed , he milked enough from this congregation to afford a Porsche @ @ @ @ @ @ @ community whose residents are overwhelmingly white .
He met his wife when a couple came seeking marriage counseling ; he decided the solution was to take the woman for himself .
More recently , he was reported to be involved in an adulterous affair with a married white woman .
Barack Obama chose this man carefully to be his “ spiritual advisor.
” His hesitations are recorded in Dreams , and all revolve around whether the Reverend was uncompromising enough about race .
This should be compared to Mr. Obama ’ s campaign @ @ @ @ @ @ @ There , the candidate solemnly declared that Mr. Wright “ introduced me to someone named Jesus Christ .
I learned that my sins could be redeemed .
I learned that those things I was too weak to accomplish myself , He would accomplish with me if I placed my trust in Him , ” etc.
, etc .
This traditionally Christian , race-transcending Obama is not found anywhere in the 1995 autobiography .
Mr. Sailer believes Mr. Obama ’ s reorientation away from obsessive blackness followed his humiliating defeat by former Black Panther @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Congress .
Some time afterwards , Mr. Obama came under the influence of political consultant David Axelrod .
Mr. Axelrod specializes in “ packaging black candidates for white electorates : he got Deval Patrick into the governorship of Massachusetts in 2006 using many of the same themes ( and even some of the same words ) as Barack Obama has used in his Presidential bid.
” Apparently , Mr. Axelrod taught Mr. Obama that if he could only learn to make nice to white people , a far bigger prize than Illinois ’ @ @ @ @ @ @ @ grasp .
Together , they came up with the “ Half-Blood Prince ” strategy of Mr. Obama running as a man born and bred to unite black and white .
And the public bought it .
Yet despite Mr. Obama ’ s apparent ideological shift , when Dreams from My Father was reissued in 2004 , he told readers : “ I can not honestly say that I would tell the story much differently today than I did ten years ago.
” Now that Barack Obama is in the White House , will @ @ @ @ @ @ @ author of Dreams from My Father , or by the Axelrod-crafted , focus-group honed chameleon served up during the campaign ?
Will he be able to maintain his Chicano-Marxist-Franz Fanon contempt for America after it has laid so much power and adulation at his feet ?
The next four years will be the ultimate test of whether Mr. Obama really is “ black enough.
” There could be no more compelling lesson for whites than to discover that after all this country has done for him , Barack Obama is still the angry @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the church of Jeremiah Wright .

Between now and October 15th, send in your questions to assistant@vdare.com to be featured in our book club podcast with Steve Sailer hosted by James Kirkpatrick!
In October, the VDARE.com Book Club is reading America’s Half-Blood Prince: Barack Obama’s ‘Story of Race and Inheritance.” For inspiration, members can check out the discussion questions available for download here. But we hope everyone will enjoy reading F. Roger Devlin’s review below. Reprinted with permission from American Renaissance. Original article here.
The Real Obama, by F. Roger Devlin, American Renaissance, February 2009
Who is Barack Obama? Despite the avalanche of reporting about him, Internet journalist Steve Sailer finds that virtually no one has bothered to read a key document about our next president that has been hiding in plain view since 1995: his own autobiography, Dreams from My Father. In America’s Half-Blood Prince — his first book — Mr. Sailer analyzes some of the remarkable things Mr. Obama reveals about himself.
First, Mr. Sailer finds much to admire in Mr. Obama’s writing, even calling him “a creative literary artist by nature, a politician by nurture,” and describes his prose as subtle, mellifluous and carefully-wrought. “His characters are vivid and he has an accurate ear for how different kinds of people speak,” writes Mr. Sailer.
None of this necessarily makes Dreams from My Father a pleasure to read. Mr. Sailer reports that the sentences are long and elaborate without always being clear, and the book’s “acres of self-pitying prose” can be eye-glazingly tedious. This, Mr. Sailer thinks, is the best refutation of rumors that the work was ghostwritten: “a professional hack would have insisted on punching it up with more funny stories and celebrity anecdotes.”
Mr. Obama’s fanatical commitment to the theme announced in his subtitle — race and inheritance — also dulls the book. Nothing is allowed to distract us from what he himself calls his “racial obsessions.” The man we meet in Dreams is no “race transcender” working to “bring people together,” as his campaign palaver would have us believe. He wallows in race, wholly absorbed in his own blackness. He speaks disapprovingly of a mixed-race classmate who declined to identify exclusively with his African side, and is preoccupied with proving himself “black enough.”
The source of this fixation, Mr. Sailer contends, was indoctrination by his white mother between his sixth and tenth years, the period during which they lived together in Indonesia with her second husband.
Stanley Ann Dunham (her father named her Stanley because he had wanted a boy) was a high school atheist, leftist and feminist smart enough to be offered admission to the University of Chicago when she was 15. However, she ended up attending the University of Hawaii where, shortly before her eighteenth birthday, she became pregnant by Barack Obama, Sr., a Kenyan student then 24. He was already married to a Kenyan woman, but she followed tribal custom and agreed that he should take a second wife. Stanley Ann was three months pregnant when she married her Kenyan lover. Two years later, he was offered two scholarships. One, to the New School for Social Research in New York, included an allowance for his wife and child. The other, to Harvard, would pay only for him. Viewing Harvard as more prestigious, he simply abandoned his family. He never paid a cent of child support, although he did visit his son for one month in 1971. He eventually fathered children by four women and died in an automobile accident in Kenya in 1982. He was drunk.
Obama’s mother soon took up with Lolo Soetoro, a “heroic-sounding anticolonialist Third Worlder with whom she imagined she could fulfill her dreams of making the world a better place.” His brothers had joined the Indonesian revolutionary army and been killed, he told her; the Dutch had burned down his family home. But now the Dutch were gone, a progressive, anti-American government was in power, and he would return to help build the new Indonesia.
Before Stanley Ann Obama could join her new husband in Jakarta, however, a coup d’état brought a pro-American right-wing government to power. Soon Lolo was contentedly working for Mobil Oil, and she came to despise him as a sellout to capitalism.
She began teaching her young son how much finer a man his own father had been. Mr. Obama describes her telling him how his father “had grown up poor, in a poor country; his life had been hard, as hard as anything Lolo might have known. He hadn’t cut corners, though. He had led his life according to principles. I would follow his example, my mother decided.” “Your brains, your character, you got from him,” she told him.
Over time, writes Mr. Obama, “her message came to embrace black people generally. She would come home with books on the civil rights movement, the recordings of Mahalia Jackson, the speeches of Dr. King. She told me stories of schoolchildren in the South who were forced to read books handed down from wealthier white schools but who went on to become doctors and lawyers and scientists. To be black was to be the beneficiary of a great inheritance, a special destiny, glorious burdens that only we were strong enough to bear.”
Mr. Sailer comments wryly that Mr. Obama’s mother sounds “like Obi-Wan Kenobi instructing Luke Skywalker in the glories of his Jedi Knight Heritage.” He summarizes her message to her impressionable son as “1) Being a politician, especially a politician who stands up for his race, is the highest calling in life, far superior to being some soulless corporate mercenary like her second husband; and 2) What blacks need is not more virtue, but better political leadership.”
Young Barry Obama — the name he went by until he decided to use the more alien Barack — fully believed his mother’s ludicrously inaccurate portrayal of his father: “The brilliant scholar, the generous friend, the upstanding leader — my father had been all those things.” He imagined Obama, Sr. standing over him, saying “you do not work hard enough, Barry. You must help in your people’s struggle.”
A reporter managed to track down some of Barry Obama’s Indonesian schoolmates, and learned that he had been badly treated because of his race: “He was teased more than any other kid in the neighborhood—primarily because he was so different in appearance.” He was sometimes attacked by three Indonesian kids at once, and on one occasion they threw him into a swamp. None of this is mentioned in Dreams from My Father; discrimination by Malays does not fit into Mr. Obama’s literally “black and white” worldview.
When he was ten, his mother sent young Barry back to Honolulu to live with his grandparents. About a year later, she left Lolo and took the daughter she had had with him back to Hawaii. Some time thereafter, she and the daughter returned to Indonesia — though not to Lolo — and again left Barry with his grandparents. She worked in various development-related jobs in Indonesia and died in 1995 of ovarian cancer.
We are particularly well informed about Mr. Obama’s years in Hawaii, Mr. Sailer writes, thanks to the many journalists who selflessly volunteered to spend the winter of 2007-8 on expense account in Hawaii hanging out with his old friends.
In Dreams, Obama’s Hawaiian years are portrayed as a long nightmare of racism. His ordeals included a curious fellow student asking to touch his kinky hair, a woman asking him if he played basketball (a racial stereotype, you see), and his grandmother’s fear of an aggressive black beggar. The beggar provided the basis for Mr. Obama’s notorious “throw grandma under the bus” speech of March 18, 2008, in which the candidate equated his grandmother’s entirely rational fear with Rev. Jeremiah Wright’s anti-white screeds.
Shortly after his grandmother told him about the beggar, a black friend explained to him that whites were right to fear black strangers: “that’s just how it is, so you might as well get used to it.” Mr. Obama’s reaction to this common-sense observation? “The earth shook under my feet, ready to crack open at any moment. I stopped, trying to steady myself, and knew for the first time that I was utterly alone.”
Much of the appeal of Mr. Obama’s depiction of himself as a victim of racism, notes Mr. Sailer, depends on readers’ ignorance about Hawaii. It is the most racially diverse state, and has the highest degree of racial mixing. Many residents are the product of several generations of mixed marriages. Such racial discrimination as occurs is often against whites. Mr. Sailer reports a “charming local custom of calling the last day of school ‘kill Haole day,’ on which white students are traditionally given beatings.” Such circumstances go unmentioned in Dreams from My Father, since they do not fit the story Mr. Obama wishes to fashion from his experiences.
Friends from Mr. Obama’s Hawaiian years have disputed the accuracy of Dreams. A black militant Mr. Obama called “Ray” turns out to be one Keith Kakugawa, half black and half Japanese. “[The book] makes me a very bitter person,” he complains; “I wasn’t that bitter.” Mr. Kakugawa also questions Obama’s portrayal of himself: “Barry’s biggest struggles then were missing his parents, his feelings of abandonment. The idea that his biggest struggle was race is bull.”
Barack Obama went on to attend Occidental College in California, trying to prove himself as a militant. “To avoid being mistaken for a sellout, I chose my friends carefully. The foreign students. The Chicanos. The Marxist professors and feminists and punk-rock performance poets. At night in the dorms we discussed neocolonialism, Franz Fanon, Eurocentrism and patriarchy.” After two years at Occidental, where he could not find enough “racism” with which to do heroic battle, he transferred to Columbia, on the edge of Harlem. A recurrent theme in Mr. Obama’s career, notes Mr. Sailer, is Power-to-the-People gestures with Ivy League outcomes.
During his senior year, Mr. Obama decided he would become a community organizer in the tradition of Saul Alinsky, but after graduating in 1983, he worked for a year to save money. In Dreams he describes himself as “a spy behind enemy lines” in “a consulting house to multinational corporations” where he hobnobbed with “Japanese financiers” and “German bond traders.” “I had my own office, my own secretary, money in the bank. As the months passed, I felt the idea of becoming an organizer slipping away from me.” A former colleague from those days has perceptively noted that Mr. Obama is retelling the story of the temptation of Christ: the world’s riches are offered to him, he wavers for a moment, and then “an angel calls, awakens his conscience, and helps him chose instead to fight for the people.” The reality, we learn, is that Obama was “a copy editor at a scruffy, low-paying newsletter shop.”
Mr. Obama says he had a white girlfriend while he was living in New York. Readers are free to make what they will of his account of how things ended, which Mr. Sailer quotes at length:
[O]ne weekend she invited me to her family’s country house. The parents were there, and they were very nice, very gracious . . . The family knew every inch of the land [and] the names of the earliest white settlers — their ancestors . . . The house was very old, her grandfather’s house. He had inherited it from his grandfather. The library was filled with old books and pictures of the grandfather with famous people he had known — presidents, diplomats, industrialists . . . Standing in that room, I realized that our two worlds, my friend’s and mine, were as distant from each other as Kenya is from Germany. And I knew that if we stayed together I’d eventually live in hers. Between the two of us, I was the one who knew how to live as an outsider. I pushed her away. We started to fight . . . She couldn’t be black, she said. She would if she could, but she couldn’t. She could only be herself, and wasn’t that enough.
The Obama presidential campaign told us that Mr. Obama moved to Chicago to help unemployed steelworkers, conjuring up an image of beefy Catholic guys with names like Kowalski, but once again, his motives were racial. In Dreams, his Chicago job interviewer asks him “What do you know about Chicago, anyway?” He answers: “America’s most segregated city. A black man, Harold Washington, was just elected mayor, and white people don’t like it.” As Mr. Sailer explains, “after six years of looking, Obama had finally found a home where at least some whites reciprocated his antagonism.” Chicago was then the site of the “council wars” between Harold Washington and the white majority of city aldermen, the most blatant white vs. black conflict in the nation at the time.
As a community organizer, Obama’s job was to wring more tax money and government services from the city government for the black underclass. He never betrays the slightest suspicion that unearned money demoralized the blacks he was supposedly trying to help. His proudest achievement during these years was inducing the lazy Chicago Housing Authority bureaucrats to remove some asbestos from a housing project. As Mr. Sailer points out, “asbestos would fall comically low on any ranking of problems plaguing inner city African-Americans.”
Mr. Sailer does full justice to what he calls “that rip-snortin’ American comic character,” Rev. Jeremiah “God-damn-America” Wright. Mr. Wright is from the light-skinned black upper-middle class of Philadelphia’s Germantown neighborhood, which used to be notorious for snobbish standoffishness toward their darker brethren. To be invited to social events, girls had to pass the “paper bag test” — be at least as fair-toned as a brown paper bag. When black was proclaimed beautiful during the “Civil Rights” movement, Mr. Wright’s social set suffered an identity crisis.
“The most obvious thing about Wright has gone largely unnoticed,” writes Mr. Sailer, “like Obama, Wright has always had to deal with the question of whether he is black enough.” One way of resolving it was to take the lead in denouncing whites.
Mr. Wright therefore became a disciple of James Cone, a “theologian” who advocates worship of an exclusively black God. This God does not want his followers to turn the other cheek, commanding them instead “to destroy their oppressors by any means at their disposal.” Mr. Cone even presents the Almighty with an ultimatum: “Unless God is participating in this holy activity, we must reject God’s love.”
Mr. Wright outcompeted every other minister on the South Side of Chicago, building a black megachurch with 8,000 members. With his sermons denouncing white greed, he milked enough from this congregation to afford a Porsche and a huge house in a gated community whose residents are overwhelmingly white. He met his wife when a couple came seeking marriage counseling; he decided the solution was to take the woman for himself. More recently, he was reported to be involved in an adulterous affair with a married white woman.
Barack Obama chose this man carefully to be his “spiritual advisor.” His hesitations are recorded in Dreams, and all revolve around whether the Reverend was uncompromising enough about race.
This should be compared to Mr. Obama’s campaign brochures designed for the Bible Belt. There, the candidate solemnly declared that Mr. Wright “introduced me to someone named Jesus Christ. I learned that my sins could be redeemed. I learned that those things I was too weak to accomplish myself, He would accomplish with me if I placed my trust in Him,” etc., etc. This traditionally Christian, race-transcending Obama is not found anywhere in the 1995 autobiography.
Mr. Sailer believes Mr. Obama’s reorientation away from obsessive blackness followed his humiliating defeat by former Black Panther Bobby Rush in a 2000 bid for Congress. Some time afterwards, Mr. Obama came under the influence of political consultant David Axelrod. Mr. Axelrod specializes in “packaging black candidates for white electorates: he got Deval Patrick into the governorship of Massachusetts in 2006 using many of the same themes (and even some of the same words) as Barack Obama has used in his Presidential bid.” Apparently, Mr. Axelrod taught Mr. Obama that if he could only learn to make nice to white people, a far bigger prize than Illinois’ First District Congressional seat was within his grasp. Together, they came up with the “Half-Blood Prince” strategy of Mr. Obama running as a man born and bred to unite black and white. And the public bought it. Yet despite Mr. Obama’s apparent ideological shift, when Dreams from My Father was reissued in 2004, he told readers: “I cannot honestly say that I would tell the story much differently today than I did ten years ago.”
Now that Barack Obama is in the White House, will we be governed by the militantly black author of Dreams from My Father, or by the Axelrod-crafted, focus-group honed chameleon served up during the campaign? Will he be able to maintain his Chicano-Marxist-Franz Fanon contempt for America after it has laid so much power and adulation at his feet? The next four years will be the ultimate test of whether Mr. Obama really is “black enough.” There could be no more compelling lesson for whites than to discover that after all this country has done for him, Barack Obama is still the angry black man whose hatreds were honed in the church of Jeremiah Wright.


vdare--2020-10-13--The COVID Death Toll In NYC By Week: "The Terror Felt In March In The Media Capital Of The World"

One fact that needs to be kept in mind in making sense of reactions to the coronavirus pandemic of 2020 is how terrifyingly hard it hit the media capital of the world , New York City , fairly early in its course .
From the CDC ’ s website of weekly death counts .
The blue bars show deaths in NYC from all causes , and the orange line an unusually bad normal week .
The expected number of deaths in the week ending April 11 , 2020 in NYC was 1,042 , but instead 7,862 died , more than @ @ @ @ @ @ @ How high could it go ?
If this graph kept growing at the same rate as it had in the first week in April ( from 2804 in the week ending March 28 to 6,296 in the week ending April 4 ) for another four weeks , the death toll would be 100,000 per week , or probably worse because the hospitals and undertaking industry would have been overwhelmed .
It ’ s important to recall the terror felt in March in the capital of the world .
As it turned out , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ If I recall correctly , one New York City emergency room doctor said ambulances suddenly stopped arriving in droves on April 7 at about 1PM .
We owe a lot to New York doctors who did much to both figure out better ways to treat COVID patients and to get the word out .

One fact that needs to be kept in mind in making sense of reactions to the coronavirus pandemic of 2020 is how terrifyingly hard it hit the media capital of the world, New York City, fairly early in its course. From the CDC’s website of weekly death counts. The blue bars show deaths in NYC from all causes, and the orange line an unusually bad normal week.
The expected number of deaths in the week ending April 11, 2020 in NYC was 1,042, but instead 7,862 died, more than 7 times the normal death toll. How high could it go? If this graph kept growing at the same rate as it had in the first week in April (from 2,804 in the week ending March 28 to 6,296 in the week ending April 4) for another four weeks, the death toll would be 100,000 per week, or probably worse because the hospitals and undertaking industry would have been overwhelmed.
It’s important to recall the terror felt in March in the capital of the world.
As it turned out, deaths then started to fall dramatically. If I recall correctly, one New York City emergency room doctor said ambulances suddenly stopped arriving in droves on April 7 at about 1PM.
We owe a lot to New York doctors who did much to both figure out better ways to treat COVID patients and to get the word out.


vdare--2020-10-13--Scientific American, 2020-Style: ”How To Unlearn Racism”

Scientific American has changed a lot from when W.H .
Auden used to subscribe to it .
From Scientific American : How to Unlearn Racism Implicit bias training isn ’ t enough .
What actually works ?
October 1 , 2020 AUTHOR : Abigail Libers is a freelance journalist and editor based in New York .
Credit : Nick Higgins In February 2016 I sat in a conference room on the Upper East Side of Manhattan with about 35 other people attempting to answer what seemed like a straightforward question : What is racism ?
I—a white , able-bodied , @ @ @ @ @ @ @ was prejudice against an individual because of race or ethnicity .
That 's why I had signed up for the Undoing Racism Workshop , a two-and-a-half-day antiracist training that analyzes race and power structures in the U.S. : I wanted to gain a better understanding of why some people have so much contempt toward those who are different from them .
My yearning for answers came from personal experience with discrimination as a Jewish woman and the daughter of immigrants ; my parents fled to the U.S. from the former Soviet Union in @ @ @ @ @ @ @ town in upstate New York followed by an even smaller , more rural town in Georgia , I was picked on and often felt “ othered.
” The workshop was hosted by the People 's Institute for Survival and Beyond ( PISAB ) , an organization that was founded 40 years ago by community organizers who wanted to create a more equitable society by addressing the root causes of racism .
Our leaders—a Black man , a white woman and a Latina woman—called on each of us to share our definitions of racism @ @ @ @ @ @ @ the map , from “ a mean-spirited , close-minded way of thinking ” to “ discrimination based on someone 's skin color or ethnic background.
” The trainers validated each of our responses before pointing out how varied they were and explaining that few of us had identified racism as a web of institutional power and oppression based on skin color .
Not having a simple or agreed-on definition of racism makes it easier to keep racism in place .
To undo racism , they said , we need a common language that @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Hearing racism described as a power hierarchy was eye-opening for me .
Having been marginalized myself , I thought I was sensitive toward other groups who faced discrimination .
I thought I got it .
It goes on in this vein for some time .
But as many of them were converted to Christianity and the Age of Enlightenment took off in the 1700s , religion lost its legitimizing power .
Instead “ science ” was used to justify the enslavement of Africans and the genocide of Indigenous peoples , which had already @ @ @ @ @ @ @ than a century .
Johann Friedrich Blumenbach , a German anthropologist and comparative anatomist , is known for proposing one of the earliest classifications of the human race , which he wrote about in the late 1700s .
His measurement of skulls from around the world led him to divide humans into five groups , which were later simplified by anthropologists into three categories : Caucasoids , Mongoloids and Negroids .
It did not seem to matter that some prominent scientists , including Charles Darwin , dismissed a biological basis for race over @ @ @ @ @ @ @ come as a surprise to the author of On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection , or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life .
Anti-racism training hasn ’ t failed , it just hasn ’ t been tried hard enough : Trainings on implicit bias , diversity and antiracism may be limited in their efficacy in part because they tend to be brief one-off events .
Promising research by Devine in 2013 showed that prejudices and biases can be more successfully unlearned through longer-term intervention .
@ @ @ @ @ @ @ the premise that implicit bias is like a habit that can be broken through the following steps : becoming aware of implicit bias , developing concern about the effects of that bias and using strategies to reduce bias—specifically , ones that replace biased reactions with responses that reflect one ’ s nonprejudiced goals .
… For Fleming , who has educated thousands of university students , teaching implicit bias within the context of a comprehensive , three-month course “ is far more effective than being dragged into a diversity training for an afternoon @ @ @ @ @ @ @ should be sent for long-term anti-racism training to quiet places in the country where they could concentrate on overcoming their bad attitudes .
We could call them , say , “ camps.
” You can take the journalist out of the Soviet Union , but you can ’ t take the Soviet Union out of the journalist .
Do you ever get the impression that anti-racism training is a new multi-level marketing pyramid scheme ?
Stoop Nilsson , I ’ m happy to say , looks like the synthesizer player in a 1982 @ @ @ @ @ @ @ Stoop ’ s sales pitch : Working with Nilsson is helping me create a positive racial identity of my own—as both a white person and a Russian Jew .
Our country prides itself on being a melting pot , but much gets lost in the assimilation to whiteness and white supremacy culture .
Markers of ethnic identity such as language , food , culture and music are discouraged ; those from a non–Western European heritage are often vilified .
In my family , my parents were so committed to learning English that they @ @ @ @ @ @ @ .
I never learned it .
It saddens me that I can ’ t speak to my own parents in their native language and that I still know so little about our heritage .
I ’ ve given this lady writer a hard time , so I ’ ll let her finish the post with a genuinely moving sentence :

Scientific American has changed a lot from when W.H. Auden used to subscribe to it. From Scientific American:
How to Unlearn Racism
Implicit bias training isn’t enough. What actually works? October 1, 2020
AUTHOR: Abigail Libers is a freelance journalist and editor based in New York. Credit: Nick Higgins In February 2016 I sat in a conference room on the Upper East Side of Manhattan with about 35 other people attempting to answer what seemed like a straightforward question: What is racism? I—a white, able-bodied, cis-gendered woman in my 30s—thought that racism was prejudice against an individual because of race or ethnicity. That's why I had signed up for the Undoing Racism Workshop, a two-and-a-half-day antiracist training that analyzes race and power structures in the U.S.: I wanted to gain a better understanding of why some people have so much contempt toward those who are different from them. My yearning for answers came from personal experience with discrimination as a Jewish woman and the daughter of immigrants; my parents fled to the U.S. from the former Soviet Union in 1979. Growing up in a small town in upstate New York followed by an even smaller, more rural town in Georgia, I was picked on and often felt “othered.” The workshop was hosted by the People's Institute for Survival and Beyond (PISAB), an organization that was founded 40 years ago by community organizers who wanted to create a more equitable society by addressing the root causes of racism. Our leaders—a Black man, a white woman and a Latina woman—called on each of us to share our definitions of racism. People's responses were all over the map, from “a mean-spirited, close-minded way of thinking” to “discrimination based on someone's skin color or ethnic background.” The trainers validated each of our responses before pointing out how varied they were and explaining that few of us had identified racism as a web of institutional power and oppression based on skin color. Not having a simple or agreed-on definition of racism makes it easier to keep racism in place. To undo racism, they said, we need a common language that ties together individual and systemic factors. Hearing racism described as a power hierarchy was eye-opening for me. Having been marginalized myself, I thought I was sensitive toward other groups who faced discrimination. I thought I got it.
It goes on in this vein for some time.
But as many of them were converted to Christianity and the Age of Enlightenment took off in the 1700s, religion lost its legitimizing power. Instead “science” was used to justify the enslavement of Africans and the genocide of Indigenous peoples, which had already been occurring in British colonies for more than a century. Johann Friedrich Blumenbach, a German anthropologist and comparative anatomist, is known for proposing one of the earliest classifications of the human race, which he wrote about in the late 1700s. His measurement of skulls from around the world led him to divide humans into five groups, which were later simplified by anthropologists into three categories: Caucasoids, Mongoloids and Negroids. It did not seem to matter that some prominent scientists, including Charles Darwin, dismissed a biological basis for race over the next century.
This would have come as a surprise to the author of On the Origin of Species by Means of Natural Selection, or the Preservation of Favoured Races in the Struggle for Life.
Anti-racism training hasn’t failed, it just hasn’t been tried hard enough:
Trainings on implicit bias, diversity and antiracism may be limited in their efficacy in part because they tend to be brief one-off events. Promising research by Devine in 2013 showed that prejudices and biases can be more successfully unlearned through longer-term intervention. The 12-week longitudinal study was based on the premise that implicit bias is like a habit that can be broken through the following steps: becoming aware of implicit bias, developing concern about the effects of that bias and using strategies to reduce bias—specifically, ones that replace biased reactions with responses that reflect one’s nonprejudiced goals. … For Fleming, who has educated thousands of university students, teaching implicit bias within the context of a comprehensive, three-month course “is far more effective than being dragged into a diversity training for an afternoon,” she says.
Perhaps whites should be sent for long-term anti-racism training to quiet places in the country where they could concentrate on overcoming their bad attitudes. We could call them, say, “camps.”
You can take the journalist out of the Soviet Union, but you can’t take the Soviet Union out of the journalist.
This realization didn’t hit me until I took PISAB’s workshop for a second time in 2019. I had signed up at the urging of Stoop Nilsson, a social worker and racial reeducation coach who shows white people how to become antiracist leaders in their communities.
Do you ever get the impression that anti-racism training is a new multi-level marketing pyramid scheme?
Stoop Nilsson, I’m happy to say, looks like the synthesizer player in a 1982 New Wave band. Here’s Stoop’s sales pitch:
Stoop is a white, gender-expansive, queer, community organizer, creator, and strategist with two decades of people-engagement in non-profit, state, educational, and community settings. Stoop’s organizing has/is focused on anti-racism, accountability, civil rights, harm reduction/recovery, LGBTQ advocacy, grassroots/grasstops leadership development, and community mobilization. Stoop loves digging deep into white culture, racial identity development, the racialzation [sic] of wealth/poverty, and facilitates multi-racial and racial affinity group conversations. It’s Stoop’s intention to cultivate freedom and expand access to a clearer racial justice analysis through the practice of building honest, authentic, & messy beloved community.
Back to Scientific American:
Working with Nilsson is helping me create a positive racial identity of my own—as both a white person and a Russian Jew. Our country prides itself on being a melting pot, but much gets lost in the assimilation to whiteness and white supremacy culture. Markers of ethnic identity such as language, food, culture and music are discouraged; those from a non–Western European heritage are often vilified. In my family, my parents were so committed to learning English that they hardly ever spoke Russian around the house. I never learned it. It saddens me that I can’t speak to my own parents in their native language and that I still know so little about our heritage.
I’ve given this lady writer a hard time, so I’ll let her finish the post with a genuinely moving sentence:
Recently my mom became frustrated trying to remember a word in English to describe how she was feeling; I worry that her last words will be in Russian, and I’ll have no idea what they mean.
[Comment at Unz.com]